Sunteți pe pagina 1din 3

Brief Backgroung Of Problem !!

( Monikas Part )

THE SHETKARI SANGHATANA The Shetkari Sanghatana was established in Maharashtra in the year 1978. The main objective of this Sanghatana was Lowering the prices of the agricultural inputs and increasing the prices of the agricultural outputs. The Sanghatana was able to draw a cross-section of the rich peasantry, i.e. the beneficiary of the Green Revolution, across the State; barring the sugar-belt. Sharad Joshi, a foreign returned technocrat- turned agriculturist provided effective leadership to the Sanghatana during the formative stage by spelling its ideology and planning its strategy. Joshis leadership remained undisputed and disgruntled till one of his close associate Anil Gote left the organization and formed a parallel organization with worthwhile success. Thus Joshi was the leader, the ideologue and the strategist of the Sanghatana. Joshi and other claims that the functioning of the organization is democratic and all the decisions are taken by its governing council but according to critics it is one man show because none of his colleagues or followers have objected or questioned the wisdom of the supremos decisions. According to critics, Joshis claim that he championed the cause of the peasantry is half truth. None of the agitation of Joshi was related to the interests of the small and marginal farmers. He was the spokesperson of the rich peasantry and his agitations were for cash crops- the sugarcane, cotton and tobacco which widened the gap between the rich and the poor peasantry. His agitation for the rich farmers prompted the small and marginal farmers and the landless workers to unite to further their interests vis--vis the rich peasantry. According to Marxists, the Shetkari Sanghatana exploited the numerical strength of the small and marginal farmers for the sake of the rich farmers. V.M Dandekar refuted Joshis percolation theory by pointing out that the rich peasantry which has cornered fruits of development and Green Revolution never shared its their gains with the poor cousin. In the history of human civilization there is not a single instance where the haves have shared their gains with the have-nots. The new farmers movements gathered momentum in 1973, such movements were partly a response to the contradiction of the growth process, where a handful of rich farmers were privatizing the benefits of development, whilst general socioeconomic inequalities increased and the unsatiated avarice of the rich farmers' class kept a stranglehold on institutional opportunity structures. Paradigmatic features of old and new farmers' movements are compared. The ideology of Shetkari Sanghatana is expounded, owing more to Rosa Luxemburg than to Karl Marx it is the invasion of primitive economies by capitalism which keeps the accumulative system alive. Joshi's dichotomy of Bharat versus 'India' typifies this. Several unresolved issues remain about the economic formulations of Shetkari Sanghatana and the drastic fall in agriculture's share in the total tax revenue. It focuses specifically on the way in which both the KRRS and Shetkari Sanghatana claim to be 'new' agrarian mobilizations, how they identify potential/actual membership and alliances, the manner in which they confront and/or collaborate with the state, and in particular how they conceptualize externally-derived exploitation. The latter is linked to the continued existence in India of a subordinated 'weak' capitalism which perpetuates not only colonial dependency on foreign capital but also endemic rural poverty and urban bias, the eradication of which requires either a 'Khadi Curtain' or an 'Operation Ryot', ie, international egalitarianism based on non-exploitative relations.

Current Issues:

1.)Farmers' protests in Pawar's home turf impact sugar supply


Sanjay Jog | 2010-09-09 01:40:00

Get New Customers Online Ads by Google Advertise On Google. Get 1500 INR Advertising Credit When You Sign-Up www.Google.com/AdWords

The protests by the Shetkari Sanghatana, the farmers association, in Baramati the home turf of Union agriculture minister Sharad Pawar entered its fourth day. The protests have affected 15 cooperative mills in the area.

The farmers are demanding rise in sugarcane prices and minimum wages paid to labours for harvesting and transportation. They have not allowed sugar mill owners to load trucks and have demanded that mills cannot sell sugar below Rs 3,000 per quintal or Rs 30 per kg in the retail market.

Mills are selling sugar at Rs 2200-2,400 per quintal.

The supply shortage from the region has led to a surge in sugar prices by Rs 50-75 per quintal in neighbouring states, benefitting traders and suppliers from Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat among others.

Raghunath Patil, convenor of the agitation told Business Standard: "We want that mills to sell sugar not below Rs 30 per kg and they should pay the first advance of Rs 2,200 per tonne to farmers. The labourers, who are involved in sugarcane cutting, harvesting and transportation should be paid minimum wages of Rs 200. We will continue our agitation till our demands are met."

The state Cooperation and Marketing Minister Harshvardhan Patil said he would soon convene a meeting with all concerned to ensure that sale of sugar is not hampered.

Sources at the Federation of Cooperative Sugar Factories in Maharashtra said it would not be possible for mills to pay Rs 3,000 per quintal. "Now there are expectations of a sharp fall in the prices of sugarcane due to dip in prices of sugar. Nearly 20 per cent is released as levy at Rs 1,800 per quintal, which creates pressure on mills and thereby they will not be in a position to pay higher cane price to farmers."

The Federation official said: "Sugar mills owned by farmers themselves have been paying Rs 1,000 per tonne more than the statutory minimum price (SMP) in the state. Traditionally, Maharashtra sugar mills are paying much more than the fair and remunerative price (FRP). Last year the average FRP was Rs 1,575 per tonne while the average cane price paid by mills was Rs 2,500 per tonne."

Going by the same rule and considering the drop in sugar prices, mills are expected to pay at least Rs 500 per tonne more than the FRP which itself coming to Rs 2,200."

He also said that mills cannot sell sugar below Rs 30 per kg as they might attract penal action under the provisions of Monopoly Restrictive Trade Practices Act (MRTPA) which is stringent for an essential commodity like sugar.

On the farmers demand for payment of a minimum wage of Rs 200 to labourers, the Federation official said it was unreasonable because sugar realisation has gone down over the last entire year.

The existing wage is Rs 121 per tonne and a 19 per cent rise has already been announced by Patil. This would ensure a wage of Rs 155 per tonne on a par with what labourers in Karnataka, Gujarat and Tamil Nadu are paid.

Federation sources said such pressure tactics is not going to help the state. But it would help neighbouring states like MP and Gujarat and North Eastern states where sugar prices have gone up on the prospects of restrictions of sugar flow from the state.

2.)

S-ar putea să vă placă și