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EDITORIAL NOTES

T is impossible to discuss Colonel Roosevelt any further. H e has said, himself, all that could be saidand incontestably more than any man who has received a nation's trust, should be capable of saying. H e has strangely disregarded the traditions that should bind, not merely an ex-President, but all prominent public men. H e has substituted diatribe, misstatement and personalities, for dignity, dispassionateness and common s<snse. H e has attempted to wreck his party; he has succeeded in wrecking utterly his own reputation. There have been many semi-humorous, half-doubtful references to his egomania and reckless ambition. All doubt may now be abandoned. W h a t , others have regarded as a jest, not very entertaining,Colonel Roosevelt regards as his just prerogative. H e demands a dictatorshipin the name of the people. H e asserts that he appointed our nominal President, and has the right to remove him. H e would constitute himself our next, and permanent, President. H e would brush aside any pledge or obligation, as he has already brushed aside the most specific declaration that could be formulated with regard to the tenure of the highest officeat presentin the country. If the American people desire him, on these terms,and f o r the term of his natural life,they deserve him. It is no longer a matter of progressive principles, of parties or politics. It is a matter of common decency, and public indecency. ALL honor to the brave. Gallant men went to their death when the brief career of the Titanic was ended: officers, passengers and crew. A special word is the inadequate due of the engineers. Not one survived. They realized the danger to the uttermost. Even while almost everybody else on board, with the exception of the officers, believed that the ship was safer than the lifeboats, they knew the inevitable endand faced it, with the indomitable courage that does not always reach public knowledge. In the fierce light that beats upon the throne of desolation, they may stand, nothing fearing. In the hour of
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d e a t h , a n d in t h e d a y of j u d g m e n t , t h e y a c q u i t t e d t h e m s e l v e s a s S u r e l y such l i t t l e l e i s u r e a s t h e w o r l d c a n s p a r e f o r r e m e m b r a n c e , s h a l l b e g i v e n t o t h e m , a n d t o all w h o j u s t i f i e d t h e i r m a n h o o d in t h a t t i m e of t e m p t a t i o n , c o m i n g s w i f t l y u p o n t h e m , w h e n security seemed i m p r e g n a b l e a n d t h e n a k e d g r i p w i t h a- r e m o t e i m a g i n a t i o n .


* * *

tragedy

A GOOD d e a l of n o n s e n s e h a s b e e n w r i t t e n w i t h r e g a r d t o t h e d i s a s t e r , f r o m e v e r y p o s s i b l e a n g l e , i n c l u d i n g t h e a n g l e of absurdity. T h i s is q u i t e n a t u r a l , of c o u r s e ; f o r t h e h a b i t of clear thinking, the sense of p r o p o r t i o n a n d r e l a t i o n , is a l m o s t

a s r a r e a s t h e d o d o in t h e s e h u r r i e d t i m e s , w h e n t h e first r e q u i r e m e n t is s e n s a t i o n , a n d t h e l a s t a n d m o s t n e g l i g i b l e , c o m m o n s e n s e . Several press preachers, deeply affected by the delivered mathematical elom a g n i t u d e of t h e c a t a s t r o p h e , themselves very skill, t h e

q u e n t l y u p o n t h e f u t i l i t y of all h u m a n e f f o r t in c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h t h e casual destructiveness of n a t u r e . The aptitude, nature t h e a p p l i e d k n o w l e d g e of f o u r c e n t u r i e s of n a u t i c a l f o u n d t h e i r u l t i m a t e e x p r e s s i o n in t h e T i t a n i c . experiment

" Then

spoke, and' the g r e a t e s t w o r k of m a n w a s as n o t h i n g . " H u m i l i t y is n o d o u b t a d m i r a b l e in its p r o p e r p l a c e , b u t in t h i s c o n n e c t i o n it is s t u p i d a s w e l l ' a s o f f e n s i v e . more conflict h e r e b e t w e e n t h e T h e r e was no and the reday The a m b i t i o n of m a n

morseless opposition of n a t u r e , t h a n m a y be f o u n d e v e r y in t h e f a m i l i a r d e t a i l s t h a t h a v e become trivial to us.

T i t a n i c d i d n o t f o u n d e r b e c a u s e s h e w a s t h e b i g g e s t s h i p in t h e world, and the most luxurious. attempts to cross B r o a d w a y She went to the bottom because If anyone crowded or the Strand, or any t h e u n i v e r s a l r u l e of r e a s o n a b l e c a r e w a s v i o l a t e d .

t h o r o u g h f a r e , without paying due attention to the obstacles that he m a y expect to encounter, he m a y get to the o t h e r s i d e o r he m a y not. B u t no' o n e b o t h e r s a b o u t t h e p u n i n e s s o f m a n and t h e i m m e n s i t y of n a t u r e , a t t h e i n q u e s t , if a n i n q u e s t b e n e c e s s a r y . T h e T i t a n i c w a s l o s t b e c a u s e h u n d r e d s of o t h e r s h i p s h a v e not b e e n lost.. She w a s t a k i n g risks t h a t h a v e b e e n t a k e n But the relaw trip p e a t e d l y , in v a r y i n g d e g r e e , b y A t l a n t i c l i n e r s .

of a v e r a g e s did n o t p a u s e t o c o n s i d e r t h a t this p a r t i c u l a r

w a s . a m a i d e n t r i p , t h a t t h i s p a r t i c u l a r s h i p w a s a first o f f e n d e r .

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T h e p e n a l t y w a s e x a c t e d f r o m t h e b i g g e s t s h i p in t h e w o r l d , a s it m i g h t h a v e - been- e x a c t e d ' f r o m a n y t r a m p s t e a m e r was extremely risky, and- w h e n complete warning had that been c h o s e t o g o a t f u l l speed* in a n e i g h b o r h o o d w h e r e f u l l s p e e d given. R e l i a n c e w a s p l a c e d o n luck a n d a n effective l o o k - o u t . So did t h e lookrout.. T h e d a n g e r w a s seen, But o'ervaulting A n d the result was tragedy.

T h e luck f a i l e d .

b u t n o t in t i m e t o a v o i d it.

n o t h i n g w h a t e v e r is p r o v e d w i t h r e g a r d t o m a n ' s a m b i t i o n a n d - n a t u r e ' s c a l m c o n t e m p t f o r it. w h y b i g ships/ s h o u l d n o t b e b u i l t .

T h e r e is n o r e a s o n There are

T h e r e is o n l y r e a s o n o v e r heart-breakingno more big

much r e a s o n f o r g r e a t e r care and clear prevision. l e s s o n s f r o m t h e l o s s of t h e T i t a n i c s a d ' a n d of' progress, one iota of achievement.

l e s s o n s : b u t s u r e l y n o t t h i s , t h a t m a n s h o u l d give u p o n e i o t a Nature had h o s t i l i t y t o w a r d t h e T i t a n i c t h a n t o w a r d t h e t h o u s a n d s of and one time missed the h a r b o r


* *

a n d little ships t h a t h a v e sailed the high seas f e w or m a n y times, l i g h t s a n d sent n o


*

message

home.

TRAGEDIES a r e t h e c o m m o n p l a c e s of c i v i l i z a t i o n . w o m e n h a v e t h e i r l i v e s c r u s h e d o u t , s w i f t l y o r slowly, a l l t h e d a y s , b y r a i l w a y , in m i n e o r f a c t o r y . remitted. tragedy,

Men

and

through

T h e t o l l is n e v e r and beas

B u t t h e l o s s of t h e T i t a n i c g r i p p e d p u b l i c i n t e r e s t in because of its s p e c t a c u l a r effects. The contrast

a s p e c i a l w a y a n d a p p e a l e d t o t h e p u b l i c s e n s e of d r a m a t w e e n t h e a n t i c i p a t e d a n d t h e u n f o r e s e e n w a s so m o n s t r o u s to appear grotesque. carried from port to

W i t h all t h e l u x u r i e s of a s u p e r b h o t e l , port, guarded, untroubled, entertained. every

w i t h l i g h t s a n d l a u g h t e r a n d music, t h e p a s s e n g e r s w e r e t o b e A n d when the g r e a t ship came into N e w Y o r k H a r b o r ,

c r a f t t h a t w a s c a p a b l e o f p r o d u c i n g n o i s e w o u l d b l a r e its w e l c o m e t o t h e m i s t r e s s of t h e s e a s , w h i l e t h e c a p t a i n s t o o d o n t h e b r i d g e , p r o u d of his s u p e r b charge, a n d t h e passengers c r o w d e d t o t h e rails' a n d t h o u s a n d s of w a i t i n g f r i e n d s w a t c h e d f r o m t h e pier. T h e m a n a g i n g d i r e c t o r of the line w o u l d receive g e n e r a l felicitations: he w o u l d accord, perhaps; brief interviews to t h e p r e s s ; a n o t h e r r e c o r d , w h e t h e r of s p e e d , o r size, o r c o m f o r t , would- h a v e b e e n a c c o m p l i s h e d a n d a c c l a i m e d , , .

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A n d the reality

THE
. . .

FORUM

S h a m e t o all w h o m a d e c a p i t a l o u t of t h e c a l a m i t y w h o , careless o r w i l f u l l y u n t r u t h f u l , s c a t t e r e d t h e h a l f lies a n d the pretence of relieving torturing anxiety or satisfying the a w h o l e lies of s e n s a t i o n a l i n c i d e n t , a d d i n g r e c k l e s s l y t o p a i n u n d e r legitimate d e m a n d f o r i n f o r m a t i o n . T h o s e specious d e t a i l s of descrippossible Shame to of

t h e d a r k , s t a r l e s s n i g h t a n d t h e t o s s i n g s e a : t h o s e b r u t a l i t i e s of i m a g i n a t i o n t h a t g l o a t e d in h e a d l i n e s a n d m e t i c u l o u s t i o n s o v e r t h e a g o n i e s of s e p a r a t i o n a n d d e a t h , o v e r cowardice, possible e r r o r , a n d impossible accuracy! t h e i r victims w h e n the knowledge of

t h e reckless, t h e v i r u l e n t , t h e m o r e t h a n c o w a r d l y , w h o selected facts and the right j u d g m e n t h a d n o t e m e r g e d f r o m t h e w e l t e r of conflicting r u m o r s , a n d d e n o u n c e d a s s c a p e g o a t s t h o s e w h o , f o r all t h a t t h e y c o u l d k n o w , m i g h t h a v e b e e n t h e h e r o i c figures of t h e c a t a s t r o p h e !


* * *

T H E senatorial investigation,

s o m u c h criticised, w a s F o r though the

not sur-

m e r e l y d e s i r a b l e : it w a s i n d i s p e n s a b l e .

v i v o r s c o u l d n o t b e e x p e c t e d t o b e in a p o s i t i o n t o d o c o m p l e t e , o r , in s o m e cases, e v e n r e a s o n a b l e j u s t i c e t o t h e m s e l v e s , it w a s r i g h t to o b t a i n a r e c o r d of t h e f a c t s a s s o o n as p o s s i b l e , b e f o r e t i m e a n d c o n s c i o u s o r c a s u a l influence h a d m o d i f i e d t h e i m p r e s sions of t h e w i t n e s s e s . T h e a c t u a l c o n d u c t of t h e i n v e s t i g a t i o n The any w a s , of c o u r s e , a s a b s u r d a s t h e s e n a t o r s c o u l d m a k e it. a d m i s s i o n of h e a r s a y e v i d e n c e ; t h e a b s e n c e of m e t h o d , of committee room; the exceptional incompetence of the

g u i d i n g p r i n c i p l e ; t h e r e f l e c t i o n of p o p u l a r c l a m o r w i t h i n t h e chairm a n ; the t h o u g h t f u l a v o i d a n c e of e x p e r t a s s i s t a n c e ; w e r e all in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e t r a d i t i o n s of t h e c o n t r o l l i n g b r a n c h of t h e L e g i s l a t u r e , a n d n e e d n o t excite a n y s u r p r i s e in o u r o w n country, however much E u r o p e m a y h a v e been astonished.


* * *

IT is n o t t r u e

that we have learnt

much

f r o m the

disour

a s t e r t h a t w e d i d n o t k n o w b e f o r e ; b u t it is p a i n f u l l y t r u e t h a t , a s usual, w e h a v e w a i t e d f o r a c o l o s s a l c a l a m i t y t o d r a w p r e v e n t e d o u r a t t e n t i o n b e i n g a r o u s e d a t all. a t t e n t i o n t o t h e v a l u e of t h e s i m p l e p r e v i s i o n t h a t w o u l d h a v e Everybody who

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has crossed the Atlantic knew that the lifeboat accommodation w a s u s u a l l y q u i t e i n a d e q u a t e o n t h e lines t h a t c a r r i e d passengers. heard. But no one h a d steerage be protested loudly enough to

E v e n t h e w a r n i n g of t h e R e p u b l i c w a s d i s r e g a r d e d : it B u t w h y d i d n o t s o m e of t h e b u s y

w a s n o t sufficiently o m i n o u s .

critics d o a little c r i t i c i s i n g b e f o r e t h e T i t a n i c s a i l e d ? T h e g r e a t s t e a m s h i p c o m p a n i e s h a v e r e l i e d , like t h e public, u p o n t h e f l o a t i n g c a p a c i t y of t h e ships, in case of t h e t r e m e n d o u s r a n g e of its a p p e a l f o r assistance. every possible d a n g e r . emergency; They had and u p o n the assurance given by the wireless installation, with n o r i g h t t o r e l y u p o n a n y t h i n g , except c o m p l e t e p r e p a r a t i o n f o r B u t t h e public m u s t s h a r e a little of ships t h e b l a m e , as t h e y s h a r e d t h e g e n e r a l confidence in t h e a n d i g n o r e d t h e u n c o n c e a l e d p a u c i t y of b o a t s . All the circumstances w e r e exceptional. T h e Titanicif her p l a n s w e r e c o m p l e t e l y c a r r i e d o u t a n d t h e finishing t o u c h e s n o t " s c a m p e d " t h r o u g h h a s t e t o g e t h e r into t h e w a t e r w a s imm u n e f r o m o r d i n a r y p e r i l s of s t o r m o r collision. S h e s a n k , beYet, even cause she f o u n d t h e o n e t h i n g t h a t w o u l d sink h e r .

a t t h e w o r s t , n o o n e , in s h i p p i n g circles o r a n y w h e r e else, w o u l d h a v e c o n c e i v e d it p o s s i b l e t h a t she could sink so r a p i d l y t h a t a ship f i f t y m i l e s a w a y w o u l d a r r i v e t o o l a t e . full speed. With H e r builders h a d If, n o t c o n t e m p l a t e d t h a t s h e w o u l d c h a r g e icebergs at p r a c t i c a l l y s u c h a basis, it is n o t easy t o a r g u e . i n s t e a d of a c l e a r n i g h t a n d a c a l m sea, t h e r e h a d b e e n M a r c h w e a t h e r a n d s t r u g g l i n g m o u n t a i n s of w a t e r , a n excess of l i f e b o a t s m i g h t n o t h a v e p r o v e d m o r e effective t h a n a deficiency.

T H E o p i n i o n of A d m i r a l Sir C y p r i a n B r i d g e , of t h e B r i t i s h N a v y , is w o r t h q u o t i n g , f o r t h e p r e s s u r e of t h e r e c e n t c a t a s t r o p h e should not l e a d to false ideas with regard to the direct i o n in w h i c h r e f o r m m e a s u r e s s h o u l d b e a c c e l e r a t e d . H e says: " T h e p o l i c y of e v e r y P o w e r p o s s e s s i n g a g r e a t s t e a m m e r c a n tile m a r i n e h a s b e e n a n d it is r e s p e c t f u l l y s u b m i t t e d , h a s w i s e l y b e e n t o e n c o u r a g e t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n a n d increase in n u m b e r of w a t e r t i g h t c o m p a r t m e n t s r a t h e r t h a n an increase in n u m b e r of boats. A s t o this t h e r e h a s b e e n p e r f e c t u n a n i m i t y a m o n g t h e

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maritime nations of the world. This unanimity is simply the expression of the advice and opinion of the great body of eminent seamen sailing under every flag. N o t a few of these knew by experience what it was to depend upon boats to save a ship's human freight, and how often reliance on them had been grievously disappointed. Not a few, also, knew by experience how often human lives have been saved owing to the; good, structural arrangements of a ship when her boats could not have been used at all. Boats, of course, there must be; but what can reasonably be expected of them should be borne in mind."
* * *

IT may be assumedand the responsible authorities will carefully verify the assumptionthat in future all liners will be provided with sufficient boats; that all crews will be thoroughly disciplined in boat drills and in preparation f o r emergencies; that a wireless operator will be continually on duty; that provision will be made f o r lateral bulkheads in addition to transverse watertight compartments, and that complete control of the doors by the officer on the bridge will be assured, as in the admirable system adopted in the United States Navy, nothing being left to chance, or negligence, or the accident of imperfect testing, while such re-opening as occurred on the Titanic should be followed by automatic re-closing. Possibilities to be considered are the installation of searchlights and the carrying of motor launches. But the main responsibility, in the future as in the past, will rest upon the officers of the ship. It was not confidence in her unsinkability that lost the Titanic. N o captain or officer would recklessly run the risk of an accident that would close or mar his professional career, apart from any other consideration. It is evident that the routine of the ship was considered sufficient; that unjustifiable reliance was placed upon the few men on duty. Only repeated immunity could lead to the captain of a great liner permitting her to go at unreduced speed in such a neighborhood. That he should do so a f t e r receiving clear warnings of the presence of ice in the vicinity, seems incredible. T h e ice field was not entered prematurely, unexpectedly. T h e time had

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been calculated, the danger was known. But it was not realized. Watchfulness was depended upon to avoid disaster, when measures should have been taken to make disaster impossible, so far as human effort and foresight could go. But routine was followed; and routine proved inadequate, as, sooner or later, it was bound to do. And the price of the mistake has been paid in full.
* * *

H o m e Rule Bill has been cordially accepted by M r . John Redmond, the Nationalist leader, who calls it " a great measure, adequate to carry out the objects of its promoters." H e believes that " it will have the effect of turning Ireland into a happy and prosperous country, and a united, loyal and contented people." H e adds that the Separatists, once a large proportion of Irishmen; are now only a small section. Of course, England and Ireland are the countries chiefly concerned; and in view of M r . Redmond's pronouncement, there will not be any general tendency here to criticise the details; the Bill will be taken as sufficiently satisfactory. Yet it is not a statesmanlike measure, and it seems to combine very skilfully the two distinct disadvantages of unfairness to Ireland and unfairness to England. It is not calculated to insure the permanent settlement that every friend of either or both countries will desire.
M R . ASQUITH'S

may be taken in the first place to the financial provisions. These are not niggardly: they are generous. But they are clumsily expressed, and the clumsiness is not redeemed by being intentional. T h e object, apparently, has been to conceal the true facts of the case both from the ordinary Irishman and the ordinary Englishman, or, at least, to make confusion much simpler than clear enlightenment. Briefly, the arrangements are: a. Ireland is to contribute nothing to Imperial expensesarmy, navy, national debt, consular service, etc. U n d e r M r . Gladstone's first Bill, her contribution was fixed at $17,500,000; under the Bill of 1893, at $12,000,000.
EXCEPTION

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b. The English Government is to provide an annual subsidy of about $10,000,000, to prevent the recurrence of the deficit that has prevailed during recent years. This subsidy is disguised more or less ingeniously by the subterfuges of the Bill. c. An unconcealed subsidy of $2,500,000 is also to be paid annuallythe sum being gradually reduced. It will be seen, therefore, that Ireland is to receive an annual gratuity of about $12,500,000 and is to be "excused from her quota of Imperial charges; in other words, she is to be started, practically, with a revenue-gift of some $25,000,000.
* * *

Now, it is eminently desirable that the experiment of selfgovernment should be inaugurated under the most favorable conditions and that every effort should be made to insure success. Naturally, the financial conditions are extremely important. But it is a great mistake to make those conditions other than absolutely simple and obvious. Big work has to be done in Ireland; the men who have proved themselves excellent leaders in guerrilla warfare have soonit is to be hopedto prove themselves competent, and more than competent, administrators. T h e future of their country depends upon them; and it is essential that their countrymen shall be in a position to know quite definitely what they are doing and in what degree they deserve praise and approval. The significance of the annual subsidy must therefore be recognized, that the people may not accept less from their leaders than they have a right to expect, or credit them with falsely estimated achievements.
* OTHER * *

criticism may be confined for the present to one comprehensive and one minor point. Constitution-building is never very easy; but a few people through the centuries have possessed the art of making difficulties seem simple. M r . Asquith, in accordance with modern custom, has avoided temptation; his Bill is filled with parallelisms, dualities, overlappings, reservations, restraints and contingencies. T h e Imperial Government is still to collect the taxes, though it will not administer the Post

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Office; it will continue to control the Constabulary, to be responsible for the Land Purchase Acts, the'Old Age Pensions scheme, the National Insurance Act; it will be here, there and everywhere, apparently doing a great deal and paying handsomely f o r the privilege. T h e new Irish Government may occupy all the seats that are not reserved. Probably the arrangement will work out far better in practice than on paper; but it does not satisfy the sense of symmetry, or the sense of nationality. The other point referred to is the constitution of the Second Chambera nominated Senate. It is not easy to realize the precise legislative value of a Senate nominated, ultimately, by the Irish Executive. It would seem, chiefly, to be destined to exercise the privilege of obeying orders; and it cannot be accepted cheerfully by those who believe in accelerating, not retarding, democratic developments.
* * *

THE conditions under which the Bill has been introduced are very different from those prevailing in 1886 and in 1893. T h e apparently irreconcilable opposition of Ulster is still threateningly in evidence; but a great change has come over the English electorate. T h e passionate protest that greeted M r . Gladstone's first measure, the storm of disapproval that swept over the country, belongs unmistakably to other times and other manners; the most energetic efforts of the Unionist leaders have failed to revive that narrow, if sincere, prejudice. A few fanatics are l e f t ; but the obvious tendency is toward justice, comprehension. If the electorate hesitates, it is not because it wishes to deal with the question on the basis of outmoded animosities, but because it desires to avoid further mistakes. It is perplexed about the attitude of Ulster. T o confer Home Rule on a house so violently divided against itself, seems at the best a dubious proceeding. And though the English taxpayer is acustomed to the distinction of the lion's share of all imperial burdens, and many burdens not imperial, he has an uneasy feeling that generosity to others should not be too widely divorced from justice to himself. If the Nationalists and the Orangemen are prepared to

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dwell together in unity and amity, he is prepared to make a fair contribution to the expenses of the new establishment and to start the happy couple with every encouragement on what he hopes will be a prosperous career. But he does not quite understand why this contribution should be so disguised and distributed, that he will not know exactly what he has committed himself to pay, until he has been paying it f o r several years. And subsidies that have been paid f o r several years have a habit of extending themselves into perpetual annuities.

A REALLY statesmanlike measure would have had an excellent chance of successsubject to the delay that will be interposed by the House of Lords, under the powers of its restricted veto. But the present Bill is the result of bargainings, not of convictions. It is a patchwork of compromises,afraid to give, reluctant to withhold; and it lends itself to the crude but vehement partisan attacks of M r . Bonar Law. For the Unionist leader, who has no administrative experience, has adopted the policy of aggressive opposition, unmitigated by the sense of responsibility which was generally found lying beneath M r . Balfour's more subtle, if less popular, strategy. The statement that the Bill is but the beginning of a process of devolution and that similar provisions will be applied to Scotland and Wales, is not calculated to give it a specially smooth passage. The English voter has seen self-government worthily exercised by the Over-Sea Dominions; and he has been content. Nations have been built up, sturdy, initiative, self-supporting. But a mere muddle of provincial parliaments conflicting or interrelated with the imperial machinery, and kept in motion by subsidies from the English exchequer, will not appeal to his pride or his pocket. If all the nationalities are to send representatives, but no revenue, to Westminster, the Englishman will begin to feel that his own house is apparently everybody else's castlerent-free and attractively furnished.
* * *

THE Black Strikeas the disastrous coal conflict in Great Britain was calledis fading, with other tragedies, into the dim

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past that is now measured by months; for the world is too busy to think in years or remember in decades. But, though Labor may justly fight its fight, and fight for its own hand, it is surely essential that some ameliorative conventions should be established, such as have already modified the brutalities of that curious anachronism described as civilized warfare. The reluctance of the men to resume work so long as their strike pay enabled them to live comfortably and patronize the local music halls; their indifference to the distress of tens of thousands of starving women and children, who received no strike pay, since the idleness of their breadwinners was enforced, and not voluntary; the contempt f o r the community at large; the avowed aim to compel the concessions demanded by paralyzing the industries of the nation and coercing the long-suffering public;-all these features of the struggle may find apologists, but t h e y certainly seem to point to the development of a class-selfishness, a section-selfishness, that is rapidly submerging the old ideas of social relations. Emphasis may again be placednot cynically, but with the insistence of truthupon the obvious lesson that those who have built up the power to destroy a nation, are its real rulers.
* * *

war upon the nation was not an example of Syndicalism in its full significance; but it gave an excellent illustration of what may be expected in the future. Syndicalism itself is not a discovery of the last few months, though its notoriety is recent. It has been developing, slowly, inevitably, since the discussion of the principle of the general strike by the Congress of the International Labor Association at Brussels in 1868. It was there declared that it was " only necessary for producers to cease to produce in order to make government impossible." The idea lingered. Tortelier, a Paris anarchista carpenter by trade was apparently the first to suggest, in 1888, that the organization of a general strike on international lines should be adopted as a definite policy. Six years later, at a Congress at Nantes, the policy was formally indorsed in preference to electoral and uncoercive methods.
THIS

And Syndicalism has arrived; at least, it has arrived half-

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wayen passant to complete domination of the industrial, social and political organization of the world, or en route to a debacle. For neither Labor sympathies nor Capitalist prejudices can alter the fact that Syndicalism means war on all existing governments; war on a vast scale, ruthless, ceaseless. These are the avowed objects: Every industry thoroughly organizedin the first place, to fight f o r the control of the industry, and then to administer it; coordination of all industries through a central production board, which will issue its demands on the different departments, leaving to the men themselves to determine under what conditions the work should be done. " T h i s would mean democracy in real life. . . . So long as shareholders are permitted to continue their ownership or the State to administer on behalf of the shareholders, slavery and oppression are bound to be the rule in industry. . . . " The issue is fairly presented. T h e r e is no fighting in the dark. But even the most strenuous opponent of the latest development of the doctrine of force will scarcely fail to realize that while the Cabinets and Senates and politicians of the world have been playing with the toys of second childhood, the workers, the massesthe real democracy that is so much flattered and so much despisedhave actually had the audacity to conceive ,a big idea, an idea so big, in fact, that its unchecked development will result in the complete subversion of the whole cherished Established Order of Things throughout the world. Nero was accused of fiddling while Rome burned. H e has been defended. But there are some fiddlers in high places to-day, or who wish to be in high places to-morrow, who will find it difficult to secure apologists when the history that is being made, is being written. For Syndicalism may be magnificent: butit is W a r .

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