The Bara Transport Facility: Objectives Realised?

A Review of Post-Apartheid Planning In the Case of The Bara Transport Facility

OFENTSE KATLEGO SOKHAYA MAKHU

A dissertation submitted to the faculty of Engineering and Built Environment, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg; In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Honours Degree of Bachelor of Science in Urban and Regional Planning

2010

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DECLARATION: I declare that this research is my own unaided work. It is being submitted for the degree of Bachelor of Science in Urban and Regional Planning in the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. It has not been submitted before for any degree or examination in any other University.

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OFENTSE KATLEGO SOKHAYA MAKHU

6 October 2010
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ABSRACT

It has been Fifteen years since the realisation of a fully fledged democracy and nearly sixty years since the passing of the Group areas act of 1950. The apartheid era provided planning polices which have yielded an unequal spatial structures in South African cities. This thesis has sought out to reveal the effectiveness of post-Apartheid planning. South African cities have been characterised by great spatial discrepancies. The results of Apartheid have provided challenges such as fragmented landscapes and socio-economic disparities between the fragmented settlements. Transportation networks have been identified in the post-apartheid era as a possible solution to redressing the disparities that existed and fragmentation. This study embraces the Bara Transport Facility, as one of the first projects that sought out to redress inequality and poor linkages between the fragmented city. The intention of the study is to acknowledge the development of the transport node and to identify how effective it has been. The hypothesis of the study argues that post-apartheid planning practice has had certain intentions of development however the intended outcomes are not necessarily the realised outcomes. Through outlining the objectives of the project the study has elaborated upon the somewhat vague objectives of the project and provided other aspects which should be considered in the analysis of such a project. The study, as a case study analysis, embraced interactive methods of study to identify as to whether the objectives of the BTF were realised or not and how so. Through observations and Interviews with relevant actors within the node, this study has arrive to conclusions pertaining to the success of the BTF. The BTF, as a redevelopment project has undoubtedly provided better environments for informal traders and activities, while also achieving the objectives mandated. This study will provide insight into the objectives and issues of greatest concern to support the rationale that the BTF has in fact achieved its mandated objectives.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thank you to the Lord, Almighty for giving me the strength, courage and opportunity to complete this research. To my supervisor, Garth Klein, Thank you for the guidance and positive support, this research is a testament of your undivided intent to promote the development of Planning education. Thank you for always being there to support me through it all from start to finish. To Phil Harrison, Ncobile Malaza and Dr. Aly Karam, Thank you all for the support, insight and clarity, your contribution has provided a great amount of enlightenment. To my parents, thank you for providing me the opportunity to reach such levels, thank you for the love, support and confidence in my abilities. I will forever appreciate all that you have done for me. I love you both. To my brothers and sisters, I appreciate all the support over the years, the advice and the support during the hard times. You are all my inspiration to succeed. Love you all. I extend my appreciation to all the staff members within the School of Architecture and Planning, your continuous support will always be appreciated

To my fellow classmates and fellow research compatriots (Doctorate and Masters students), thank you for all the support and insight. We have all come very far and I hope we take our friendships to another level. To my friends, both new and old, thank you for the support, both direct and indirect. May we remain friends forever. Lastly, i would like to extend my greatest appreciation to all those who have contributed to this research study, namely: The traders within the Bara Transport Facility, The management officials of the facility, Ludwig Hansen of the School of Architecture and Planning, The Taxi drivers and residents. Thank you all for providing me with your time, it is much appreciated.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Declaration Abstract Acknowledgements Contents List of Figures List of Tables Acronyms

Chapter One: 1.1 Introduction to the Bara Transport Facility and Post-Apartheid Planning.....................................1 1.2 Background......................................................................................................................................2 1.2.1 The Challenges of Post-Apartheid Planning ................................................................................2 1.2.2 Integration.....................................................................................................................................3 1.2.3 Economic Integration....................................................................................................................4 1.2.4 Planning Policy..............................................................................................................................6 1.2.5 Spatial and economic fragmentation under apartheid...................................................................7 1.2.6 The Emergence of Transit-Oriented Development.......................................................................8 1.3 Bara Central Transport Node...........................................................................................................9 1.3.1 Introducing the BTF......................................................................................................................9 1.3.2 The Node as a Development Catalyst..........................................................................................11 1.3.3 Problems that existed in the Bara Transport Facility at the time of liberation..........................13 1.4 Research Argument.........................................................................................................................15 1.5 Research Outline.............................................................................................................................15

Chapter Two: Literature Review 2.1 Introduction......................................................................................................................................18 2.2 The Objectives of the Bara Transport Facility.................................................................................19 2.2.1 OBJECTIVE ONE:.......................................................................................................................20 5|Pa ge

2.2.1 (i) Transportation Networks.............................................................................................21 2.2.1 (ii) Accessibility...............................................................................................................22 2.2.2 OBJECTIVE TWO:......................................................................................................................24 2.2.2 (i) Socio- Economic Opportunities..................................................................................24 2.2.3 OBJECTIVE THREE:..................................................................................................................25 2.1.3 (i) Transit Oriented Developments (TOD)......................................................................26 2.1.3 (ii) Public Participation....................................................................................................27 2.2.4 OBJECTIVE FOUR & FIVE:......................................................................................................29 2.2.4 (i) Mixed Land Use Development...................................................................................29 2.2.4 (ii) Formal and Informal Activities..................................................................................31 2.2.4 (iii) Actors of Informality................................................................................................34 2.2.4 (iv) Character of Informality............................................................................................35 2.3 What has been Established?.............................................................................................................36

Chapter Three: Research Methods 3.0 Introduction......................................................................................................................................39 3.1 Research Methods............................................................................................................................41 3.1.1 Case study: as a form of research....................................................................................41 3.1.2 Observations....................................................................................................................42 3.1.2 Interviews........................................................................................................................42 3.2 Case Study: The Bara Transport Facility........................................................................................43 3.2.1 Observations....................................................................................................................45 3.2.2 Scrutinising the Bara Transport Facility.........................................................................46 3.2.3 Forms of Transportation..................................................................................................47 3.2.4 Forms of Activity............................................................................................................48 3.3 Interviews: Perceptions ..................................................................................................................50 3.3.1 Interviews with Traders..................................................................................................52 3.3.2 Interview with a taxi driver............................................................................................56 3.3.3 Interview with developing officials and management officials.....................................57 Conclusion.............................................................................................................................................60 6|Pa ge

Chapter Four: 4.1 Introduction..........................................................................................................................61 4.2 Analysis: A rationalised process......................................................................................................62 4.3Intentions of Analysis.......................................................................................................................63 4.4 An Economic Integrator: The Bara Link.........................................................................................64 4.5 Implementation of BTF...........................................................................................................65 4.6 Trading Outside the Market: A Contesting Rationale................................................................67 4.7 Trading within the Market.......................................................................................................68 4.8 Transportation Infrastructure....................................................................................................72 4.9 Has the Bara Transport Facility Achieved its Objectives?..............................................................75 Recommendations (A) Better management of facilities concerning informal traders..........................................77 (B) Designing spaces that relate to activity and movement patterns.......................................78 (C) Promoting more formal types of activity around the informal nodes...............................80 (D) Development of structures that support aesthetics in urban environments........................80 Conclusion.....................................................................................................................................81

Chapter Five: Conclusion 5.1 Concluding Notes......................................................................................................................82 5.2 Summarising the Argument........................................................................................................84 5.3 The Bara Transport Facility has achieved its objectives? ............................................................86

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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Map of roads linking Soweto.................................................................................................24 Figure 2: Map of the Bara-link development initiatives .......................................................................55 Figure 3: The conceptual vision of the Bara Link initiative..................................................................56 Figure 4: Panoramic view of the Bara Transport Facility, Map of the transport node and Images of the completed development.........................................................................................................................57 Figure 5: Images of the Taxis and Buses within the transport node .....................................................58 Figure 6: Images of formal and informal business activity around the BTF ........................................59 Figure 7: Informal activity within the BTF market spaces Authorised and Unauthorised..........................................................................................................................................60 Figure 8: Informal activity within unauthorised spaces around the BTF..............................................60 Figure 9: Activity along the bridge leading to Chris Hani Baragwanath (CHB) hospital; Lesedi Private Hospital; Vehicle entrance to the CHB hospital......................................................................61 Figure 10: Map shows the location of interviews with informal traders...............................................64 Figure 11: Informal activity within the node during the redevelopment of the node........................................................................................................................................................64 Figure 12: Map showing categories: Zone A C, the triangle represents the increase of activity through the site. .....................................................................................................................................77 Figure 13: Informal trading along the bridge, before redevelopment of the BTF ; open and closed stalls provided within the node; Trading within the node after the redevelopment and provision of trade spaces............................................................................................................................................81 Figure 14: Pedestrian movement and trade activity throughout the BTF node in the early afternoon..82

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Breakdown of the Bara-link development................................................................................20 Table 2: Theoretical Framework derived from the objectives of the BTF............................................48 Table 3: Transport management hierarchy............................................................................................84 Table 4: Existing pattern of activity location.........................................................................................90 Table 5: Recommended location of activity....................................................................................... 90

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ACRONYMS
TOD CBD CoJ BTF Transit Oriented Development Central Business District City of Johannesburg Bara Transport Facility

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The Bara Transport Facility: Objectives Realised? Has the Bara Central Transport Facility achieved its objectives?

Chapter One 1.1 Introduction to the Bara Transport Facility and Post-Apartheid Planning This research is essentially about the nature of post-apartheid planning. Its focus is on an important node and transport corridor in Soweto, Johannesburg, namely the Bara Transport Facility (BTF). The research seeks to assess whether or not post-apartheid projects have achieved their objectives in a positive manner in the BTF. Furthermore, the research aims to provide insights into the consequences of urban planning from the perspective of socioeconomic opportunities and accessibility. This well documented field highlights the importance of the post-apartheid era s commitment to access to economic opportunities (Harrison, Todes and Watson, 2007; Hoffman, 2007; Todes, 2006).

This introductory chapter aims to achieve five objectives:

(a)

Provide a background to the research which aims to understand whether or not the objectives of policies linked to Transit-Oriented Development in the form of the BTF have been realised. This helps to clarify the problem statement;

(b)

Defining terminology and the key aspects of the study, such as TOD, Integration and economic integration;

(c) (d) (e)

Rationalising why transportation is a central concern of this study; Provide a rationale and background to the study area (namely the BTF); Provide an outline for the remainder of this research being undertaken.

By outlining the context and issues that have been identified in this study, the research process (methodologies and analysis) will involve a case study and interviews which will assess whether or not (and how) the objectives of the BTF have been met.
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1.2 Background 1.2.1 The Challenges of Post-Apartheid Planning The South African planning domain has had a number of challenges primarily caused by the history of segregation which characterised all South African cities. The derived impacts of apartheid laid the foundation for the rationale of post-apartheid planning practice and philosophy. The post-apartheid era has seen an increased alignment with policies and ideologies devoted to linking the fragmented city and promoting economic activity within areas lacking adequate socio-economic opportunities (Harrison, Todes and Watson, 1997). This developmental approach characterised the defining period of planning transition, whereby the South African planning domain was in a process of restructuring and redefinition between 1990 2000 (Pieterse, 2004).

Within South African planning policy in the last decade, integration has been seen as the fundamental philosophy in the development of an inclusive city (Harrison, et al, 2007). The spatial landscape of South African cities, however does not allow for integration at a physical level due to reprimanding barriers to development. In the case of Johannesburg, the separation of the CBD from the township, namely Soweto, clearly highlighted in the spatial design of the apartheid city form, does not allow for easy future spatial integration. The reaffirmation of the spatial segregation was supported by the buffer zones of the mine dumps surrounding the city constituted through the Group Areas Act of 1950 (Williams, 2000). The physical challenges of spatial segregation meant that other alternative approaches were to be considered.

The spatial disparities laid by the apartheid era have founded the fragmentation of society as a whole, from racial segregation, to class and economic segregation (Smith, 1999). It has been argued that through the combination of dispositions, expropriation and the imposition of negative laws and sanctions restricting the rights of the non-white populations to live and interact in the city, these rights to access the city were constantly under threat if not denied in
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full (Miraftab, 2006). The post-apartheid planning era has rightfully provided for a counter action of these disempowering spatial policies in embracing integration as an instrumental ideology. It is paramount that all citizens are provided with access to local services and spaces in which they may pursue their livelihoods and alleviate their relative poverty (Hoffman, 2007).

Along with the reconciliation efforts of the post-apartheid era, a lot of attention has been focused on the development of a new economic order that addresses the post-apartheid distortions (Rogerson and Rogerson, 1997). It has been argued by Sen (1999), and reiterated by Simone (2004), that what people can positively achieve is influenced by economic opportunities, social networks and the enabling conditions in the city which they are able to access. At the core of the ideology is the fact that access to enabling environments is critical to people s ability to be functional members of an urban society.

Incorporating the marginalised populations into the functions of the city as a whole emphasised the need for more integrated spaces. This approach also enabled the previously disadvantaged populations, primarily those in the peripheral areas, an opportunity to access the city for prospects of employment. Integration, as already stated, formed the core of this approach, ensuring that activities within the city are accessible and provide opportunities to those who were refused them.

1.2.2 Integration Integration has been constructively observed to take upon a number of different perceptions as a concept. The spheres of integration must however not be seen as independent entities employing influences within the built environment, but rather as entities that are related and that influence each other on a number of levels (Harrison, 2007; Musterd and Murie, 2006).

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From the perspective of the national government, integration has been seen as the chief instrument at the local level and as a key instrument for establishing a new governance paradigm (Harrison, 2007: 138). This ideology is argued to make the concept of integration seem like a magic tool to solve the overarching problems in South African cities (Harrison, 2007).

In the post-apartheid era, South African cities have, through a number of policies and projects, attempted to redress the inequalities instilled by apartheid era spatial planning. This approach has aimed to develop and incorporate the fragmented settlements (Smith, 1999; Harrison, 2007 and Hoffman, 2007). The directive provides that local municipalities have embraced the call from the national level to incorporate a more integration-bound ideology. It has been recognised that there is a need to make the city more accessible to all citizens and to incorporate the different and diverse activities which exist within the urban environments (Mammen et al, 2008). In achieving these objectives it is fundamental that socially just and broadly redistributive environments are created (Liepietz, 2008).

There are a variety of forms of integration that could be of interest within the context of postapartheid South Africa, however it is economic integration that is important within this study. Economic integration is important considering the following four issues:

(a) the rationale of post-apartheid planning; (b) the direction in which planning has gone; (c) the underlying neoliberal philosophy characterising the globalising landscape of South African cities; and (d) the relation to the objectives of the transit-oriented developments, in the case of the BTF.

1.2.3 Economic Integration

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Economic integration as understood from a planning perspective, revolves around the ideology of access to employment, job creation and income generation. At the heart of economic integration within developing nations are the formal and informal sectors which provide employment for a large percentage of the employed population (Dewar, et al, 1999). There are a number of positive and negative relations within the informal and formal sectors. There are a number of people in the cities of developing countries, for example Johannesburg, who acquire their livelihoods from the informal sector. It has been assumed at the municipal level, for many years, that the sector has not really helped economic growth of the townships. The arguments have it that informality has rather provided for a number of infrastructural issues such as the exploitation of the unplanned spaces in the city, yielding a survivalist ethos within the informal markets (Simone, 2004; Davies et al, 2008).

It is understood that the key to surviving within the modern city environment is dependent upon one s ability to have access to some sort of income in order to be active within the local markets. As a result, more and more people are attracted to the central and economically active areas in search of jobs, which are usually in short supply within the peripheral areas. Concurrently, businesses look for more competitively advantageous areas closer to the CBD or areas of commercial activity.

In light of this issue, the ability of the central areas such as the CBD to accommodate economic opportunities for all within the city is undoubtedly limited. In response to the challenge, the development of the peripheral areas has been highlighted as a possible solution to the generated challenges (Harrison, Todes and Watson, 1997). The development of the peripheral areas would allow for easier movement and provide for a more inclusive and opportunity rife city. A solution could be accommodating more citizens into the formal sector, which can be monitored, could regenerate an area. Allowing for increased development in the future and a more sustainable city network is the overall vision ailing from planning policies (Harrison et al, 1997; Davies and Thurlow, 2009).

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There have been some massive state investments in the post-apartheid democratic regime, of which the poor and previously marginalised have considerably benefited in terms of property ownership and access to basic services (Todes, 2006). The contrasting and interesting issue is that the impact of the developments in terms of economic development of the urban poor has been marginal and minimal (Napier et al, 2010). It is argued that the current city form is still very inefficient, emphasised by its sprawling nature and poorly linked public transport system (Napier, et al, 2010). The existing urban form has not adequately addressed the accessibility of the poor to employment or income generating opportunities.

The rationale behind economic integration is that citizens must be able to have access to economic functions so as to be enabled within the context of society. The post-apartheid era continually promotes the ideology of integration but has become vague in implementation and understanding, when considering that most planning documents are referred to as integrated policy documents (Harrison, 2007). There are disparities within the practice and policy levels of the local planning structures, which may provide that the intentions of a project may not be realised as a result of the indefinite rationales.

1.2.4 Planning Policy It is critical to understand the influence of planning policy within the context of this study because the polices existing within the early periods of democratic South Africa may have been translated into the rationale of planning for a post-apartheid future. The constitution of South Africa provides that all spheres of governments must promote development beneficial to all citizens of the country, which is particularly informed by a propoor perspective (RSA, 1996), in approach and strategy. The legacy of inequality and disempowerment has been addressed through explicitly targeting pro-poor interventions while also encouraging economic growth in an increasingly globalising economy, which poses a significant challenge to local governments across the nation.

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National policy in post-apartheid South Africa explicitly obliges local city authorities to engage in social and economic development to improve the livelihoods of all urban residents, and the poor in particular (Pieterse, 2004). The White Paper on Local Government 1998 (RSA, 1998) and subsequent laws and policy documents, such as the Green Paper on Development and Planning (RSA, 1999) require city authorities to prioritise the needs of the poor, while simultaneously developing the existing economic capacity. The development of the economy would not necessarily prove to be a challenge, but rather how to integrate the largely low-skilled and unemployed population generally located on the periphery of the city.

National government has therefore provided local governments with the power to manage the development of the fragmented cities. The marginalised black townships became the focus of this attention (Harrison, 2007). Municipalities, such as the City of Johannesburg, have initiated a number of projects since 1994, most of which look to redevelop the existing city and to link the marginalised areas into one whole unit. The challenge that exists with integrating the fragmented settlements was that apartheid era spatial planning schemes ensured that arguably impenetrable barriers existed between the white and the non-white city (Williams, 2000).

1.2.5 Spatial and economic fragmentation under apartheid The inherited fragmented landscapes of South African settlement patterns has raised concerns of how, within the post-apartheid era, state agencies and planning authorities have gone about redressing the inequalities promoted by the discriminatory spatial plans of the apartheid regime (Christopher, 2001). The spatial policies under apartheid focused primarily on ensuring the development of unequal racially divided cities, highlighted through the Group Areas Act of 1950 (Group Areas Act, Act no. 41 of 1950). The results were that cities were not only racially divided but also portrayed large gaps in equity between white and nonwhite groups.

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It has been more than half a century since the politically motivated polices (Group Areas Act, 1950) were passed and over a decade since the inception of a fully fledged democracy in South Africa (1994). The distances and scarcity of socio-economic opportunities available to the marginal settlements continues to be of great concern. The inherited spatial environment has resulted in a large percentage of the population being excluded from the functions of the city, in essence, depriving some groups from a sustainable socio-economic livelihood strategy (Christopher, 2001). This has constrained efforts to reduce poverty and the ability to achieve overall urban and regional development. In light of these aspects, local planning officials and specifically (in the case of this study) the City of Johannesburg (CoJ) has initiated developments that seek to promote access to the city while also promoting economic opportunities within marginal communities (CoJ, 2001).

1.2.6 The Emergence of Transit-Oriented Development The CoJ has in recent years taken a transit-oriented stance in development policy to redress the spatial fragmentation. Transit-oriented developments have increasingly emerged and have been endorsed as possible integrators of fragmented landscapes within local and international bodies of literature. Curtis and Scheurer (2010) highlight the fact that there has been a growing trend within metropolitan cities to establish TODs which not only provide increased access but also improve linkages and the efficiency within the city.

The development of TODs within South African cities, with focus on the CoJ, has occurred in response to the poor links which exist between the inherited fragmented landscape of postapartheid South African cities, as earlier mentioned. The CoJ, upon the adoption of a transitoriented strategic development trajectory, outlined a number of transit-oriented projects which it hoped to realise. The Bara-link development was one of the first initiatives developed that sought to redress the social and economic disparities in the fragmented city. The development initiative (Bara-link) is fundamentally concerned with transportation as an economic generator and social integrator.

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1.3 Bara Central Transport Node

Bara Link

Table 1: Breakdown of the Bara-link development

1.3.1 Introducing the BTF The Bara central transport node forms part of the Bara-link development initiated in 1993 by the CoJ in partnership with the Greater Johannesburg Metropolitan Chamber (CoJ, 2001). The Bara-link development, in essence, constitutes a mixed land used development. The initiative consists of a number of projects, such as the development of housing schemes, development of commercial and industrial nodes, upgrading of the existing public health facilities, development of educational facilities and most importantly, transportation facilities. The Bara link, as a parent entity to the specialised developments, provided the guiding
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principles from which the overall vision was implemented. From the guiding policy of the Bara-link, all the projects of the Bara-link initiative had to demonstrate all or some of the following five characteristics:

Promoting the use of public transport as well as the intensive development of land in order to support the uses of public transport systems; Meeting basic transportation needs and promoting the creation of employment and training opportunities, stimulating economic (activity); Development by investing in infrastructure and facilities and involving communities in the implementation of projects; Integrating land use and transportation planning so that these elements complement each other; Densification of mixed land uses (especially along transport corridors) in order to shorten work trips and travel times, reduce travel costs and facilitate the use of non-motorised transport (CoJ, 2001) (authors italics emphasise the transportation focus of the policies).

The characteristics which were outlined to be demonstrated within all the projects in the greater Bara-link development in essence reveal the objectives of each of the projects. The intention of the research study is to acknowledge these objectives and assess as to upon the completion of the project, have the objectives been met. The objectives inform the theoretical framework for this study and provide the grounds to which a study may be conducted. The objectives provide the grounds to which the BTF may be understood and analysed. The five objectives are however very open-ended as they have been developed to interact within all development within the Bara-link redevelopment initiative.

From the objectives, what is highlighted is the constant reference to transportation systems. Transportation systems are critical to the efficiency and structure of all societies (Mammen, et al, 2008; Curtis and Scheurer, 2010). Within the context of South African cities, transportation systems have a more intricate and fundamental role of integrating the
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fragmented city. In the post-1994 planning era, much attention has been focused on redressing the inequalities laid through apartheid. However, a number of projects aimed at redressing the existing problems, such as housing shortages and the location of the allocated housing, only distorted the problems and have lacked adequate relations to transportation networks (Harrison, et al, 2007).

The research study will seek to address the outcomes of planning practice in the post-1994 era. What is of major concern is whether or not planning practice in the last decade unveiled projects which have been successful, not only in achieving the outcomes but also providing better built environments. The research study will focus on the transport-oriented developments, to best assess whether the objectives outlined are applicable.

1.3.2 The Node as a Development Catalyst To understand why the node was developed, it necessary to need to take a brief look at the root of the problem: apartheid spatial planning. Apartheid spatial planning undoubtedly resulted in the spatial fragmentation of the city. The fragmentation of the city marginalised populations, refusing the majority access to economic opportunities and social facilities.

Townships were developed as dormant towns which were meant to accommodate the labour needed in the white city . On the 30th May 1952, Hendrik Verwoerd, (Prime Minister of South Africa from 1958 1966) at the time minister of Native Affairs, stated in a speech in

response to the rationale of the Group Areas Act that each city must have one township to which labour would be allocated. The township would not be located in close proximity to the so-called white city and would have limited access points and linkages to the white city (Williams, 2000). The townships were never meant to be a permanent point of residence for labourers, however with time, the settlements grew substantially and became a permanent feature as labourers developed social relations and had families.

The townships lacked economic opportunities and social amenities as they were primarily dormitory towns. Therefore, as a result of having limited jobs in the city and a growing
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population within the townships, economic opportunities were crucial but very scarce (Harrison, et al, 1997; Christopher, 2001). Upon the easing of intense apartheid segregation laws in the late 1980s early 1990s, there were increased levels of urban migration to the

city. A considerable amount of urban migrants sought out employment in the city and found residence in the more affordable townships. Not all the potential labourers were able to find employment in the city, which meant that they had a major predicament within an environment where one s economic activity determines one s survival. Many people therefore turned to informal activities as a livelihood strategy.

Many of the informal activities were found in areas of high concentration of pedestrian movement and activity. Informal traders are in most cases located in areas where they may gain access to passing pedestrians (Brown, 2006). In most cases the most active areas were those where informal taxi activity was dominant. The townships were mainly serviced by informal taxi operators, who were located in under-developed spaces or spaces only accommodating taxi activity. The emergence of informal traders within the spaces of high pedestrian movement and intense vehicle congestion resulted in unappealing, claustrophobic spaces.

In relation to the City of Johannesburg, Soweto, as the township with which it has had a labour relationship, had provided limited entrance points and access to the city, which to date only features only four entries, of which the N17 was only provided recently. The Bara Transport facility lies along one of the main entrances to Soweto, directly opposite the Chris Hani Baragwanath hospital. This area has in recent years been identified as the Gateway to Soweto . The Bara transport facility has for many years provided a mode of transportation for residents in Soweto travelling between places of work and residences, along with transportation to the Chris Hani Baragwanath hospital (CoJ, 2001). The transport node has, however had a number of structural deficiencies which have restricted the opportunities that the node may encompass.

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Figure 1: Map of roads linking Soweto 1.3.3 Problems that existed in the Bara Transport Facility at the time of liberation There were a number of challenges that the node experienced as a result of poor urban form and structure. The bilateral informal activity in the area, in the case of informal traders and informal taxi operators, made movement through the area to access transportation facilities and the hospital very difficult due to high concentrations of activity in congested spaces.

Trader location There were a number of traders trading on the bridge, around the taxi pick-up points, all of which played a part in a number of people refraining from using the bridge. There were a

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number of pedestrian deaths in the area as a result of people crossing the very busy Chris Hani road (formerly Old Potch road).

Under-utilisation of land The area initially allocated for the taxi rank was under-utilised as there were other areas which were poorly active in terms of trade, taxi and pedestrian activity. Most of which was located as close as possible to the pedestrian entrance to the hospital. This is not to say that there was a large section of land available: the land available for the transport node was adequate, however activity was concentrated in specific areas causing other problems (CoJ, 2001).

Taxi congestion There were a number of taxis which provided transportation in response to a lack of economical, efficient and limited modes of transport to other areas within the Greater Johannesburg region, all in one small space. The taxis were also located as close as possible to the bridge and pedestrian movement, which limited accessibility and hindered efficient movement. The taxi operators were presumably located strategically to allow fast access for pedestrians and there was a lack of space for all the different activities (CoJ, 2001).

Clustering and congestion of activities The clustering and congestion of activities is only logical considering the business ethics of the informal taxi operators and traders: access to the customer decreases risk and increases potential for greater profit margins (Pratt, 2006). The Baragwanath hospital, the largest in the southern hemisphere, was estimated to attract about 15 000 people per day, on average. Most of whom were using taxis as a mode of transport. In 2008, it was estimated that the numbers had increased since 1999 to 42 000 commuters passing through the node each day (CoJ, 2001). The lack of defined form and structure not only made movement through the area difficult for all users but resulted in the ultimate cost: life.
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Mass pedestrian exodus The intensity of activities and number of commuters moving through the node or coming to the hospital meant that the area became very dirty and unappealing. Compounded by a lack of amenities, such as toilets and proper sanitation and irrigation systems, the transport facility was not a pleasant space to be in and promoted unhygienic trade activity (CoJ, 2001).

1.4 Research Argument From all these issues which influenced the redevelopment of the transport node, it has not been realised whether or not the development has actually provided for a better built environment. This research argues that the initiatives have been developed with the intended outcome of:

providing better physical environments; creating spaces promoting better socio-economic activity; and better access and facilities to previously poorly serviced areas.

However there may be a mismatch between the intended outcomes and the realised outcomes. With the aim of identifying whether or not the objectives of the development have been achieved, the research method of the current argument is therefore aimed at what the responses at the ground level are amongst the beneficiaries to the five characteristics set out in the Bara Link discussed earlier in this chapter.

1.5 Research Outline In order to assess whether or not the BTF has achieved its objectives, the five objectives of the Bara link will be used as the basis for this study. In chapter two, the five objectives will be interrogated and elaborated through using local and international literature concerned with
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the relationships between transport and socio-economic upliftment. The research will therefore draw upon literature revolving around transport networks and the development of transit-oriented developments to define a theoretical understanding of the BTF initiative. Transport systems in South Africa, as mentioned above, have been underlined as fundamental for the integration of the fragmented city. This integration is clearly evident in the focus on transportation in the objectives of the Bara link initiative.

The literature review will outline the rationale driving transit-oriented developments from a global perspective and furthermore relating it to the local influencing factors such as access to economic opportunities and social facilities. The overarching rationale is rooted in the fact that developments must not only be churned out to achieve planning intentions from a top down perspective, but ensure that the developments are responsive to the beneficiaries of the environments promoting economic opportunities and social amenities.

Within the case of the Bara Transport Facility, the beneficiaries would therefore be the direct users of the facility, such as the pedestrian commuters, taxi drivers and the informal traders. The objectives highlighted the fact that public participation measures must be integrated into the process of development. The study will therefore move to decipher issues around public participation within the planning process so to understand public participation processes.

Most of the interaction of public participation would hence have to involve all the active users of the space, being commuters, residents, traders and taxi drivers, all of whom are active within the space, operating in conjunction. The promotion of mixed land use activity and increased density through the projects were two other issues highlighted in the objectives, which will be uncovered through the literature.

The intentions of an in-depth analysis of the objectives and the underlying theories will help answer the research question: whether the objectives of the BTF have been met. However, the literature review will move a step further to see how the developments of informal sector
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activities have responded in other contexts, and will draw upon critiques of the initiative while also addressing issues of access as a determining factor of the transport node.

The third chapter of this study therefore moves towards understanding the rationale behind the design of the node and the research methods used to gain raw data for the study. The research method is fundamental to the research question as it may determine the outcome of the research question and it is also informed by the intentions of the research. The chapter will provide the methods of research, the rationale and introduce the case study. It is important to understand why the research takes the form of a case study, therefore, within the chapter the purpose of a basing the research on a case study will also be explored.

The fourth chapter will then pick up from the introduction of the case study and the findings to analyse the data that has been gathered. The method of analysis selected, content analysis, has been identified as the best method of taking interview data and visual observational data and extract the meanings that have been emphasised. It has been argued that the Bara transport facility has been a success in terms of planning and implementation. However, the intentions of the planner in the built environment may not result in positive returns at the ground level. Issues such as the design and urban form of the built environment are possibly responsible for the direct impact of the livelihoods of the beneficiaries.

The analysis of the data will therefore reveal whether the research question has been answered, to understand whether the objectives have been achieved, furthermore exposing whether it has yielded positive or negative results. Upon identification of the results, the chapter will move to make recommendations to address the problems of the BRT and serve as an advisory analysis to projects of a similar context. The fifth and final chapter will conclude the research report, reflecting on the research report and summing up the argument provided.

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Chapter Two: Literature Review 2.0 Introduction The first chapter provided that the democratic era of planning has seen the shift towards the development of more integrated spaces as a direct response to the inequalities caused by apartheid spatial polices. The apartheid regime left a number of spatial, economic and social disparities in the city which have yielded an unjust city. Planning agents and officials within the South African domain have sought to redress the existing disparities. In response to the fragmented state of local cities, it has been established that the planning approach incorporated a firm alignment to transit-oriented developments and transportation networks as integrating factors.

In the last sixteen years of liberation, there have been a number of projects aimed at redressing the existing spatial divides in local cities. The projects of most interest for this study are those that embraced transportation as a pivotal figure of development while also embracing other aspects of socio-economic development, in the case study for the Bara Transport Facility (BTF). The case study is at the core of the research, forming the basis on which the theoretical framework is structured. The third chapter will enter into more detail concerning the mentioned case study. The issues of concern at this point however are the objectives which informed the development of the transport node and how these objectives inform the theoretical framework which will guide the observations, interviews, analysis and recommendations of the research.

The role of this chapter is to outline the mandated objectives for the project, while expanding on them and extracting a defining theme. This section will also identify the rationale that influenced the mandated objectives. In essence this chapter looks to explain why the outlined objectives were so critical, what informed them, be it policies or context, to expand upon the overarching themes of the objectives from a theoretical perspective and develop a theoretical framework from the objectives of the BTF.
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2.1 The Objectives of the Bara Transport Facility Without hesitation, it must be understood that the interpretation of the objectives of the Bara Transport Facility (BTF) is coherent with this study and the intended perspectives it wishes to propose. The development of the BTF was part of the greater Bara-Link development initiative. The Bara-link as a principle agent of the development provided the basis for the objectives of the BTF. As earlier mentioned, the projects of the Bara-link initiative had to demonstrate all, or some, of the following five characteristics:

Promoting the use of public transport as well as the intensive development of land in order to support the uses of public transport systems; Meeting basic transportation needs and promoting the creation of employment and training opportunities, stimulating economic (activity); Development by investing in infrastructure and facilities and involving communities in the implementation of projects; Integrating land use and transportation planning so that these elements complement each other; Densification of mixed land uses (especially along transport corridors) in order to shorten work trips and travel times, reduce travel costs and facilitate the use of non-motorised transport (CoJ, 1999).

The characteristics in essence provided the objectives for the BTF. What is evident from the objectives is an overarching reference to transportation. From this evidence it is possible to assume that transportation was an integral factor of planning in the early post-apartheid planning period. The chapter will therefore embrace transportation as the spine of the study. Each of the mandated objectives will be individually expanded upon so as to understand the importance of each of the objectives. The report will, in addition, seek to unveil how transport systems influence the built environment, from issues such as accessibility and socio-economic opportunities. The themes that can be extracted from the objectives, which are all influenced by transportation , consist of the following:
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Defining and interrogating to form a basis to evaluate how well these issues have been implemented Transport Networks Employment opportunities (Socio-Economic) Infrastructure Development (Transit Oriented Developments) Mixed land use activity (Formal and Informal market activity) Densification of Mixed land use.

The chapter will furthermore expand on the outlined themes from a theoretical stance, taking reference from a number of theorists, local (South African) and international, to argue the rationale as to why the objectives are dependent upon transportation. In the case of employment opportunities and mixed land use activity these themes will be addressed in relation to infrastructure development as they are best understood within a specific context. The chapter will primarily highlight the defining factors drawn from the objectives from an independent perspective, defining the objectives in the manner of perception within the context of this study.

2.1.1 OBJECTIVE ONE: Promoting the use of public transport as well as the intensive development of land in order to support the uses of public transport systems. The first objective focuses attention on increased public transportation use along with the increased development of land to support public transportation. The main idea extracted from this objective is the idea that public transport networks need to be developed in a manner which supports the increased use of public transportation. What can be acknowledged within the context of the BTF is that it exists within a marginal settlement, accommodating some of the lowest paid residents within the city. Many of these people are highly dependent on minibus taxi transportation which has not proved to be the most efficient and desirable mode of transportation. Their transportation networks need to be improved to encourage more people to use public transportation that is not only easily accessible and efficient, but also safe.
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2.1.1 (i) Transportation Networks The reliance on and reference to transport networks as a solution to not only providing links between the fragmented city but also in promoting economic activity along major transportation arterials emerged in policy documents in the early post-apartheid planning experience. It cannot be disregarded that transport networks are critical to the efficiency and structure of all urban environments (Napier, et al, 2010; Curtis and Scheurer, 2010). The fragmented landscapes of post-apartheid cities are in need of an injection of improved transportation networks. This section will reveal the benefits of transport networks which will help the study understand why transportation is at the core of the outlined objectives of the Bara Transport facility.

Transportation networks refer to the road network, modes of movement, ability for and convenience of movement throughout the city. Within the fragmented city, such as experienced within the South African context, the transportation network is critical to the connectivity of all marginalised areas and therefore becomes very indispensable within the process of developing an inclusive city.

Transportation networks allow people the ability to interact actively with higher order markets, thus promoting increased competitiveness. Due to the historically segregating spatial framework embossed onto the South African landscape, markets were segregated, allowing for monopolisation and price exploitation (Rogerson, 2001). The ability of people to move between markets therefore creates a network at an economic level promoting integration of markets within the city, regardless of their spatial positioning. This can be achieved through the technological advancements which at the economic level place little, if any, dependence on the location of a market (Harvey, 2006). The traditional transportation planning approach in the apartheid era in South Africa paid very little attention to pedestrian movement and public transportation, opting for a more private-oriented development, resulting in urban environments that fail to appreciate and accommodate pedestrian movement (Harrison, Todes and Watson, 1997).
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It is argued that transportation networks are directly related to accessibility. There exists the assumption at the municipal level that transport planning can help to unleash economic development in marginal and fragmented settlements, with particular focus on townships historically reserved for the non-white population (Harrison, 2007). The transportation networks provide the opportunity for infrastructure in support of accessibility to be provided in the marginal areas. Such developments are referred to as transit-oriented developments, which will be discussed in the course of this chapter (Curtis and Scheurer, 2010).

Access in retrospect is an issue which needs to incorporate an understanding of how and why it is critical to the development of transport networks in fragmented contexts. Planning for access refers to more than just the transport networks. Access also incorporates the need to consider existing land uses, hence the incorporation of the development aspect in the underlined objective. Transport networks are more than capable of promoting inclusivity but also perpetuate socio-economic development if initiated by the inconsideration of densities and land uses (Curtis and Scheurer, 2010).

2.1.1 (ii) Accessibility To converse briefly with the concept of accessibility, it is crucial to understand that accessibility to employment is linked to spatial city form, which is also linked to transportation networks (Napier, et al, 2010). For the inclusion of the marginalised and poor urban population, it is integral that improved accessibility is promoted to increase linkages to the greater city (Napier, et al, 2010). This understanding will allow us to link the other objectives which is important as all the objectives affect the context in collaboration rather than independently.

The useful aspect of accessibility within a study of transportation provides the ability to measure access. Accessibility measures are capable of providing feedback and insight into whether people have been linked to other activity nodes or not. Accessibility can be measured
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through a variety of sources, such as socio-physical relationships, that may exist between users and the transport node itself. From international literature there are five measures of accessibility which Curtis and Scheurer (2010) recognise in their text revolving around transit oriented development:

(I) Travel opportunities (Quality and Availability): Accessibility should relate to changes in modes of transportation, the quality and availability of it. It has been argued that if the service level (travel time, cost, effort) of any transport mode in an area increases (decreases), accessibility should increase (decrease) to any activity in that area, or from any point within that area (Curtis and Scheurer, 2010: p57); (II) Accessibility should relate to changes in land use: If the number of opportunities for an activity increases (decreases) anywhere, accessibility to that activity should therefore increase (decreases) from any place (Curtis and Scheurer, 2010: p57); (III) Accessibility should relate to changes in constraints on demand for activities: If the demand for opportunities for an activity with certain capacity restrictions increases (decreases), accessibility to that activity should decrease (increase) (Curtis and Scheurer, 2010: p57); (IV) Accessibility should relate to personal capabilities and constraints: An increase of the number of opportunities for an activity at any location should not alter the accessibility to that activity for an individual (or groups of individuals) not able to participate in that activity given the time budget (Curtis and Scheurer, 2010: p58); (V) Accessibility should relate to personal access and to travel and land use opportunities: Improvements in one transport mode or an increase of the number of opportunities for an activity should not alter the accessibility to any individual (or groups of individuals) with insufficient abilities or capacities (e.g. driver s license, education level) to use that mode or participate in that activity (Curtis and Scheurer, 2010: p57).

Measuring accessibility affords the research study the opportunity to measure the potential of accessibility that the Bara Transport Facility provides the users. The BTF should be able to depict some of the characteristics provided above if it is argued to promote access and
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counteract fragmentation. Accessibility within this format pays direct attention to the relationship between access and transportation, however as mentioned earlier, transport networks are not only able to promote access abut also socio-economic opportunities, in other words employment opportunities.

2.1.2 OBJECTIVE TWO: Meeting basic transportation needs and promoting the creation of employment and training opportunities, stimulating economic (activity). The second objective outlines the fact that transportation networks need to be more responsive to the economic aspects of society: how people access places of employment and other activities which stimulate the economic activity. The key issue that can be extracted from this section is that there exist relationships between social and economic activities and transportation, as was alluded to in the elaboration of the first objective. The second objective will therefore elaborate upon the issues revolving around socio-economic opportunities and transportation.

2.1.2 (i) Socio- Economic Opportunities Transportation networks are undoubtedly pivotal as a measure of people s ability to access employment and socio-economically developmental opportunities within the city. As a vital component of any society, transportation ensures the development of communication links, the linkage of fragmented spaces and activities, the promotion and guidance of capital investments and urban development, and is also fundamental to the function of local economies (Mammen, et al, 2008).

How the urban form is connected by transportation is catalytic to the development of an economically integrated city. There are obvious benefits to simply having access to social opportunities and economic facilities. The economic benefits of access may be greater or lower, depending on location and linkages with other urban services and economic facilities.

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The efficiency of the city ensures that everyone is afforded access to employment, as well as the access and mobility of economic opportunities. The poor are in essence dependent on the efficiency and on lower costs of transport to access income generating opportunities to alleviate their poverty. The state, through its capital investments to prompt economic growth and activity in the periphery, has provided economic infrastructure (Maharaj and Ramballi, 1998; Harrison, et al, 2007). Much of this infrastructure has come in the areas where the poor have been actively pursuing an economic livelihood, such as in informal trading sector, which forms a foundation to attract private investment in employment generating activities. The interaction with markets, formal and informal, will be discussed later in the chapter. What must be maintained is that most of the objectives operate in conjunction to each other, and are linked.

In consideration of the development of economic infrastructures related to transportation, promoting the use of public transport as well as the development of land more intensively to support the use of public transport systems has been at the core of the state developments. Amongst other issues, meeting basic transportation needs, promoting the creation of employment and training opportunities and stimulating private sector economic development by investing in public infrastructure and facilities have been at the centre of the development polices.

2.1.3 OBJECTIVE THREE: Development by investing in infrastructure and facilities and involving communities in the implementation of projects. In consideration of the first two objectives, which focused on the promotion of public transport use, the improvement of transport networks and promoting social and economic opportunities, this section takes them one step further. The third objective, as stated above, takes the rationale that for these other aspects to be realised, supporting infrastructure is a necessity. In consideration of infrastructure pertaining to transportation networks, as outlined
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in the first chapter, transit-oriented developments were understood to be the developmental approach which planners and literature commended as an integrator of the fragmented local landscape. The third objective will therefore address transit-oriented developments through understanding the development of transport related infrastructure.

2.1.3 (i) Transit Oriented Developments (TOD) Infrastructure Development Transportation infrastructure is critical to the integration of society, not only in terms of linking the city, but also in providing economic opportunities and social facilities. At the international level, urban planning policy has emphasised that planning cities should focus on accessibility for the sustainable city components that accessibility embraces (Curtis and Scheurer, 2010).

Planning and providing infrastructure that accounts for accessibility incorporates the need to consider the existing land uses and transportation systems. The use of Transit-Oriented Developments (TODs) has emerged as a means of promoting integration through increased linkages and has been embraced by a number of metropolitan cities globally (Curtis and Scheurer, 2010).

The development of TODs incorporating the informal sector within the context of South African cities, provides more than just opportunities to access the city or any other part of the city. It also creates the environments in which employment opportunities may flourish (Brown, 2006a ;Dobson and Skinner, 2009). The more accessible an area, the better it may be for informal activities within the developing cities (Dobson and Skinner, 2009; Curtis and Scheurer, 2010). The developed infrastructure must therefore acknowledge the activities which exist in the area and the movement patterns to promote efficient access.

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Within the planning domain, it has been acknowledged that TODs are necessary. Harrison and Todes (1997) argue that the developments which government initiated in the early postapartheid era supported the development of economic nodes in the marginal areas through concepts such as corridor development along strategic routes. The development of initiatives along transportation highlights the fact that transit-oriented development is far from a new concept in South African planning.

Local governments recognised the fact that informality in and around the city was rife and provided a considerable amount of employment to the previously disadvantaged populations. The assumption that has existed in many local developmental projects is that informal activities need to be provided with formal structures and given the space within the city to which they many progressively develop to a point of formalisation (Brown, 2006a; Davies and Thurlow, 2009). The interesting issue to highlight is that within the outlined objectives not much attention has been placed upon informality which forms the core of the redevelopment. The objectives in this perspective become very abstract, not to say that this is a good or bad thing but rather a relative issue. The objectives allow a lot of room for interpretation.

TODs have in recent years seen the development of informal taxi ranks around the city, which provide linkages to each other and other areas around the city as a whole. The interconnecting relationships provide that there is a strategic approach to the development of the TODs. The Bara Transport Facility as a transit-oriented development has taken the responsibility as a point of transportation reference, while also supporting economic activity in the form of informal activities.

2.1.3 (ii) Public Participation While embarking on promoting new economic ventures is worth praise, the reality needs to be acknowledged that the poor and marginalised in many cases have limited say and participation in new development initiatives and only participate in development at an
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intermediate level (Maharaj and Ramballi, 1998). National planning legislation and the constitution however mandate that levels of participation must be conducted in the planning and developmental processes which in principle look to ensure that the poor are incorporated into the development process to ensure that the initiatives are not developed in contrast to their existing and contextual relationships, hindering socio-economic development rather than intensifying it.

Upon understanding the role of government, local authorities have the responsibility to improve the conditions for small-scale and informal sector entrepreneurs. Within the context of Johannesburg, the local authorities seem to have embraced the responsibilities handed down to them. Most local authorities are however hostile in approach towards informal economic activities within the city, regarding them as a nuisance to the urban environment, to street traffic and as an irritation to attempts of economic development (Brown, 2006). It is therefore not surprising that street vendors are usually not consulted in city plans.

Interaction between local authorities and the traders has been very poor, bar a few participatory planning developments. Local officials arguably only interact with small-scale and informal sector entrepreneurs through a variety of licensing and other regulations, contradicting the participatory development (Pratt, 2006).

Local authorities have introduced initiatives that aim to improve conditions in the informal sector. However, there is little known about how effective these initiatives have been. In most cases the informal traders were relocated to specific zones in return for granting them official recognition within developments (Pratt, 2006). Pratt argues that these initiatives have proved unpopular among informal traders, as the new allocated areas have been located away from activity zones, therefore depriving traders of customers and easy access to economically beneficial opportunities.

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2.1.4 OBJECTIVE FOUR & FIVE: Integrating land use and transportation planning so that these elements complement each other. and Densification of mixed land uses (especially along transport corridors) in order to shorten work trips and travel times, reduce travel costs and facilitate the use of non-motorised transport. Objective four and five both deal with land use activity and transportation but when observed seem to overlap. Upon this recognition this section will seek to address both these aspects at the same time to avoid repetition of overlapping issues. This section will not only elaborate upon the issues of mixed land use and densification but will also seek to comprehend the rationale behind the two objectives being separated. Transport networks, socio-economic opportunities and land use: all these aspects were covered in the previous three objectives. The fourth objective, in essence, looks to ensure that all these elements function in recognition. Thus far it has been outlined the first three objectives which have been elaborated upon in consideration of their interconnected relations. Along with objective four, Objective five will be addressed to reinforce the depth and arguments provided. Through this section the intention seeks to outline how mixed land use development complements transportation networks and can support and affect the development of socio-economic opportunities around transit-oriented developments.

2.4.1 (i) Mixed Land Use Development Transportation networks are argued to perpetuate increased amounts of economic activity within spaces of high concentration. The Bara-link initiative stipulated, through the stated required characteristics of projects, that mixed land use activity must be promoted. Mixed land use has been denoted as a combination of facilities for more than one activity (Procos, 1976).
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It has been understood that mixed land use developments offer attractive business activity opportunities and more (Witherspoon, et al, 1976). Mixed use land use activity has been argued to represent an invigoration of mixed mutually supportive activities in a single development. Mixed land use developments are beneficial to all the users involved due to the mere fact that the development offers the opportunity for convenience in the city, allowing one to do more than one activity in a specific space (Witherspoon, et al, 1976). Acknowledging the characteristics of mixed land use will support the observations of the case study, establishing as to what level is mixed land use evident within the BTF.

The development of TODs in developing cities, as in Johannesburg, has seen the allocation of informal trade activities alongside informal transportation activities (Brown and Rakodi, 2006). Land use planning in TODs has seen the allocation of spaces for trade activity. It has been recognised that the townships account for a large percentage of informal activities within the city. Most of the activities, when operating in tandem, have yield unstructured and immensely congested spaces. The assumption of providing infrastructure for the informal activities, to establish more urban form and aesthetically pleasing environments, has been compounded by the rationale to formalise the informal activities. The ideologies are however not stated through the objectives especially considering that the BTF accommodates a large amount of informal trade activity.

Informal and formal activities form the core of activities within the case study research. It is therefore vital to encapsulate the activities, to understand the justification of the activities in the area and the contexts within which they exist. To establish the success or failure of the BTF, the activities must be embraced and critically analysed. The next section will interact and elaborate upon informality and formality within the urban environments to provide an understanding of the activities and to raise a few critiques.

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2.1.4 (ii) Formal and Informal Activities The informal sector is the term generally used to refer to economic activities that operate outside of the jurisdiction of national and local trade regulations (Brown, 2006). The processes in the sector may not be criminal but operate between the continuum of illegal and legal activities, a grey area.

It has been understood that informal activities have direct and indirect relationships with the formal economy (Mammen, et al, 2008; Davies and Thurlow, 2009). To dismantle this idea, all aspects of the economy are linked, which means that formal sector employees and informal sector employees live and interact with each other, encouraging activity in transitoriented developments, incorporating the formal and informal economies (Mammen, et al, 2008). This understanding provides that within spaces of informal activity and transportation, there exist relationships between people active within the formal economy and those active within the informal economy, also known as the second economy . These interactions are capable of perpetuating socio-economic activity, which comes across within the objectives of the BTF.

The growth of the formal economy feeds down to the informal economy through the interactions of employees of the respective economies (Mammen, et al, 2008). In retrospect, to promote growth and improved feasibility of businesses of the informal economy, the interactions must be given circumstantial space in which they may flourish.

There are many reasons for people to seek employment actively within the informal sector, such as low levels of education and often levels of illiteracy, absence of any former business skills or training, and restricted or no access to credit. As a result, there has been a high rate of informal business development within the formal built environment (Rogerson and Rogerson, 1997; Brown,Lyons and Dankoco, 2010).

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Simone argues that within African cities, the efforts to eradicate or disperse informal traders are a losing battle for the state. In contradiction to state efforts, they have been equally met with persistence on the part of the traders in revising and improvising their informal activities and perpetuating a right on their urban landscape, a level of citizenship and a right to survive in the city (Simone, 2004).

From a policy perspective, South Africa s

national small business strategy which

incorporates all small to medium size businesses provides an overarching perception of formality and informality. The policy encompasses the ideologies of creating an enabling environments for business, facilitating greater income opportunities, stimulating sectorfocused economic growth, and ensuring the empowerment of black businesses, proposing that economic integration must be prioritised (Rogerson and Rogerson, 1997 and Davies, et al, 2009). The provision of encouraging spaces may provide the rights to which people may be able to pursue their aspirations, as Simone highlights, which refers to the concept of integration, how people are able to access facilities to ensure that they may have equal opportunities (Simone, 2004). The support for the development of businesses also proposes the formalisation of informal businesses and encourages the empowerment of the locals, presumably within the marginalised townships.

In many cases, the understanding of informality is of uncoordinated and poorly developed black-market activities. It must not be disregarded that all actions and activities have a firm rationale behind them and informality is only considered informal from the perspective that the business is not a registered entity that can be audited and acknowledged. Informality has fundamental role within the city in relation to the formal aspects of in the city. The less absorbing a formal economy is, the greater the proportion active members within informal activities.

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The informal economy is therefore, in this view, critical to the integration within developing cities. To gain more recognition of informality at the international level, the study has embraced the perceptions of the World Bank, an international organisation focusing on the development of under developed cities around the world. The World Bank, as part of its informal economy and local economic development programme, within its understanding of informality, identifies four key constraints on informal enterprises within the developing cities globally:

Infrastructure issues Resource issues Economic issues Other related issues (Pratt, 2006)

(A) Infrastructure Issues Infrastructure issues refer to the places which street traders use, ranging from formal markets and street furniture, such as benches and storage space, security of property from crime and access to cheap and convenient transport (Pratt, 2006). In recent years in South Africa, much emphasis has been placed on resolving infrastructural issues for informal traders. Many of the structures provided have been positively related to transportation infrastructure .

(B) Resource Issues Resource Issues are the most limiting to the development of informal business. The mere fact that these business are not able to access business finance and banking, hinders any development potential that could exist, compounded by a survivalist livelihood strategy (Pratt, 2006). A lack of skills in terms of accounting and business management skills also means that entrepreneurs are not able to manage their business in consideration of growth and formalisation (Pratt, 2006). However, infrastructural deficiencies also restrict the ability to access finance.

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(C) Economic Issues Economic issues reference the lack of access to economies of scale, which means that informal traders cannot buy in bulk, which is an economical option for any business. The demand factors within the sector translates into low cash flow in communities and short supply of customers leads to low demand for products. The informal activities also provide for thin profit margins relative to time invested and high running costs relative to turnover, leading to difficulties in retaining working capital against urgent household cash demands (Pratt, 2006).

(D) Other Related Issues Other related issues within the context have provided that development initiatives may have negative impacts upon the informal enterprises. The environment in which informal traders operate is an important determinant of their success, where they are located informs their market success. The closer the traders are to passing trade increases the success potential that exists (Brown, 2006; Pratt, 2006).

These four aspects allow the study to develop grounds to which the interaction with in the case study will be grounded. Furthermore these aspects support the research methods and process of analysis of the data collected. It is critical to develop grounds to which the study can actively pursue the question at hand, whether the objectives have been achieved or not and how so. 2.1.4 (iii) Actors of Informality There are a number of actors within informality also considering the existing relationships between the actors within the formal sector and informal activities. It has been argued that within African cities, citizens and informal traders generally interact within undefined trading spaces (Brown, 2006). The areas where informal activities occur are, when assessed, located in relation to movement patterns of pedestrians. The rationality lies within the fact that informal traders perceive location as key to their business, as with formal business. This is a key aspect, especially within the context of the traders within the BTF.
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Within informality, in consideration of the number of competing traders, making an income is highly dependent on the proximity to the movement of pedestrians. There is a lot of competition within the informal trade of fresh fruit and vegetables and other small products. The amounts of traders within a certain space affects the financial feasibility of the location. There is a lot of generic trade throughout the informal market. This would imply that a customer en route to their mode of transportation would most likely purchase goods from the most accessible trader (Brown, 2006b).

City officials must therefore grasp ideologies and processes of the informal sector to embrace the development of the peripheral settlements. In considering the economic development of the marginalised areas, the informal sector must undoubtedly be dealt with in consideration, as it provides employment for a large population of the peripheral population.

In hindsight, the informal sector s inclusion may require formulating an approach to informal traders that recognises them as urban citizens, to allow them the right to interact adequately within social networks, promoting economic growth and development. This aspect provides another layer to the research study, in that understanding the development from multi-faceted perspectives is required.

2.1.4 (iv) Character of Informality In characterising the informal sector, it has been found that a large majority of traders in the sector are women. Women are often involved in less profitable trades such as fresh fruit and vegetables (Dobson and Skinner, 2009). But what does this mean in terms of integration? Generally women provide a different aspect, their intentions of economic activity within the sector are based upon supporting their families rather than growing a business (Brown, 2006b; Dobson and Skinner, 2009).

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Research shows that women are more likely to spend their earnings on household necessities like food, clothing and education. Women street traders often have specific needs like access to childcare facilities. Women are the caregivers in households and, given the opportunity to yield more income, they would invest it within their households (Dobson and Skinner, 2009). The taxis transportation nodes are the ideal place to attract and interact with customers of a limited income dependent on cheap forms of transportation.

Most informal traders have business networks with formal businesses to support their trade. It has been found that in Warwick Junction, Durban, most of the formal traders buy their goods either directly from farmers or from local primary bulk fresh produce market. They then sell in bulk to street traders and individual customers, highlighting the informal relations that exist within formal and informal activities (Mammen, 2008; Dobson and Skinner, 2009).

The Warwick Junctions is a relatively recent phenomenon. Its history is steeped in racial discrimination, exclusion and infrastructural neglect, as with most of the fragmented South African settlements (Dobson and Skinner, 2009). In the 1990s, when national laws restricting black economic activity were relaxed, thousands of unemployed people moved into the city to look for work and to trade informally where business was favourable and pavement space was available. The Warwick Junction case provides a good example of post-apartheid transitoriented development (TOD) incorporating the second economy.

2.5 What has been established? What has emerged through this section is that there are five objectives of the BTF, which derived from the overarching Bara-link initiative, influence the development. The objectives are however very abstract, to which this section has intentionally elaborated upon to contextualise the study. The themes underpinning the objectives have been expanded upon. However, what does it mean? The expansion of the themes of the Bara Transport Facility provided the rationale of the objectives. What has emerged from the elaboration of the objectives is that a number of
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issues where not included into the objectives, resulting in objectives which can be interpreted in a number of ways. This may not be a negative characteristic considering that the direction of post-apartheid planning has, while in transition, resulted in principles which are diplomatic as to processes of implementation.

A theoretical framework which will support the remainder of the study can be established from the objectives outlined. The objectives are at the centre of the study and are critical to the research problem: whether the BTF has achieved its objectives or not. It can therefore be defined from the mandated objectives that the theoretical framework would assume the following structure:

Table 2: Theoretical Framework derived from the objectives of the BTF

The theoretical framework is at its core directed by transportation. Transportation, as mentioned earlier is a necessary entity within urban environments. Transportation not only provides linkages to the broader city, counteracting the provisions of apartheid, but also ensures that there is a level of accessibility. Accessibility can be observed from a number of levels. However, within the context of the case study, access is perceived at the local level, relating to people s direct ability to access points of transportation. The development of
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transportation networks through transit-oriented developments also promotes increased socioeconomic opportunities. It is of concern to see whether the opportunities have developed in relation to the case study.

Within the development of transit-oriented developments which seek to embrace socioeconomic opportunities, the development of environments which embrace mixed land use activity and the densification of the activity along transport corridors are essential to the achievement of the mandated objectives of the BTF. Within the context of infrastructure development, the development of informal markets and activities has been inclusively attended to. The BTF is largely a structure based on transportation and incorporates informality in the form of informal trader markets which have existed within the node prior to the redevelopment of the BTF node. Interactions between formal and informal aspects within the node provide for an interdependent relationship. The redevelopment of informal markets however has been argued in some cases to hinder the business activity of the markets. It was provided that generally within informal markets, the traders are typically women. The women active within this activity are dependent on the activity to support their families and provided some sustenance for their families. In consideration of the development which may hinder the productivity of traders within the redeveloped trade spaces. There are other actors within such a node who need to also be considered such as the taxi drivers who provide transportation for a mass of commuters.

In order to understand the achievement of the objectives, it is critical that the perceptions of the users of the node are extracted. The following chapter will decipher the case study further, while revealing the research methods used within the study. The basis of the arguments and understandings of the literature review will correspond and inform the research methods.

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Chapter Three: Research Methods

3.0 Introduction Research methods are as important to a research study as is the research question. It is fundamental that it is understood that the outcomes of a research study are founded upon the research methods. The research methods and the research question are interdependent, as the methods support the intentions of the study and direct the manner in which the research is conducted in search of a solution to the research question. This third chapter will enter into discussion about the rationale behind the selected research methods and how the research question is being solved.

The methods of research that were used to obtain relevant data were that of direct observation and interviews which, working together, provide levels of data which can be better validated rather than individually. Furthermore, this chapter will elaborate on the reasons as to why these methods were used and how they may support the intentions of identifying whether the objectives of the Bara Transport Facility were achieved or not, and the particular responses to the completed development.

Understanding how the development has influenced the existing socio-economic environment is critical to understanding whether the development has been a success from the perceptions of the beneficiaries. It is fundamental to understand that the BTF had its own underlined objectives which have been fully embraced in the previous chapter. The rationale that this study maintains is that a development project cannot be perceived as successful from a planning perspective if the beneficiaries of the project have not benefited in any way from the development. This is not to argue that all users of the development must have experienced some positive effects, that would be egoistic to suggest such a case, but the positives should overpower the negative aspects.

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Embracing the perceptions of a number of stakeholders to understand the socio-economic benefits of the TOD is intended to surface a well encapsulating and well rounded understanding of the node and the interconnecting activities. A number of actors within the node, which incorporates formal and informal activities, were interviewed under a variety of conditions. The chapter will provide some insight into the processes of identifying the interviewees and the conditions which were experienced during the interviews, and will assess the content extracted from the interviews.

The format of this study, with focus on a particular case study, is fundamental to the entire study. The intention of the study, as earlier stated in the first chapter, is to review planning practice, hence the reliance on the objectives of the case study as a point of theoretical definition.

The chapter will be subdivided into three sections. The first of the three will address the research methods, the rationale influencing the methods, the methods used and the advantages of using the methods. This section will seek to provide an understanding of the processes exhibited and used in the study.

The second section will unveil the case study, the details about the node, providing images to support the facts. The intended outcome is to provide an overall understanding of the types of activities which have been accommodated for, insight into the focal points of the node and to examine the design of the node. This section will also help understand how the mandated objectives have been translated into the development.

The third section takes a more interactive role. This section provides the information gained from the interviews conducted to reveal underlying issues that exist in the node. This third part will uncover the effects that the development have had within the locality of the node, allowing the research to take the data a step further into analysis.

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3.1 Research Methods 3.1.1 Case study: as a form of research Case studies have been understood as a good way of examining a specific object with a specific subject matter (Eisenhardt, 1989). This study takes the form of a qualitative piece of academic literature, of which there are advantages and disadvantages, in other words critiques. This form of research has been undertaken because it supports the research intentions. The study revolves around the notion of a specific case which has been implemented with intended outcomes and has yielded certain results. The case study is therefore the object of the study and the research question, what is intended to be achieved through this study, the subject matter. There are a number of issues which will be raised through the study of the BTF. These issues are better encapsulated when assessed in terms of the content analysis rather than a quantitative measure of analysis. It has been understood that when referring to qualitative research, it seems to promise that the study will avoid or downplay statistical techniques and the mechanics of the kinds of quantitative methods used in other research studies (Silverman, 2000). This is a key issue to observe, to investigate and arrive to a conclusion on the success of the BTF, it is paramount that a qualitative approach is assumed. This is primarily because the entities which will help the study arrive to a conclusion are the users and the stakeholders who have been involved with the BTF. It would undoubtedly be much more scientific and technically easier to pursue quantitative research methods, however there are some things in society that cannot be measured, such as feelings and perceptions (Silverman, 2000). This study is more interested in the underlying meanings however such research methods do not go without some criticisms. The accuracy of data gained through interviews and observations can be in some cases biased and polluted. Observations and interviews provide insight into the naturally occurring data. Another reason why case studies are a very useful is that they stimulate great interest because they highlight unique issues, such as intangible and unexpected issues (Silverman, 2000). The point of the study is to reveal the underlying issues that have emerged within the BTF and whether or not the objectives have been translated into physical space. To achieve this, the interaction with
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people and the spaces related gives the study the opportunity to access more interactive and definitive data to which analysis may be conducted. In simple words, the research is aligned with a case study because the research seeks to understand the Bara Transport Facility, its success or failure to achieve its objectives. The assessment of the Bara Transport Facility takes the form of two qualitatively oriented methods, direct observation and semi-structured interviews which will be further elaborated upon to display the importance of such methods in assessing the BTF. 3.1.2 Observations The rationale behind using observations through this study was derived from the understanding that observation tends to be more focused on the physical aspects of the case study, primarily what is evident within the study area and what patterns exist. This approach allows the study to observe a specific or relative situation rather than trying to encompass the entire context (Silverman, 2000). Within this study, the BTF is part of the Bara-link development initiative, however it is specifically the transport node which this study places focus. This is not to say that the study is not in consideration of other aspects but rather has a specific interest to the node. Within the parameters of the study, it is critical to define the boundaries of the research case study to avoid straying off the topic. Observation of the BTF alone may not be strong enough as a method of data collection and needs to be supported by another form of data collection. Depending on the observations may lead this study to assume a biased conclusion, it is therefore better to incorporate another aspect to validate this method. The supporting method has been justified by the fact that in considering that the success of a development is determined by the beneficiaries, they are the next best option in obtaining relevant data. The most prominent method of attaining data from people at the ground level has been through interviews. The next section seeks to briefly outline the benefits of using interviews within the context of this study. 3.1.2 Interviews As already stated, interviews provide a strengthening entity to the observations of a case study. There are three methods of interviewing which can be theoretically deciphered but the study will not elaborate further on to these methods. They are: structured, semi-structured and
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unstructured interviews, which all involve direct interaction between the researcher and a respondent (Silverman, 2000). The research process will embrace the semi-structured interviews because it differs from traditional structured interviewing in that it allows for diversity and allows the researcher some freedom especially when conducting interviews within fragile uncertain conditions. Within the context of the BTF, the assumption has been that the environment evident is very complex, informal and would require a considerable amount of leeway. The semi structure format of interviewing does not assume that the researcher does not have some initial guiding questions but rather the interviews are guided by overarching themes. This form of interviewing is critical within the study as it allows for free-flowing

conversation and allows the respondents to feel comfortable within the interviews and may allow them to further grapple with the issues at hand elaborating further on issues of interest. Interviewing will allow the study to attain information about functions within the BTF. To fully understand what socio economic issues exist and how the beneficiaries have responded to the redevelopment of the node. 3.2 Case Study: The Bara Transport Facility This section will contextualise the case study so that it is understood why the BTF has been specifically selected as a case study for this research. There are four main reasons why the Bara Transport Facility has been selected. The BTF is located within a previously marginalised area, namely Soweto. The BTF redevelopment project has been initiated and completed in the post apartheid era The BTF is a complex development in that it deals with issues of formality and informality which have been evident throughout South African cities The BTF is a project that has sought out to address the existing fragmentation and worrying socio-economic issues. The Bara Transport Facility forms part of the Bara Link development, initiated in Soweto, south west of the Johannesburg CBD. The map below the transport facility falls within the jurisdiction of the Bara Central allocation.

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Bara Transport Facility

Figure 2: Map of the Bara-link development initiatives (Source: CoJ, 2006)

The Bara Transport Facility (BTF), also known as Bara Central, is the transportation and informal market node of the Bara-link development. Located opposite the Chris Hani Baragwanath Hospital, the node provides transportation facilities for the region of Soweto, hosting a very broad threshold population. The transport node houses a number of informal traders, whose trade constitutes a broad variety, from fresh vegetables and cooked meals to accessories.

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Figure 3: The conceptual vision of the Bara Link initiative (Source: Hansen, 2010)

3.2.1 Observations Observations within the BTF will allow the study to grasp the context of the area at the ground level, highlighting the existing activities and patterns that exist. Observations are essentially crucial to this study. To understand how the redevelopment has influenced the area and how it has influenced socio-economic patterns. Observations, in collaboration with the objectives, provide the ability to identify whether the objectives have been translated into physical space, how this has been achieved and the results of the developments. The relationship will allow the study to further grapple with the research question. This section will provide insight into the design of the node, the activities within the node and who the primary users of the node are. This will provide insight into who should be interviewed and the rationale behind the selection and identification of interviewees.

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3.2.2 Scrutinising the Bara Transport Facility The Bara Transport Facility is located alongside the Chris Hani road, formerly known as old Potch road, one of the few entrances into Soweto. The process of observation was bolstered by the mentorship onto the site by a member of the community, who used to trade in the area prior to the development of the node. Entering the node with an open mind and some support into revealing significance observations, the mentorship not only provided some insight into the functions of the node but also provided some insight, however general, into perceptions of the users. The panoramic image and the street breakdown below provide an overview of the site and the design of the developed node.

Figure 4: Panoramic view of the Bara Transport Facility, Map of the transport node and Images of the completed development (Source: Hansen, Urban Solutions; 2010) 57 | P a g e

3.2.3 Forms of Transportation (A) Buses and Taxis: There are a number of taxis within the node. The taxis have been categorised in terms of where they travel to and from. There are taxis which travel locally within Soweto, taxis which travel to the greater parts of the city and the Gauteng province (East Rand, Vereeniging and the West Rand), and Taxis which travel nationally (Cape Town, Durban and Nelspruit).

Along with the allocation of taxis in the transport oriented development (TOD), there has been the allocation of space for buses. The buses which are found in the area travel nationally, linking areas such as Bloemfontein, Durban and Cape Town. The bus companies found in this area are generally privately owned and are smaller corporations in comparison to those found at the Johannesburg park station (Greyhound, SA Road Link, etc.).

Figure 5: Images of the Taxis and Buses within the transport node (Makhu, 2010)(Images: Images of taxis and buses within the transport node). (Makhu, 2010)

The transportation aspect of the node is managed by a transportation department in the City of Johannesburg (Management Official, 2010). The node accommodates a number of taxi associations which manage the legally informal transportation systems.

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3.2.4 Forms of Activity (A) Formal Business Activity

Figure 6: Images of formal and informal business activity around the BTF (Makhu, 2010)

There are two major grocery chain stores within the vicinity of the node: Pick n Pay and Shoprite, which are both housed in commercial centres surrounding the node, Bara Centre and Bara Mall, respectively. The stores have provided the area with accessibility to supermarket and commercial retail facilities. With respect to these stores, there is also a wholesale store in the area, Astor. Astor, as a wholesale market sells to the public and informal traders, supporting a lot of smaller businesses in and around the node.

There are a number of smaller retail stores that exist, the most prominent being KFC, a multinational fast food franchise. The other small businesses operate directly opposite the taxi rank and sell a variety of products, from fresh vegetables to household items and ready cooked food.

Moving down the business scale, there are small to medium enterprises that are evident within the residential strip opposing the transport node. It is evident that residents have snapped up the opportunity to open up small businesses in their own yards.

Many of the private businesses seem to be informal in business regulation. Only a handful seem to be yielding positive returns, in that they have been reinvested into developing their
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existing infrastructure. There are some stores of the same nature which exist within the node within stalls which have been allocated in the structural designs of the node. These businesses consist of driving schools, hair salons, food stalls and taverns. (B) Informal Activity There are a number of informal traders located within the vicinity of the transport node. The upgraded node accommodates for a number of traders who sell vegetables and cheap products. There are traders within the node along pedestrian paths and outside of the node in unauthorised and under developed spaces.

Figure 7: Informal activity within the BTF market spaces 2010)

Authorised and Unauthorised (Makhu,

There seems to be more activity amongst the traders outside of the node, directly opposite the taxi pick-up points. It has been provided that there are a number of registered traders who function within the node, but also a number of traders who are registered within the market management roster and own stalls within the node, but operate outside the demarcated areas. There are also some traders who operate outside of the node who are, however not registered within the trade market.

Figure 8: Informal activity within unauthorised spaces around the BTF

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(C) Hospice There are two medical facilities in the area, a private and a public facility. The two health facilities have contrasting relationships with the transport node. The Chris Hani Baragwanath Hospital, the largest hospital in South Africa, has a direct link to the transport node in the form of a bridge over the Chris Hani Baragwanath road. Lesedi Private Hospital, a member of the Netcare group, does not have any direct links to the node and is mostly gated away from the node. There are, however access points to the private hospital which pedestrians can considerably access with ease.

Figure 9: Activity along the bridge leading to Chris Hani Baragwanath (CHB) hospital; Lesedi Private Hospital; Vehicle entrance to the CHB hospital (Makhu, 2010)

3.3 Interviews: Perceptions Interviews as mentioned earlier are a strengthening entity to the data collection process. Within the observed spaces a number of users where identified. Of the identified users a selected amount of willing people were interviewed to give depth to the information already attained from the observations and to identify some intangible issues that may exist. This is fundamental to the study as it provides information that could be beneficial to the research goal. The research question revolves around the achievement of predetermined objectives. The interviews will therefore extract from the theoretical elaboration of the objectives the over arching themes to extract meaningful information to support the research question. To recall the overarching themes outlined in the previous chapter, they are:

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Transport Networks (Observation) Employment opportunities (Socio-Economic) (Interviews) Infrastructure Development (Transit Oriented Developments) (Observation) Mixed land use activity (Formal and Informal market activity) (Observation and Interviews) Densification of Mixed land use (Observation)

The interviews will look to extract issues around the socio-economic environment and the level of public participation that were experienced in the development. These issues are the most intangible issues and require interaction with the users of the node.

Upon initial observation of the facility it was realised that there were spaces of high commuter presence and informal trader activity and other spaces of scarce activity. It was then decided that more than one trader would be interviewed to embrace the variety of perceptions existing between the spaces of high activity and least activity.

The identified interviewees consisted of users of the transport facility. The intended outcome of the interviews was to embrace the perceptions of the traders, taxi drivers, management officials, the planners and architects of the node, all of whom influenced the development and have been affected by it, with the exception of the planners and architects. The conditions of the interviews were all different, influencing the course of the interview. The interviews were all initiated within the spaces of the interviewees working environment. The purpose of initiating the interviews within the interviewees environment was to ensure that the study did not infringe on the daily activities of the interviewees and so that they felt comfortable. As theoretically pronounced, this would potentially allow the interviewee to elaborate further on their issues raised.

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3.3.1 Interviews with Traders There are a number of traders in and around the redeveloped BTF as the observations provide. What is understood is that the node was developed to incorporate the activities of informal traders however observations show that there seem to be discrepancies between the traders and the spaces provided for them. The interviews with the traders sought out to understand the context within which the traders operate, how they have benefited from the provided infrastructure and whether they are satisfied with the node or not. The questions took the form of a number of basic questions which could help the study understand their contexts and their needs. Insight into this aspect will interact with what has already been theoretically defined and what exists. The data will then support the process of analysis.

There were three interviews conducted with informal traders within the vicinity of the transport node. The first of two within the market facility was conducted within the midsection of the node. The interview took place in the mid morning, after peak commuter activity. The trader, a male individual, selling cleaning materials and accessories provided that he had been trading in the node since 1996, which means he has been trading in the area for fourteen (14) years (Trader 1, 2010). The second interview was conducted with another male, who was located in the less active space, within the western section of the node. The interview was conducted within the mid morning as well, subsequent to the first interview. The trader, also a long serving member, has been trading in the area since 1990 (Trader 2, 2010), twenty (20) years. The third interview took place outside the authorised trading spaces. The interviewee was an elderly woman selling fresh vegetables on the pavement opposite the shops. The interview took place in the early afternoon, at which time there was considerable activity within the unauthorised space. The lady had also been trading in the area for a long time, stating that she had been trading in the area since 1991 (Trader 3, 2010).

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Figure 10: Map shows the location of interviews with informal traders

From the initial observations of the traders, and in consideration of the lengthy periods they have been trading in the area, it was possible to enter into conversation about their perceptions about the transport hub being developed and whether it has resulted in positive or negative implications on their part. As argued in chapter two, the development of informal markets and activities may have negative implications on the activity itself (Pratt, 2006).

When posed the question about how the traders felt about the development, the overall perception was of contentment more than anything else. It emerged that all of the traders were more than welcoming of the redevelopment of the node, in reminiscence of past conditions. However, they were a little disgruntled, as they felt that the node had not responded adequately to their needs as traders. The transport facility was, in no doubt, developed in consideration of including the informal traders, considering that the area previously accommodated informal traders, which has been translated into the provision of a number of stalls and spaces for informal trade.

Figure 11: Informal activity within the node during the redevelopment of the node (Hansen, Unknown) 64 | P a g e

The traders were previously located along the bridge which led to the entrance of the Baragwanath Hospital. The problem was that there was a lack of amenities such as toilets and infrastructure for which traders could be allocated to trade, and there was a mass exodus of traders flooding the pedestrian routes to access the hospital. The new infrastructure focused on providing spaces for informal trade and transportation systems, including features such as facilities, toilets, shelter from the weather and storage facilities. All the provided amenities were intended to improve the ability for traders to develop and sustain their business within legible and enabling environments.

When asked about the trade networks, in consideration of where the traders purchase their stock, it was provided by two of the traders that most of the stock was purchased in the city and other stock was purchased within the wholesale market in the vicinity of the node. Furthermore, one trader provided that he tended to travel by taxi as it was the most reliable form of transportation in the area and convenient for him. The facilities provided have not only afforded the traders the space in which to actively seek a form of sustenance but has also provided facilities in which they may safely store their goods.

It emerged that a number of traders located in unauthorised spaces where actually allocated spaces within the node. The reasons for moving to the unauthorised spaces was rationalised by the fact that they were not able to attract a sufficient customer base to sustain their businesses. Upon observation of the market spaces, it is truly evident that a number of stalls are not being used and therefore it is arguable to say that the facility has not been used to its full potential.

The traders seem to be disgruntled with the node, arguing that the node is not responsive to their needs as traders. One trader attributed the poor business activity to the design of the node; another trader argued that there were fewer customers who pass through the allocated spaces in the market and the third attributed the poor business activity to poor location
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(Trader 1, 2010). Each of the traders argued that they were in the trade to sustain themselves to survive, emphasising that they were not yielding great returns-on-investments, but acquired sufficient income to get by, hand-to-mouth (Trader 1, 2 and 3, 2010).

It emerged that not only were there common issues which could be extracted out of all the interviews of traders in the area, but that there are also social divisions between traders at the node. The two traders who remained within their allocated spaces were not happy with the fact that some traders were located spaces which were not authorised. It should be noted that the location of traders within unauthorised spaces is risky, considering that they may be fined and have their stock confiscated by the Johannesburg metro police officials. The unhappy traders argued that the traders in the unofficial spaces had an advantage over them and had access to greater potential customers than they did. To recall, the success of informal activities is highly dependent on the ability to access a greater customer base.

Apart from the common ground that emerged through disgruntlements about business activity and lengthy trading periods in the area, an interesting issue was that the traders were all reliant on taxis as a primary mode of transportation. Taxis, as observed, form the main mode of transportation in the node, so it is by no means a surprise that the traders are dependent on the taxis as a form of transportation. The taxis are fundamental to the traders as they provide a cheap, easily accessible and reliable form of transportation to and from their places of work and residence.

The interviews with the traders provided some insight into the socio-economic workings within the node and the importance of transportation for the traders. The information revealed here will be taken a step further through analysis, to understand why the traders are disgruntled and why the environment has yielded such issues. The next section will unearth the perceptions of the taxi drivers who are fundamental to the node.

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3.3.2 Interview with a taxi driver The taxi industry provides the primary mode of transportation within the BTF. This mode of transportation cannot be observed as public transportation system but has developed in response to lack of an efficient and affordable mode of transportation. The form of transportation has provided a solution to the lack of a city scale transportation system. Understanding the perceptions of the taxi drivers and their perceptions about the redevelopment of the node and how it has affected their activity will again help understand the success of the node in achieving its objectives. Many would suggest that taxi drivers are the most arrogant and inconsiderate individuals in the city and it would most likely be no surprise to say that finding a few taxi drivers willing to be interviewed was an obstacle in itself. After constant rejection and numerous frowns, a willing taxi driver was kind enough to offer some time.

The Bara Transport Facility provides for an interesting situation: the taxis have been afforded a laissez faire environment, where they run themselves. There is however some coordination in the form of taxi associations which manage the taxis on a day to day basis. The node has been mandated to the department of transportation in the City of Johannesburg (CoJ), however there is little evident to suggest that within the node.

The taxi driver stated that although the taxi drivers are provided the opportunity to operate in a way they want, operating within the node is harder than it seems. He argued that since all taxi drivers, most of which are operating within the vicinity of the greater Soweto region, were gathering their own commuters, there tended to be a lot of competition in the node.

The activity, he argued, is not enough for him in terms of sustenance and maintenance of his vehicle, but it is adequate to sustain his family, which is his first priority. On average he makes a profit of R300 per day, which is not taxable, from an average of five round-about trips through the suburbs of Soweto.

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In brief, the taxi aspect of the node is very busy, providing transport for commuters travelling between the node and other townships in Soweto. The taxi drivers are very competitive within the node. However, it ensures that there is always access to transportation available in the node. The next section seeks to understand the perceptions of management officials and the planners and architects of the node.

3.3.3 Interview with developing officials and management officials It must be clarified that the two interviews were not conducted within the same vicinity or the same period. Obtaining responses from the two officials had contrasting results. It took a considerable number of attempts to find the management official, who was supposed to be located on site in comparison to one of the architects and planners of the node, who fortunately enough was easily accessible on the University of Witwatersrand campus. Interviewing these two officials allowed the study to embrace a more inclusive understanding of the functions and activities within the BTF. Interacting with all the related actors provided both sides of the argument within the node, the users and managers. To understand the successes and the failures within the node, it is best that all the perceptions are taken in to consideration. The understanding of these perceptions will also support the following process of analysis.

The management official clearly states that she was only responsible for the management of the informal market. The responsibilities of the market manager, in her own words were: to help the traders in any challenges they may have, also collecting rent and when they (traders) buy electricity, they come here... um... allocation as well, if there are any vacancies, we allocate spaces (Management official, 2010).

The overarching rationale of the interview with the management of the facility was based on understanding how the node is being managed and how the activities have responded to the
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node. It emerged from the nature of the conversation that the managing official felt that they are not capable of adequately managing the facility. Firstly, it was established that the node is not self sustaining as most of the maintenance costs are covered by the CoJ. Secondly, the officials seem to be less than concerned by the number of traders operating within the unauthorised spaces. However, their attitude has emerged from a very considerate perception. The official provided that many traders have complained that they were not able to support their businesses within the spaces which they had been allocated.

Furthermore, an issue that was interesting was the fact that the officials acknowledge that there are a number of traders who own stalls within the market facility, but prefer to trade outside of the boundaries. Some of the traders not only continue using their allocated stalls for storage of stock but continue to pay for the facilities. The market is characterised by many empty stalls, which are allocated to traders, many of which are not being used or being paid for, but allocated to certain people. The management official provided that there is a data set which provides for who is allocated to which stall. However the problem is that some traders have disappeared without a word.

The management official argued that the design of the building was not responsive to the activities within the node as there were spaces of poor trade activity and movement whilst other areas enjoyed a mass of trade activity and movement. When interviewing the architect and urban planner of the node, it emerged that a lot of consideration was given to the allocation of market stalls and points of activity.

It was revealed that the node, which stretches an estimated distance of 1,3kms, needed to be designed in the most accommodating manner, whereby all spaces were provided with stalls, some permanent and others more temporary and periodical. The designers argue that in the development of the node, the mandate was to develop a facility that would provide a more defined urban environment and aesthetically pleasing environment for which access to transportation and the hospital could be improved, along with the improvement of the

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informal markets which existed in the area. Another primary focus was the provision of social amenities such as toilets and defined walkways.

The planners believe that the node has achieved its intended objectives in improving the aesthetic appeal of the area, the provision of adequate facilities through which transportation modes may be accommodated, along with market facilities. The planners, in defence of the continuing existence of disgruntled traders, argued that the area in which the traders are currently trading did not form part of the defined site and that the managing officials should take it upon themselves to incorporate the unauthorised spaces into a more formal and managed space. It is assumed that the only possible issues that could challenge the development of the sidewalk, are those of land ownership, as the spaces are privately owned by the shop owners.

The planner also provided that the development was developed in continuous consultation with the traders who were in the node. It was established that the process of public participation was one of the most successful in such a project. There were an estimated 400 traders who were consulted in connection with the development of spaces that relate to their needs. Many traders were enthused about the development. However, upon the completion of the development there remained a certain group of traders who were not so happy with the outcome, refusing to trade within authorised spaces.

One trader interviewed, strongly stated that the design was not good. His issues were rooted in the fact that the design of the building not only restricted how many people pass by the traders stalls, but that the stalls were not facing the street as the places of most activity and that the finishing of the facility was not good. He argued that when there is a sewage blockage his stall is where the sewage flows to, and when it rains his corner is where the water flows. He argued that there needed to be a drain in the area. The designer may take some blame, however the construction team may be at fault for not recognising such faults.

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The design of the node was influenced by the fact that access to the hospital needed to be safe, as there were a number of pedestrian casualties for people crossing the road to access the hospital. The design not only had to ensure that the area was safe from the street but easily accessible, promoting pedestrian movement and incorporating the informal business aspects of traders and taxi drivers.

Of the three interviewed traders, only one trader had problems with the management officials. The same trader who argued against the design emphasised that the management official did not take them, the traders, seriously. The other two traders were content with the management of the node, arguing that they had been provided cheap, safe storage facilities which made life much easier for them. Conclusion To conclude, the interviews have provided relevant information about the context and the issues that have emerged in the post development phase. The managing officials have recognised that there are a set of responsibilities they need to attend to, which in the next section will be scrutinised to assess whether the objectives of the node have been achieved or whether they have been hindered by poor management of the node. The next section will look at the issues within the context of the objectives, in order to better understand whether they have achieved positive returns.

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Chapter Four: Analysis 4.1 Introduction Throughout this study the focus has revolved around the objectives of the Bara Transport Facility, the elaboration on the overarching theology and whether they have been translated into a positive urban environment. The focus of this chapter will be to use the empirical data collected as well as the theoretical understanding to establish whether the objectives have in fact been translated into the development and how the development has affected the beneficiaries.

The objectives of the Bara transport facility, it should be recognised, are critical to the assessment of the redevelopment initiative and the research question pertaining to whether the objectives have been achieved or not. The hypothesis of the research study argues that the BTF initiative has been developed with the intended outcomes of providing better physical environments, creating spaces which promote increased socio-economic activity and better access and facilities to previously poorly serviced areas. However, there may be mismatches between the intended outcomes and the realised outcomes.

It is fundamental that the intended outcomes of the development are understood so it can be established what the realised outcomes are. The second and third chapter have thus far provided a theoretical grounds and empirical data about the case study. This chapter is an analysis of the data captured in the third chapter while relating to the observations outlined in the second chapter. The assessment of the objectives of the node may be a fairly simple task to assess when observed from a narrowed perspective of planning practice alone. However, this study would not be a commendable one if it only persisted on one perception. The study has moved to embrace contesting perceptions from the ground level within the case study. The interaction with the beneficiaries provides a foundation from which the study can broaden its scope and validity. The beneficiaries are also at the root of the development initiative, in that the project was designed around amplifying the existing activities by providing them with facilities to stimulate their socio-economic growth and activities, amongst other things.
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This chapter will unwrap some of the contesting perceptions that have emerged through the data collection process to develop a rationale for the occurrences and furthermore arrive at conclusions upon the data assessed. The perceptions of the benefiting stakeholders, in many cases, have seemed to be disregarded by planning officials, contradicting the essence of planning as a representative of all citizens in the development of urban and rural environments. The Bara Transport Facility was, however a project that sought to promote public participation and did so fairly well from the perspective of the planners. But a different picture is painted when it emerges that some traders refuse to trade in some allocated spaces.

The assessments will provide insight into the ability of similar developments to interact with informal activities to promote the better consideration of informality, and the effects which poor planning and management may have, such as hindering a project from yielding a positive influence.

4.2 Analysis: A rationalised process The research report has thus far outlined the objectives of the Bara Transport Facility. The development has been understood to be a Transit oriented development (TOD) which can be measured through accessibility. According to Mammen (2008), Curtis and Scheurer (2010), accessibility can be measured through transportation systems. To recall the measures of accessibility, in terms of the ability to access transportation networks and facilities, there are five measures of accessibility which can be extracted from the definitions in chapter two:

Ability to access transportation systems and structures; Ability to access strategic economic nodes; Demand to access strategic economic nodes; Accessibility related to individual capabilities and constraints; and, Individual ability to access travel and land use opportunities.

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TODs, within the context of the local transportation network, have provided the ideal space for economic activity in the form of trading, formal and informal, without forgoing the generic development of trade markets around transport facilities. The Bara transport facility has, through its design, supported the definition and understanding of accessibility. How is this relevant to the objectives? Transport networks are only successful if they are accessible and able to be used. Accessibility was a problem that characterised the node prior to its redevelopment as a result of congestion of activities in a single space. The correction of these problems were some of the intentions, however it does not come across in the overarching objectives.

Assessing the outcome of the objectives mandated to each project within the jurisdiction of the Bara Link initiative is critical to this chapter of the study. The question of whether the Bara Transport Facility has achieved its objectives will be addressed to achieve a conclusion on the matter.

4.3 Intentions of Analysis In consideration of the objectives and the overarching themes, contextualising them to fit within the parameters of the existing situation is fundamental to the research study. The study will embrace the data collected to understand how the objectives have been translated into the site and taking it a step further as to understand why things have turned out the way they have.

The theoretical framework yielded from the literature chapter provides the distinct platform to which the analysis of the case study may be structured in consideration of the objective themes. The themes can be deciphered into five interdependent sections:

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Transport Networks (Observation)

Employment opportunities (Socio-Economic) (Interviews) Infrastructure Development (Transit Oriented Developments) (Observation) Mixed land use activity (Formal and Informal market activity) (Observation) Public participation (Interviews)

All these elements in conjunction can yield the results of whether the developed urban environment is a positive enabling one or contradictive one. The transportation facilities are a crucial element in developing the social networks within the city and are fundamental in the development of a linked and integrated spatial landscape. The intentions and developmental trajectory of post-apartheid planning instigated through policy documents and planning practice cannot be forsaken, namely being to achieve a level of integration as a measure of affording the previously disadvantaged communities the opportunities to actively pursue their ambitions and aspirations, social and economic. The Bara transport facility sought to achieve these aspects through the provision of supporting infrastructure.

It is understood that survival within the city is highly dependent on one s ability to interact within the job market of the first economy or invest entrepreneurial aspirations within business activities into the first or second economy. This ability is dependent on individual capabilities to access a specific economy. This is not to state that there are levels of segregation but rather cooperation, as the second economy is largely dependent upon and influenced by the productivity and market rationale of the first economy.

The Bara link is undoubtedly a transit oriented development, it was built with the intentions of strengthening the transportation networks and links between Johannesburg and Soweto and formalising of informal trader markets.

4.4 An Economic Integrator: The Bara Link The Bara-link development, identified in many cases as the Gateway Way to Soweto, consists of a number of projects, as cited in chapter 3. The focus of the case study falls within
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the transportation node that has been developed within the area, known as the Bara Transport Facility. The facility accommodates two primary activities, transportation (in the form of taxis and buses) and trade markets (in the form of informal traders and small convenience stores).

The question that remains to be answered is whether a facility developed in response to the inefficiencies of the discriminatory city has achieved it objectives as mandated through the Bara Link initiative. The objectives of the development, which were earmarked in the early parts of the 1990s, have been moulded with respect to the development of national planning policies, of which a particular developmental essence has remained.

What has emerged is that the intentions of the initiative focused on the creation of an empowering urban form that perpetuates the integration of Soweto into the greater urban fabric of Johannesburg, through measures such as mix land use initiatives and the development of a street network to support a premature transportation network.

4.5 Implementation of BTF The intentions of the project were sought through a number of objectives, which intended to provide spaces conducive to taxi operations and activity of informal traders, who are generally attracted to places of concentrated pedestrian activity. The design of the node was, according to the JDA, developed to provide form and structure in the transport node.

Observations show that the node has created areas of high activity and other areas of low activity. This is primarily as a result of the design and allocation of activities through the node. The fact that taxi activities, such as pick-up zones and washing areas, and the allocation of buses in separate zones means that there would be differences in pedestrian activity in the areas. The node can be categorised into three zones:

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Zone A

Zone B

Zone C

Figure 12: Map showing categories: Zone A through the site. (Hansen, 2010)

C, the triangle represents the increase of activity

Zone A: Taxi Parkade Zone B: Long distance taxis and Buses Zone C: Local taxis and pedestrian bridge to hospital

Zone C was recognised as the most active space in terms of pedestrian movement, taxi activity and density of traders within the area. The bridge entrance to the hospital is the main entrance for visitors and pedestrian movement. The entrance has been limited to allow only vehicle traffic as a result of many accidents which were occurring as people sought to cross the highly busy Chris Hani road.

Zone B is the busiest after Zone C, as provided in the illustration above. Zone B accommodates long distance buses and taxis. Some of the taxis and buses in this area travel to areas such as Durban, Cape Town and Nelspruit. It comes across very strongly that the areas of most activity in the node are related to the location of the transportations modes.

Zone A, the parkade and taxi wash area is the least active area within the node. There are few stalls and traders within the space which are not active or accommodate one or two traders. This area is a through pass as commuters pass through this area to get to either Zone B or Zone C.
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4.6 Trading Outside the Market: A Contesting Rationale The spatial division has had negative implications on the livelihood strategies of informal traders who were located in the area. Informal traders are located throughout the node. However, some traders have a competitive advantage over others, in that they were located closer to where most pedestrians are concentrated, by the taxi pick-up points. Other traders have taken it upon themselves to relocate themselves strategically in areas of high success rate in terms of trading. These areas are located outside the boundaries which were designated for informal trading, along the sidewalk which was meant to service the convenience stores available.

There are two main points which may be extracted from the evidence of activity in unauthorised areas. Firstly, the market developed is not responsive to the needs and contextual demands of informal activity. Secondly, there are social networks which are evident: there are social networks that exist between the informal traders who have relocated themselves outside of the boundaries allocated and there is some sort of relationship that exists with the owners of the convenience stores and the traders who are located opposite their stores.

A trader interviewed within the unauthorised space alluded to the fact that trading within the space is not on a first come first serve basis but rather an already definite allocation amongst the traders of who deserves a space and who is refused space. Traders within the space keep trading spaces for each other. Research has shown that there are some informal trader associations in the BTF, which could be attributed to the definition of who deserves a space within the highly pedestrian concentrated area.

The problem with this area is that it is very dense and really characteristic of traditional informal markets that lack structures to trade and are exposed to the changes in weather. The traders are however happier within the spaces as there is a greater likelihood that they may

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sell their stock and attain some income. What was interestingly revealed was that most of the traders located outside the defined market still own and pay for the stalls they were allocated. The allocated stalls are used as storage facilities for their stock at the end of each day. The managing officials on site do not seem to be phased by the activities occurring outside of the allocated spaces, understanding that the facility and the resulting movement patterns have responded negatively to the business activity of the traders. The responsibility of the management officials on site, managing the market activity, has been to support the activities of the traders to allow them to improve their business activity.

What emerged however was the fact that management officials have not found solutions to some of the problems that exist within the node. It was acknowledged that a number of stalls are not being utilised and a number of traders have complained about being located in areas which are not supportive of their trade activity. It was also revealed that the officials on site are hard to get a hold of, which suggests that local traders may have problems raising their own issues.

4.7 Trading within the Market The market accommodates a number of traders, who were previously situated within the informal activity node prior to the development of the new facility. The node has sought to improve access to transportation facilities and support the informal trade activities which leached on to the high concentrations of pedestrian activity attracted to the area. Taking into consideration the existing activities to provide traders and residents around the node the opportunity to trade within spaces which promote informal activity, the new facility provides them with aesthetically pleasing and accessible spaces. A number of traders seem to have acknowledged the positives of the development of a market facility, but there are negatives which have been raised as well.

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How long have you been selling here? Trader A: ..Ehm... 1996, Ya... Trader B: ..Hey... I can t remember... (thinking) but it s been a long time now... let me see... umm... (19)90s, but I used to sell by the bridge.... Ya, I remember now... there was... Ya, 1990 Trader C: ..About... about... about (19)91

Most traders have been selling in the area for a long period of time so that they have now been integrated into the upgraded development. The Bara central transportation node development sought to provide formal space in which informal transportation and trade activities could be accommodated. we have registered... they selected people who were here before and they put us here, where there was space they put in new traders - Trader A (Within Market Spaces: Zone B) The idea of accommodating informal business activity was aligned with motives to formalise the informal activities. It has been uncovered that the spaces for trade were allocated to the traders who were in the area for the longest period. Of the three traders interviewed it was evident that their interaction within the transport node spanned a number of years prior to the initiation of the Bara link development.

All the interviewees, senior members of society, alluded to the fact that their trade activity in the area was their livelihood strategy. It is assumed that it is their primary source of income, considering the time invested in the activity and because they have been active within the area for more than ten years.

The concern that is evident is whether the traders have benefited from the formal market developed. The provided facility has enabled the traders to operate within more adequate spaces. The stalls provided have storage facilities and access to electricity which was previously unattainable within the node. When assessing at the redevelopment project in
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terms of the delivery of a structure, it has been a success. It is therefore arguable to state that one of the mandated objectives has been achieved, the provision of transportation infrastructure supporting other economic activities.

Figure 13: Informal trading along the bridge, before redevelopment of the BTF (Hansen, Unknown); open and closed stalls provided within the node (Hansen, Unknown); Trading within the node after the redevelopment and provision of trade spaces (Makhu, 2010).

Brown (2006) in contrast argues that the development of formal structures for informal markets in many cases has resulted in negative repercussions, which have in more than one case infringed on the trade productivity that the informal traders previously enjoyed. The respondents within the Bara Central trade mall portrayed some discontent with the spaces developed. The design of the building emerged as a major issue of discontent amongst traders. Some emerging comments about the infrastructure provided were: We are not making money here Respondent A Respondent B

... I do this just so I can get food to survive...

The design of the building has been criticised as not supportive of the business needs of informality, requiring proximity to pedestrian movement, which is critical to success within informal markets. As Brown (2006) recognised, informal trade activity tends to leach onto the pedestrian movement and spaces where passing traders may feel the urge to interact with the traders. Convenience on the part of the pedestrians in many cases informs whether the pedestrian purchases goods at the node on the way home or to work. The design ethos acknowledged the fact that the traders should be embraced and dispersed throughout the node. This is not to say that the designers did not consider the fact that informal activity is dependent on pedestrian movement. Upon observation, it is clear that traders have been

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located in relation to the pathways through the node; however the emerging movement patterns have not supported the design, affecting trade activity through the node.

Figure 14: Pedestrian movement and trade activity throughout the BTF node in the early afternoon (Hansen, Unknown; Makhu, 2010).

Upon interviewing the traders it would seem that there was a poor consultation process between the planning officials and the beneficiaries during the initial planning phase of the node. However, upon interaction with a planning official, it became clear that there were numerous initiatives to consult the traders. One would argue that the traders may not necessarily know what is good for them and their business in relation to what is good for the development of good urban spaces that function well. It is logical to argue that the users of the space on a daily basis should have more say in the manner in which the node was developed. The community was involved in the process, helping to design the sculptures which furnish the node. However, the critical interactions seem to have been kept minimal, citing project objectives as primary suspects. However, there s no progress to be gained from crying over spilt milk .

The node has its fair share of challenges in the post development era, as internal dissatisfaction has emerged. A number of traders are far from accepting that a few of their counterparts have access to the economic opportunities that exist within the unauthorised spaces. In essence, the righteous traders are provided with better economic opportunities for business activity within the provided structures than those located in poorer areas.

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As a result there are a number of stalls within the trade market which have been left unused; the owners have either relocated to areas unauthorised for trade or disappeared. These aspects of poor design have forced the traders to either relocate or respond to the inefficiencies of the created spaces. Questions of whether the node has actually benefited the traders can, though, be answered in the affirmative in that the node responds positively to economic integration, in the sense that the infrastructure developed promotes economic opportunities that may benefit all traders and users of the node.

The overarching response to the market influence derived from the traders in the node revealed that business activity in the node has not been the same considering the development of the node. The intentions of trade have more than ever resorted to survivalist strategies, as people are forced to live from hand to mouth on a daily basis. The traders, however seem content to be able just to ensure they have a means to survive at the end of the day. From a positive perspective, the node provides facilities through which the informal activities may possibly develop in future. The assumption can therefore be made that in terms of productivity that the BTF is productive rather than detrimental.

4.8 Transportation Infrastructure Transportation systems and infrastructure is without doubt critical to providing access to other areas within the greater Johannesburg region. Transportation networks are critical to any urban environment. The Bara transport node is located about fifteen (15) kilometres from the main city, which is not too far. However, in consideration of the a large number of people emanating from the southern and more peripheral areas travelling towards the northern parts of the city, there is a considerable amount of traffic, which reduces the accessibility.

The transport system is highly dependent at the local level on the productivity of taxis. The taxi industry in the city constitutes a major part of the second economy. The city has for many years been dependent upon the activity of informal transport modes to ensure that labour from the peripheral areas reaches the city.
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The inclusion of the informal transport mode can be viewed as the acknowledgement of the power which the taxis have within the city.

The transportation facility is critical in ensuring that other economic nodes within the vicinity of the city where people may work are linked. Improved connections throughout the city will improve the integration of strategic economic nodes, meaning that accessibility to areas of economic opportunity is availed, hence greater ability to integrate the city. The one issue that in many cases opposes efficient accessibility is the fact that the node does not have adequately acknowledged signage, which makes finding the correct taxi a social event.

The distribution of transport activities within the node has unsurprisingly been focused within the areas where local taxis travelling within Soweto and to Johannesburg are located. The distribution of taxi activities as mentioned has had negative impacts on the traders. What can be drawn from the node on the part of transportation is the fact that taxis within the node must be allocated within a recognised taxi association to operate at the node.

The daily transportation logistics of the node are managed by members the taxi associations which are recognised by the department of transportation at the city of Johannesburg. The illustration below will provide the relationship that exists within the node.

Table 3: Transport management hierarchy 84 | P a g e

The environment is laissez faire, where taxi drivers are expected to horde their own passengers. A taxi driver stated that this (hording) actually made for an unpleasant environment, arguing that: ... there are lots of taxis on the same route... so when you re calling for a certain route, others are also calling for the same route... Taxi Driver.

There is clearly a lack of congruency within the node amongst the taxi associations. This may hinder the ability for transportation systems to be efficient, hindering levels of accessibility and constraining the ability for the economic opportunities to be exploited. The positive aspect that may be extracted is the fact that the taxi drivers are given the platform from which they may seek their own returns, depending on their work ethic.

In retrospect, the transportation networks provide links to other economic nodes in the city, which is fundamental to locals who work in areas hard to reach without vehicular transportation. The links are instrumental to integration at a number of levels, such as the transportation of commuters to and from work, along with the taxi drivers who view the transportation as a way of sustaining a livelihood.

The transport facility has provided a number of positive and negative issues. The environment provided in the node assumes a capitalist ethos which has infiltrated into the lower levels. However, the ethos is not in response to developing business but rather a survivalist strategy.

4.9 The Development of a Local Economic Node The success of the local economic environment in availing economic opportunities has depended largely on how the locals have received the opportunities created. The node was redeveloped in consideration of informal traders and informal taxis, and the existing shop owners opposite the transport facility were informed about the developments. In hindsight, the growing presence of formal sector shops and entities has grown around the node in recent times.
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The attraction of other stores into the area has allowed for more economic activity in and around the node. Many locals have responded positively to the growing numbers of stores opening up in the area. The stores such as Pick n Pay and Shoprite have provided the opportunity for locals to access trade markets which they previously would have had to travel for. Providing an environment where facilities and economic opportunities are nearby could be seen as a fundamental ideology in the development of the marginal areas.

4.10 Has the Bara Transport Facility Achieved its Objectives? The intention of this study as a review of post-apartheid planning in practice seeks to acknowledge whether to embrace informality and whether planning not only delivered but also yielded positive environments. To address the research question it is best to refer back to the underlined objectives:

Promoting the use of public transport as well as the intensive development of land in order to support the uses of public transport systems; Meeting basic transportation needs and promoting the creation of employment and training opportunities, stimulating economic (activity); Development by investing in infrastructure and facilities and involving communities in the implementation of projects; Integrating land use and transportation planning so that these elements complement each other; Densification of mixed land uses (especially along transport corridors) in order to shorten work trips and travel times, reduce travel costs and facilitate the use of non-motorised transport (CoJ, 1999).

There are a number of points which must be raised to answer the question at hand in response to the outlined questions:

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The local traders have been afforded the opportunity to trade within spaces which are responsive to the fluidity of pedestrian movement. However, there are specific areas which are more lucrative than others, as some traders have responded to trading environment deficiencies of the structural design selected.

The transportation facility is supportive of improved and safe pedestrian and vehicle access to all users through the design. The facility, as intended, supports the business activity within and around the node.

It has achieved its objectives of encouraging employment opportunities, however they have been met with limited results. Traders are not happy with the levels of trade they are able to draw upon. There are a limited number of traders whom have been able to capitalise on the existing opportunities.

There is without doubt a pedestrian market which may be exploited in the area, however it seems as if the management of the facility has been far from adequate which one can argue has also added to the compounding inefficiencies of the facility.

There has been the efficient use of space to broaden the space for the node, to alleviate the levels of congestion in certain areas. The only issues surrounding the use of space is that some traders are not happy with their allocation of space arguing that they do not have access to decent amounts of traders.

The division of transportation has promoted a more legible land use pattern in the node but has also prompted a considerable amount of traffic congestion along the narrow and degrading residential road which taxis use to access the node.

The resulting densification of mixed land use around the node has allowed locals the opportunity to interact actively within markets. More privately owned stores have emerged in the area, ensuring that locals do not need to travel distances to support their businesses.

From these findings, which have been emphasised through observations and data collected through interviews, it is possible to argue that the Bara Transport Facility has achieved its objectives to provide infrastructure and opportunities to enhance accessibility to the greater city and socio-economic opportunities. There are, however issues which still prevail, such as the poor management of the trader market and location issues of the disgruntled. The
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following section will seek to recommend solutions to such problems and reiterate the positives which were highlighted in the development of the Bara Transport Node.

Recommendations

(A) Better management of facilities concerning informal traders It has emerged that the management of the BTF is in some instances flawed. The lack of accounting and the reallocation of underutilised spaces within the market allude to a poor level of management. It should be understood that within the built environment, as it is in life, it is very difficult to please each and everyone s desires. A balance needs to be achieved whereby a righteous environment is created but one which maintains the law and order of society.

It comes across as if the management officials have tried to be understanding within the context. The problem lies within the fact that there is a lack of authority in the form of an iron fist over the area. There are a few issues which must be considered within this perspective which are:

The unauthorised spaces where the traders are located were not part of the development site. This meant that they were not accounted for. The trade activity that has emerged within the unauthorised spaces has negative social and economic affects within the BTF. The removal of traders on a daily basis may be a tedious task for management and police officers. Presumably, traders will most likely come back to those spaces when not watched over.

Another issue which can be raised concerning management is that of too much subdivision and bureaucracy. The process of delegation of responsibilities is a critical one. However,
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when those responsible for different activities within a single space are not in conjunction, there is a susceptibility to mismanagement and poor coordination in this case.

It would be ideal if a team of officials encompassing all the activities within the node from waste management, transportation management and market management could all work together in offices in the node. This would also allow for easier management, as any beneficiaries with problems would not need to travel long distances to raise their concerns.

(B) Designing spaces that relate to activity and movement patterns The BTF undoubtedly provides for efficient and safe movement throughout the node. However, it has not adequately responded to the location debate. This study has revealed that there are contrasting issues around the location of activities and the resulting effects of the location for activities. The designers of the node took a very logical approach to the designation of activities in a manner which not only responded to the needs of the users but which would not impact on the existing patterns at the time.

Within this case study, it has emerged that the bridge leading to the hospital and the areas where the local taxis are located are the focal points of the node. The location of the market spaces between the bridge and the taxis may have had a more positive impact on the trade activity in the node. Upon such an allocation, it is assumed that there would always be a number of people travelling between the market spaces and the taxis. The illustration below provides what pattern of activity location currently exists and what could have been developed.

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Table 4: Existing pattern of activity location

Table 5: Recommended location of activity

From these diagrams, it has been established that there is a poor coordination of activities in the node, which in relation to other similar developments should be handled with more caution in future. It was pronounced in chapter two that the development of an informal market may have a negative impact on informal activity, which is evident in the case of the BTF.

(C) Promoting more formal types of activity around the informal nodes Within the BTF there are a few activities, the most focal being the hospital. The node itself has for many years served as a transport facility for people travelling to the hospital and as a
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transport exchange station. The objectives of the BTF clearly highlighted the promotion of increased densities and mixed land use activity.

There needs to be more formal businesses and activities around the node which can support and increase the numbers of commuters passing through the node. The continuous development of projects within the Bara-link is constantly providing more and more commuters who travel through the node. The development of similar transport facilities that are major hubs for transportation need to be active constantly to ensure that they are feasible in the long term and self sustaining.

(D) Development of structures that support aesthetics in urban environments The development of the BTF has provided a new look and more modern urban feel to the Bara Central area. The aesthetic appeal has been guided by intentions to not only create a defined, functioning and safe public realm but also to amplify the local environment. The use of public furniture developed in collaboration with local schools furnishes the BTF.

There is however a major contrast between the spaces which have been developed and the adjacent buildings and properties. The road which services the node is also another feature, which in the case of the BTF, was not adequately refurbished to accommodate the levels of vehicular movement. The narrow road has resulted in traffic congestion along with the deterioration of the road, evident in the number of pot holes present.

What must be extracted from this case is that roads must be developed in cognisance of the envisioned amounts of traffic going through the area. The roads servicing such a node must also be within a commendable distance of residential dwellings for safety reasons.

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Conclusion In conclusion it can be established that the BTF is in fact a successful project in that the mandated features were developed and the opportunities were created. In comparison to the state of the node prior to the development, it is arguable to state that the development of the BTF has provided a better and a safer environment for all users. Another issue which can be raised is that the development has also allowed the creation of well defined and aesthetically pleasing spaces. The intentions of the development have yielded mixed responses.

Developments within the built environment are not always accepted by the masses and may have glitches. The BTF is no exception, as it has been established, there are a number of issues which can be raised within the node which may be avoided in the development of similar projects and must be improved within the case of the BTF. Management and designs which relate more to progressive function rather than existing form must be considered to promote spaces that will respond better to the needs of informality.

The BTF initiative has taken informality into great consideration however it has not been adequately accounted for within the objectives of the node. The objectives of the node left room for interpretation which can be observed as a positive trait. Considering that projects, policies and literature dealing with the complexities of informality were still in a developmental phase at the time of the development of the objectives, it is understandable as to the rationale behind the abstract form of the objectives. The next and final chapter of this study will conclude the arguments and main points raised throughout the preceding chapters to summarise and conclude the argument.

Chapter Five: Conclusion

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5.1 Concluding Notes This chapter will summarise the development of the preceding chapters and restate the issues that have been outlined to provide an overall understanding of the study and the arguments provided. This section will emphasise the more important findings and aspects which should be understood to support the hypothesis of the argument provided.

This study has sought to find out how planning initiatives developed within the postapartheid era have responded to the inequalities laid by apartheid and whether planning approaches have yielded positive returns in the mission to create inclusive cities and fundamentally promoting positive growth through the city. The Bara Transport Facility was the ideal case study to observe the development of planning practice because it relates to four main issues that concern the study:

The BTF is located within a previously marginalised area, namely Soweto; The BTF redevelopment project has been initiated and completed in the post-apartheid era; The BTF is a complex development in that it deals with issues of formality and informality which have been evident throughout South African cities; The BTF is a project that has sought out to address the existing fragmentation and worrying socio-economic issues.

The study of the BTF has alluded to a number of issues which have been raised in the study such as informality, transportation and accessibility. Transportation is at the core of this study and has been emphasised by the need to develop cities that are more inclusive and redress inequalities laid by apartheid. The study has sought to depict transportation as a fundamental aspect of the study and the linkages that it has within the built environment.

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The importance of transportation is portrayed in the definition of the objectives of the Bara Transport Facility (BTF). The objectives of the BTF have been drawn from the principle development initiative, the Bara-link development. The objectives derived have provided that a number of characteristics must be portrayed in all the projects related. The objectives are therefore very open-ended and susceptible to different forms of interpretation because they are meant to be promoted in a variety of projects.

Promoting the use of public transport as well as the intensive development of land in order to support the uses of public transport systems; Meeting basic transportation needs and promoting the creation of employment and training opportunities, stimulating economic (activity); Development by investing in infrastructure and facilities and involving communities in the implementation of projects; Integrating land use and transportation planning so that these elements complement each other; Densification of mixed land uses (especially along transport corridors) in order to shorten work trips and travel times, reduce travel costs and facilitate the use of non-motorised transport (CoJ, 1999).

Through further elaboration, this study has moved to interpret the objectives in a manner which may explain the rationale of the redevelopment of the node. The objectives were deciphered into five theoretically assessable themes which were elaborated upon and helped develop theoretical grounds which supported the development of research methods and grounds of analysis. The theoretical framework as depicted below provides the five overarching themes derived from the objectives of the BTF.

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The objectives provided are understandably abstract and, as has been identified, miss a number of critical issues which are fundamental within the context of the BTF. Such issues are the incorporation of informality, gender and public participation. These three issues are all embraced through the document to provide an understanding of their importance in such a project.

5.2 Summarising the Argument Transport networks are critical to the development of cities within the context of South African cities. The physical fragmentation of the city, providing unequally resourced and developed settlements within the city has provided the post-apartheid planning era with a number of challenges to development.

It has been internationally recognised through literature that transportation networks are critical to urban and rural societies. Transportation networks provide linkages in the city, allowing movement between two or more spaces. Within the context of the BTF, this is a critical issue, however the study is more concerned with the impact of the development at a local level.
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The development of transport networks and systems is directly related to the development of transit oriented developments. It is argued and supported in this study that TODs have the ability to promote economic activity. Within the case of the marginal settlements, especially the townships, a considerable amount of the economic activity occurs within informal activities. The objectives of the BTF have not taken account of the existing informality however it is well accounted for through the redevelopment of the BTF node, which falls within the recognition of a TOD.

It has been understood that within the built environment, planners seek form and structure, which has emerged through the development of formal structures for informal activities. There are other issues such as the acknowledgement of informality within the city which have perpetuated an emphasis toward the development of informal markets. It has been argued however that the development informal markets may be detrimental to the existing informal activities. Within the BTF and particularly through this study it has been revealed that the provision of formal structures has come with negative responses. A number of traders are still discontent with the design of the node, arguing that their location within the node is not responsive to the needs of their activity. Informal activities are highly dependent on movement patterns of pedestrians and the ability for the passing trade to access their activities.

The design of the node has resulted in a number of contradicting perceptions and levels of activity in throughout the node. Most activity, as expected within a TOD, is focused around the spaces where taxis and buses are located. The separation of activities, which was intended to provide more form and definition to the node has resulted in the socio-economic fragmentation of the node. The node however is not a failure but has not adequately responded to the aspirations of the traders in promoting great levels of economic activity and growth. It has rather prompted a more competent economic environment, allowing traders to make enough to survive, alluding to survivalist techniques which most traders have succumbed.
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It should be noted that the function of planning in developing an inclusive city and promoting economic growth and activity is limited to the creation of enabling environments. Planning can only promote functions within the city. This study has tried to ascertain whether the enabling environments created have responded in a positive manner in physical space. Where the beneficiaries have not responded positively, it is of interest to planning practice.

It becomes evident through analysis that the BTF as a structure has responded to the challenges that were faced within the node of informality, congestion and a lack of service structure for the existing activities. At the same time the project has responded to the very abstract requirements of the Bara-link initiative. This study has revealed that the intentions of planning policy and practice in some cases are not clearly defined, however the intentions of developing better living and working conditions, while also promoting a more inclusive city remain at the core of the BTF project.

There are a few recommendations which can be extracted from the study. In consideration of projects incorporating the informal activities, it is necessary to not only provide spaces which respond to the needs of the traders but also to provide spaces which relate to the needs of the trade, in this case, pedestrian movement. Other recommendations that are elaborated upon in this study pertain to:

Promoting more forms of activity in and around the node; Designing better spaces that respond to the activities and movement patterns; Better management of the facilities upon completion.

5.3 Has the Bara Transport Facility achieved its objectives? The research question was Has the Bara Transport Facility achieved its objectives? The answer to this question has been attended to buy deciphering the objectives and assessing the
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context of the case study. The conclusion is, yes, the objectives of the BTF as set out in the Bara-link initiative have been met, relatively. The densification of the node and ability to aggressively promote socio-economic activities within the node are highly debatable. This study has the conclusion that the intentions of planning projects may have desired outcomes which may not necessarily be achieved in the intended manner but may have results which are supportive of positive growth.

The BTF is a project which has reinvigorated the major transport node of Soweto and has provided for a more aesthetically pleasing, safer and structurally defined environment. The resulting hypothesis is that planning initiatives within the built environment tend to be developed with intentions of solving the disparities or challenges that exist in the city, however the intended outcomes and the realised outcomes may not be the same. From this understanding it is therefore not only fundamental but necessary that constant reviews of initiatives are initiated accordingly.

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References
Beall J., Crankshaw O., and Parnell S. (2002) Uniting a Divided City: Governance and Social Exclusion in Johannesburg, London: Earthscan Publications Brown, A. (2006) Public Space and Urban Livelihoods: Challenging Street Livelihoods in Brown, A. (2006) Contested Space: Street trading, Public Space and Livelihoods in Developing Cities. (Publisher???) Brown, A. (2006b) Urban public space in the developing world A resource from the poor

in Brown, A. (2006) Contested Space: Street trading, Public Space and Livelihoods in Developing Cities Brown, A., Lyons, M. and Dankoco, I. (2010) Street Traders and the Emerging Spaces for Urban Voice and Citizenship in African Cities, 2010; 47; Urban Studies, Sage publications
Christopher, A.J. (2001) Urban Segregation in Post-apartheid South Africa, Urban Stud 2001; 38; 449, Sage Publications

City of Johannesburg, (2001), Redevelopment of the Baragwanath Public Transport Node and Trader Market for the Metropolitan Trading Company, City of Johannesburg Curtis, C. and Scheurer, J. (2010) Planning for sustainable accessibility: Developing tools to aid discussion and decision-making, Planning in Progress 74(2010) 53 - 106 Davies, R. and Thurlow, J. (2009) Formal and Informal Economy Linkages and Unemployment in South Africa, Human Sciences Resource Centre (HSRC) Dewar, D. and Todeschini F. (1999) Urban Management and Economic Integration in South Africa, Africa institute for Policy Analysis and Economic Integration, AIPA/Francolin publishers Dobson and Skinner, C. (2009) Working in Warwick: Including Street Traders in Urban Plans, School of Development Studies, Durban Eisenhardt , K.M.(1989) Building Theories from Case Study Research, The Academy of Management Review, Vol. 14, No. 4 (Oct., 1989), pp. 532-550, Academy of Management
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Freund, B. And Padayachee, V. (eds.) (2002) (D)urban Vortex: South African City in transition, University of Natal Press, Pietermaritzburg. Group Areas Act, Act no. 41 of 1950, Union of South Africa Harrison P., Todes A. and Watson, V. (1997) Transforming South Africa s Cities: prospects for the economic development of urban townships, Development Southern Africa: 14: 1, 43 60 Harrison P., Todes A. and Watson, V. (2007) Planning and Transformation: Learning from Post-Apartheid Experience, London; New York: Routledge Harvey, D (2008) The Right To The City, Hoffman, B. D. (2007) Assessing the quality of local government in South Africa, Centre on democracy, development and the rule of law, Stanford University (I m not sure which one of these is the title of the book it should be italicised)

Liepietz, B., (2008), Building a vision for the post-apartheid city: what role for participation in Johannesburg s city development strategy? International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. Vol. 32.1, March 2008, Blackwell publishers, Oxford Maharaj, B. and Ramballi, K. (1998) Local economic development strategies in an emerging democracy: the case of Durban in South Africa, Urban Studies, Mammen, N., Ewig, K. and Paterson, J. (2008) Urban Challenges of Inclusive Cities: Toward a Spatial Realm For All, Development of an Urban Development Component of a Second Economy strategy: For the office of the Presidency Spatial Planning Miraftab F., (2007) Governing Post Apartheid Spatiality: Implementing City Improvement Districts in Cape Town, Antipode: a Radical Journal of Geography vol. 39(40: 602-626) Musterd, S., Murie A. and Kesteloot, C., (2006), Neighborhoods of poverty: urban social exclusion and integration in comparison / Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

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Napier , M., Moseley-Lefatola, B., Zack, T.(2008) Development of an urban development component for the Second Economy Strategy Project: an initiative of the Presidency. Strategy Document: September 2008. Nel, E., Hill, T. and Maharaj, B.(2003) Durban s pursuit of Economic Development in the Post Apartheid Era, Urban Forum vol. 14, no. 2-3, April September 2003

Pieterse, E (2004) Recasting urban integration and fragmentation in post-apartheid South Africa, Development Update Pratt, N. (2006) Informal enterprise and street trading: a civil society and urban management perspective in Brown, A. (2006) Contested Space: Street trading, Public Space and Livelihoods in Developing Cities. Publisher??? Procos, D. (1976) Mixed Land Use: From Revival to Innovation, Drowden, Huchinson and Ross, Inc., Stroudsburg Republic of South Africa (RSA) (1996) Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Act 108 of 1996. Government Printers, Pretoria. Republic of South Africa (RSA) (1997) Urban Development Framework, Department of Housing. Government Printers, Pretoria. Republic of South Africa (RSA) (1998) White Paper on Local Government. Government Printers, Pretoria. Republic of South Africa (RSA) (1999) Development Facilitation Act, Government Printers, Pretoria Rogerson, C. M. and Rogerson, J. M. ., (1997) The Changing Post-apartheid City: Emergent Black-owned Small Enterprises in Johannesburg, Urban Stud 1997; 34; 85, Sage Publications Sen, A (1999)The ends and the means of development, Development as Freedom, Oxford University Press Simone, A. M., (2004) For the City Yet To Come: Changing African Life in Four Cities, Duke City Press
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Smith, D. M.(1999) Social justice and the Ethics of development in post-apartheid South Africa, Philosophy & Geography, 2: 2, 157 177 Todes, A. (2006) Urban Spatial Policy in Pillay, U., Tomlinson, R., and du Toit,J.(2006) Democracy and Delivery: Urban Policy in South Africa, HSRC Press, Cape Town Williams J.J. (2000) South Africa: Urban transformation, Cities, Vol. 17, No. 3, pp. 167 183, 2000 Witherspoon, R.E., Abbett, J.P. and Gladstone, R.M. (1976) Mixed Land Use Developments: New Ways of Land Use, Urban Land Institute, Washington

Interviews: Trader 1: Truman Hlatywayo, (19/07/2010) Bara Transport Facility: Trader Market Trader 2: Anna Chabalala (19/07/2010) Bara Transport Facility: Trader Market Trader 3: Matome Robert Maeko (19/07/2010) Bara Transport Facility: Trader Market Taxi Driver: Samuel Maphambothi (19/07/2010) Bara Transport Facility: Taxi Rank (Local) Resident: Queensly (19/07/2010) Dieplkloof Zone 6, Operating within Bara Transport Facility: Trader Market Management Official: (23/07/2010) Bara Transport Facility: Management Offices Architect and Urban Designer: Ludwig Hansen (29/07/2010) Wits University, School of Architecture and Planinng

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ANNEXURE Research Questions and Observations Observations i. Where are the areas of most activity? ii. What is happening in these areas? iii. How busy is the transport node at different period of the day? iv. Where do the taxis go? v. How many people are they taking? Peak periods and off peak periods vi. Which nodes are they travelling between? Which taxis are being boarded most? vii. How often are they moving between nodes? viii. Where are the informal traders and formal traders? Is there a relationship upon observation? ix. Is the area well managed and maintained? By who? x. How busy are the markets? Peak periods and off peak periods xi. Is there a lot of trade activity occurring in the area? xii. Is the transport node being maintained? xiii. Is more business being attracted to the area? xiv. How evident is the transport network? Questions: (Trader) i. How long have you been trading in the area? ii. How do you get to the market? (Mode of transportation available) a. Does the trader use a taxi, walk, bus? Why? b. Insight into the dominant modes of transportation iii. How long does it take you? (Transportation efficiency and reliability) a. Reflects on livelihood strategies and how responsive the node to needs of population b. How efficient and reliable the modes of transportation in the area are iv. How often do you use public transport? (Preferred mode of transportation) v. Where do you keep you stock and product? (Informing how accessible moving goods is within the area) vi. Where do you purchase your goods? (Variety of the developing market, movement patterns, costs of travelling?) vii. How do you bring in your stock? (Will inform business networks, transportation systems preferred and ) viii. Where do you buy your groceries, clothing? (How have people responded to the commercial activity nodes provided? Do people still travel to buy their goods?) ix. How many customers do you get on average on a day? (Is the area a good place to have business relations?)

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x. Who are you customers? Passing people, local residents, other businesses, taxi drivers? (Is there a local economic network?) xi. How much do you sell in a day? xii. Where do you get your fresh produce? (Specific to traders selling fresh produce) xiii. Are there any things that you like or dislike about the area in which you work? (Unveiling issues that may be deeply entrenched) Questions: (Taxi Driver) i. ii. iii. iv. v. Where do you live? Where is your taxi based? (Bara transport node? Looking at the transport network?) Where do you go? (The linkages between nodes and activity spines ) Do you only travel when your taxi is full at the rank? (transportation efficiency and functionality) How many trips do you take in the morning and evening? (Peak period travel times) (In relation to taxi movement observations, relating to numbers of users) How many people do you take during the day? (Average) (In relation to taxi movement observations, relating to numbers of users) What is the taxi fare? (Will enlighten financial function) What time do you start and what time do you finish? (Activity and transportation efficiency) Where does the taxi park at night? (Are there areas for the taxis to park at night, so that in the mornings there is no shortage of supply? Efficiency of transportation system?) Is the taxi yours or do you drive for someone? (employment opportunity within the node) How many taxi associations are here? How many taxis do the associations have? (Will help inform numbers of taxis using the node) How much do you make in a day on average? (will support economic function, how lucrative is the industry for drivers) How and when do you get paid? (Is there a level of organisation within the informal activity?) Where do you buy your groceries, clothing? (Help identify whether people purchase their goods locally or not? What they are going out to buy? ) Do you budget for social activities such as drinking? Where do you socialise? (understanding the social networks amongst taxi drivers) Are there any things you dislike about the environment created? (Unveiling issues that may be deeply entrenched)

vi. vii. viii. ix.

x. xi. xii. xiii. xiv. xv. xvi. xvii.

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Questions: (Municipal Official) i. ii. iii. Where is development occurring in the area? (Where does management see the most active areas?) Has the development of the activity node provided for increased economic activity? Where? (Is there an increased market activity in the area?) Has the emergence of the formal business helped develop economic activity in the area? (How has the environment responded to formal and informal trade in the area?) How are the transport node and the informal aspects being managed? (Are there relations between the activities in support of economic integration) How many people on average move through the node and the area? (According to management how well does the node function) At what point will the BRT system be implemented in the area? Why? (Assessing the development of an integrated transportation system) Are there maintenance structures in place to maintain an aesthetically pleasing and safe environment? (Are markets being maintained and supportive of enticing economic activity?) How is the node being maintained? Are there funds coming from the economic activity in the area? (Is the node self sustaining or it requires external funding?) How have the immediate residents of the Elias Motsoaledi informal settlement benefited from the development? (Has the development provided a convenience for locals? Allowing them to have more disposable income?) How has the emergence of Maponya Mall responded the potential prosperity of the Baralink? (Has it proven to be a feasible development? Has the emergence of a market competitor had any effect on the node? Positive or negative?) Has the tax revenue from the area increased positively from the evidence of formal business? (Is there a level of sustenance developing to ensure that the node is self sufficient?) Are more businesses looking to enter the market of late? (Has the node emerged as a feasible point of investment?) What are the property prices within the boundaries of the Baralink? (High or considerate of low income status of the area, therefore inclusive or exclusive economic environment) What are some of the underlying issues that have surfaced in the area if any? (Unveiling issues that may be deeply entrenched)

iv. v. vi. vii.

viii.

ix.

x.

xi.

xii. xiii.

xiv.

Questions: (Resident)

i.
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Where do you work? (help locate nodes that are accustom to some locals)

ii.

iii. iv. v. vi. vii. viii. ix. x.

xi.

How do you travel between work and home? Are you limited to that mode? (Mode of transportation, is it efficient? Where does the individual get this transportation?) How long does it take you to travel the distance? (transportation efficiency) Is the transportation system convenient for you? Why? (Informs whether transportation system is adequately servicing the needs of the people) Do you feel that the BRT system would be beneficial in the area? (Is there a demand for more diverse transportation system?) Has the availability of more formal shops in the area made life easier for you? (Is the area functional in terms of economic activity and accessibility) Where do you buy your groceries, clothing and daily needs? (Are people using the shops in the area, has it allowed for and increase in disposable income?) Do the taxis and informal traders active in the area provide a comfortable environment for you? (Is the environment safe and comfortable) Do you use the public spaces provided by around the area? (Are the spaces developed being used by locals) Where do you meet with people? (Such as meeting friends to socialise, going to church, how do they get about to their respective social scenes, day or night?) What do you like and dislike about the environment created? (Unveiling issues that may be deeply entrenched)

Related Articles: Bara transport hub up and running Written by Emily Visser Friday, 03 October 2008

It has been over 10 years in the making, with the first phase of construction completed five
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years ago; now the impressive Baragwanath Taxi and Bus facility is finally finished.

The portfolio head of transport, Rehana Moosajee, with the mayoral committee member for development planning and urban management Ruby Mathang, and the City's Executive Mayor Amos Masondo THE incessant honking of taxis, impatient to get on the road, was the first sound to greet guests arriving for the official launch of the Baragwanath Taxi and Bus facility. An impressive concrete structure, it stands opposite the biggest hospital in the southern hemisphere, the Chris Hani Baragwanath Hospital in Old Potchefstroom Road, Soweto. For most residents these two are the gateway into the township and some 42 000 commuters make their way through here each day. The launch, on 2 October, also marked the official beginning of Johannesburg's Transport Month, said Rehana Moosajee, the member of the mayoral committee for transport, speaking during the opening. Executive Mayor Amos Masondo reminded everyone that the facility was much more than a transport hub. "It symbolises in many ways the quest for urban renewal in the greater Soweto area." The hub will eventually be part of the City's ambitious Rea Vaya Bus Rapid Transit system, which will in turn feed into the Gautrain Rapid Rail link. "The City has identified an effective and efficient transport system as one of the primary drivers of economic development," Masondo confirmed. Completed in June, the final phase of the project included a new pedestrian bridge and the
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installation of 17 CCTV cameras. All aboard Stakeholders have put their stamp of approval on the development. Ranging from informal traders to the various taxi associations, bus companies and commuter organisations, they agreed as one that the new Baragwanath transport hub more than met their expectations. "I can really say to you, Mr Mayor, it is mission accomplished," said James Mothupi, speaking on behalf of the Gauteng Commuter Organisation. Plans for its development were hatched over 10 years ago, and in 2003 the first phase of the project - realigning Old Potch Road - was completed. It took six years and five phases to bring the whole project to fruition, with things not always running smoothly. Moosajee remembers the times when negotiations were tough, especially with taxi operators, and often done in the very early hours of the morning. But it was these same people who gave their continued co-operation and support, eventually allowing the project to take shape, she said. Matlakata Motloung, the marketing executive of Putco, the bus operator, remembered the Bara taxi rank of old. As a young school girl in 1981, she would catch a taxi from here to Meadowlands High School. It was a "vibey place", with no formal structure, she recalled. People squeezed together in one small area, selling goods, playing "ma dice", but "everyone shared this space". In many ways it was a carbon copy of Joburg city, "full of warmth, excitement, laughter, loud music", a place where people had time for each other, she said. Asked if she thought the new Bara would live up to this reputation, she believed it would. "That's the spirit of Soweto." Traders' market Not everyone is equally satisfied, however. Sitting under unsightly plastic sheeting, their wares all but clogging the pedestrian walkways, many informal traders still shun the new trading areas.

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Informal traders can now trade under roof at one of the new traders markets Despite the availability of 470 stalls, the majority continue to trade along pavements and on the pedestrian bridge. The new trading areas are all under roof, with each trader having lock-up facilities and sturdy work tables and benches. But complaints from the 1 600 traders range from the rental being too steep, to the stalls being out of the way of their potential clients. Pauline Tshabalala, however, disagrees with these concerns. She has been using the new facilities for the last three months and said she was very happy. "It is more comfortable. It is out of the rain and the sun." Her vegetables look crisp and fresh, and at R60 a month for rental, she feels she is getting a fair deal. Alfred Sam, the chief executive officer of the Metro Trading Company, which is in charge of the traders' market, said negotiations with the traders were under way. But, in the end, they would have to move to the new facilities or move on, he said. Policy And Xolani Nxumalo, the deputy director of informal trading in the economic development department, spelled out the City's stance. "The City's policies are clear. Trading may only take place in designated market areas. These people are illegal traders. We will be enforcing this big time from now on."

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Concrete art work and beautiful mosaics adorn the structure The new trading areas included destination-related facilities that could accommodate hairdressers, muti shops and cellphone suppliers, confirmed Urban Solutions director, Gunther Wagner, the company responsible for the project's design. They were connected to the pedestrian bridge so that traders could get the necessary exposure. Speaking about the design, Wagner said "this [design] process was very much from the bottom up" with the people's needs in mind. "The whole facility is about integration." Besides the holding bays and ranks for taxis and the traders' market, the Baragwanath Taxi and Bus facility has a section specifically set aside for long-distance buses and taxis. In the end, it was about people who need to be moved, agreed Moosajee. "Commuters remain central to this development."

Read more: http://www.joburg.org.za/content/view/3024/213/#ixzz0yUMDmgVm

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