Journal of the International Association of

Buddhist Studies
Volume 20 Number 2 1997
Editorial
In memoriam
Sir Harold Walter Bailey
by EIVIND KAHRS
TORKEL BREKKE
The Early Sarpgha and the Laity
ANNHEIRMAN
Some Remarks on the Rise of the
and on the Ordination Ceremony for
according to the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya
OSKAR VON HINOBER
Buddhist Law According to the Theravada Vinaya II:
1
3
7
33
Some Additions and Corrections 87
UTEHUSKEN
The Application of the Vinaya Term nasana 93
CHARLES B. JONES
Stages in the Religious Life of Lay Buddhists in Taiwan 113
PETRA KIEFFER-PULZ
Rules for the sima Regulation in the Vinaya and
its Commentaries and their Application in Thailand 141
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EDITORIAL BOARD
Cristina A. Scherrer-Schaub
Tom J.P. Tillemans
Editors-in-Chief
Robert Buswell
Steven Collins
Collett Cox
Luis O. G6mez
Oskar von Hinuber
Roger Jackson
Padmanabh S. Jaini
Shoryu Katsura
Donald S. Lopez, Jr.
Alexander Macdonald
D. Seyfort Ruegg
Robert Sharf
Ernst Steinkellner
Erik Zurcher
Editorial Assistant:
Yves Ramseier
Editorial
With the present issue of the JIABS the tenn of the hitherto Editor-in-
chief, Donald S. LOPEZ, Jr., comes to an end and that of the new
incoming editors begins. We would like to take this opportunity to thank
Professor Lopez sincerely for his excellent editorial work and genuine
dedication over the past four years. The JIABS will continue to pursue
the same course that Professor Lopez and the Editorial Board charted: t6
publish scholarly articles pertaining to all facets of Buddhist Studies. We
may note, however, one difference relative to previous practice, namely,
that articles can now also be submitted in French or Gennan, provided
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Finally, we would like to offer, at this point in time, the Association's
wann thanks to Professor Flora BOTTON of EI Colegio de Mexico, who
so ably hosted the XIth Congress of the International Association of
Buddhist Studies. The XIIth Congress, which will take place in
Lausanne, Aug. 23-28, 1999, will thus be able to build on the founda-
tion of a very successful predecessor. Mangalam.
Lausanne, Dec. 1, 1997 Cristina A. Scherrer-Schaub
Tom IF. Tillemans
Editors
nABS 20.2
Contributors to this issue:
Torkel BREKKE is currently working on his doctoral degree at the
Oriental Institute, University of Oxford. Main fields of interest: the
intellectual and religious tranformations in India during the colonial
period and the sociology of early Buddhism.
Ann HEIRMAN is Research Assistant of the Fund for Scientific
Research - Flanders (Belgium), Ghent National University (Belgium).
Fields of interest: early Chinese monastic life and its Indian background;
life of Buddhist nuns.
Oskar v. HINOBER is Professor for Indology at the Orientalisches
Seminar, University of Freiburg (Germany). Main fields of interest:
history of middle Indo-Aryan languages and Piili literature, Gilgit
manuscripts, epigraphy of the Upper Indus, South-east Asian Buddhism.
Ute HOSKEN is Research Assistant, Seminar fur Indologie und
Buddhismuskunde, G6ttingen University. Her main fields of academic
research: Buddhist monastic law; ritual and social organisation of South
Indian Vaishnavas.
Charles B. JONES, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Religion and Religious
Education, Catholic University of America; Washington DC, USA.
Interests: religion in Taiwan, post-Song dynasty Chinese Pure Land
Buddhism, Buddhist-Christian interchange. Assistant Book Review
editor for the Journal of Buddhist Ethics.
M _ ' ; ~
EivindKAHRS, Lecturer in Sanskrit, University of Cambridge, and
Fellow of Queen's College. Main research interests are in Shastric
Sanskrit, particularly grammar and philosophy of language, and Indian
intellectual history in general.
Petra KIEFFER-PULZ received her Ph.D. in 1989 from Georg August
University in G6ttingen, Seminar for Indology and Buddhology. She
currently teaches at Martin Luther University in Halle, and at Friedrich
Schiller University in Jena. Her research centers on Buddhism, in
particular Buddhist law and cultural history.
In memoriam
Sir Harold Walter Bailey
ENINDKAHRS
Sir Harold Walter Bailey passed away on 11 January 1996. Writing
about him is writing about an institution. What is immediately striking
about his scholarly life is the timespan and the sheer output. Then there
are the myths, and of course the stories. A bibliography compiled when
he was 70 lists more than 150 articles and nine books. After that he
published extensively for another 25 years.
Sir Harold was born in Wiltshire, England, on 16 December 1899.
When he was ten years old his family emigrated to start a new life
farming in Western Australia, in the middle of nowhere, 200 miles east
of Perth. This was hardly the most encouraging cradle for mastery of
philology. There was not even a school in the area. But the young
Harold used whatever he could lay his hands on to teach himself. His
life might have run a different course had he not had access to a seven
volume encyclopaedia, and grammars of French, German, Italian,
Spanish, Latin and Greek. He also looked at Bible translations in Arabic,
Syriac, Turkish, Persian, and Hindi. And there is the story of how he
taught himself Japanese from the newspaper wrappings of imported
goods from the local store.
In 1921 he entered Perth University to read Classics - Oriental
Studies was of course not available, and took his MA in 1926 with his
thesis A Study of Religion in the Dramas of Euripides. This was fol-
lowed in 1927 by a Hackett Studentship - the first to be awarded - to go
to Oxford to read Sanskrit, Avestan, and Indo-European comparative
philology. Oxford did not acknowledge his Western Australian degree
and he had to start over again as an undergraduate. This must have been
the turning point of his life, though, and after more than fifty years in
Cambridge Sir Harold once said to me "I still consider myself an Oxford
man, you know".
It was the Iranian field which had by now caught his attention, and for
the rest of his life he strived to understand the developments of the
JIABS 20.2 4
Iranian branch of the Indo-European family of languages. In 1929 he
became the first lecturer in Iranian Studies at the School of Oriental
Studies in London. In the same year he embarked upon the study of a
text which possibly occupied his mind more than any other - the
Bundahisn or 'Primal creation', a kind of encyclopaedia of Zoroas-
trianism written in the Middle Iranian language Pahlavi. It is mainly a
detailed cosmogony and cosmography based on the Zoroastrian scrip-
tures, but it also contains a short history of the legendary Kayanids and
Eransahr in their days. The text is extremely difficult, and the work
grew to unmanageable dimensions. In 1933 Sir Harold presented an un-
finished version for which he was awarded his Oxford D .Phil. He also
discovered that the Danish academic Kaj Barr was working on the same
Bundahisn material and was preparing to have it published. In a very
characteristic manner Harold Bailey generously handed all his material
over to Barr, who did not finish it either but saw to it that the material
was partly destroyed at his death. What was not destroyed created fur-
ther havock in the world of Iranian studies. Sir Harold took up again the
study of Bundahisn later in life, and finished the monumental work in
1989.
The year 1936 presents another turning point in Harold Bailey's
career. He was appointed Professor of Sanskrit in Cambridge, succeed-
ing E.J. Rapson, and became a Fellow of Queen's College, which would
be his home until he retired in 1967. Harold Bailey was not really a
Sanskritist, but, as Ron Emmerick once remarked, everyone knows
Sanskrit, so he continued to pursue his Iranian studies. In 1936 he also
gave the Ratanbai Katrak lectures in Oxford, published as a monograph
in 1943 under the name Zoroastrian Problems in the Ninth-century
Texts. This_ work ranks very high among Sir Harold's many important
publicatiohs. Together with Walter Bruno Henning's The Disintegration
of the Avestic Studies and Georg Morgenstierne's Orthography and
Sound-system of the Avesta, it gave the field of Old and Middle Iranian
studies an entirely new direction.
Interrupted to some extent by the Second World War when he had to
spend time away from Cambridge to work for the Foreign Office,
Harold Bailey nevertheless pursued a new line of work which he had
begun already in London and which was to become his main activity for
more than thirty years: the deciphering and editing of the vast mass of
seventh to tenth century manuscript material in Khotanese, an Iranian
language spoken in Central Asia. This constitutes his main contribution
KAHRS 5
to Buddhist Studies. Between 1900 and 1916 the scholar and explorer
Sir Aurel Stein made three expeditions to Central Asia. In May 1907 a
Buddhist monk showed him a vast mass of manuscript bundles which
had been lying in the Caves of the Thousand Buddhas for more than a
thousand years. Stein bought them for what he described as "a sum
which made the British Museum chuckle" and brought them back to
England. With extraordinary skill and energy Sir Harold transliterated,
translated, and wrote aliicles on Khotanese and the people who spoke it,
another monumental work which culminated in the Dictionary of Khotan
Saka in 1979. When Sir Harold began work on Khotanese, scarcely any
of the late Khotanese documents in cursive script had been deciphered.
And Sir Harold was fabulously good at reading these cursive documents.
He had, of course, considerable practice in reading difficult scripts,
notably from his previous work on Pahlavi, which now came in handy.
Naturally, errors crept in here and there, but seen as a whole, Harold
Bailey's Khotanese studies represent absolutely brilliant scholarship. Sir
Harold was also able to put unrelated, non-Indo-European languages
such as Chinese, Tibetan and Turkish to good use in the study of
Khotanese, and also aquainted himself with a number of Caucasian lan-
guages in search of Iranian loan-words. He did also aquaint himself with
languages to read their literature, particularly epics in Armenian,
Georgian, and Ossetic ..
Some years ago Sir Harold told me that he had started work on
Khotanese in the hope that it would shed some light on the difficulties of
the Bundahisn. He also told me that after more than forty years of
Khotanese studies he had found that it had not helped his understanding
of the Bundahisn at all. Khotanese studies, however, flourished due to
the pioneering dictionary, grammar, text editions, translations and arti-
cles produced by Sir Harold over the years, and the insights gained from
his studies he and others have used to illuminate problems in other
Iranian and Indian languages. What was really unique about Sir Harold's
work was that he published the entire Khotanese material. This did not
happen in Sogdian, it did not happen in Middle Iranian, and it did not
happen in Parthian, where people were and are sitting on material, pre-
venting others from getting access to it. That Harold Bailey translit-
erated and published everything testifies to the generosity and erudition
characteristic of a man fully devoted to true scholarship. He will be re-
membered as such.
TORKEL BREKKE
The Early Sarpgha and the Laity!
There were sharp boundaries between monks and laymen in early
Buddhist and Theravada Buddhist societies. The aim of this article is to
show how the relationship between the Sarpgha and the laity originated
and was maintained in early Buddhism. My main source is the Vinaya-
pitaka of the Pali Canon. Sources of secondary importance are the Sutta-
pitaka, the Thera- and Therigathas and the Catu:fpari:fatsiitra which is a
Sanskrit parallell to the first 24 chapters of the Khandhaka section of the
Vinayapitaka in Pali.
To illuminate the relationship between the Sarpgha and the laity I will
employ two concepts from Bryan WILSON's sociology of religion:
conversion ism and introversionism. In his book ReligiOUS Sects WILSON
gives a definition and a general typology of sects.
2
Although his own
application of the typology is limited to groups within the Christian
tradition his categories are of such a general kind that they can be
applied elsewhere. WILSON draws attention to the need for a typology
the relevance of which is not limited to groups within the Christian
tradition:
If the sociology of religion is to move forward, we must create categories which
allow us to study comparatively the social functions and development of religious
movements. As a consequence, such studies must shun categories dictated too
specifically by the characteristics of a particular theological tradition. Obviously,
the types we can use are still drawn mainly from the material at our disposal,
especially from Christian movements. But it is imperative that we should try to
enlarge their application, and, if needs be, modifY their fonnulation in the light of
this extension of their meaning, so that we shall have a series of analytical
instruments which will no longer be centred on a particular civilization and reli-
gion (in this case, Christian).3
1. I would like to thank the Norwegian Research Council for financial support
during my work on this article.
2. WILSON, Bryan R.: Religious Sects. A Sociological Study, London 1970.
3. WILSON, Bryan: "The Typology of Sects", In Archives de Sociologie de Religion,
vo1.16. (1963). Trans. by ROBERTSON, Jenny M. p. 49-63.
JIABS 19.2 8
I take this as an invitation to apply WILSON's types in the study of other
religious traditions than the Christian. In my opinion, WILSON's typol-
ogy gives us a useful framework for the study of the early Sarpgha and
the social processes that took place in the early stages of Buddhism.
WILSON defines a sect in terms of eight qualities which will be present
in the religious community. Buddhism was a sect according to
WILSON's definition.
WILSON distinguishes seven cardinal types of sects based on the nature
of the sects' response to the world. They are the conversionist, the revo-
lutionary, the introversionist, the manipulationist, the thaumaturgical,
the reformist and the utopian. These are not static categories. One sectar-
ian movement can have elements of different orientations and a sect can,
and in most cases will, move from one category to another over time.
Thus, the typology is suited to measure change in a sect's orientation
toward the world.
Gordon.W. ALLPORT used the concept of extrinsic vs intrinsic motiva-
tion for religious behaviour.
4
A person who has an extrinsic orientation
uses religion to achieve other ends; the religion is not the ultimate goal
in itself. His relationship to religion is instrumental and the beliefs can
be shaped accordingly to fit his mundane desires. The heterodox systems
served important functions in the pursuit of wordly or extrinsic goals for
certain parts ofIndian society. For instance, by subscribing to Buddhism
the could undermine the authority of the Brahmins, and the
new religious ethic seems to have suited an emerging urban merchant
class.
s
However, in the case of early Buddhism I believe that it was first
of all members of the lower strata of society who had mundane motiva-
tions for joining the Sarpgha. I will look at the motivation of those who
came for the security and status of monkhood and those who came
"purely for'a comfortable living" as PACHOW says.6 As I will show, this
extrinsic motivation is abundantly documented in the Khandhakas of the
Vinayapitaka.
4. For a review of this concept, see HUNT, Richard A. and KING, Morton B. in
Malony, Newton H. (ed.). Current Perspectives in the Psychology of Religion,
Grand Rapids 1977, pp. 138-159. See ALLPORT, G.W. and ROss, J.M. pp.116-
137 for the concept used to understand religion and prejudice.
5. SIMSON, G. v.: "Der zeitgeschichtliche Hintergrund der Entstehung des
Buddhismus und seine Bedeutung fur die Datierungsfrage", Symposien zur
Buddhismusforschung IV. 1 (1991). Ed. by H. Bechert, G6ttingen, pp. 90-99.
6. PACHOW, W.: A Comparative Study of the Pratimoksa, Santiniketan 1955, p. 66.
BREKKE 9
I have introduced three concepts that I will apply in my approach to
the textual material: introversionism, conversionism and extrinsic moti-
vation. The aim of this article is to show that early Buddhism changed
. from a conversionist to an introversionist relationship to the world and
that this process was a consequence of the extrinsic motivation of the
potential members of the Saqlgha.
7
1. Extrinsic Motivation
In chapter 1.39 of the Mahiivagga of the Vinayapitaka (MV from now
on) people go forth because they are afflicted with the five diseases
which were prevalent among the people of Magadha and they cannot get
the attendance of the physician Hvaka Komarabhacca outside the
Saqlgha as he is too busy caring for the King and the monks. Typically,
they ask themselves whether they should go forth among the sons of the
Sakyans; then monks would look after them and the physician would
attend to them.
8
In MV.I.40 some soldiers join the Saqlgha in order to
escape military service. In MV.I.41 a thief has gone forth to hide. In
MV.I.42 a thief breaks out of jail and joins the order. It has been
decreed by King Bimbisara that nothing should be done against the sons
of the Sakyans, and therefore the criminal feels safe among the recluses.
In MV.I.43 a man is on the run, having committed a crime. In the royal
palace it is written that this man should be killed when seen.
9
He joins
the Saqlgha to hide. In MV.I.44 and 45 men who have been scourged
and branded as punishment join the order of monks. In MV.I.46 a
debtor goes forth among the monks in order to escape his creditors. In
MV.I.47 a slave has run away and taken shelter in the Saqlgha. In
MV.I.48 a metal-smith joins the order to hide from his parents. In
MV.I.49 a group of boys with Upali as their leader goes forth in order
7. It will be clear that I am interested in the Buddhist texts, first of all the Khandaka
of the Pitaka, as a source of information about society at the time of the
Buddha. The presupposition that reliable information can be extracted from this
text may, of course, be questioned. I have tried to clarifY the historical value of
the Khandaka in BREKKE, Torkel: "The Skandhaka of the Vinaya Pitaka and its
Historical Value", Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde Siidasiens und Archiv fur
Indische Philosophie 42, 1998 (forthcoming).
8. yal!l nuna mayal!l Sakyaputtiyesu pabbajeyyiima, tattha bhikkU c' eva
upaHhahissanti Jivako ca Komiirabhacco tikicchissatfti.
9. yattha passitabbo tattha hantabbo 'ti.
JIABS 19.2 10
to live at ease. Getting up in the night they cry out for food.lO These are
examples of extrinsically motivated monks.
If we look at the Thera- and Therigiithii, we find more passages about
monks and nuns who were motivated by wordly goals. According to
Dhammapala's commentary, the poor and hard-working Sumangala of
Theragiithii XLIII joins the order because he sees that the recluses live in
sheltered lodgings, dress in delicate robes and eat well. He is admitted to
the order by the Thera simply out of compassion. In Rama:Q.lyavihiirin of
Theragiithii XL V we have a typical example of the kind of monk who
throughout the history of Buddhism made the Saqlgha the object of
accusations of laxity.
Reborn in this Buddha-age at Rajagaha, as the son of a leading citizen, he lived in
youthful wantonness. One day he saw the king's officers arresting an adulterer,
and growing agitated, he listened to the Master teaching, and left the world. As a
bhikkhu, but still susceptible to fleshly lusts, he made himself a well-garnished
chamber, well furnished as to food and drink, seat and couch; and so he ever
dwelt. For this reason he was known as Rama1Jlyaviharin (Pleasant-lodge
Brother).!!
Nita of Theragiithii LXXXIV was the same kind of monk.
When grown up he thought: "These Sakiyan recluses are very lucky in that they
are well provided with all necessaries. It is a happy life, that of a member of the
Order." So he entered it to get pleasure from it, paid scant attention to his exer-
cise, ate his fill, spent the day in idle talk, and slept all night long. 12
A<;lQhakasl of Therigiithii XXII joins the Saqlgha to escape her life as a
prostitute. The same is the case for Ambapall of Therigiithii LXVI.
Discussing the case of a prostitute joining the Saqlgha, K. MYLIUS
writes: "Das war sicherlich kein Einzelfall, und es gibt allerlei Hinweise
der zeitgenossischen Quellen, dass der Sangha nicht ausschliesslich aus
edlen Motiyen aufgesucht wurde."13
But it w ~ s not only Buddhists who were extrinsically motivated. Or, to
put it differently, people who wanted to adopt a religious life in the
pursuit of an easy living sometimes had other, and perhaps better,
opportunities than the Buddhist Saqlgha. A.K. WARDER argues that
there existed a broad milieu of ascetics and wanderers before the great
10. yagulJl detha, bhattalJl detha, khiidaniyalJl detha 'ti ..
11. Theragatha XLV, Trans. RHYS DAVIDS Mrs.: Psalms a/the Early Buddhists.
Psalms a/the Brethren. London 1913, p. 49-50.
12. Theragatha LXXXIV, ibid. p. 81.
13. MYLIUS, Klaus: Geschichte der altindischen Literatur, Bern 1988, p. 312.
BREKKE 11
heterodox sects and that the organized schools originated as a conse-
quence of changes in the society.
No doubt the lijiva was embraced by many who wished to escape the need to
work or the responsibilities of family life, not to speak of conscription, forced
labour, or slavery, and was a carefree existence very different from the life of
strenous asceticism, complicated discipline, and intensive study required ofmem-
bers of most of the organized sects afterwards (although freedom from all woddy
cares was always stressed.)I4 .
Thus, according to WARDER, Buddhism originated in a religious envi-
ronment where extrinsic motivation was common.
The problem of extrinsic motivation for joining the Sa:tp.gha had no
ultimate solution. On the contrary, it seems to have grown as the number
of monasteries rose and their wealth and prestige increased. According
to R.A.L.H. GUNA WARDANA the kings of medieval Sri Lanka were
constantly engaged in purifying the Sa:tp.gha by expelling unsuited
monks.
I5
M. CARRITHERS says that the Sa:tp.gha of Ceylon came to be
seen as consisting of two parties; one was the village-Sa:tp.gha with their
involment in lay life and the monasteries' control of vast areas of land
for cultivation, the other was the forest-dwellers and ascetics. 16 Melford
SPIRO discusses the motivation of the Burmese monks in similar
terms)7 According to SPIRO, the Burmese distinguishes between three
types of motivation to join the Sarp.gha: first, religious motives; second,
the desire to escape the miseries of worldly life; third, the wish for an
easy life. SPIRO'S first category corresponds to Allport's intrinsic moti-
vation whereas both the second and the third would be aspects of extrin-
sic motivation. Most of Spiro's informants say that the larger part ofthe
Burmese monks joined the Sarp..gha in order to escape miseries or have
an easy life. They are extrinsically motivated. Because of their easy
living there are five times as many monks as there would be otherwise,
14. WARDER, A.K.: "On the Relationship between Early Buddhism and Other
Contemporary Systems", The Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African
Studies 18 (1956), p. 47.
15. GUNAWARDANA, R.A.L.H.: Robe and Plough. Monasticism and Economic
Interest in Early Medieval Sri Lanka. Tucson 1979, pp.137-139.
16. CARRITHERS, Michael B.:"They will be Lords upon the Island: Buddhism in Sri
Lanka", In The World of Buddhism. Edited by Heinz BECHERT and Richard
GOl\.1BRICH, London 1984, p. 143.
17. SPIRO, Melford E.: Buddhism and Society. A Great Tradition and its Burmese
Vicissitudes. California 1982, p. 321 ff.
JIABS 19.2 12
the informants claim.
ls
Although the monks themselves give nobler
motives for their decision to join the Sarpgha, SPIRO is clearly of the
opinion that the extrinsic motivational factors are very important in the
recruitment of monks. According to SPIRO, almost all monks are from
poor village families. This is also the case in Thailand.
19
The Sarpgha
offers a higher standard of living and a higher status for poor villagers
than they would achieve outside the order. The order also offers a possi-
bility of getting an education for poor youngsters.
It seems, then, that we have a situation in modem Theravada countries
with antecedents in the earliest Sarpgha. The modem situation - where
poor people are motivated by the increase in living standard and status -
is not new. From the stories of the Khandhakas it seems that extrinsic
motivation was a problem already at the time of the Buddha. In the rest
of this article I will show how this tendency toward extrinsic motivation
has, from the very start, been an essential force in the shaping of the
relationship between the Sarpgha and the laity and thus in the shaping of
the structure of Buddhist societies.
2. The Consequences of Extrinsic Motivation
The Sarpgha always depended on the support of the laity. To receive
support, the monks had to be, or at least appear as, pure and distin-
guished individuals. The Sarpgha had to stand out as a body worthy of
support. The monks were expected to lead lives devoted to high reli-
gious ideals and they were expected to light up the world with their
holiness. People who joined the order simply to benefit from its security
and the spiritual and material support it enjoyed corrupted the Sarpgha.
Very early it became necessary to bar these people out. It was essential
to showtp.e world that the monks took no interest in worldly pleasures.
This need brought about a change in the early Sarpgha's relationship to
the world. By physical separation and by segregation by outward appear-
ance the Sarpgha withdrew from the world to cultivate and demonstrate
its own holiness and aloofness. It was a change from an outwardly-
minded conversionism to withdrawal and segregation; to introversionism.
18. ibid. p. 322.
19. ibid. p. 325.
BREKKE 13
2.1. From Conversionism ...
In WILSON's typology, conversionism is one of the seven basic
responses to the world that a sect can adopt.
20
I use the term conver-
sionism to denote the great emphasis which is put on the conversion of
new members to the Sa:q1gha and the lack of restrictions in admittance.
The early Buddhists seem to have engaged in fervent and competitive
proselytizeing activity both toward other sects and toward Brahmins and
other important members of society.
In the Khandhaka section of the Vinayapitaka we have the most
detailed description of the early stages of the Buddhist Sa:q1gha available
in Buddhist literature. Its account starts right after the enlightenment of
Gotama. The young prince is now a Buddha, but he has no congregation
yet. Initially, he does not want to experience the weariness and vexation
caused by the dull intellects of his potential pupils and he must be
persuaded by Brahma Sahampati to teach the Dhamma. The first
question which arises is to whom he should first preach. He decides to
approach the group of five ascetics with whom he previously has
practiced asceticism. These five form the first Sarpgha.
Part 1.7 of the MV is about the conversion and going forth of Yasa,
the son of a rich merchant of Benares and about the conversion and
going forth as a lay-disciple of Yasa's father. The Buddha uses his
charisma to win over Yasa as a monk and his father as a lay-disciple.
When the great merchant sees his son who has run away from home in
order to join the Buddha's following he begs him to come home for his
mother's sake.
21
When the merchant asks his son to come back, the
Buddha tells him that Yasa cannot tum back to the low life and enjoy
sensual pleasures as he did before when he led the life of a house-
holder.
22
In MV 1.8. the mother and former wife of Yasa take refuge in the
Buddha, the Dhamma and the Sa:q1gha as lay-disciples and become the
first women lay-disciples using the three-word formula.
23
In MV 1.9
20. WILSON, Religious Sects, pp. 36-48.
21. mata te tata Yasaparidevasokasampanna, dehi matujfvitan ti.
22. abhabbo kho gahapati Yaso kulaputto hfnayavattitva kame paribhuiijitul?'!
seyyathiipi pubbe agarikabhuto 'ti.
23. to.' a loke pathamal?'! upasikii ahesul?'! tevacikii.
nABS 19.2 14
four friends of Yasa approach the Lord and are ordained. In MV 1.10
sons of other families in Benares approach the Lord and are ordaine.d.
In MV 1.11. the Buddha tells the monks to walk out and preach
Dhamma. He is approached by Mara who tells the Lord that he is bound
by all snares but the Buddha tells Mara that he is freed from all snares
and that Death is destroyed. Mara gives up and disappears.
In MVI.12. monks bring in from different regions people who wish
to go forth and who want ordination and the Buddha allows the monks
to let go forth and ordain where they are without coming to him. Of
course, this must have been necessary for Buddhism to have a substantial
geographical expansion. The Buddha gives the rules as to how the ordi-
nation should be carried out by the monks.
In MV 1.14. the Buddha meets thirty young men in a forest. One of
these men had no wife and a prostitute was brought along for him.
While they were amusing themselves, the prostitute took their belong-
ings and ran off and the men are looking for the woman when they meet
the Buddha. The Buddha asks them what would be best for the men, to
look for the woman or to look for the self. The men agree that it would
be better if they should look for the self. The Buddha preaches and the
men see Dhamma and are converted.
It is clear that the early Buddhists tried to win followers. But there
were other sects with the same ambitions. In the Siimafifiaphalasutta
King Ajatasattu is tormented by the fact that he has killed his own
father, King Bimbisara, and in his affliction he is unable to enjoy him-
self like kings are supposed to in their spare time. The ministers each
recommend that he go to see one of six religious teachers: PuralJa
Kassapa, Makkhali Gosala, Ajita Kesakambali:, Pakudha Kaccayana,
Safijaya Be1atthiputta and NigalJtha Nataputta. However, King Ajatasattu
has alrealfY paid visits to the six heretics and his mind has not been
appeased. But when a councillor suggests that he seek out the Buddha
for guidance, the King finally sees some hope and prepares his elephants
for a nocturnal excursion. He arrives at Hvaka's mango grove where the
Buddha is staying. But before the Buddha will soothe the King's mind
with his superior doctrine and his superior pedagogical skills, the King is
asked to give an account of the six heretics' answers to his question.
According to A.L. BASHAM, the doctrines ascribed to PuralJa
Kassapa, Makkha1i Gosala and Pakudha Kaccayana are probably all
BREKKE 15
aspects of early Ajivikism.
24
Ajita Kesakambali: represents materialism
that must have been a forerunner of the Carvakas, Nigal).tha Nataputta
may be identified with Mahavira and the account of Safijaya Belatthi-
putta may be a satirical description of agnostic teachers' unwillingness
. and inability to answer metaphysical questions. From the testimony of
the Siimaiiiiaphalasutta and other texts, it appears that there was a high
degree of competition among the different sects and their leaders.2
5
In the Tevijjasutta ofthe Dighanikiiya, the Buddha is approached by
two young Brahmins who ask whether the teachings of the various
Brahmin teachers Addhariya, Tittiriya, Chandoka and Bavarika lead to
the same right goal. The answer is that only the path of the Buddha leads
to salvation. Another story of competition betwen the great sect-leaders
is found in chapter V of the Cullavagga of the Vinayapitaka (CV from
now). Here, a great merchant in Rajagaha makes a wooden bowl out of a
block of precious sandal-wood. He puts it on a high pole and declares
that whoever is a perfected one and has psychic power and gets the bowl
down from the pole shall have it. Pfiral).a Kassapa, Makkhali Gosala,
Ajita Kesakambalin, Pakudha Kaccayana, Safijaya Belatthiputta and
Nataputta the Jain approaches the merchant and claim the right to the
bowl. However, it is a Buddhist, Pil).<;iola the Bharadvaja, who actually
wins the contest. He rises above the ground, takes the bowl, circles
Rajagaha and lands by the house of the merchant. However, when the
Buddha hears this he reproaches Pil).<;iola the Bharadvaja and he forbids
the monks to exhibit psychis powers to householders.
The competitive element in the proselytizeing activity of early Bud-
dhism is clearly expressed in MV.US-20. In these passages the Buddha
demonstrates to a community of matted hair ascetics his superior magi-
cal powers. He performs many wonders, showing complete mastery over
all beings and over time and space. When the matted hair ascetics want
24. BASHAM, A.L.: History and Doctrines o/the A./ivikas, Delhi 1981.
25. In the MahiiparinirviilJasiitra 40, the same sect leaders as in the SriimalJyaphala-
sfdra are the subject of discussion. Here, it is Subhadra who approaches the
Buddha and asks why each of these different leaders profess their own, special
doctrine. The Buddha explains that only his doctrine leads to the desired goal of
Arhatship because it is the only doctrine in which the Aryan eightfold path is
found. Outside Buddhism there are no real Sramat).as nor real Brahmins. W ALD-
SCHMIDT, Ernst: Die Uberlie/erung vom Lebensende des Buddha. Eine
Vergleichende Analyse- des MahiiparinirviilJasiitra und seiner Textent-
sprechungen. Gottingen 1944, p. 227 ff ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ - - - - - - - - - - - -
nABS 19.2 16
to worship their sacrificial fires, it is only with the psychic powers of the
Buddha that they are able to chop sticks and kindle and extinguish the
fires.
26
In MV 1.15 the Buddha arrives in Uruvela. He approaches the matted
hair ascetic Kassapa of Uruvela and asks him if he can spend a night in
the fire-room. Kassapa does not object but warns the Buddha that there
is a fierce king of nagas, a terribly poisonous snake in the room.27 To
the amazement of the matted hair ascetics the Buddha masters the snake
with his superior power. In MV 1.16 the Buddha stays in a jungle thicket
near the hermitage of Kassapa of UruveHi and in the night the four great
kings having illuminated the whole jungle thicket approach the Lord to
hear Dhamma. Kassapa is amazed and admits to himself that the Buddha
has great powers.28 But he thinks himself to be of higher perfection.
29
In
MV 1.17 Sakka, the Lord of the gods, approaches the Buddha to hear
Dhamma and the same happens as in I.l6.
In MV 1.19. Kassapa is stubborn in his belief that he is of greater
perfection than the Buddha in spite of the wonders performed by the
latter. In this passage the competition between the two is even more
clearly expressed. A great sacrifice is to be held and the whole of AfJ.ga
and Magadha brings along solid food and soft food and go to attend.
Kassapa is worried that the Buddha shall perform a wonder in front of
the people so that his gain and honour shall increase and his own
decrease.3
o
The Buddha, however, knowing with his mind the mental
reflection of Kassapa goes away and does not show himself. When
Kassapa asks him why he did not come to the sacrifice the Buddha tells
the ascetic that he knew his thought. Again Kassapa is amazed but he can
still not admit that the Buddha is greater than himself.
In MV 1.20 the competition between the Buddha and the matted hair
ascetic reayhes its climax. The Buddha performs many wonders. Sakka
26. tena kho pana samayena te japlii aggi paricaritukiimii na sakkonti katthiini
phiiletu1!l ... atha kho bhagavii Uruvelakassapa1!l jatila1!l etad avoca: phiiliyantu
Kassapa katthiiniti. phiiliyantu mahiisamalJii 'ti. sakid eva pancakatthsatiini
phiiliyi1!lsu . ... sakid eva panca aggisatiini ujjali1!lsu . ... sakid eva panca aggisa-
tiini vijjhiiyi1!lsu ..
27. ca7}4' ettha niigariijii iddhimii iisiviso ghoraviso.
28. mahiddhiko kho mahiisama7}o mahiinubhavo.
29. na tv eva ca kho arahii yathii ahan ti.
30. sace mahiisama7}o mahiijanakiiye iddhipiiphiiriya1!l karissati, mahiisama7}assa
liibhasakkaro abhiva44hissati, mama liibhasakkaro parihiiyissati.
BREKKE 17
digs a tank for the Lord to wash his robe and the great god puts down a
rock for him to knead it. A devatii in a tree bends down a branch for the
Lord to hold on to when he climbs out of the water. Sakka puts down a
. new rock for him to stretch out his robe. Kassapa is impressed by these
wonders but. still believes himself to be superior to the Buddha. Now the
Buddha exhibits complete mastery over space and time by moving at
will to other worlds where he picks fruits and flowers and offers them to
Kassapa. The ascetic, however, refuses to admit that the Buddha is of
greater perfection.
Then the matted hair ascetics want to tend their fires. However, they
are unable to chop sticks because of the power of the Buddha. On the
Lord's command five hundred sticks are chopped. The ascetics cannot
kindle the fires nor extinguish them. At the Buddha's command the fires
are kindled and extinguished. Moreover, the Buddha makes five hundred
fire vessels (mandiimukhi) for the ascetics to warm themselves by after
plunging in and out of the river. Then a flood comes and the Buddha
makes the water pull back and walks on dry ground. Kassapa is still not
convinced of the Buddha's superiority.
In spite of the wonders performed, the leader of the matted hair
ascetics believes himself to be of greater power and of greater religious
perfection than the Buddha. Each time a wonder is performed, Uruvela-
kassapa must admit to himself that this recluse is of great power, "but he
is not a perfected one as myself'.3! The Buddha grows tired ofUruvela-
kassapa's stubbornness.
Then it occurred to the Lord: "Now for a long time it will occur to this foolish
man, Truly the great recluse is of great psychic power, of great might; but yet he
is not a perfected one as I am. Now suppose I should deeply stir this matted hair
ascetic?" (yaf!! nuniihaf!! imaf!! jatilaf!! saf!!vejeyyan ti.) The Lord spoke thus to
the matted hair ascetic Kassapa of Uruvela: "Neither are you, Kassapa, a
perfected one nor have you entered on the way to perfection, and that course is
not for you by which you either could be a perfected one or could have entered
on the way to perfection."32
In other words, the Buddha wants to bring about sal?'lvega, an emotional
disturbance which leads to religious motivation, in the ascetic to convert
him to Buddhism. The only reason for the Buddha to be staying with the
matted hair ascetics is to win them over to his own sect and this is his
31. mahiddhiko kho mahiisama1}o mahiinubhiivo, ... , na tv eva ca kho arahii yathii
ahan ti.
32. MV.I.20.l7. Trans. LB. HORNER.
TIABS19.2 18
only motivation to humiliate Uruvelakassapa. As a symbol of the
Buddha's victory, the ascetics cut off their matted hair, and they let their
braids, carrying poles and their devices of fire-worship be carried away
with the water. The two other Kassapas
33
join the Buddha with all their
followers as well. The next step (MV.I.22) is to make the three
announce their abandonment of-fire-worship and false doctrines in
public and in the presence of King Bimbisara. The victory of the
Buddha is complete.
Kassapa decides to fare the brahmafaring
34
under the Buddha. All the
matted hair ascetics, Kassapa of the River and Kassapa of Gaya with all
their followers, decide to follow his example. They cut their hair and let
all their implements of fire-worship be carried away with the water.
Such passages express a high degree of competition between the Buddha
and other religious leaders,35
In the MV 1.23 we have the account of a competition with another
religious leader. Safijaya is staying in Rajagaha with his following.
Among these are Sariputta and Moggallana. The two have agreed that
whoever attains the deathless first shall tell the other. One day Sariputta
sees Assaji, one of the original following of the Buddha, and he under-
stands that Assaji has entered the path of perfection. Sariputta follows
Assaji on his alms-round in the town waiting for a suitable opportunity
to ask him about his teacher and his Dhamma. Assaji tells him in few
words about the Lord and his Dhamma and Sariputta realizes that this is
the path to perfection. He returns to his friend, Moggallana, and
announces the good news.
In MY 1.24 Sariputta and Moggallana decide to leave their group and
join the Buddha instead. When they announce their plans of leaving, the
other followers of Safijaya want to go with them. Safij aya tries to make
them stay,::but he is not able to make them change their minds. The
33. Kassapa of the River is described by Dhammapiila in the commentary to Thera-
giithii CCIII as carrying on a hermit's life with 300 ascetics on the banks ofthe
river Nerafijara; hence his name. Here he recalls the fortunate day when the
Buddha came to Nerafijara and he regrets his fire-worship and false religion.
34. brahmacariya1?l caritu1?l
35. The narration of the conversion of the Kasyapas is more detailed in the Sanskrit,
the Tibetan and the Chinese than in the Pali version. Interestingly, they all give
the Buddha's motive for approaching the Kasyapas as the wish to subdue that
Brahmin or SramaI}.a in Magadha through which he can win over the greatest
nmnber of followers. This adds to the feeling of conversionism and competition.
BREKKE 19
Buddha sees the two friends coming in the distance and he predicts that
they will be his most eminent disciples. Again the victory of the Buddha
is complete. Indeed, the competition ends in the death of Safijaya .
. The clearest and most famous expression of the quest for converts is
found in MV.1.11 where the Buddha tells the monks to walk out in the
world for the welfare, blessing and happiness for devas and men and
teach Dhamma which is lovely at the beginning, lovely in the middle
and lovely at the end. It is interesting to see this missionary ideal
together with a statement in CV.V. Here, the Buddha forbids monks to
recite his speeches in metrical form and tells them to learn the word of
the Buddha in their own dialect.
36
These passages give an impression of
a sect with a wish to convert which is rerninescent of protestant Christian
sects. The account of general SIha, a disciple of the Jains (MY VI.31),
also expresses a competition between the sects, in this case the Buddhists
and the Jains, and a proselytizing activity of the Buddha.
If we move from the Vinaya- to the Suttapitaka, we find several
examples of the conversionist quality of early Buddhism. In the Udum-
barikii Szhaniidasuttanta of the Dzghanikiiya, the Buddha has a clash
with the religious leader Nigrodha. In a long conversation, the Buddha
tries to convince his opponent that his kind of asceticism is useless. This
conversation is interesting because it reveals much about the relationship
between the Buddha and other teachers. For instance, it seems that the
Buddha has been charged of too intense proselytizeing. Concluding his
speech on the uselessness of asceticism, the Buddha says:
Maybe, Nigrodha, you will think: The SamaIfa Gotama has said this from a
desire to get pupils; but you are not thus to explain my words. Let him who is
your teacher be your teacher still. Maybe, Nigrodha, you will think: the SamaIfa
Gotama has said this from a desire to make us secede from our rule; but you are
not thus to explain my words. Let that which is your rule be your rule still)7
One gets the impression that the success of the Buddhists is too much for
the competing teachers and that the Buddha is used to accusations about
ruthless missionary activity among members of other sects.
Another example of the uncompromising competition with non-
Buddhists is the Ambatthasutta where the Buddha discusses pride of
birth with a rude young Brahmin, Ambanha. Here, the Buddha asks
questions about Ambattha's lineage to show that the young Brahmin's
36. anujiiniimi bhikkave sakiiya niruttiyii bhuddavacanaJ'!l pariyiipwlitun ti.
37. Translated by T.W. RHYs DAVIDS. Dialogues a/the Buddha. London 1977.
nABS 19.2 20
feeling of superiority is without foundations. Ambattha knows that the
answer to the Buddha's question will be humiliating to himself. But the
Buddha forces him to reply in a way which is typical for competitive
debates:
If you do not give a clear reply, or go off upon another issue, or remain silent, or
go away, then your head will split in seven pieces on the spot. ... At that time
Vajrapani stood above Ambattha in the sky with a mighty mass of iron, all fiery,
dazzling, and aglow, with the intention, if Ambattha did not answer for the third
time the question asked by the Lord in accordance with Dhamma (Bhagavatii ...
sahadhammikaT[l paiihaT[l puttho), there and then to split his head in seven
pieces.
38
No wonder, the Buddha often gets the answers he seeks from his adver-
saries. There are a number of passages in the Buddhist literature that
reflect competition and envy between the different sects over the success
in conversion. There also existed envy between the sects over material
and spiritual support from the world. For instance, in the Udumbarikii-
sihaniidasuttanta of the Dighanikiiya, there is a quarrel between the
Buddha and the religious leader Nigrodha. The Buddha explains to
Nigrodha the blemishes of the ascetics.
And again, Nigrodha, an ascetic sees a certain recluse or Brahmin receiving
attentions (sakkariyamiinaT[l); being revered (garukariyamiinaT[l), honoured
(miiniyamiinaT[l) and presented with offerings (pftjiyamiinaT[l) by the citizens.
And seeing this he thinks: The citizens pay attentions to this fellow who lives in
lUxury (bahuliijivaT[l); they revere and honour him, and present him with
offerings, while to me who, as ascetic, live a really austere life (lukhiijiviT[l), they
pay no attentions, nor reverence, nor honour, nor offerings! 39
Envy also arose between different Buddhist communities as the religion
developed. In Sri Lanka under Vattagama!).i (43-17 B.C.) a split occured
between the Mahaviharavasins and the Abhayagirivasins as a result of
the King's personal gift of the Abhayagirivihara to the thera Maha-
tissa.
4o
38. ibid. vol.II,p.1l6-1l7.
39. ibid. voLIV, p.40.
40. MahavaIp.sa XXXIII, 92-97. (GEIGER, Wilhelm (ed.): The MahiivaT[lsa, London
1908) The MahavaIp.sa itself says that Maha Tissa was expelled for the offence
of having frequented villagers, but both W. R.AHlJLA (History of Buddhism in
Ceylon. The Anuriidhapura Period, Colombo 1966, p. 83) and R. GOMBRICH
(Theravada Buddhism. A Social History from Ancient Benares to Modern
Colombo, London 1988, p. 158) say that the real reason was probably the treath
to the authority and prestige of the monks of the Mahavihara.
BREKKE 21
Joy MANNE has made a distinction between three types of suttas in the
Sutta Pitaka; Sermons, Consultations and Debates. The competitive
element in the religious life is expressed in the suttas that MANNE has
called Debates, especially the Dramatic Debate with its structure of a
challenge, a refutation of the view of the. adversary and finally a defeat
where the adversary either asks to become a lay-follower or is totally
converted and asks to become a monk. In order to gain followers and
converts, early Buddhism needed an initial message which was attractive
and entertaining to people and which showed that the Buddha's Dhamma
is better than that of other teachers. Typical examples are the Sona-
da7J.qasutta, the Kassapaslhanadasutta and the Samafifiaphalasutta. A
Debate is an excercise in publicity, MANNE says:
It is an opportunity for propaganda. Something is always at stake. Not only must
the best questions be asked, and the best answer given, but converts must be won
and lay support must be gained. Under these circumstances we may expect that,
appropriate to the situation, a particular presentation of the Teaching is given. We
expect this to be religiously sound, but exaggerated, because the Debates were
public competitive occasions.
41
By the identification of a range of suttas where the goal is the winning
of converts, Manne demonstrates the conversionist quality of the early
Buddhists.
2.2 .... to Introversionism
Over the last few pages I have looked at the tendency in early Buddhism
to compete with other religious groups for converts. The group that
formed around the Buddha was constantly trying to recruit new mem-
bers and a large proportion of the converts were motivated by the
prospect of status, material support and the escape from obligations in
society. However, early in the life of the Sarp.gha changes set in. When a
sect withdraws from society and tends toward seclusion WILSON calls
the reaction introversionist. I will use this term to cover four important
aspeGts of early Buddhism: the gradual development of strict admission
procedures, the emphasis on unity, the mental segregation by outward
appearqnce and the physical segregation by separate dwellings; i.e. the
development of monasticism. I will now look at how the early Sarp.gha's
41. MANNE, Joy: "Categories ofSutta in the P1ili Nikayas and Their Implications for
Our Appreciation of the Buddhist Teaching and Literature", Journal ofPali Text
Society XV (1991), p. 73.
nABS 19.2 22
relationship to the world changed from conversionism towards intro-
versionism and how this change is reflected in the early Buddhist texts.
My primary source is still the Khandhakas of the Vinayapitaka.
2.2.1. Admission procedures
An important element of the introversionist tendencies of the early
Sa:qlgha is the gradual development of the rules for admission. As
explained above, the subject matter of the Pravrajyiivastu of the
Skandhaka, which is found in Pali in MV.L25ff., is the admission to the
Sarp.gha and the rules for newly ordained monks and novices. Monks
who do not have preceptors go for almsfood wrongly dressed and they
behave wrongly. They are critisized by lay people. The Buddha allows a
preceptor.
42
MV 1.25-27. The Buddha gives a large number of rules
about how the preceptor and the one who shares his cell (saddhivihiirika)
should behave towards each other.
In MV 1.28 the Buddha abolishes the ordination by going to the three
refuges. He allows instead to ordain by a motion and a resolution put
three times.
43
MV 1.29 to 31 treat further restrictions on ordination. It is
clear that the Sa:qlgha is reacting to a need to protect itself from mem-
bers that destroy the purity and the aloofness of the Order. Many of the
restrictions come as the result of the ordination of persons whose moti-
vations are purely mundane. The Sa:qlgha is closing its borders; it is
becoming more introversionist in its relation to the world. Discussing
the deVelopment of the ordination proceedings, I.E. HORNER says:
Regulations have to increase to meet a complexity of emergent eventualities. The
resources, nissaya, the minimum number of monks composing an Order compe-
tent to ordain, the number of years a monk must have been ordained before he is
reckoned as suitable or competent to ordain others, living in dependence, nissoya
v a t t h ~ J ~ , on a teacher, giving guidance, nissayarrz daturrz, the qualitites that a
monk should be possessed of in order to ordain, and the ordination and probation
of fonner members of other sects, and the age at which a person may be
ordained, are all subjects brought under review. The inner life of the Order had to
be safeguarded as much as had its relations to the world outside.
44
42. anujiinami bhikkave upajjhiiyam.
43. ya sii bhikkave maya tfhi sara;Jagamanehi upasampada anuiiiiatii, tiiharrz
ajjatagge patikkhipiimi. anujiiniimi bhikkave iiatticatutthena kammena upasam-
piideturrz.
44. HORNER, The Mahiivagga, p. X.
BREKKE 23
The candidate also had to undergo a period of preparation and instruc-
tion between the preliminary admission and final admission. LB.
HORNER suggests that this may be a way of dealing with the drawing
power oftheBuddhist Order.45 .
In MV 1.32, and 33 a new office is introduced by the Buddha; that of
the teacher.
46
This is an aspect of the growing organization of the
Saq1gha. MV 1.33 and 34 give rules for the behaviour of pupils towards
teachers and vice versa. 1.35 also treats the relationship betwen teachers
and pupils. MV 1.36 and 37 give a large number of instances when a
monk mayor may not ordain. These are further steps towards stricter
rules for admission.
MV 1.38 gives restrictions on the ordination of the former members of
other sects. If a former member of another sect refutes his preceptor and
returns to the other sect and later comes back to join the Saq1gha, he
should not be ordained. Members of other sects who desire ordination in
the Saq1gha should be given a four month period of probation before
ordination. This contrasts with, for instance, the episode of the matted
hair ascetics in the introduction where the Buddha uses all his magical
skills and humiliates the leader of the rival sect in his attempt to convert
the ascetics to his teaching. The attitude towards the outside world and
towards potential converts has changed. The Saq1gha is becoming more
intent on defending its borders against people with the wrong motiva-
tion.
In MV 1.39-48 thieves, murderers, debtors, run away soldiers and sick
and hungry people wish to join the Saq1gha as a way to solve their
problems. Restrictions on motivation are laid down in order to keep
these out. The Saq1gha must protect its purity from corruption. The
concern with the purity of the group is a typical feature of the introver-
sionist sect.
In MV 1.49 the Buddha gives the rule that a man under twenty years
of age should not be ordained.
47
and in MV 1.50 a boy under fifteen
years should not be let go forth.
48
These are important regulations con-
tributing to the organization of the Saq1gha and the tightening of its
borders. In MV 1.51 the puzzling exception is made that a boy under
45. ibid. p. XI.
46. anujiiniimi bhikkave iicariyarrz.
47. na bhikkavejiinarrz iinavlsativasso puggalo upasampiidetabbo.
48. na bhikkave jiinarrz iinapannarasavasso diirako pabbiijetabbo
JIABS 19.2 24
fifteen years of age can be let go forth if he is able to scare crows
(kiikutrepaka).
In MV 1.56-60 rules concerning novices are given by the Buddha.
From MV I.61 more restrictions on ordination are given. 1.64 and 1.65
forbid matricides and parricides to be ordained. MV I.66 and 67 forbids
a murderer of a perfected one, a"seducer of nuns, a schismatic and one
who sheds the blood of an Arhat to be ordained.
In MV 1.69 the Buddha gives instructions that one who has no precep-
tor should not be ordained nor should one who has an order as precep-
tor, one who has a group as preceptor, one who has a eunuch, one who
had one living in communion as it were by theft as preceptor, one who
had one gone over to another sect as preceptor, one who had an animal,
a matricide, a parricide, a murderer of a perfected one, a seducer of a
nun, a schismatic, a shedder of an Arhat's blood or a hermaphrodite as
preceptor. Thus, 1.69 has regulations to prevent further corruption of the
S a ~ g h a by letting people who should not have been ordained in the first
place act as preceptors.
In MV I. 70 further cases in which one should not ordain are given.
One who had no bowl was ordained. He received his alms food in his
hands. People were irritated because the newly ordained monks looked
like members of other sects. One without robe was ordained and he
walked naked for alms food. People were irritated because he looked
like the members of other sects. MV I.7l gives instances of physical
injuries or illness in which one should not let go forth. One who had his
hands cut off was ordained, one who had his feet cut off, one who had
his ears cut off, one who was lame, one who was deaf etc. Physical
deformation is seen as a threat against the purity of the S a ~ g h a .
MV I. 72 has instructions not to give guidance to the unconscientious
and not tctlive under the guidance of the unconscientious. In MV I.73
the Lord allows monks to live without guidance under three circum-
stances; if one is travelling on a high-road, if one is ill, if one is tending
one who is ill and if one is staying in the forest. In MV I.75 the Buddha
defines the age for ordination to be twenty years from conception. MV
I. 7 6-79 are further specifications regarding ordination. In MV I. 7 6 the
full ordination procedure is described.
BREKKE 25
2.2.2. Unity
A central issue in the development towards an introversionist relation-
ship to the world is the emphasis on the unity of the Smpgha. The unity
of the Sa:qtgha seems to have been a primary expression of its purity.
Let us look at the theme of unity in some of the later passages of the
Kandhakas.
In MV X there is a story about dissensions. In KosambI a monk is
suspended because of an offence he has committed. He does not accept
his suspension. He approaches a group of monks who take his side
against the group that has suspended him. Thus, a dispute arises in the
Smpgha. The Buddha tries to settle the dispute. He goes to Savatthi and
stays in the Jeta Grove in AnathapiI).<;lika's monastery. Now the lay-
followers of KosambI decide to put pressure on the trouble-making
monks by withdrawing all their respect and offerings. The monks of
Kosambi go to Savatthi in order to settle their dispute in the Lord's
presence. The Buddha instructs the monks in Savatthi on how they
should behave towards these monks. The monks arrive and the case is
settled. The Buddha gives rules on how disputes in the Sa:qtgha should
be handled and how schism and dissension should be avoided. These
passages illustrate the emphasis on unity and the necessity of settling
disputes among the monks.
In CV I monks who are followers of PaI).<;luka and Lohitaka make
strife arise in the Sa:qtgha. The Buddha gives instructions on how a
formal act of censure (tajjaniyakamma) should be carried out against the
followers of PaI).<;luka and Lohitaka. The Buddha tells the monks under
what circumstances a formal act is invalid and under what circumstances
it is valid. He tells them under what circumstances a formal act of cen-
sure should be carried out against a member of the Sa:qtgha and how a
monk should behave after such an act has been carried out against him.
Then follows the circumstances under which a formal act of censure
should or should not be revoked and how it may be revoked. This
chapter contains a number of other accounts of monks who get into
conflict with the Sa:qtgha. In sum, it gives seven different formal acts to
be carried out by the Sa:qtgha as reactions to different transgressions.
JIABS 19.2 26
In the CV III, the venerable Udayin has fallen into an offence. He
does not conceal his offence and he must perform miinatta.
49
Then
Udayin falls into new offences, but now he conceals them for one day,
two days, three days etc. Again he must perform miinatta but only after
a probation (pariviisa) according to the number of days the offence has
been concealed. Then Udayin falls into an offence during the probation
and later during the miinatta. A number of different combinations of
offences - concealed or not, fallen into during probation or miinatta etc.
- are described. The chapter is extremely detailed and repetitive in style.
The CV II deals with the observances for monks who are under
probation and those undergoing miinatta. Upali asks the Buddha
questions pertaining to the subject. The point seems to be to make the
monks under pariviisa and miinatta distinguish themselves clearly from
the rest of the Sarpgha.
The CV IX deals with the objection against participation in the
Uposatha ceremony. The Buddha is sitting surrounded by monks on an
observance day but he is unwilling to recite the Patimokkha because the
assembly is not entirely pure. Moggallana sees the individual who is not
pure and throws him out. Then the Buddha tells the monks about the
eight strange and wonderful qualities of the ocean and eight strange and
wonderful things in the Dhamma and discipline. He declares that he will
no longer carry out the observance and will not recite the Patimokkha;
from now on the monks must do it themselves. He instructs the monks
to suspend the Patimokkha for listeners who have an offence. He goes
on to describe the cases in which the suspension of the Patimokkha is
valid or not. In short, this chapter is about the purity of the Sarp.gha,
which is the central concern of introversionist sects.
The CV JV is also concerned with questions of purity and dignity of
the Sarp.g'iia in the eyes of monks and lay-people. It contains stories
about the venerable Dabba the Mallian, Gagga who was insane and in his
madness said and did unworthy things and Uvala who tells a conscious
lie while being examined for offences. There is a great concern with
how to settle disputes and problems in the Sarp.gha. The unity of the sect
is essential for its purity.
49. LB. HORNER does not translate manatta but has discipline in brackets. PTS Pali-
English Dictionary expresses doubts as to the etymology of manatta but
describes it as "a sort of penance, attached to the commission of sanghadisesa
offence".
BREKKE 27
The issue of unity is elaborated in CV VII, the chapter on the split of
the Sa:rp.gha. Bhaddiya, Anuruddha, Ananda, Bhagu, Kimbila, Devadatta
and Upali go forth in the Buddhist Sa:rp.gha. Devadatta attains psychic
powers. Through his psychic powers he is able to impress prince
Ajatasattu. He becomes obsessed with the fame and respect that he gets
through his powers and he wishes to become leader of the order of
monks. Devadatta suggests to the Buddha that he take over the leader-
ship of the Sa:rp.gha. The Buddha rejects this, saying that he would not
even hand over the order of monks to Sariputta and Moggallana, much
less to the evil Devadatta. The Buddha instructs the order to carry out a
formal act of information
50
against Devadatta.
2.2.3. Appearance
The appearance of the monks and nuns is a central concern in the Vinaya
texts. This issue is essential because the dignity and aloofness of the
monk is linked to how he looks and how he behaves. The thirty
Piitayantika Dharmas of the Priitimok$asutra are concerned
with the robes and bowls of the monks. Wearing the right kind of robe
in the right way is essential for the appearance of a monk. The Saik$a
Dharmas are very detailed rules for how to wear the robe (rules 1-18)51
and about how to enter and how to sit in a layman's house (rules 19-61)
and how to receive food (rules 63-88) and a number of rules on general
appearance when dealing with lay-people. It seems that the Saik$a
Dharmas where laid down in order to make the distinction between
monk and lay-follower clear and to make the monks appear serious, cool
and dignified. The ninety Piitayantika Dharmas of the Priitimok$asutra
are also about the behaviour of monks. Typically a monk must not be
seen together with a nun (rules 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 30, 35) nor
with a lay-woman (rules 30, 43, 65, 70) and he must eat in a proper way
(rules 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40,41, 42).
The subject matter of MV.VIII is the monks' clothes. For an overview
of the rules on clothing, the rules of MV.VIII should be compared with
the Piitayantika Dharmas of the Priitimok$a Sutra. The
chapter starts with the interesting account of livaka Komarabhacca. The
50. pakiisaniyakamma.The function ofthis formal act seems to be to free the Sarp.gha
of any responsibility as to the words and action of a particular monk.
51. In the following I use the enumeration made in PACHOW, W.: A Comparative
Study a/the Pratimoksa, Santiniketan 1955.
JIABS 19.2 28
story of J1vaka introduces the permission to wear robes given by lay-
followers. The Buddha becomes sick through a disturbance in the
humours of the body. llvaka restores the health of the Lord and asks a
boon. He asks the Buddha to allow the use of householder robes for the
monks. The Lord consents. Clothes of different materials are presented
to the order of monks. The Buddha allows six robe-materials: linen,
cotton, silk, wool, coarse hempen cloth and canvas. (MV VIII. 3). A
number of rules are given regarding the acceptance, storage, distrubution
and dyeing of robes. The Buddha walks with Ananda from Rajagaha to
Dakkhil).agiri. On the way he sees the fields of Magadha and he asks
Ananda whether he is able to make robes like the fields. Ananda makes
robes and he receives applaus and respect for his skill. Then follow rules
on the number of robes allowed for one monk. The Pali Vinaya has the
rules of the kathina in MV VII, i.e. before the chapter on clothes and
robe materials. The detailed regulation of this ceremony reflects the im-
portance of appearance in the monks' intercourse with the laity. All
association must follow strict rules. If the rules are broken, punishment
against the monk is carried out.
In CV I the venerable Seyyasaka lives in company with housholders
and in unbecoming association with householders. The Buddha tells the
order to carry out a formal act of guidance (nissayakamma) for Seyya-
saka. Instructions on how and under what circumstances a formal act of
guidance should be carried out are given. He also tells them how and
under what circumstances an act of guidance should be revoked.
Monks who are followers of Assaji and Punabbasu in Kitagiri engage
in all kinds of bad habits. A righteous monk passes Kitagiri on his way
to Savatthi where the Buddha is staying in the leta Grove in Anatha-
pil).<;lika's monastery. On behalf of the only decent lay-person in Kitagiri
he reports Hie bad habits of the monks to the Buddha. The Buddha sends
Sariputta and Moggallana to Kitagiri to carry out a formal act of ban-
ishment (pabbiijaniyakamma). Instructions are given on how a formal
act of banishment should be carried out and how and under what
circumstances it may be revoked.
In CV V monks use different kinds of begging-bowls made of
precious materials. The Buddha allows the use of two kinds of bowls:
iron bowls and clay bowls. A large number of rules concerning bowl-
rests and the treatment of bowls are given. Then follow a large number
of rules pertaining to robes, then some rules about sandals, water-
BREKKE 29
strainers, filters, mosquito-nets etc. Some rules are given about bath-
rooms, pools and tanks.
CV VIII is exclusively concerned with the appearance of monks. Some
monks entera monastery in an unbecoming manner and the Buddha lays
down a custom (vatta) for how to enter a monastery. Minute rules are
laid down for how to take off the sandals, how to wipe them and dry
them, how to wash the feet, how to drink, how to carry bowl and robe,
how to ask for a lodging in the monastery, how to make the bed, how to
wipe the bed, how to move a chair, how to sweep the ground etc. There
are elaborate rules for how to behave in the presence of lay-people.
These repetitive passages are identical with passages in MV.I.25. The
very detailed prescription reflect a deep concern with decorum. The
mon1e must do every movement in a controlled and proper manner. It is
clear that the central issue is to appear calm and dignified. A few
passages may demonstrate the concern for a pure an uplifted appearance.
The monk should enter a village carefully and unhurriedly (siidhuka1?1
ataramiinena giimo pavisitabbo). The monk must go amidst the houses
properly clad (supaticchannena antaraghare gantabba1?1), well con-
trolled (susa1?1vutena), with downcast eyes (okkhittacakkhunii) not lifting
up the robes (na ukkhittakiiya), without laughter (na ujjhaggikiiya), with
little noise (appasaddena) etc. Almsfood should be eaten attentively
(sakkaca1?1 pi1JQapiito bhuiijitabbo), too large pieces should not be made
(niitimahanto kabalo kiitabbo), the whole hand should not be put into
the mouth while eating (na bhuiijamiinena sabbo hattho mukhe pakkhi-
pitabbo) one should not talk with food in the mouth (na sakabalena
mukhena vyiiharitabba1?1) etc. Rules like this cover large parts of the
Khandhakas of the Vinayapitaka and they show the great emphasis that
the Buddhist Sal1lgha put on outward appearance both in the eyes of the
world and in the eyes of the monks themselves.
2.2.4. Dwellings
An important element in the Sal1lgha' s transition from a conversionist to
an introversionist relationship to the world is the order's dwellings; its
spatial localization in society. In the beginning, the Sal1lgha was a
wandering lot. A typical feature of the life of renouncers is homeless-
ness. The Buddhist renouncer is required to leave home to the extent
where he does not even feel "at home" in his own body. However, the
Sal1lgha early became tied to place. In MV IlL I people criticize the sons
of the Sakyans for walking around during the winter, the hot season and
nABs 19.2 30
the rains and trampling down crops and grasses and destroying many
little creatures. In reaction to this, the Buddha allows the monks to enter
upon the rains, which means that they should stay indoors in one place
during the rainy season.52 In MV III.2 he infornls the monks of the two
right times for entering upon the rains. In MV III.4 he forbids the
monks not to enter upon the rairis.53 This is the start of the Sarp.gha's
tradition of staying in buildings.
The CV VI is about the dwelling-places ofthe monks. Considering the
subject matter of the chapter, one would perhaps expect to find the CV
VI, i.e. the Pali version of the Sayanasanavastu, among the other
chapters on the day to day life of the Sarp.gha at the beginning of the
Khandhakas. E.FRAUWALLNER suggests that it is found toward the end
simply because the life in monasteries became important at a later date.
Thus, it is a reflection of the growing introversionist tendencies. In the
CV VI, the monks stay in forests and under trees, in the open air etc. A
merchant suggests that he build dwelling-places for the monks and the
Buddha allows this. Other people start bulding houses and a number of
problems occur. The Buddha allows different kinds of devices - doors,
windows, drapery - to keep snakes, rats, ants etc. out and he allows
different types of furniture for the comfort of the monks. He allows
different ways of applying colour to the walls, the sleeping places and
the ground. He allows assembly halls, porches, different kinds of fences,
different kinds of roofs etc.
Then the story of is told. goes to Raja-
gaha to visit his wife's brother who is a great merchant. In Rajagaha he
meets the Buddha and becomes a lay-follower. He offers a meal to the
order of monks. When he returns to Savatthi he buys a pleasure grove
belonging to prince Jeta and makes a monastery for the Sarp.gha. The
Buddha his order stay at the Jeta Grove and is
instructed to prepare the Jeta Grove for the use of the order.
Problems arise over dwelling-places and the Buddha instructs the order
to assign lodgings. A large number of rules are given concerning
dwelling places. Problems arise over the distribution of food and the
Buddha instructs the order to appoint an issuer of meals (bhattuddesa-
ka). He instructs the order to appoint monks to a number of other
52. anujiiniimi bhikkave vassa1!l upagantun ti.
53. nii bhikkave vassa1!l na upagantabba1!l.
BREKKE 31
functioils concerning the daily life of the Sarpgha; lodging, clothing and
food.
To sum up, the rules that I have looked at under four headings testify
to a change in the Sarpgha's relationship to the world. Firstly, its
borders were tightened in that the rules for admission grew stricter.
Secondly, the emphasis on unity and the fear of Sarpghabheda is a
typical aspect of the growing introversionist tendencies. thirdly, the
interaction with lay people was regulated in detail and the segregation
from the laity was expressed in the distinguishing and uniform appear-
ance of the members of the Sarpgha. Fourthly, physical borders were
built in the form of monastery walls.
3. Conclusion
Let me sum up the conjecture of this article in a few sentences.
Buddhism originated as a conversionist movement which I took to mean
that it emphasized proselytizeing activities and an open relationship to
the world. The religious renouncers of India at the time of the Buddha
enjoyed status and material support from the common people. There-
fore, the sect of the Buddha attracted many individuals who were extrin-
sically motivated. When the outside world observed that a large part of
the monks joined the Sarpgha for purely profane reasons, the status of
the monks fell. This reaction of the laity is described again and again in
the Khandhakas with standard phrases like manussii ujjhiiyanti khiyanti
vipiicenti: katha7?l hi niima samalJii Sakyaputtiyii .... "People looked
down upon, criticized, spread it about, saying: 'How can these recluses,
sons of the Sakyans '" etc. '"
If the Sarpgha had let its holiness and purity be corrupted by the
wrong motivation of its members, the crucial material support and
respect from the laity would have failed. To stay pure, both in the eyes
of the world and in the eyes of the sincere monks, the Sarpgha had to
tighten its borders on the extrinsically motivated applicants. In order to
stay aloof, the order had to withdraw from the world, and the monks
had to maintain a dignified and holy appearance. Introversionist ten-.
dencies developed. But the introversionist tendencies made the Sarpgha
an even better object of support. The more introvert the Sarpgha became
and the more its purity was emphasized, the more support it received.
The less interest its members took in material values, the more attractive
it became as an object of devotion and as a receptacle for offerings.
Again, the growing support and wealth of the order led to a growing
JIABS 19.2 32
number of extrinsically motivated applicants for membership which led
to a need to withdraw and cultivate the purity of the Sarpgha.
This mechanism presupposes an Indian setting where the status of the
renouncer is high and where there is a general belief in rebirth and
karma and a need for merit-making among common people. I have
shown that this process is expressed in the early Buddhist literature.
However, the dynamic is not restricted to ancient times. In the intro-
duction I referred to similar features in medieval and modern Sri Lanka
and modern Burma reflected in the research of M. CARRITHERS, M.
SPIRO and R.A.L.H. GUNA WARDENA.
I have suggested an explanation of the relationship between the
Buddhist Sarp.gha and the laity which emphasizes the unintended conse-
quences of the behaviour of the members of the Sarpgha. Extrinsic moti-
vation among the members and potential members of the Sarpgha leads
to introversionism. Introversionism leads to more support from the laity.
Support from the laity leads to extrinsic motivation. Thus, we have a
self-enforcing mechanism. It is a good circle, and in the historical
periods when the Sarpgha has been able to maintain the balance, it has
led to a certain degree of stability in Buddhist societies. The structure of
Theravada Buddhist societies are the best example of this built-in con-
servatism. The crucial point in the circle is the introversionism, the
constant need to bar out the wrong people and to purify the Sarpgha by
getting rid of lax and greedy monks. When the Sarpgha fails on this
point, the mechanism turns around, and we end up with an evil circle.
The Sarpgha is seen as impure and lax, support from the laity fails, and
the Sarpgha becomes less able to restore its purity.54
54. This mechanism has been mentioned in R. GOMBRlCH, op. cit.
ANNHEIRMAN
Some Remarks on the Rise of the and
on the Ordination Ceremony for according to
the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya
The present article is based on the Dharmaguptakavinaya or Caturvargavinaya
(1ZY:B-1$), one of the five Vinayas that survived in its Chinese translation (Taisho
ShinshU Daizokyo, Vol.22, No.1428, translated by Buddhayasas in the beginning of
the fifth century AD)l, and the most widely spread and most influential Vinaya in
China. T.1428 consists of three parts: (1) a twofold detailed explanation of the rules of
the Priitimok,Ja
2
(Bhik,Juvibhwiga and Bhik,Ju1}ivibhwiga), (2) twenty skandhakas
(chapter, section) that regulate the monastic life in detail, and (3) some appendices
including historic information. Throughout the article, the findings of T .1428 have been
compared with the other Chinese Vinayas, with the Pali Vinaya, and with the Bhik,Ju1}i-
vibhanga of the MahiisiiIp.ghika-Lokottaraviida School.
Although it is evident from the present studies of the Vinaya literature, that the orders
of monks and nuns (bhik,Ju- and bhik,JUlJlswp.gha) are highly structuralized commu-
nities, possessing many rules to be kept and formal acts to be performed; and that these
organizations gradually came into being (first the bhik,Jusarrzgha, and later the bhik,Ju1}i-
1. The other Vinayas are: MahiSiisakavinaya T.1421, Mahiisiirrzghikavinaya
T.1425, Sarviistiviidavinaya T.1435, Mulasarviistiviidavinaya T.1442 up to and
including T.1459 (because of its size, the MUlasarviistiviidavinaya was not edited
into one work, but consists ofa number of different works). Of the latter Vinaya,
also a Tibetan translation exists.
Closely related to the Mahiisiirrzghikavinaya, is the Bhik,Ju1}ivibhanga of the
MahiisiiIp.ghika-Lokottaraviida School*, a text written in a transitional language
between Prakrit and Sanskrit (ROTH, G., 1970, pp.lv-Ivi). Apart from these texts,
the Vinaya transmitted by the Theraviida School survived in the original Pali
language. Finally, many Sanskrit fragments have been found. An excellent
survey of the Vinaya literature is given by YUYAMA, A.,1979.
* Hereafter M.-L.
2. The priitimok,Ja is a list of offenses against the prescriptions of the order with an
indication of the punishment to be meted out to those who commit them. There is
a list of prescriptions for monks and one for nuns. For the Dharmaguptaka
School, the priitimok,Ja for monks is to be found in T.l429 (a compilation from
T.1428 by Huai-su (634-707 AD** and in T.1430 (a translation ofa Sanskrit
original by Buddhayasas, to be dated in the beginning ofthe fifth century AD)**;
thepriitimok,Ja for nuns is to be found in T.1431 (compiled from T.1428 by
Huai-su (634-707 AD**.
** Cf. YUYAMA, A., 1979, pp. 33-34.
nABS 20.2 34
saJ?1gha), a careful reading of T.1428, compared with the other extant Vinayas-
Chinese, PaIi and Silnskrit
3
- has revealed the exact 'theoretical' career of a nun, and
has given us evidence concerning the exact position of a novice (Srama/Jeri), a
probationer (sikjamal}a) and a nun (bhikjul}i) in the bhikjul}lsaJ?1gha, cOl).ceming the
origin of the sikjamal}a period, and concerning the age of a married woman to become
a probationer and a nun, and has also enabled us to add some new elements in solving
the problems of the five robes of a nun:, the manatva period for and the
interpretation of the Chinese term i3f. in the sense of 'to admit'.
1. The rise of the order of and the organization of the ordi-
nation ceremony
The chapter concerning the bhikjul}ls (Bhikjul}lskandhaka) in T.1428
4
informs us how
the order of bhikjul}ls came into being, and how an ordination into the new order has to
be organized (the "ordination ceremony").
1) The eight rules that may not be transgressed
The Bhik:WfJzskandhaka
4
* starts with the well-known story of Maha-
prajapatJ: Gautami, Buddha's stepmother, who, together with five
hundred Siikya women asks the Buddha for permission to go forth into
the homeless state and to follow the law proclaimed by the Buddha. At
first, Buddha refuses, because the presence of women threatens to
destroy the law. Later, Mahaprajapatl, her hair cut off and wearing the
clothes
5
, goes to see the Buddha again, and, together with five
hundred Sakya women, she weeps outside the monastery where Buddha
remains. When the disciple .Ananda sees them, he decides to help them
to convince Buddha. At first Buddha refuses again. However, when
.Ananda asks whether women have the capacities to become an arhat, He
answers in the affirmative and, after .Ananda again asked Him to let the
women go forth, He finally accepts them to become nuns, provided that
3. We use 'Sanskrit' to refer to the transitional language used in the
vibhanga of the M.-L. School: cf. ROTH, G., 1970, pp.lv-lvi.
4. T.1428, pp. 922c6-930c5: ltlifEm.t, bhik:jwJ.fskandha(ka) (cf. NAKAMURA,
H., BGD, p. 327: mi3f., chien-tu, and mi3f., chien-tu, as a phonetic rendering of
the Skt. skandha(ka), chapter).
5. (MONIER-WILLIAMS, M., SED, p.265: "red, dull red, yellowish red")
refers to the color of the garments of a monk or a nun. Hence it also was used to
indicate the garments themselves. Concerning the color of the garments: see
HEIRMAN, A., 1995: 11-13.
HErRMAN 35
they accept eight rules
6
that will make the dependent
upon the monks. These eight rules that may never be transgressed
7
are:
(1) Even though a has been ordained for one hundred years,
she has to rise when she meets a who has been newly ordained,
she has to pay obeisance to him and has to offer him a place to sit.
s
6. Pali garudhamma (OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Piraka/!l, Vo1.II, p. 256ff.); Bhik:;u-
1}fvibhmiga of the M.-L. School: gurudharma (RoTH, G., 1970, p. 16, 12).
7. See T.1428, p. 923a27: "/\i'i%JFFPJJ&I$", eight rules that may not be trans-
gressed during the whole lifetime. They are explained from p. 923a28 up to and
including p. 923b 18.
These eight rules differ slightly from Vinaya to Vinaya. The most important
differences with T.1428 (D) are: OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Piraka/!l, Vo1.II,
p. 255: the eight rules coincide with the rules in D; the only difference is that,
according to the Pali Vinaya, the nuns should not only ask the monks for
instruction every half month, but should also ask for the date of the uposatha
ceremony (see D, rule 6); T.1421, p. 185c20-29: the eight rules coincide with the
rules in D; the only difference is that, according to T.142l, a nun who has
committed a offense, not only has to undergo the mana tva
discipline in the two orders (bhik:;usa/!lgha and bhik:;u1}fsa/!lgha), but also has to
be rehabilitated in the two orders (see D, rule 5); T.1425, pp. 471bl-476bll: the
third rule of D is not to be found; the Vinaya has another rule, that is only to be
found in the Bhik:;u1}fvibhanga of the M.-L. School, and not in any other Vinaya:
a nun should not receive donations before these donations have been presented to
a monk; the other rules essentially coincide with the rules in D, the only
differences are that, according to T.1425, a nun not only has to undergo the
manatva penance after having committed a offense, but also after
having transgressed a gurudharma (see D, rule 5), and that the nuns should not
only ask the monks for instruction every half month, but should also ask for the
date of the ceremony (see D, rule 6); of the M.-L.
School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp.16-72, 12-110: the third rule of D is not to be
found; the Vinaya has another rule that is only to be found in T.1425, and not in
any other Vinaya: a nun should not receive donations, before these donations
have been presented to a monk; the other rules essentially coincide with the rules
in D; T.1435, p. 345c8-18: the third rule of D is not to be found; the Vinaya has
another rule: the nuns must ask the monks for instruction in the Sutra, Vinaya
and Abhidharma; the other rules coincide with the rules in D. It is to be noted,
however, that the sixth rule in T.1435 explicitly says that the nuns have to ask for
instruction in the eight gurudharmas. The latter coincides with the sixth rule in
D; T.145l, p.35lal-25: the eight rules coincide with the rules in D; the only
difference is that, according to T.145l, the nuns not only have to perform the
ordination ceremony in both the orders, but also the ceremony of the going forth
has to be performed in both the orders (see D, rule 4).
8. See T.1428, p. 923a28-b2.
JIABS 20.2 36
(2) A bhik:jWll may not scold or slander a bhik:ju by saying that he has
broken the precepts (sila), the right views (dr:jti) , or the right behavior
(iiciira).9
(3) A bhik:jwJI may not punish a bhik:ju, nor prevent him to join in the
ceremonies of the order (such as the pO:jadha
10
or the praviiralJa
ll
). A
bhik:julJl may not admonish a bhik:ju, whereas a bhik:ju may admonish a
bh ik:julJ 1. 12
(4) After having been trained in the six rules
13
for two years as a
probationer (sik:jamiilJii14), the ordination ceremony of a bhik:julJl has to
be carried out in both sal!lghas (i.e. first in the bhik:julJlsarrzgha and then
in the bhik:jusarrzgha).15
9. See T.1428, p. 923b2-4.
10. This is a ceremony held every half-month by the Buddhist community in order to
recite the priitimok:ya: see note 2. For the history of the po:yadha ceremony see:
FRAUWALLNER, E., 1956, pp. 78-82.
11. The 'Invitation' (praviira1}a(ii)) is a ceremony held by the Buddhist community
at the end of the rainy season. On this occasion, every monk (and nun) is
expected to invite his (her) (nuns) to point out his (her) wrongs, if
any, whether seen, or heard or suspected. See also HORNER, LB., ED, VoLIV,
p. 211, note 2: ''paviiretuJ?1, a technical term used for a monk to 'invite' others at
the end of the rains to tell him if he has been seen or heard or suspected to have
committed any offences."
12. See T.1428, p. 923b4-8.
13. These are the six rules that have to be particularly taken into account by a
probationer (sik:jamii1}ii). See further pp. 45-47.
14. [shih-ch'a-mo-na], a phonetic rendering of the Sanskrit sik:famii1}ii:
this is the present participle (fem.) of the verb ..)sik:j, iitmanepada, training one-
self. This term is used to indicate a woman who, during two years, is undergoing
a probationary course of training in order to become a nun.
15. See T.1428, p. 923b8-l0.
HEIRMAN 37
(5) When a commits a offense
l6
, she has to
undergo the manatva
l7
in both orders (i.e. and
sarrzgha) during half a month.l
8
Concerning this rule, the chapter concerning the ordination
l9
informs us
that when a monk commits a sarrzghavasefja offense, there are four
formal acts (karman) which can, each time by means of a/iiapticatur-
thakarman
20
, be performed by the sarrzgha
21
: (a) aparivasa penance
22
,
16. Skt. Pali sal'{lghiidisesa, M.-L. School: 'remainder
in the order'. These offenses lead to a temporary exclusion from the order. They
include such offenses as acting as a go-between, slandering, conferring the
ordination to a thief, remaining without the company of other staying
together with a man, creating disputes, and so on.
17. This is a kind of penance: EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 429: " ... ; it thus appears
that, according to both northern and southern tradition, this penance consisted in,
or at least involved, some kind of ceremopjal homage paid by the culprit to the
general community of monks. This can be interpreted as supporting the apparent
etym., miina-tva, condition of (paying) respect." In T.1428 the miinatva penance
is explained on pp. 896b25-906a8. For references concerning the other Vinayas,
see FRAUWALLNER, E., 1956, pp.l09-111.
18. See T.1428, p. 923bl0-12.
19. T.1428, pp. 779a6-816c4
20. This is a formal act in which the motion is fourfold (cf. LAMOTTE, E, 1988,
p. 56). It is one of the formal acts that can be performed by the sal'{lgha in taking
decisions. These acts can be ajiiaptikarman, ajiiaptidvitiyakarman, or ajiiapti-
caturthakarman: EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 244, S.v. jiiapti: " ... ; there are three
forms in which the motion may be made, (1) isolated, simple motion, not
followed by a separate question as to whether the monks (or nuns) present
approve, (2) accompanied (followed) by a single such formal question, called
jiiapti-dvitiyam, (3) accompanied by three such questions, calledjiiapti-caturtha."
21. See T.l428, p. 801a4-7: B B
if one has to give the pariviisa
[po-li-p'o-sha], see note 22), then one ought to give the pariviisa. If
one has to give 'the correcting from the beginning' m, Pali muliiya
patikassana, see note 23), then one ought to give 'the correcting from the
beginning'. If one has to give the miinatva [mo-na-to], see note 17),
then one ought to give the miinatva. If one has to give the rehabilitation (tlW,
iibarhaIJa, see note 24), then one ought to give the rehabilitation.
22. EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 329: "(Skt., period of residence; Pali id. in technical
sense) period of probation to which certain monks are subjected, as a disciplinary
measure, for concealment of a offense." In T.1428 the pariviisa is
explained on pp. 896b25-906a8. For references concerning the other Vinayas, see
FRAUWALLNER, E., 1956, pp. 109-111.
JIABS 20.2 38
(b) 'a correcting from the begiming'23, (c) a mana tva penance
17
*, (d) 'a
taking away the offense' (= rehabilitation)24. Further information on
these karmans is found in two chapters of T.1428: the chapter con-
cerning persons
25
and the chapter concerning probation
26
. In case of a
parivasa penance (a), a bhi0;u has to ask the three times
to impose upon him this penance, which is then given to him by the
by means of ajfiapticaturthakarman.
27
The period ofthe
parivasa penance corresponds to the period during which the
concealed the offense. During this period, many restric-
tions are imposed upon the monk. The most important of these are: he
cannot participate in the formal acts leading to parivasa, manatva or
rehabilitation; he cannot confer the ordination or give guidance to a
newly ordained monk; he cannot take care of a novice; he cannot give
instruction to the he cannot punish and he may not be
honored by the other Every half-month, a who under-
goes a parivasa penance, has to remind the that he is in
such a condition.
28
If, during the parivasa period, the commits
another offense, he has to be to14 to start again from the
beginning of the parivasa period. In case of such 'a correcting from the
beginning' (b), the has, again, to ask the three
times to impose upon him this penance, which is then given to him by
the by means of ajfiapticaturthakarman.
29
When a
has completed the parivasa period, the sa1?1gha imposes upon him
the manatva period (c), which lasts for six nights. Again, this penance is
23. Pali: muliiya patikassana; RHYS DAVIDS, T.W. and STEDE, W., PED, p. 392,
s.v. patikassana: "drawing back, in phrase miilaya p. "throwing back to the
begiwring, causing to begin over & over again"."
24. Cf. NAKAMURA, H., BGD, p. 672: the rehabilitation of a Pali
abbhiina; WOGIHARA, v., BW, p.199: iibarhar;a [Pali abbhiina], with as
Chinese rendering: Il tp.
25. T.1428, pp.896b25-903c19 (J-'l9tmt): this chapter entirely concerns the
regulations concerning the four fonnal acts that can be perfonned when a
commits a offense.
26. T.1428, pp. 904a6-906a8 this chapter concerns the restrictions
imposed upon a who is undergoing the piiriviisa or the miinatva
penances.
27. See T.l428, p. 896b26-c17.
28. See T.1428, pp. 904a7-906al.
29. See T.1428, pp. 896c17-897a14.
HEIRMAN 39
given to him by means of a jfiapticaturthakarman, after the bhik$u asked
it three times to the sa1!lgha.
30
The restrictions imposed upon the bhik$u
during this manatva period are the same as those during the parivasa
period. The only difference is that the bhik$U now daily has to inform
the bhik$usa1!lgha that he is undergoing the manatva penance.
31
Finally,
the order can readmit the bhik$u by a rehabilitation. This rehabilitation
(d) is conferred to him by means of ajfiapticaturthakarman, after the
bhik$u asked for this three times.3
2
In case a bhik$u did not conceal the sa1!lghiivase$a offense, he does not
have to undergo a parivasa period, but the manatva penance is imme-
diately imposed upon him. When he commits another sa1!lghavase$a
offense during this manatva period, he has to start again from the
beginning. After this period, the sa1!lgha can rehabilitate the bhik$u.3
3
In these chapters concerning persons and concerning probation, no
indications are given whether or not this also applies to bhik$ulJ-ls. It is
only from the fifth rule (gurudharma) for bhik$ulJ-1s, mentioned in the
Bhik$ulJ-iskandhaka
4
* of T.1428, that we can deduce that a bhik$ulJ-l has
to undergo the manatva penance in both the sa1!lghas during half a
month, and not during six nights as this is the case for the bhik$us. The
karmavacana
34
for bhik$ulJ-ls of the Dharmaguptaka School, T.1434,
pp. l068b14-1069al, however, clearly mentions this period of half a
month, and gives further details concerning this point: the latter text
adds that a has to undergo this penance even after having con-
cealed the sa1!lghavase$a offense, and that she has to present herself
daily before both the sa1!lghas.
Also, since the parivasa penance is closely related to the manatva
penance, it is striking that in the eight rules for bhik$ulJ-ls in T.1428,
there is no mentioning of this parivasa penance, while there is a special
rule for the manatva penance. This is also the case in the other
Vinayas.
35
30. See T.1428, p. 897a14-b16.
31. See T.1428, p. 906a2-8.
32. See T.1428, p. 897b16-c24.
33. See T.1428, pp. 897c25-898c7.
34. Karmaviicanii is the name of a text containing a list of acts and ceremonies to be
performed in the order.
35. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakaf!1., Vo1.II, p. 255, rule 5; Sanskrit* Bhik/fwzi-
vibhaizga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, p. 63, 93, rule 5 (apart from
mentioning miinatva, it is further said that a has to ask for rehabilitation
nABS 20.2 40
In the Pali Vinaya, information concerning the mana tva penance is to
be found in two different chapters'. 1) In the chapter concerning the
nuns
36
, the eight rules (P. garudhamma) to be followed by the nuns are
enumerated. The fifth of these garudhammas says that a nun who has
committed a sarrzghadisesa
37
offense, has to undergo a manatta
38
penance lasting for a fortnight in both the orders. 2) In the chapter
concerning the sarrzghadisesa offenses for nuns
39
, the technical term
sarrzghadisesa is explained as follows: "the Order inflicts the manatta
discipline on account of her offence, it sends back to the beginning, it
rehabilitates; ... "40. In the chapter concerning the sarrzghadisesa offenses
for monks, however, the same technical term is explained as follows:
"the Order places him on probation [= parivasa] on account of the
offence, it sends him back to the beginning, it inflicts the manatta disci-
pline, it rehabilitates; .. , ."41 Moreover, the Pali Vinaya concludes the
chapter on the sarrzghadisesa offenses for nuns
42
by saying that a nun
who has committed a sarrzghadisesa offense, has to undergo a manatta
penance lasting for a fortnight in both the orders, after which she can be
rehabilitated. Thus, in both the above mentioned chapters of the Pali
Vinaya, there is no mentioning of a pariviisa period imposed upon a
nun. From this, UPASAK., C.S., DEBMT, p.183, concludes that there is
no parivasa penance for nuns.
in both the orders); Chinese Vinayas: T.l42l, p.l85c26-28 (also here it is said
that a to ask for rehabilitation in both the orders); T.l425, p. 475a8-
13, rule 5 (here it is said that a transgresses a gurudharma, has to
undergo the manatva in both the sa7[lghas); T.l435, p.345clO-l2, rule 3;
T.l451, p. 351a20-22, rule 7.
* See note 3.
36. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka7[l, Vo1.II, Cullavagga X, pp. 253-283.
37. This is the Pali for the Skt. sa7[lghiivase$a. See also NOLOT, E., 1991, pp. 401-
405.
38. This is the Pali for the Skt. manatva.
39. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka7[l, Vo1.IV, Bhikkhunivibhaflga, pp. 223-242.
40. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka7[l, Vo1.IV, p. 225, translated by HORNER, LB.,
BD, Vo1.III, p.l80.
41. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka7[l, Vo1.III, p.112, translated by HORNER, LB.,
BD,Vol.I, p. 196.
42. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka7[l, Vo1.IV, p. 242.
HEIRMAN 41
Taking into consideration the indications given in other Vinaya texts
and in T.1434, it seems safe to state that UPASAK's conclusion concern-
ing the Pali Vinaya, is equally valid for the other Vinaya texts.
(6) Every .fortnight, the have to ask the for instruc-
tion (avavada
43
).44
Concerning this rule, pacittika
45
141
46
of the
informs us how a bhikulJz, by means of ajiiaptidvitzyakarman
20
*, has to
be appointed to go to the bhikusal!1gha to ask for instruction. For her
safety, she must take two or three with her. After her arrival in
the she should ask the bhikus three times for instruction.
Since she has to ask for instruction the same day the
ceremonylO* is held by the it might be too long to wait
till the end of the recitation, and that is why Buddha permits her to ask
only one important for instruction, after which demand, she may
leave. Afterwards, the has to appoint a to go to the
bhikulJzsarrzgha to give instruction.
It is in pacittika 2147 of the that we read how the
bhiku who is to give the instruction to the has to be appointed
by means of a jiiaptidvitzyakarman
48
, after which he has to go to the
The instruction he has to give concerns the eight rules
imposed upon
(7) The cannot spend the rainy season in a residence where
there are no bhikus.
50
43. WOGIHARA, D., BW, p. 145.
44. See T.1428, p. 923b12-l4.
45. Pali piicittiya, Skt. piitayantikii, piiyantikii, Dharmaguptaka School: piicittika
(Waldschmidt, E. (ed.), 1965, pp.297-298, No.656), M.-L. School: piicattika
(for alternative fonns see EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 340)*. The original fonn and
meaning of the word cannot be confidently reconstructed. According to HIRA-
KAWA, A., 1982, p. 191, note 1, it probably means 'expiation'. The piicittika rules
are a class of precepts concerning minor offenses. Committing such an offense
requires a confession.
* Hereafter all Pac.
46. See T.l428, p. 765all-c13.
47. See T.1428, pp. 647b9-649c3.
48. See T.1428, p. 648b20-27.
49. See T.l428, p. 649al-2.
50. See T.1428, p. 923b14-l5.
)IABS 20.2 42
(8) At the end of the rainy season, the have to perfonn the
pravaraTJa ceremonyll* in the bhik:jusaf!1gha.
51
In respect to this rule, the chapter concerning the pravarm:za
52
, infonns
us how, at the pravaralJa ceremony, a monk asks the order three times to
tell him whether he has been seen or heard or is suspected to have
committed any offenses so that he can make amends for it.5
3
It has to be
noted, however, that any offense committed by any monk has to be
punished before the start of the praviiralJa ceremony, and that no such
ceremony can start before discussions on any offense have been settled.
This means that, in practice, no new offense could be brought out during
the pravaralJa ceremony. 54
In pacittika 142
55
of the it is said that the
by means of a jiiaptidvitzyakarman
20
*, have to delegate a
bhik:julJl to go to the in order to perfonn the pravaralJa.
56
She has to ask whether the has any remarks concerning an
offense that a is seen or heard or is suspected to have
committed. For her safety, this must take two or three other
bhik:julJis with her. It is further said that the have to perfonn the
pravaralJa ceremony the fourteenth day of the month, whereas the
bhik:julJzS have to go to the bhik:jusaf!1gha on the fifteenth day.57
The exposition of these eight rules for in the
skandhaka is followed by the statement that for MahaprajapatI Gautami
and the five hundred Sakya women, accepting these rules is of the same
value as an ordination. 58 Mahaprajapati Gautami and the five hundred
Sakya women thus became fully ordained nuns by accepting these rules.
Also from T.1428, it is thus clear that, although Mahaprajapati Gautami
and the hundred Sakya women accepted the eight rules, these rules
cannot have been applied to the first Buddhist nuns, since they are not
ordained before both orders, nor did they have to go through a proba-
51. SeeT.1428,p.923b15-17.
52. T.1428, pp.837c19-843blO (
53. See T.1428, p. 837a4-7.
54. See T.1428, pp. 839a15-840a19.
55. See T.l428, pp. 765c14-766b9.
56. See T.1428, p. 766a6-18.
57. See T.1428, p. 766a24-25.
58. See T.1428, p. 923b21.
HEIRMAN 43
tionary period of two years as a sikamiilJii
14
* (rule 4). This is due to the
simple fact that there was no bhikur;isa1!lgha at that moment yet.
59
The
eight rules were to become operative only after the rise of this new order
of bhikur;is .. Although Buddha agreed to the creation of this
sa1!lgha, he was not happy with it and predicts that, because of this, the
law will only last for five hundred years.
60
2) The ordination of a new bhikur;i
In order to become a fully ordained nun, one has to pass through three
stages: (a) the going forth (tI:l*, pravrajyii), (b) a probationary period
of two years as a sikamiir;ii14*, and (c) the full ordination (5't:kftlG 61,
upasa1!lpadii) .
a. the going forth
In the Bhikur;iskandhaka
4
*, T.1428 explains how this ceremony is to be'
carried out
62
:
First, the has to be asked, by means ofa jiiapti-
karman
20
*, for permission to cut the hair (mur;rjayati
63
) of the candi-
date
64
, after which the hair is cut. Next, the has to be
asked, by means of ajiiaptikarman, for permission to hold the ceremony
59. See also HORNER, I.B., BD, Vol.V, p. 354, note 3: " ... She would not therefore
have to pass two years as a probationer, and this practice will no doubt have been
introduced later, after an order of nuns had been in being for some time."
60. See T.l428, p. 923c10-I1.
In his Les moniales bouddhistes, pp. 28-32, M. WUAYARATNA tries to explain
this statement of the Buddha. According to M. WIJAYARATNA, the statement of
Buddha has to be seen in the historical context of the creation of the order of
nuns. This creation was socially very difficult, since women were expected to
serve men and not to organize themselves in an independent order. Since Buddha
agrees that women can become arhats, He accepts the creation of an order for
not, however, without waiting for the to be sufficiently
established and not without warning the Buddhist community of the risks in-
volved. In order not to let the law socially degrade by the presence of women, He
proclaims the eight rules for
61. Many other Chinese terms are used in the Vinayas: cf. WOGIHARA, U., BW,
p.274.
62. See T.l428, pp. 923c16-924a16. A similar exposition is found in the
vibhanga, Piic.121, p. 755b4-c5.
63. WOGllIARA, U.,BW,p.1049.
64. See T.1428, p. 923c18-20.
nABS 20.2 44
to confer the going forth (pravrajyii) to the candidate
65
, after which the
pravrajyii is conferred.
The actual pravrajyii ceremony has to be organized in the following
way:
The candidate, her hair cut off and wearing the ka$iiya clothes
5
*, has
to inform the bhik$u1}lsarrzgha that she is taking refuge in the Buddha,
that she is taking refuge in the law, and that she is taking refuge in the
order. At this occasion, she has to ask the sarrzgha for permission to go
forth, guided by her teacher (upiidhyiiyinf)66: Thus she has to speak three
times. By subsequently informing the bhik$u1}lsarrzgha that she has taken
refuge in the Buddha, in the law, and in the order, and that she has gone
forth guided by her upiidhyiiyinf6
7
, she becomes a novice (sriima1}eri).
The bhik$u1}/sarrzgha then confers the ten precepts (+tfIZ, dasa sik$ii-
padiini) that particularly have to be taken into account by novices to the
new sriima1}er/
68
:
(1) she may not kill, (2) she may not steal, (3) she may not have an
unchaste (maithuna) behavior, (4) she may not lie, (5) she may not
drink alcohol, (6) she may not wear flowers, perfume or jewelry, (7) she
may not sing, dance, or make music, or go to see singing, dancing and
music, (8) she may not use a high, large, and big bed, (9) she may not
eat at the wrong time, i.e. after noon, (10) she may not possess gold,
silver, or money.
65. See T.1428, p. 923c22-24.
66. This is a who, as a teacher, guides and instructs new candidates. She
ought to help these new candidates from the moment they ask for the pravrajya
till two/years after the ordination (see Pac. 128, p. 760a8-b14).
-,:.;
67. This is the version of the pp. 923c25-924a2. In the
vibhaizga, Pac. 121, p. 75 5b 12-19, the candidate first informs the
that she is taking refuge in the Buddha, in the Law, and in the Order, and, at the
same occasion, she asks for permission to go forth, guided by her upadhyayini.
Next, she informs the sal!!gha that she has taken refuge in the Buddha, in the
law, and in the order, and, at the same occasion, she again asks for the
permission to go forth, guided by her upiidhyayini.
68. See T.1428, p. 924a2-16.
These ten precepts (for Buddhist novices, male and female) are essentially the
same in the other Vinayas: OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitakal!!, YoU, pp. 83-84;
T.1421, pp.1l6c26-117a4; T.1435, p.150aI9-b8; T.1453, p.456b25-28. In
T.1425 and in the of the M.-L. School, an exposition of the ten
precepts lacks.
HEIRMAN 45
b. the probationary period as a
In the BhilqWliskandhaka4*, T.l428 explains how the ceremony through
which one becomes a probationer (silqamiilJii
14
*) is to be carried out
69
:
When she is eighteen years old, the sriimalJeri three times humbly has
to ask the to let her study the precepts for two years as a
probationer. For married women, an exception is made regarding the
age of eighteen years: a married women can receive the agreement to
study the precepts for two years, when she is only ten years old.70
After the request to become a probationer, the sriimalJeri has to be led
to a place from where she can see the but cannot hear
it. A bhilqulJi who is capable of performing a formal act (karman) has to
be appointed by the This appointed bhik:;ulJl then has to
perform a formal act in which the motion is fourfold (i.e. ajiiapticatur-
thakarman
20
*) in order to ask the bhilqulJls whether they agree to confer
to the sriimalJeri a training for two years in the precepts, under guidance
of her upiidhyiiyini66*. In case they agree, the matter is hereby settled.
Subsequently, one has to explain the six rules (/\1t)71 particularly to
be taken into account by a silqamiilJii to this newly accepted
69. See T.I428, p. 924aI6-c4. A similar exposition (with the exception of the
explanation on the six rules to be particularly taken into account by a
is found in the Pac.12I, p. 755c5-24.
70. See T.l428, p. 924aI7-19. I will discuss this further on pp. 62ff.
71. These six rules differ from Vinaya to Vinaya:
The Pali Vinaya has the same rules as T.I428 (OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka'!l,
Vol.IV, p. 319). T.I421, p. 46a2, says that there are six rules, without, however,
explaining them. T.1425, p.47lc2-15 gives eighteen rules: HIRAKAWA, A.,
1982, pp. 54-55: "(1) (The should take her seat (in a position) below
all the and above all the sriima1Jerikiis (female novices). (2) Something
that is an offence for a (need) not to be an offence for a (3)
Something that is an offence for a is also an offence for a
(4) A may stay with a (in a cell) for three consecutive days.
(5) A may stay with a srflma/ferikfl (in a cell) for three consecutive
days. (6) A may give some food to a (7) A may
be given any food by a srflma1Jerikfl, but she may not boil the five kinds of
vegetables, nor receive gold, silver and coins. (8) (A should not point
out to a any of the offences from the pflriijika down to the
vinayiitikrama. (9) (A sik$amfl/ffl) may not speak (to a concerning
(matters of) not committing sexual intercourse, not stealing, not killing, not lying.
(10, 11) (10) (A may not attend the PO$adha meeting of the
Order, (11) not attend the pravflra1Jii meeting of the bhilG?Wlf Order). On the
day and on the prflvara1Jfl day, before the Order's meeting, putting her
JIABS 20.2 46
palms together She (sic) should say 'I am so-and-so, pure and unsullied. May the
Order remember that I have followed (the eighteen rules for a She
should repeat it three times, then go out. (12) If a has committed one
of the last four of the eight piiriijikas, she must begin the s two year
course over again, and ought to st(lrt leaming the disciplinary rules again on that
very day. (13) If the offence (that a has committed) is one of the
nineteen which constitute a offence, or any other offence (down to
the Vinayiitikrama (sic)), she ought to make a confession for each of the
offences which she has committed. (14-lS) If she violates (any of) the next five
precepts, then her time as a will be extended for as many days as she
has broken the precepts. What are these five? They are: (14) taking a meal at an
improper time, (15) taking food which was left over from the previous days, (16)
accepting gold, silver and money, (17) drinking liquor, and (1S) decorating
herself with wreaths of flowers or incense." The of the M.-L.
School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 26-2S, 26-27, gives eighteen rules that agree to a
large extent with the eighteen rules given in T.1425: NOLOT, E., 1991, pp. 15-17:
"QueUes sont ses obligations? [1] Vis-a-vis de toutes les nonnes, eUe est
nouvelle; vis-a-vis de toutes les novices, elle est ancienne; eUe doit se contenter
du siege inferieur. [2] Elle doit se contenter de la nourriture inferieure. [3] EUe
doit se contenter du gruau inferieur. [4] Les biens materiels illicites pour elIe sont
des biens materiels licites pour les nonnes. [5] Les biens materiels licites pour les
nonnes sont des biens materiels illicites pour elle. [6] Les nonnes ne doivent pas
dormir tournees de son cote; [7] elle-meme ne doit pas dormir tournee du cote des
novices. [S] Les nonnes peuvent la charger de recevoir [des dons], excepte
l'agnikalpa*, [9] l'or et I'argent; [10] elle-meme peut charger les novices de
recevoir [des dons]. [11] II ne convient pas qu' eUe assiste au [12] ni a
la PraviiralJa. Mais, quand a lieu Ie ou la PraviiralJii, montant jusqu'au
rang des anciennes puis accomplissant l' afijali debout devant elles, elle doit dire:
"Je salue. 6 Arya, considerez-moi comme pure" - et une deuxieme, une troisieme
fois. Quand elle a dit trois fois "Je salue. 6 Arya, considerez[-moi] comme pure",
elle doit partir. [13] II ne convient pas de lui faire entendre Ie
Au contraire, il faut lui faire apprendre tout ce qu'eUe peut apprendre avec une
padaphalakii**; il faut [lui] dire: [14] "II ne convient pas d'enfreindre la chastete;
[15] il ne convient pas de prendre ce qui n'est pas donne; [16] il ne convient pas
d'6ter la vie, de sa propre main, a un etre humain; [17] il ne convient pas de
pretendre mensongerement a un pouvoir sumaturel" - ainsi doit-on lui faire
apprendre tout ce qu'elle peut apprendre avec une padaphalakii. [IS] Les
infractions aux cinq preceptes [sont]: manger hors du temps prescrit; manger des
aliments mis en reserve; accepter I'or et l'argent; porter des parfums, des
guirlandes, des fards, boire des liqueurs, de l'a1cool, des boissons fortes."
* NOLOT, E., 1991, p. 16, note 34: "[ ... ] Le compose signifie litt. "prepare au feu"
ou "rendu licite par Ie feu"; [ ... ]. II n'est pas impossible a priori qu'agnikalpa
designe les cinq cereales bouillies ou grillees du regime monastique [ ... ]. La
proximite dejiitariiparajata [gold and silver] indique peut-etre qu'il s'agit d'une
substance precieuse."
HEIRMAN 47
The first four of these six rules coincide with the first four piiriijika
offenses
72
: (1) sexual intercourse, (2) stealing (anything with a value of
five coins
73
, or more), (3) taking human life and (4) lying about one's
spiritual achievements. The other two rules are: (5) a sik$amii1'}ii may not
eat at the wrong time, i.e. after noon, and (6) she may not drink alcohol.
The disciplinary measures that are to be taken against a sik$amii1'}ii who
transgresses one ofthese six rules are explained in the
piicittika 123
74
of T.1428: the four piiriijika offenses lead to a definitive
** NOLOT, E., 1991, p.17, note 36: "[ ... ] Ie sens apparent est lplanchette, feuille
ou ecorce [ ... ] [pour ecrire des] mots ou phrasesI"y1. Mais [ ... ] Ie terme pourrait
designer une nonne specialisee dans l'instruction des probationnaires."
T.1435, p.327a7-c2, gives six rules: (1) she may not have an unchaste behavior,
(2) she may not steal, (3) she may not kill, (4) she may not lie, (5) she may not let
herself be touched by a man with impure thoughts from below her hair till her
wrist and her lmee, (6) she may not do eight wrong things together with a man
with impure thoughts (to allow that the man touches her hand, that he touches her
clothes, that they stand together, speak together, make appointments, or go to a
secret place, to wait for a man, and to offer her body).
T.1443, p.l005a3-l9, gives six rules and six additional rules. The six rules are:
she may not (1) walk alone, (2) cross a river alone, (3) touch a man on purpose,
(4) spend a night together with a man, (5) act as a go-between, and (6) conceal a
piiriijika offense of a The six additional rules are: she may not (l) touch
silver or gold, (2) shave her pubic hair, (3) dig in the ground, (4) cut grass or fell
a tree, (5) eat food that has not been given, and (6) eat food that has been left
over.
As said by HIRAKAWA, A.,1982, p.54, note 17, the six rules of the Pali Vinaya
and T.1428 are probably the oldest.
72. A piiriijika is an offense that leads to a permanent, lifetime exclusion from the
order. There are four offenses for monks and eight offenses for nuns: sexual
intercourse, stealing, taking human life and lying about one's spiritual achieve-
ments; and, only for nuns: having physical contact below the armpit and above
the lmee, being together with a man and doing eight wrong things (According to
T.l428, p. touching the hand, touching the clothes, going to a secret
place together, being in a secret place, talking together, walking together, leaning
against one another, and making appointments. The eight wrong things differ
slightly from Vinaya to Vinaya), concealing a grave offense of another
(in all Vinayas stated to be apiiriijika, and in T.1435, p. 304a28-29, also stated to .
be a and persisting in accompanying a suspended
73. miisaka: see RHYS DAVIDS, T.W. and STEDE, W., PED, p. 531, s.v. miisaka:
"lit. a small bean, used as a standard of weight & value; hence a small coin of
very low value. Of copper, wood & lac."
74. See T.1428, p. 756b18-c25.
JIABS 20.2 48
expulsion from the order; the two other offenses and offenses closely
linked to the four piiriijika offenses lead to an extension of the two-:year
training.
T.1428 also mentions that, apart from these six rules particularly to be
taken into accobnt by a sik$amiir:zii, a sik$amiir:zii also should study all the
precepts for bhik$ur:zzs, except for .the precept on offering and accepting
food with one's own hands
75
.
The latter regulation for the sik$amiir:zii is difficult to understand, since
no precept in the for bhik$ur:zzs concerning offering and
accepting food with one's own hands is to be found. The first prati-
deSan'iya
76
offense in the might give a clue to a solu-
tion. Here, a bhik$ur:zz offers her own food to a bhik$u. However, when
she, because of this, becomes very weak and ill, Buddha says that a
bhik$u may not, with his own hands, accept food of a bhik$ur:zz, except
when he is ill or when the bhik$ur:zz is related to him. If he does accept
food, he commits a pratideSanzya offense. T.142878 also says - by
means of a standardized formula - that in case a accepts food,
she commits a and that, in the same case, also a a
sriimar:zera, and a sriimar:zerz (Le. a probationer, a male, and a female
novice) commit a This implies that they too cannot accept food
from a bhik$w}z.
In the Pali Vinaya, Bhikkhuvibhanga, Piitidesanzya 1
80
, we find the
interesting remark that, although a monk cannot accept food from a nun
with his oWn hands, he may accept food from a sikkhamiinii or from a
siimar:zerz.
75. See T.142S, p. 924c2-4 (particularly, p. 924c3-4:
ltliJBJ@:tltI&:tlt:tlt, exception made for giving food to a and
personally taking food to eat); Pac.I21, p.755c23-24
(partictifarIy: = f&, exception made for taking food with one's
own hands and offering food to someone else).
76. These minor offenses concern the acceptance and the consumption ofinappro-
priate food. These offenses have to be confessed.
77. T.l42S, pp. 695c17-696b13. This offense is also found in the Pali and the other
Chinese Vinayas: OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitakarrz, Vol.IV, pp.175-177,
piitidesanfya 1; T.l421, pp. 7Ic7-72b6, pratiddanfya 1; T.I425, pp.397a14-
39Sa1, priitiddanika 2; T.I435, p.13Ia6-bIS, pratiddaniya 1; T.1442,
pp. S97a22-S99bIS,pratidesanfya 1.
7S. See T.l42S, p. 696b7-S.
79. This literally means 'a bad action' and indicates a very light offense.
SO. See note 77.
HEIRMAN 49
Furthermore, the ninth rule for the sik?amalJas in T.1425
81
says that a
sik?amalJa can give some food to a bhik?ulJl.
Considering the above mentioned facts, we can state that a bhik?u and,
as mentioned in T.1428, a bhik:;ulJl, may not accept food from a
bhilr:;ulJl with their own hands. This also implies that a bhik:;ulJl cannot
give food into the hands of a bhik:;u or a bhik:;ulJl. This might be the
precept for bhik?ulJls referred to in the above mentioned passage concer-
ning the precepts to be followed by a sik?amalJa.
In case the latter precept is the precept for bhik:;ulJls referred to in the
passage concerning the precepts to be followed by a sik?amalJa, then we
are confronted with a contradiction in T.1428:
I. On the one hand, in the Bhik:;ulJlskandhaka ofT.1428, it is said that
a sik:;amalJa should follow all the precepts for bhik:;ulJls, except for the
one precept on offering and accepting food with one's own hands, a
precept that we have identified as being equivalent to the first pratidda-
nlya in the Bhik:;uvibhaftga. Unlike a bhik:;ulJl, a sik:;amalJa can offer
food to a bhik:;u or to a bhik:;ulJl with her own hands, and can receive
food from a bhik:;ulJl. The above is congruous with the Pali Vinaya,
Bhikkhuvibhaftga, Patidesanlya 1
80
*, where it is said that a monk can
always accept food from a sikkhamana or from a samalJeri, which
implies that a sikkhamana or a samalJerl also can give food to a monk,
and also coincides with the ninth rule to be taken into account by a
sik?amalJa ofT.1425
81
*, according to which a sik:;amalJa may give food
to a bhik?ulJl.
II. On the other hand, in the Bhik:;uvibhaftga, Pratiddanlya 1 of
T.1428, it is said that a bhik:;u cannot receive food from a bhik:;ulJl and
that this also applies to a bhik:;UlJI, a sik:;amalJa, a sramalJera and a
sramalJeri. These, equally, cannot receive food from a bhik:;ulJl. This is
in direct conflict with the above mentioned (1.). A possible explanation
for this contradiction in T.1428 may be that, in the Bhik:;uvibhaftga,
Pratiddaniya 1, T.1428 uses a standardized formula
82
, to be found in
many other precepts, as a result of which, probably, no attention was
paid to the particular position of the sik:;amalJa (and, possibly, as
mentioned in the Pali Vinaya, of the sramalJeri).
81. See note 71.
82. T.1428,pratideSaniya 1, p. 696b7-8:
1.1, a is with a dU9krta. A a sriimw}era and a sriimw}eri are
with a dU9krta
nABS 20.2 50
The difference between a sriimalJerf and a appears to be only
formal. As we can see from the above, the admission ceremony, by
means of ajfiapticaturthakarman, of a is a lot more elabo-
rated than the one of a sriimalJeri, for whom no formal act has 10 be per-
formed. Except for this formal element, of which it might be expected
that it leads to a different status of the two members, there appears to be
no essential difference as to their role, or duties in the
In this way, having a closer look at the ten precepts (+m) imposed
upon a sriimal}erf and on the six rules (/\y;t) to be particularly taken
into account by a we see that the six rules of the
coincide with six of the ten precepts imposed on a sriimal}erz. This does
not mean that a does not have to follow the other four
precepts, precepts saying that a sriimal}erf may not wear flowers,
perfume or jewelry, that she may not sing, dance, or make music, or go
to see singing, dancing and music, that she may not use a high, large,
and big bed, and that she may not possess gold, silver, or money. Since
it is also said that a has to keep all the precepts that apply to
except for one (i.e. the precept on offering and accepting
food), this implies that a necessarily also has to follow the
four remaining precepts for a sriimal}erf, these latter precepts belonging
to the set of precepts for
This could still lead to the wrong conclusion that a sriimalJerf has to
follow ten precepts only, while a has to keep up all the
precepts for except for one, hereby particularly taking into
account six rules. Since in these cases where the commentary on these
precepts for (of the is also applicable to
and to sriimal}eris, there always is an indication of the
offense committed by the latter two members of the community, it is
evident that also the latter two members of the community have to keep
up the precepts concerned, be it that - exception made for the case they
commit one of the first four piiriijika offenses
84
- and
sriimal}erfs are not punished in the same way as are.
83. A bhikoJu1JI may not embellish herself (BhikoJu1Jlvibhanga, Piicittika 157). A
not go to see singing, dancing and music (Piicittika 79). A
must follow strict rules concerning the bedding she uses (Piicittikas 68 and 69).
A may not possess gold, silver or money 9).
84. Of these four piiriijika offenses, the only mentions the essen-
tials. Exception made for some additional commentary on the first piiriijika
offense, the commentary is to be found in the BhikoJuvibhanga. In the com-
HEIRMAN 51
Hence, we have to conclude that for or a sriimalJ-erz, the
offenses that are mentioned and the measures that are taken are the same.
Finally, it is interesting to note that all the formal acts and all the cere-
monies performed by the can only be done by the
themselves, whereas both the sriimalJ-erfs and the
cannot participate in them.
We thus have to conclude that, since the precepts to be followed by
and the measures that can be taken against a sriimal}erf and a sik
9
amiil}ii
are the same, and since both do not participate in the ceremonies and the
formal acts in the there is no essential difference
between the position of a sriimal}erz and the one of a except
probably for the social rank in the community, given the importance
attached to the admittance ceremony of a
c. the ordination ceremony
When a has concluded the two-year training, she is ready to
become a provided that she did not act against one of the six
rules (;\1*) that she particularly has to take into account.
In the Bhik$ulJ-zskandhaka
4
*, T.1428 explains how this ceremony is to
be carried out
85
:
Although the candidate to the ordination, as a sriimalJ-eri and as a
has been guided by an upiidhyiiyini
66
*, she now must offi-
cially ask a bhik$ul}l to become her upiidhyiiyini. After this request, re-
peated three times, that bhik$ul}i consents to become her upiidhyiiyini.
86
Next, the candidate has to be led to a place from where she can see the
bhik$ulJ-isa1!Zgha, but cannot hear it. The karman master
87
then performs
mentary on the first four piiriijilw offenses, the mentions that in
case a sriimalJera, a sriimalJerf or a commit such an offense, they
commit a and they have to be sent away definitively. Although a
sriimalJera, a sriimalJerf and a are not said to have committed the
same offense as a (or a they are punished in the same way.
85. See T.1428, pp. 924c4-926a26. A similar exposition is found in the
vibhanga, Piic.124, pp. 756c26-758c28.
86. SeeT.1428,p.924c4-7.
87. !lX;iji, karmakiiraka (7) (f. karmakiirikii): cf. WOGlHARA, D., BW, p.323, s.v.
karmakiiraka: 1'F1''Tiji, 1'F1'Flf; 1'Flf3'it 1'Flf1'F3'it EDGERTON, F., BHSD,
p. 170, s.v. karmakiiraka: "the presiding officer at an assembly of monks and
nuns before which ajiiapti, q.V., is presented; he or she presents thejiiapti, and
the following karmaviicanii, q.V. (if any)." !lX;iji possibly also may render the
.JIABS 20.2 52
ajiiaptikarman
20
*, in order to appoint an instructress
88
in the bhik$u1J'i-
sarrzgha.
89
Hereafter, that instructress goes to the candidate and asks her
whether she possesses the five required robes (i.e. the antarviisa, the
uttariisaliga, the sarrzghiit'i, the sarrzkak$ikii, and the robe that covers the
shoulder
90
) as well as the alms bowl (piitra), after which the instructress
Skt. term karmiiciirya* (f. karmiiciiryii*): cf. NAKAMURA, H., BGD, p. 164, s:v.
t.fl(;gfl]: Pali kamma-iicariya.
88. anusiisikii: cf. WOGIHARA, u., BW, p. 68, s.v. anusiisaka: Apart
from the upiidhyiiyinf and the karmakiirikii, the anuSiisikii is the third person to
be present during an ordination ceremony. In addition to these three, seven
witnesses are required (cf. T.l428, p. 886a22-28, in the chapter concerning an
intervention of Buddha in Campa, where he explains, among other things, which
kind of assemblies have to carry out community proceedings).
89. See T.1428, p. 924c10-12.
90. See T.1428, p. 924c13-l4.
These are the five robes that are to be possessed by a bhik,Ju1}i. The first three
correspond to the three robes of a mollie an antarviisa, i.e. an inner robe, an
uttariisanga, i.e. a upper robe, and a smrzghiitf, i.e. an outer cloak: see HORNER,
LB., BD, VoUI, p. 1, note 2: "The antaraviisaka is put on at the waist, and hangs
down to just above the ankles, being tied with the kiiyabandhana, a strip of cloth
made into a belt or girdle [ ... ]. The uttariisanga is the upper robe worn when a
monk is in residence. It covers him from neck to ankle, leaving one shoulder bare
[ ... ]. The sanghiiri is put on over this when the monk goes out. It may be exactly
the same size as the uttariisanga, but it consists of double cloth, since to make it
two robes are woven together. [ ... ] All these three robes are made in the patch-
work fashion."
The two additional robes are ([seng-chieh-chih], a phonetic rendering of
the Skt. sa7!lkak:;ikii) and a robe that covers the shoulder.
By comparing several texts and dictionaries, VON HINOBER, 0., 1975, pp. 133-
139, concluded that a sa7!lkak:;ikii is a small band worn to support the breasts, so
that do not catch the eye. This is also the reason why according to T.1428,
Pac. 160, a sa7!lkak:;ikii should be worn by a bhik,Ju1}l. Still
according to O. VON HINUBER, another garment should be worn over the
sa7!lkak:;ikii: a ga1}ejapraticchiidana (para), lit. a robe to hide the rounding (of the
breasts). This latter statement is based upon information given in the BhikoJu1}i-
vibhanga of the M.-L. School (ROTH, G., 1970, bhik,Ju1}fprakfr1}aka (miscella-
neous matters), p.313, 277). The Skt. term galJejapraticchiidana (para)
corresponds to the Chinese term in the Bhik:;U1:zfvibhanga of the Chinese
Vinaya of the Mahasarp.ghika School (T.1425, p. 546b28). This makes it clear
that the purpose of wearing is to cover the rounding of the breasts.
Probably this robe also covered the shoulder left bare by the uttariisanga.
These two additional robes of the bhik:;ulJfs are not the same in all the Vinayas.
In passages where the five robes are enumerated in the Vinayas, we find the
following two additional robes:
HEIRMAN 53
OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya PitakaTfl, Vol.lI, p.272: (1) saTflkacchika, (2)
i.e. a bathing-cloth. This Vinaya does not mention a cloth worn over
the saTflkacchika.
T.l421, p.187c19-20: (1) :a robe that covers the shoulder, (2)
a bathing-cloth. Apart from this, in the Pac.181, p. 98all-17,
it is said that a should wear a (11lr*3t [seng-ch'i-chih]).
T.1425, p.472b21-22 andp.521a25-26: (1) a robe that covers the
shoulder, (2) (p. 472b22) (p. 521a26): a bathing-cloth. Apart from
this, in the 23, p. 546b25-c2,-it is said that a
bhik$ulJf should wear a over the saTflkak$ikii (11lrtE:3t [seng-ch'i-chih]).
In the Skt. *. Bhik$ulJlvibhanga of the M.-L. School, we find the same infor-
mation: ROTH, G., 1970, p.146, 165: (1) kalJthapraticchiidana*'*': a robe that
covers the rounding (of the breasts), (2) udakasii{ikii: a bathing-cloth. Apart from
this, in the Bhik$ulJfvibhanga,prakirlJaka 24, p.313, 277, it is said that a
bhik$ulJf should wear a galJrj.apraticchiidana (pata) over the saTflkak$ikii.
*. See note 3.
*.* According to NOLOT, E.,1991, p. 136, note 174, this should be galJrj.aprati-
cchiidana.
T.1428, p. 924c13-14: (1) saTflkak$ikii, (2) a robe that covers
the shoulder. Apart from this, in the Bhik$ulJfvibhanga, Pac. 102, p. 749a19-b16,
a bathing-cloth to be worn by a bhik$ulJf is mentioned.
T.l435, p. 335b28: (1) a robe that covers the shoulder, (2) [chii-
hsiu-Io]: this is a phonetic rendering of the Skt. kusillaka. There are different
opinions about what exactly a kusUlaka is: according to NAKAMURA, R., BGD,
p.269, it is an undergarment, also called (bamboo basket), because of its
resemblance with such a basket. According to EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 189, s.v.
kusillaka, there are two different garments called kusillaka: a) "a woman's breast-
covering" (= kusulaka); b) "a man's garmenf'. The first interpretation is based on
the Mahiivyutpatti, No.9000 ?)"). To our opinion, since in T.1435
a kusillaka is mentioned together with a 'robe that covers the shoulder', it could
well have the same use as a saTflkak$ikii in T.1428, i.e. a garment to support the
breasts, worn under another garment that hides the rounding of the breasts and
covers the shoulder. EDGERTON's second interpretation, a man's garment, is also
to be found in T.1435, p.347b14-17: what man's garment, in this passage, a
kusillaka exactly is, is difficult to know. It is likely to be an undergarment. The
term saTflkak$ikii (11lrtE:;f:t [seng-ch'i-chih]) is mentioned only once in the
Vinaya, namely as part of a series of robes that can be used by a monk
(p.466a23). It is clear that the original sense of saTflkak$ikii has been lost here.
Besides this, in the Pac. 128, p. 335al-25, a bathing-cloth
to be worn by a is mentioned.
T.l443, p.944b8-9: (1) [chii-su-lo-chia]: kusillaka, (2) 11lrJJ1lllilliif
[seng-chiao-ch'i], which according to our opinion, is a phonetic rendering of the
Skt. term saTflkak$ikii. What, in this Vinaya, exactly is meant by a kusillaka or by
a saTflkak$ikii, and what the difference between these two is, is impossible to say.
Apart froin the above two clothes, T.1443, Pac.139,
p. 1011a3-9, mentions a bathing-cloth to be worn by a bhik$ulJf.
JIABS 20.2 54
questions her in order to find out if there are any stumbling blocks
(antaraya) to her ordination.
91
She asks after her name and her'upa-
dhyayini. She then asks whether she is twenty years old, whether she has
all the robes and the alms bowl, whether she has the permission of her
parents and the permission of her husband, whether she has any debts,
whether she is not a slave, and whether she is a woman. Finally, the in-
structress questions the candidate concerning such diseases as leprosy,
boils, eczema, tuberculosis, epilepsy, bisexuality, or the disease that the
two tracts come together
92
, and asks her whether she is able to hold up
urine, excrements, mucus and saliva.
In case the answer is satisfactory, the instructress brings the candidate
back to the other bhik$ur.zis and positions her within her reach. Hereafter,
the instructress performs a jiiaptikarman in order to ask the bhik$ur.zi-
saJTlgha for permission to let the candidate return among the bhik$ur.zis.
In case the bhi10ur.zisaJTlgha consents, the instructress tells the candidate
to come nearer.
93
The instructress then has to hold the robes and the
alms bowl of the candidate and has to instruct her to humbly ask the
bhik$ur.zisaJTlgha three times to confer her the ordination.
94
After this request, the karman master performs a jiiaptikarman to ask
permission to interrogate the candidate in order to find out whether there
are any stumbling blocks to the ordination.
95
The karman master then
asks the same questions as the instructress. This time, however, the
interrogation is public.
96
In case the answer is satisfactory, the ordina-
tion is finally carried out by means of a jiiapticaturthakarman. 97
We can conclude that the three robes common for monks and nuns (antarviisa,
uttariisailga, and saTpghiitl) are always the same. Furthermore, exception made
for t h ~ Pari Vinaya, every Vinaya mentions a bathing-cloth and two garments to
cove'r the breasts to be worn by a hhik:;w}l. Of these three robes, two are added to
the three common robes, in this way making a series of five robes that should
always be possessed by a hhikWf}i, and that a sik:;amii1}ii should possess at her
ordination ceremony.
91. See T.l428, p. 924c15-21.
92. This is further explained in the Bhik:;u1}/vihhanga, p. 774b7: it means that the
tracts of urine and excrements are not separated.
93. See T.l428, p. 924c22-27.
94. See T.1428, pp. 924c27-925a3.
95. See T.1428, p. 925a3-6.
96. See T.1428, p. 925a6-13.
97. See T.1428, p. 925a13-25.
HEIRMAN 55
After the ordination ceremony in the the candidate
has to be led to the She humbly asks the
three times to confer her the ordination.
98
After this triple request, the
karman master of the bhik:jus interrogates her on possible stumbling
blocks, as this had been done before in the bhik$ul'}lsal!Zgha. The karman
master further asks the candidate whether she has studied the precepts
and whether she is pure
99
. In case her answer is satisfactory; he asks the
other whether the candidate has studied the precepts and
whether she is pure. In case the answer, again, is satisfactory, the
ordination is conferred to her by means of a jfiapticaturthakarman. IOO
Before the ordination ceremony is finally concluded, two important
instructions are given to the newly ordained One first explains
the eight piiriijika offenses which would exclude her definitively from
the order of i.e. sexual intercourse, stealing, taking human life
and lying about one's spiritual achievements, having physical contact
below the armpit and above the knee, being together with a man and
doing eight wrong things (according to T.1428, Bhik:jul'}lvibhaliga,
p. 716a24-27: touching the hand, touching the clothes, going to a secret
place together, being in a secret place, talking together, walking
together, leaning against one another, and making appointments),
concealing a grave offense (i.e. a piiriijika) of another bhik:jul'}l, and
persisting in accompanying a suspended The newly ordained
bhik$ul'}l has to profess that she is able to take on these interdictions.
IOl
Secondly, four supports (nisraya) are taught to her. These four supports
are: (1) she should dress in refuse ragslO
2
, (2) she should only rely on
alms food
l03
, (3) she should dwell at the root of a tree
l04
, and (4) she
has to use medicine made of putrid elements 105. These supports are the
98. See T.1428, p. 92Sa2S-b1.
99. parisuddha, without stumbling blocks.
100. See T.1428, p. 92Sbl-17.
101. See T.1428, pp. 92Sb17-926aS.
102. po:t!lsukiila (WOGlllARA, U., BW, p. 770; EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 307).
103. pilJrjapata (WOGlllARA, u., BW, p. 784; EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 307).
104. (WOGlllARA, U., BW, p.126S; EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 307).
lOS. medicine made of putrid elements: (WOGIHARA,
u., BW, p. 802; EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 307). See RHYs DAVIDS, T.W. and
STEDE, W., PED, p. 470, s.v. piitimutta, "strong-smelling urine, usually urine of
JIABS 20.2 56
minimum requirements for a life as a or as a it is, how-
ever, allowed to receive more and better than what is stipulated in these
four supports, provided one does not ask for it. Because the candidate
may not be able to endure such an austere life, these s'upports are
explained to her before the conclusion of the ordination ceremony, and
the candidate is asked whether she will obey them.1
06
Ultimately, the ordination ceremony is officially concluded.107
As we have said before, Mahaprajapatl Gautami and the five hundred
Sakya women did not receive this official ordination: they became
by accepting the eight rules (gurudharmas) for
When some suggested that the ordination of Mahaprajapati
Gautami and the five hundred Sakya women was not valid, Buddha
again said that both ordinations have the same value, and that Mahi'i-
prajapati Gautami and the five hundred Sakya women received the
precepts too. 108
The of T.1428 then adds some special conditions
that can occur during the ordination ceremony. The most important
addition is that, after having been ordained in the a
candidate can receive the ordination in the by a proxy, in
case it is too dangerous for her to go to the monastery of the
This proxy has to be appointed by means of ajiiaptidvUfyakarman. For
her safety, the proxy must take two or three with her.
It is thus to be seen that the ordination ceremony is a well organized,
highly formalized ceremony, focusing on the control exercised by the
full members of the community in order to prevent a newcomer to
damage this community. After ordination, the newly ordained
becomes:"a full member of the This allows her to take
cattle used as medicine by the bhikkhu."; of the M.-L. School,
ROTH, G., 1970, p.40, 51: "putimi1trarrz". According to NAKAMURA, H.,
BGD, p. 969, the Skt. term refers to urine and excrements of cows used as
medicine. On this, EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 350, S.v. pi1timukta, says: "( [ ... ] =
piltimutta, interpreted even by Pali comms. as containing mutta = Skt. mutra,
urine; this is prob. a late and secondary interpretation, suggested by pilti [ ... ]), a
medicinal decoction."
106. See T.1428, p. 926a5-19.
107. See T.1428, p. 926a19-26.
108. See T.1428, p. 926a27-b3.
HErRMAN 57
part in all the formal acts and the ceremonies that are performed by the
On the other hand, all the precepts for and
the measures they include, now all apply to her. Many offenses against
the rules of this ordination ceremony cim be committed.
II. Offenses against the ordination rules according to the Dharma-
guptaka Vinaya
Below, all offenses against the ordination rules appearing in the of
T.1428 are enumerated, and each of them is compared with the corresponding offenses
in the other Vinayas. In this comparison, we restrict ourselves to the essentials.
In all the Vinayas
109
,all the offenses committed against the rules of the
ordination ceremony, are found among the pacittika offenses45*, except
for one offense that, in all the Vinayas, is classified as a
offense
I6
*, and two offenses that only in T.1425 and in the
vibhanga of the MahasiiIp.ghika-Lokottaravada School are classified in a
different categoryllO.
All offenses focus either on the candidate, or on the upadhyayinz
66
*,
or on the ordination procedure. Moreover, T.1428 adds two offenses
that concern the period immediately following the ordination ceremony.
1) The candidate
a. T1428, 5 (pp.719b7-nOa5, parti-
cularly, p.719c15-18)11l:
"If a knows in advance that a woman thiefll2 has to be put to
109. See note 1.
110. T.l428, Pac. 134 == T.1425, of the M.-L. School, SaJ?1ghiiti-
7.
T.l428, Pac. 137 == T.l425, of the M.-L. School,
piicattika 18.
111. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pi!akaJ?1, Vo1.IV, pp.225-227, SaJ?1ghiidisesa 2;
T.1421, p. 79b6-c24, 4; T.1425, pp. 519c6-520bI4, SaJ?1ghiiti-
8; ofthe M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 138-141,
160-162, 8; T.1435, pp.309c14-310bI8, 8;
T.1443, pp. 935cll-936b2, 10.
112. This coincides with the precepts in the Pali Vinaya and in T.1435. In the precepts
ofT.1421, ofT.1425, and of the of the M.-L. School, it is a
woman who committed a crime (in T.142l, this is explained as adultery or theft);
in the precept ofT.1443, it is a woman who betrayed her husband (this is also
JIABS 20.2 58
death
l13
and that people know this1l4, and yet, without asking the king
or the ministers, and without asking the c1an
l15
, admits 11 6 her into the
mentioned in the introductory stories in the Pali Vinaya, in T.1421: in T.1425, in
the Bhik$ulJivibhanga of the M.-L. School, and in T.1435).
113. In T.1421, in T.1425, and in T.1443, this is said in the introductory story to the
precept and not in the precept itself.
114. This is not found in the Pali Vinaya, in T.1421, in T.1425, and in the Bhik$ulJi-
vibhanga of the M.-L. School.
115. Pali Vinaya: without asking the king, the order of nuns, a group* or a gui1d** or
a company***; T.1421: without asking her husband (who, as it is said in the
introductory story to the precept, is supported by the laws laid down by the
king); this is not found in T.1425 and in the Bhik:julJivibhanga of the M.-L.
School; T.1435: without asking the king or the k$atriyas; T.1443: without the
permission of her husband and the king.
* See HORNER, I.B., BD, Vol.III, p.183, note 7: "Va. 910 [TAKAKUSU, I.,
NAGAI, M., Samantapiisiidikii, Vol.IV, p. 910] makes out that this means a
group of wrestlers and so on. But, preceded by Satrlgha, it might have the usual
Yin. meaning of a group (of two to four monks or nuns). On the other hand, it is
followed by two words that have no religious significance, and which denote
associations of people 'in the world'."
** See HORNER, LB., BD, Vol.III, p.183, note 8: "puga = dhammapuga, "a
guild under dhamma" (7), VA. 910 [TAKAKUSU, 1. and NAGAI, M., Samanta-
piisiidikii, Vol.IV, p. 910]. Probably a guild governed by some rule or law."
*** See HORNER, LB., BD, Vol.III, p. 183, note 9: "selJi, a corporation,
company or guild of artisans or traders following the same business or dealing in
the same articles."
116. All the Chinese Vinayas use the term Jjt, which originally meant "to bring (her)
into the order (= the first steps into the order)" (NAKAMURA, H., BGD, p. 997,
S.v. Jjt @). As we can see in some Chinese Vinayas, later the meaning "to confer
the ordination" was added to this original meaning. In this precept ofT.1428,
however, Jjt is used in the original meaning, i.e. the first of three actions (1) to
admifher (Jjt), (2) to let her go forth, and (3) to confer her the ordination. In the
precept of T.1421, only the term Jjt appears; from the commentary on the
precept, however, it is clear that also the third of the above three actions (i.e. to
confer her the ordination) is understood. Also in the precept ofT.1425, only the
term Jjt appears; from the commentary on the precept, it is, again, clear that the
ordination is to be understood, while to let her go forth and to let her become a
sik:jamiilJii constitute minor offenses. In the precept of T .1435, the term
Jjt{'F5f.l-f-, to admit her as a disciple, appears. From the introductory story to this
precept, we know that the bhik:julJi lets a woman go forth; the ordination,
however, is not mentioned. In the precept of T.1443, the term Jjt appears,
followed by the term 9tl*; the ordination is not mentioned. Here Jjt has its
original meaning.
The Pali Vinaya uses the verb vutthahati, in the causative vutthiipeti. On this
term HORNER, I.B., BD, Vol.III, p. xlvii says: "To "receive" or to "accept" into
HEIRMAN 59
order, lets her go forth and confers her the ordination, then this bhiksuni
commits an immediate 1 17 that has to be given upIIS." .
Since this offense is found among the offenses, it is
clear that it is a major transgression of the rules. Not only is the crime,
committed by the admitted woman, considered as a serious crime,. the
avoidance of the punishment, moreover, leads to friction between the
order and the king and his ministers, whose support is essential to the
Buddhist order. The precepts in the other Vinayas mention equally
serious problems
l19
, and except for T.1425 and for the
vibhanga ofthe Mahasfu11ghika-Lokottaravada School, the other Vinayas
all say that, without the permission of the king to admit the woman into
the order, a major transgression, i.e. a is committed.
120
We thus can say that it are the seriousness of the crime committed by
the admitted woman and the problems that arise from this admission that
justify the classification of this offense among the
offenses.
Comparing this precept with the corresponding precepts
in the other Vinayas, it is to be noticed that no Vinaya, except for
T.1425 and for the the Mahasatpghika-Lokottara-
an order is perhaps the nearest rendering for which there is any justification ... ".
In the introductory story to this precept in the Pali Vinaya, the nun Thullananda
lets the woman thief go forth. The ordination is mentioned in the commentary on
the precept.
In the of the M.-L. School, the verb upa--)sthii (in the
causative) appears. It is explained in the commentary on the precept as 'to let go
forth' and 'to confer the ordination'. To let her go forth and to let her become a
constitute minor offenses.
117. The saTflghavasqa offenses are divided in two categories: 1) the immediate
(prathama) offenses; 2) the offenses on the third (admonition) (yiivattrtfyaka).
Whereas, in the first category, the immediately commits a
offense, in the second category, she first is admonished three
times. Only if she does not give up her bad behavior, she commits a
offense.
118. T.1421, T.142S, and the of the M.-L. School mention the
following exception: the commits no offense when the woman she
admits has already gone forth in a non-Buddhist community. The Pali Vinaya
says that there is no offense if the woman has already gone forth in a non-
Buddhist community or if other nuns have already conferred her the ordination.
119. See note 112.
120. See note 115.
,nABS 202 60
vada SchooII21, mentions the sik,mmiifJii period in respect to this offense.
Moreover, the introductory story to this precept in T.1428, T.1421,
T.1425 and in the of the Mahasarpghika-Lokottara-
vada School, all relate the story of either a woman thief or 'a woman
who has committed a crime and who has to be put to death. This
punishment will be executed by the king or by the woman's family, The
woman, however, escapes and is admitted in the order of the Buddhist
who confer her the ordination, When, later, the king or the
woman's family find out where the woman took refuge, they can no
longer punish her, because she now is a member of the
Since it is unlikely that the king or the family needed two years (i.e. the
length of a period) to discover where the woman fled to,
these stories seem to indicate a rapid ordination of the woman thief or of
the woman who committed a crime. The other Vinayas, i,e. the Pali
Vinaya, T.1435 and T.1443, only tell how the woman took refuge
among the nuns, who let her go forth. The precepts mention no further
steps, i.e, a period or an ordination.
We thus have to conclude that this precept indicates
that, at the time the precept was issued, the period did not
exist or was not taken into account. As we will see further, also other
precepts lead to a similar conclusion.
b. T.1428, pac.
45
*119 (p. 754bI2-cl5, particularly,
p.754c2-3)122:
"If a knows that a woman is pregnant, and she admits her and
confers her the ordination
123
, then it is apiicittika:'
121, These Vinayas mention the sik:;amiilJ-ii period in the commentary on the precept:
if a bhik:;ulJ-! confers the two-year instruction of a sik:;amiilJ-ii to a woman who
has committed a crime, she does not commit a offense, but a
sthUliityaya, a serious offense (this term is used to indicate an offense that is very
close to a piiriijika or a offense),
122, OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitakal!'l, VoLIV, pp,317-318, pac.61; T.1421,
p. 92a24-b6, Pac,116*; T.1443, pp. lOOSc2S-1006aS, Pac. Ill.
* As the enumeration of the piicittika offenses is unclear in the Bhik:;ulJ-!vibhanga
of T .1421, we follow the enumeration of the of the same
school (T.1423).
123. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya and T.1421. T.1443 says that the bhik.';W/!
gives her the going forth.
HEIRMAN 61
In the introductory story to this precept, it is said that a bhiksunf
admits a pregnant woman who gives birth after she has been ordained.
In this precept, there is no mention of the period.
Since T.1428 says that a admits &124 a pregnant woman and
confers her the ordination, after which she gives birth, this ordination
was apparently given to her without a two-year instruction. The woman
was pregnant before she went forth, she received the ordination during
her pregnancy, after which she gave birth to a child. A period
would have avoided such a situation. The precepts of the Pali Vinaya
and of T.142l only say - without mentioning any earlier stage - that a
nun may not ordain a pregnant woman, while T.1443 only says that a
may not let a pregnant woman go forth.
Since no Vinaya mentions the important probation period, and since in
T.1428, a admits a pregnant woman who gives birth after her
ordination, it is clear that, at time this precept was issued, the
period did not exist or was not taken into account.
c. T.1428, Pac. 120 (pp. 754c16-755a19, particularly,
p.755a5-6)125:
"If a knows that a woman is breast-feeding a child, and she
confers her the ordination, then it is a pacittika."
Only three Vinayas mention this precept
125
*. In none of these three,
there is any reference to the two-year probation period during which the
woman, logically, would have given birth to the child she is now breast-
feeding. The introductory story to this precept in T.1428 says that a
admitted (&)124* a woman who was breast-feeding a child.
Again, it seems safe to say that, at the time this precept was issued, the
period did not exist or was not taken into account.
d. T.1428, Pac.12l (pp. 755a20-756a15, particularly,
p.756a4-5)126:
124. Compare note 116.
125. OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitaka7!l, Vol.IV, p.318, Pac.62; T.142l, p.92b7-l2,
Pac. 117.
T.1435 contains a somehow different precept that says that a nun may not admit
into the order a woman whose children necessarily have to follow her into the
order (because no-one else can take care of them) (p. 329a15-b2, Pac. 119).
126. OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitakaf!1., Vol.N, p.327, Pac.7l; T.1425, p.534b2-
cll, Pac. 96; Bhik$w}lVihhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 238-
.JIABS 202 62
"If a knows that she [i.e. the woman candidate] is not fully
twenty years old, and she confers her the ordination, then it 'is a
piicittika." .
The introductory story to this precept in T.1428 gives a survey of the
stages that precede the ordination, i.e. the going forth (pravrajya) and
the probation period ..
e. rl428, pac.l25 (pp. 758c29-759b2, particularly,
p.759a22-24)127;
"If a admits a married woman of ten, and she gives her the
two-year instruction in the precepts, then she may confer her the ordi-
nation when she is fully twelve years old. If she confers her the ordi-
nation
128
when she is younger than twelve, then it is a pacittika."
The above precept (a) and the corresponding precepts in the other
Vinayas
127
* led to the discussion whether the ordination (T.l435: the
admission into the community; T.1443: the going forth) can be con-
ferred to a married woman aged twelve, or to a woman married for
twelve years. This discussion is caused by the use, in the Chinese
Vinayas, as well as in the Pali and the Sanskrit texts, of an ambiguous
structure to indicate both the age and the duration (of the marriage).
Moreover, the same structure is used in another precept (b) that says that
a who [has been ordained for] less than twelve years, may not
confer the ordination: Pali Vinaya, OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya PitakaTfl,
Vol. IV, (a) p.322, Pac.65: unadvddasavassaTfl; (b) p. 329, pac.74:
unadvadasavassa; T.l42l, (a) p. 9lal8-l9, Pac. 104: (b)
240, 210, Pac. 96; T.1435, p. 328b27-c11, Pac. 116 (T.1435 does not explicitly
say that the ordains the woman, but only states that the admits
her into the order T.1443, p. 1006b25-cl0, pac.115.
T.1421 does not contain this precept, but a precept that is linked to it: Pac. 106:
"If a confers the study of the precepts [i.e. the period] to a
girl who is less than eighteen years old, then it is a pacittika."
127. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakw!I, Vol.IV, pp.321-322, pac.65; T.1421,
p. 9IaI5-21, Pac. 104; T.1425, pp. 535c19-536al, pac.IOO; of
the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, p. 245, 214, Pac. 100; T.1435, p.325c11-
24, Pac. 108; T.1443, pp.l004b28-1005a29, Pac. 108.
128. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya, T.1421, T.1425, and the
of the M.-L. School. T.1435 does not explicitly say that the ordains the
woman, but only states that the admits her into the order
while T .1443 states that she gives her the going forth.
HEIRMAN 63
p. 90c15, pac.102:::f1ilf9+ T.1425, (a) p. 535c26, Pac. 1 00: =
Wi; (b) p. 533a29-bl, BhilqU1Jivibhanga of the Maha-
sarpghika-Lokottaravada School, ROTH, G., 1970, (a) p.245, 2l4,
Pac. 1 00: (b) p. 232, 206, Pac.92: unadviidasa-
T.1428, (a) p. 759a24, Pac. 125: (b) p. 76lc5, Pac. 131:
(a) p.325c2l, Pac.l08: (b) p.325b
l2-13,Pac.l06: T.1443, (a) p.1005a25, Pac. 108: if * 1ilf9 +
=; (b) p.1004a18, Pac. 106:
As we can see, the above mentioned structures do not permit to decide
whether the age of the candidate or the years she has been married are
indicated.
The usual age to receive the ordination is twenty. If a bhilquf}i ordains
a younger woman, she commits a piicittika offense (i.e. pac.12l, see
before). In the latter precept, no difference between a single girl or a
married woman is mentioned. It is, however, interesting to note that in
all the Vinayas
129
two different terms to indicate the woman candidate
appear: in the precept that says that a woman should be twenty years old
to receive the ordination, the terms used to indicate the woman are the
Chinese 1lfr (girl), the Pali kumiiribhutii (girl), and the Sanskrit
3
*
kumiiribhutii (girl), while in the precept concerning the married woman
candidate the terms to indicate the woman are the Chinese fjjJ;wfr
(T.1428), fiJ.fr (T.142l, T.1435, T.1443), (T.1425), the Pali gihi-
gatii, and the Sanskrit
3
* grhicaritii. Although the use of these different
terms in the two precepts clearly indicate that a single girl and a married
woman are to be distinguished at the moment they want to become a
member of the order, the question whether for the married woman the
age of the candidate or the years she has been married are indicated still
remains.
Some introductory stories to this precept, however, clearly indicate
that the age of the candidate is to be understood: the introductory stories
preceding the precept in T.1425 and in the of the
Mahasarpghika-Lokottaravada School relate how the nuns notice that.
129. Except for T.1421, all the Vinayas contain the precept concerning the minimum
age of twenty of the woman candidate (see note 126), and all the Vinayas also
contain the precept concerning the married woman candidate (see note 127).
Although T.1421 does not contain the former precept, it contains a precept that is
linked to it: Piic.106: "If a confers the study of the precepts [i.e. the
period] to a girl who is less than eighteen years old, then it is a
pacittika."
JIABS 20.2 64
married women, accepted into the order, are able to endure hard work
and seem to be very smart Therefore, the nuns ask if it is permissible to
confer the ordination to married women who are less than twenty years
old (i.e. the usual age for an ordination).130 After Buddha has given the
permission, the nuns confer the ordination to young married women
who are only eight or nine years old. These women, however, are too
small and feeble to endure hard work. Buddha then says that the ordina-
tion cannot be conferred to a married woman who is less than twelve
years old.
The introductory story to this precept in T .1443
131
clearly says that
married women of the age of twelve have the same capacities as single
women of the age of eighteen, and that the two-year instruction of the
can be conferred to them.
The introductory stories to this precept in the three above mentioned
Vinayas indicate, without any doubt, that the real age of the married
woman is to be understood in the precept they introduce, and not the
duration of the marriage. The introductory stories to this precept in the
other Vinayas, however, give no information that enables us to decide
between these two possibilities: the Pali Vinaya, T.1421, and T.1428
only say that married women younger than twelve - or married for less
than twelve years - do not possess the necessary capacities to become a
nun, whereas T.1435 gives no information at all.
130. T.1425, p. 535c21-22: rJ3t= +m; of the M.-L. School, ROTH
G., 1970, p.245, 2l4: iina-viJ?lsati-var$iiJ?l. The only way to interpret these
structures is 'less than twenty years old', the age of twenty years being the
normal age to receive the ordination. Since married women appear to be very
capable, the nuns ask to allow an exception for these women so that they can be
ordained before they are twenty years old.
Another, theoretical, interpretation of the request of the nuns would be: is it
permissible to confer the ordination to a woman who has been married for less
than twenty years? If this request is not granted, it would imply that married
women necessarily have to be older than twenty years at the time of their ordi-
nation, and that for some reason their ordination has to be postponed and cannot
be conferred at the usual age of twenty years. Since the introductory story to the
precept tells us how these married woman are smart and capable to endure hard
work - which means that they possess the capacities to become a nun - it is clear
that this brings the nuns to the idea to ask for an exception for these married
women so that they can confer them the ordination at an earlier (and not at a
later) age than the usual one.
See also NOLOT, E., 1991, pp. 392-393.
131. T.1443, p.l004cl-1O.
HEIRMAN 65
In this way, the question whether the interpretation of T.1425, of the
Bhik:julJlvibhanga of the Mahasarp.ghika-Lokottaravada School, and of
T .1443 also applies to the other Vinayas remains. The answer to this
question cannot be found in the Vinayas themselves. More information
is to be found in some commentaries:
In T. 1804
132
, p.155a5-7, Tao-hsiian (596-667 AD) seems to indicate
that, in T.1428, the real age of the married woman is to be understood:
J2]?t+ i.e. "In the
Vinaya in Four Parts, a young girl, aged eighteen, ought to study the
precepts for two years [i.e. the sik:jamiilJii period]. It further says that a
young married woman, aged ten, [ought] to be given the six rules [to be
particularly taken into account by a sik:jamiilJii]". Since the text calls the
married woman, a young (/J\4) married woman, we opt for the inter-
pretation 'a young married woman, agt<d ten'.
Also Buddhaghosa's (fifth century AD) commentary on the Pali
Vinaya says that, after having given a married girl of ten the agreement
to study, the ordination may be conferred to her when she has completed
twelve years of age (TAKAKUSU, J. and NAGAI, M., Samantapiisiidikii,
Vol. IV, p. 941: Chatthe, dasavassiiya gihigatiiya sikkhiisammutirrz datvii
paripulJlJadviidasavassarrz upasampiideturrz vattati). Since the text does
not inform us that ''paripulJlJadviidasavassarrz'' has to be related to the
duration of the marriage, we opt for the interpretation 'when she has
completed twelve years of age".
Finally, the commentary written by GUl.1aprabha133 related to the
MUlasarvastivada tradition
134
, clearly indicates that the real age of the
married woman is to be understood: BAPAT, P.V. and GOKHALE, V.V.,
Vinayasutra, p.52 (the transcription is based on NOLOT, E., 1991, .
p.393):
I sa dvi[vi]dho I
... ; grantho 'tra yii
kumiirikii-bhutii vii I dye
deyii Ii I
132. T.1804 is a commentary written by Tao-hsuan (596-667 AD). It focuses on
T.1428, but also gives commentary on the other Chinese Vinayas (T.1421,
T.142S, and T.1435).
133. According to NAKAMURA, H., 1980, p. 147, king adored GUl).aprabha as
a spiritual teacher. The reign of king can be situated in the beginning of the
seventh century (RENOU, L. et FILLIOZAT, J., 1985, Tome Premier, p. 266).
134. Cf. BAPAT, p. V. and GOKHALE, V.V., 1982, p. xvii.
nABS 20.2 66
Translated in NOLOT, E. op. cit., p. 393:
Terminus a quo pour l'ordination - il est de deux sortes pour une [femmeT: pour
une jeune fille, il consiste a avoir vingt ans; pour une femme mariee, il consiste a
avoir douze ans ... ; Ie libelle s'en trouve dans Ie Bho: "Quand une femme mariee a
dix ans, ou quand une jeune fille a dix-huit ans, on peut lui donner l'agrement
pour l'instruction durant deux ans".
We can thus conclude that the three above mentioned commentaries all
seem to indicate that the real age of the candidate is to be understood,
and not the duration of the marriage.
As we have said before, T.1443 states thatthe period can be
conferred to a married woman aged twelve, while the commentary of
GUl).aprabha says that a married woman can become a at the
age often, and can be ordained when she is twelve years old. This latter
statement coincides with the other Vinayas (providing we accept that all
the Vinayas indicate the real age of the married candidate).
On the other hand, some modern authors defend the theory that a
married woman should be married for twelve years before she can
receive the ordination. Among the most important defenders of this
theory are WALDSCHMIDT, E., 1926, p. 138, ROTH, G., 1970, p.245,
note 3, and HORNER, LB., ED, Vo 1. III, pp.l-li
135
. G. ROTH gives no
arguments for his statement. E. WALDSCHMIDT bases his statement on a
sentence in a Sanskrit fragment of a Buddhist ordination ceremony
discovered and edited by C. BENDALL136. C. BENDALL regards the text
as probably earlier than the Christian era, and attributes it to the MUla-
sarvastivada School. On the ordination of a married woman, the text
says: stri "a woman must be married for twelve
years". However, C. BENDALL himself considers the yuktfi in this
sentence as being a doubtful reading, and, later, NOLOT, E., 1991,
p.392, notes that it probably has to be vustii instead of yuktii. Conse-
quently, this sentence cannot be used to support the theory that a married
woman only can receive the ordination after twelve years of marriage.
Finally, LB. HORNER, refers to the above mentioned WALDSCHMIDT,
E., 1926, p. 138 for her statement. She further states that since a girl is
often married at eight, she attains the age of twenty after twelve years of
marriage, which is the usual age to receive the ordination. Only at this
135. In an earlier work, however, LB. HORNER stated that the real age of the woman
is to be understood, and that, consequently, a married woman can receive the
ordination at twelve (HORNER, LB., 1930, p. 27).
136. BENDALL, C., 1903, pp. 373-376.
HEIRMAN 67
age, women are able to endure the hard life of the nuns. This calculation
is certainly true. However, a girl can also be married at a different age,
which, after twelve years of marriage, consequently would lead to a
different and unusual age for the ordination. Moreover, if she is married
at an age later- than eight, she would, after twelve years of marriage, be
older than twenty, but she still would have to wait till she has been
married for twelve years to be able to become a nun. This seems very
illogical. A married woman, older than twenty, certainly is as able to
endure hardships as other women of twenty. It thus seems more logical
to say that a married woman, because of her married life, is able to
endure hardships at an earlier age than a single woman, who has not the
same duties to fulfill.
We thus have to conclude that, since the introductory stories to this
precept in T.1425, in the of the Mahasiil1lghika-
Lokottaraviida School and in T .1443 clearly indicate that in the above
mentioned precept concerning the married woman candidate, the real
age of the candidate, i.e. twelve years, has to be understood and not the
duration of the marriage, and since, moreover, three important
commentaries, i.e. the commentaries by Tao-hsuan, Buddhaghosa and
GUl).aprabha, all appear to understand the precept in this way, and since,
finally, as far as our knowledge goes, no text contradicts this statement-
whereas this is the case for the inverse statement - , an exception is
allowed for the age on which a married woman can receive the
ordination: while a single woman has to be twenty years old to receive
the ordination, a married woman can receive it at the age of twelve.
f TI428, Piic.127 (pp. 759c7-760a7, particularly,
p.759c26-27)137:
137. T.1421, pp. 9Ic28-92a5, Pac.112; T.l443, p. 1014 a8-20, Pac. 160.
T.1435, p. 328bll-26, has a somehow different precept. It says that if a
admits a prostitute into the order, she should withdraw her to a distance offive
or six yojanas* (Pac. lIS).
* MONIER-WILLIAMS, M., SED, p. 858: "esp. a partie. measure of distance,
sometimes regarded as equal to 4 or 5 English miles, but more correctly = 4
Krosas or about 9 miles; according to other calculations = 2 Y, English miles, and
according to some = 8 Krosas."
JIABS 20.2 68
"If a knows that she is stich a person [= prostitute
138
], and she
confers her the ordination
139
, then it is apiicittika."
g. T1428, Pac.l35 (pp. 762c17-763a26, particularly,
p.763al3-15)140:
"If a knows that a woman makes love to a boy or to a man
and that she is a sad and angry woman, and she admits her into the
order, lets her go forth and confers her the ordination
141
, then it is a
piicittika. "
h. T1428, Pac.165 (p.773b20-c20, particularly,
p.773c11-12):
"If a knows that a woman cannot hold up urine and
excrements and that mucus and saliva often run out, and she admits her
into the order and confers her the ordination, then it is a piicittika."
i. T1428, Pac. 166 (pp. 773c21-774a17, particularly,
p.774a8-9)142:
138. Both in the introductory story to the precept (p. 759c8 ff.) and in the commentary
on the precept (p. 759c27), 'such a person' is explained as 'a prostitute'.
139. This coincides with T.1421. In the precept itself, the Vinaya only says that a
bhikJu7JI admits (flt) a prostitute. From the commentary to the precept, however,
it is clear that also the ordination has to be understood. T.1443 says that a
bhikJu7J/ lets a prostitute go forth.
140. This precept only coincides with a precept in the Pa1i Vinaya: OLDENBERG, R.,
Vinaya Pitaka1!l, Vol.IV, pp. 333-334, Pac. 79.
Vinayas have closely connected precepts:
T.1425 and the BhikJu7Jlvibhanga of the M.-L. School say that a bhikJu7JI may
not ordain a probationer who stays with a man (T.1425, p. 534a12-b2, Pac.95;
BhikJu7Jlvibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, p. 237, 209, pac.95).
Both T.1435 and T.1443 contain two precepts that refer to the character ofthe
candidate: T.1435, pp. 328c28-329a14, pac.118, says that a nun may not admit
into the order a woman who is mourning; T.1435, p.329b3-l5,
Pac. 120 says that a nun may not admit into the order a woman who
has a bad character. T.1443, pp. 1006c2l-1007a14, Pac. 117, says that a nun may
not confer the going forth and the ordination to a woman who has a bad
character; T.l443, p. 1007a15-29, pac.1l8, says that a nun may not confer the
going forth to a sad and mourning woman.
141. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya. See also note 140.
142. T.1421,p.97cl-7,pac.176.
HEIRMAN 69
"If a knows that a woman is a hermaphrodite and she confers
her the ordination 143, then it is a pacittika."
j. T1428, Pac.167 (p.774a18-b16, particularly,
p.774bl-2)144:
"If a confers the ordination to someone whose two tracts are
united
l45
, then it is a pacittika."
k. T1428, Pac.168 (p. 774b 17 -c20, particularly,
p. 774c9-1O) 146:
"If a knows that someone has difficulties because of debts, or
difficulties because of an illness, and she confers her the ordination, then
it is a pacittika."
2) The upadhyayini
a. T1428, Pac.131 (p. 761 bll-c12, particularly,
p.761c4-6)147:
143. In the precept ofT.l421, it is said that if a nun admits (ft) a hennaphrodite, her
act constitutes a Pac. offense. From the commentary to the precept, it is clear that
'to admit' should be understood as 'to be her upiidhyiiyinl', and that the
bhik$WIZ, as an upiidhyiiyinz, commits a piicittika offense when she confers the
ordination.
144. T.1421, p. 97c8-12, Pac. In
145. In the precept ofT.l42l, it is said that if a nun admits (ft) a woman whose two
tracts are united, her act constitutes a Pac. offense. The commentary to this
precept refers to the commentary to the preceding precepts, which means that 'to
admit' should be understood as 'to be her upiidhyiiyini' (see note 143). The
commentary to the parallel precept in T.1428 (p. 774b7) explains that 'the two
tracts are united' means that the tracts of urine and excrements are not separated.
146. T.l421 contains two precepts that are closely connected with this precept of
T.1428: Pac. 125 (p. 93a6-11) says that if a nun admits a woman who has been
ill for a long time, her act constitutes a Pac. offense; Pac. 127 (p. 93a17-21) says
that if a nun admits a woman who has debts, her act constitutes a Pac. offense.
The commentaries on the precepts refer to the commentary on preceding
precepts, from the latter we mow that 'to admit' should be understood as 'to be
her upiidhyiiyini' (see note 143).
147. OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitaka1!l, Vol.IV, p. 329, Pac. 74; T.l421, p. 90c11-18,
Pac.102; T.1425, p.533a20-b20, Pac.92; BhikwrJlvibhanga of the M.-L.
School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp.232-233, 206, Pac.92; T.1435, p.325b2-16,
Pac. 106; T.1443, p.l004a10-21, Pac. 106.
nABs 20.2 70
"If a who has not been [a bhik$u1J.f] for fully twelve years yet,
confers someone the ordination
148
, then it is a piicittika."
b. T.1428, Pac.l33 (p.762a15-b20, particularly,
p.762b7-9)149:
"If a not having been given the permission by the order to
confer someone the ordination
150
, says: 'The sarrzgha has desire, has
hatred, has fear and has foolishness
151
. What it wants to agree to, it
agrees to. What it does not want to agree to, it does not agree to.', then
it is a piicittika."
148. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya and T.1443.
In T.142l, it is said that a has not been a fully twelve
years yet, may not accept disciples. The commentary to this precept adds that 'to
accept disciples' should be understood as 'to be their upiidhyiiyini' (see note
143). This coincides with T.1425 and with the ofthe M.-L.
School.
T.1435 only says that the who has not been a for fully
twelve years yet, may not admit someone into the order
149. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakarrz, Vol.IV, p. 331, Pac.76; T.1421, p. 9Ic4-12,
Pac. 109; T.1425, p. 537b8-24, Pac. 109; of the M.-L. School,
ROTH, G., 1970, pp.254-255, 223, Pac. 109.
All the above mentioned precepts have in common that the order does not give
the p.etmission to a nun (either the permission to confer the ordination or the
permission to take on disciples), after which the nun criticizes this decision.
T.1435 contains a somehow different precept saying that, if a
although the order told her to stop [to admit someone into the order], admits
someone into the order she commits a Pac. offense (p.326a12-b3,
Pac. 110). This latter precept is closely connected with a precept in T.1443,
saying that, if a accepts a lot of disciples although the order did not give
her the permission to accept as many disciples as she wanted, she commits a
Pac. offense (p. 1005blO-c24, Pac. 110). From the commentary to this precept, it
is clear that 'to accept disciples' is to be understood as 'to confer them the going
forth and the ordination'.
150. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya.
151. These reproaches are also to be found in the commentary on the precepts of the
Pali Vinaya and ofT.1421.
HEIRMAN 71
3) The ordination procedure
a. T.1428, Bhik$ulJlvibhanga, Pac.122 (p. 756a16-b 17, particularly,
p.756b7-9) and b. T.1428, Bhik$ulJivibhanga, Pac.123 (p.756b18-c25,
particularly,p.756c8-9)152:
"If a bhik$ulJl, when a girl is eighteen, does not give her the two-year
instruction in the precepts, but, when she is fully twenty years old
confers her the ordination, then it is a piicittika."
This precept clearly states that a woman cannot be ordained without a
two-year probation period.
"If a bhik$ulJl, when a girl is eighteen, gives her the two-year instruc-
tion in the precepts, but does not give her the six rules, and, when is
fully twenty [years] old, she then confers her the ordination, then it is a
piicittika."
152. To T.1428, Pac. 122 correspond: OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya
Pitaka7f1, Vol.IV, pp.327-328, Pac. 72; T.l425, pp. 534c12-535a16, Pac.97;
Bhik$u1}lvibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp.240-242, 2ll,
Pac.97; T.I435, p. 329b16-c4, Pac.I2l (T.l435 does not explicitly say that the
ordains the woman, but only states that the admits her into the
order T.1443, p. 1006cl1-20, Pac. 116.
The Pali Vinaya, T.1435, and T.1443 specify that, during this two-year
probation period, the woman probationer has to study the rules that she
particularly has to take into account (see note 71).
To T.1428, Pac. 123 correspond: OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya
Pitaka7f1, Vol.IV, pp. 318-320, Pac.63; T.142l, p. 92a18-23, pac.II5; T.1435,
pp. 326b5-327c21, Pac. III (T.1435 does not explicitly say that the bhik$u1}1
ordains the woman, but only states that the admits her into the order
T.1443, p. 1007bl-12, pac.119.
There is, however, a small difference between the precept in T.l428 and the
precepts in the other Vinayas. Whereas the precept in T .1428 says that the
did not give the six rules to the candidate, the precepts in the other
Vinayas say that the candidate herself does not study the rules she has to follow.
Closely connected to the latter precept, T.1421, T.1425, and the
vibhanga of the M.-L. School have another precept saying that if a bhik$u1}f
ordains a Sik$amii1}ii who has not completed the two-year instruction in the
precepts, she commits a Pac. offense: T.142l, p.92a6-ll, Pac. 113; T.1425,
p. 535a17-b8, pac.98; of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970,
pp.242-243, 2l2, pac.98. The latter two Vinayas explain that 'not to have
completed the probationary period' means that the did not study the
rules she particularly has to take into account. This links the precept in these two
Vinayas to the above mentioned Pac. 123 ofT.l428.
nABS 20.2 72
This precept states that a woman candidate, even when she has done a
two-year probation period, cannot be ordained if, during this probation
period, she did not study the six rules (/\ 1:ft) 153 .
c. T.1428, Pik 124 (pp. 756c26-758c28, particularly,
p.758c18-20)154:
"If a when a girl is eighteen, gives her the two-year instruc-
tion in the precepts and gives her the six rules, and, when she is fully
twenty [years] old, she then confers her the ordination without the per-
mission of the sa1!lgha, then it is a pacittika."
d. T.1428, Piic.126 (p.759b3-c6, particularly,
p. 759b 25-27)155:
"If a admits a young married woman and gives her the two-
year instruction in the precepts, and, when she is fully twelve years old
she then confers her the ordination without the permission of the
salflgha, then it is a pacittika."
153. See note 71.
154. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakarrz, Vo1.N, pp.320-32l, Pac. 64 and pp.328-
329, Pac.73. These two precepts are closely connected: in Pac. 64, it is said that,
without the pennission of the order, a nun may not ordain a probationer who has
studied the precepts for two years, while in Pac. 73, it is said that without the
permission of the order, a nun may not ordain a twenty-year old girl, who has
studied the precepts for two years.
T.142l, p.92aI2-l7, Pac.114. T.1425, p.535b9-cIO, Pac.99.
vibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 243-245, 213, Pac. 99.
T.1435.,.pp. 327c22-328a9, Pac.112, p. 328cI2-27, Pac. I 17, and p. 329c5-22,
Pac.12l. These three precepts are closely connected: in Pac.112, it is said that
without the permission of the order, a nun may not admit a disciple who has
studied the precepts for two years into the order; in Pac. 117, it is said that,
without the pennission of the order, a nun may not admit a twenty-year old girl
into the order; in Pac. 122, it is said that, without the permission of the order, a
nun may not admit a twenty-year old girl who has studied the precepts for two
years into the order.
155. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakarrz, Vo1.IV, pp.323-324, Pac.67; T.1421,
p. 9Ia22-b5, Pac. 105; T.1425, p. 536a29-b8, Pac. 103; Bhik:$ul}fvibhanga of the
M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp.247-248, 2l7, Pac.l03; T.1435,
pp. 325c25-326all, Pac. 109 (T.1435 does not explicitly say that the
ordains the woman, but only states that the bhik:$ul}f admits her into the order

HEIRMAN 73
e. T.1428, Pac. 130 (pp. 760c20-761blO, particularly,
p.761b2-3)156:
"If a confers someone the ordination
157
without the per-
mission of the sarrzgha, then it is a piicittika."
f T.1428, Pac. 132 (pp. 761c13-762a14, particularly,
p.762a7-8)158:
"If a who has been [a for fully twelve years,
confers someone the ordination 159 without the permission of the sarrzgha,
then it is a piicittika."
156. T.1443, p. 1004a22-b27, Pac. 107.
157. The precept in T.1443 says that, without the pennission of the order, a nun may
not accept someone as a disciple. The commentary to this precept further
explains that 'to accept someone as a disciple' should be understood as 'to give
the going forth and the ordination' .
158. OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitakarrz, Vol.IV, pp.330-331, Pac.75; T.1421,
pp. 90cI9-91aI4, Pac. 103; T.1435, p. 325bI7-clO, Pac. 107.
T.1425 and the of the M.-L. School contain two precepts that
are c10sely connected to thePiicittikas 130, 131 (seep.33) and 132 ofT.1428:
pac.93 (T.1425, p. 533b21-c8; of the M.-L. School, ROTH,
G., 1970, pp. 234-235, 207) says that a has been in the order for
fully twelve rainy seasons but who has not fulfilled the ten requirements cannot
take on disciples, while Pac. 94 (T.1425, pp. 533c9-534all; of
the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 235-236, 208) says that a who
has fulfilled the ten requirements cannot take on disciples without the pennission
of the order.
These ten requirements refer to the requirements that a has to fulfill in
order to become a teacher: she has to uphold the precepts (1), she has to be
learned in Abhidharma (2) and in Vinaya (3), she must study morality (4),
meditation (5) and wisdom (6), she must be able to purify herself of her offenses
and to help others to purify themselves of their offenses as well (7), she must be
able to remove a disciple who is being pressed by her relatives to quit her
spiritual training to another place, or to have someone else remove such person
to another place (8), she must be able to nurse her disciple when the latter is sick
or to have someone else nurse the latter (9), she must have been in the order for
fully twelve rainy seasons or more (10).
159. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya. In T.1421, it is said that a has
been a for fully twelve years may not accept disciples without the
permission of the order. The commentary to this precept refers to the commen-
tary to the preceding precept (= Pac. 102), according to which 'to accept
disciples' should be understood as 'to be her upiidhyiiyinf', and that the
as an upiidhyiiyinf, commits a piicittika offense when she confers the ordination.
nABS 20.2 74
g. T.1428, Bhik$ulJIVibhailga, Piic.134 (p.762b21-c16, particularly,
p.762c7-9)160:
"If a bhik$ulJl confers the ordination
161
without the pennission of the
parents and the husband 162, then it is a piicittika."
T.1435 only says that the bhikJulJ.i who has been a bhikJulJ.i for fully twelve
years may not admit someone into the order without the permission of the
order.
160. OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitakarrz, Vol.IV, pp.334-335, Pac.SO; T.1421,
p. 93a12-16, Pac. 126; T.1425, p. 5l9b2-c6, 7; BhikJulJ.ivibhmiga
of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 135-137, l5S-159, 7;
T.1435, p. 330b3-cl, Pac. 124; T.1443, p.1007b29-cI9, Pac. 121.
161. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya. In T.1421, it is said that a bhikJulJ.fmay not
accept a married woman who is subject to her husband into the order. The
commentary to this precept says that 'to admit into the order' should be
understood as 'to confer the going forth and the ordination' (this corresponds to
Pac. 102, p. 90cI7-1S).
In T.1425, and in the BhikJulJ.fvibhanga of the M.-L. School, it is said that the
may not accept a woman as a disciple without the permission of the
woman's masters (;l't:3:: see note 162). The commentaries on the precepts
explain that 'to accept as a disciple' has to be understood as 'to confer the
ordination' .
T.1435 does not explicitly say that the bhikJw}f ordains the woman, but only
states that the bhikJW:lf admits her into the order (1if -f.:'g.w.).
Finally, in T.1443, it is said that a may not confer the going forth to a
married woman without the permission of her husband.
162. It is not clear who exactly has to give the permission to whom. Since the
candidate to be ordained is not qualified as a single girl (1l!R") or as a married
woman (cf. p. 27), it could well be that both of them are equally to be
understood. A single girl is to be given permission by her parents, while a
married woman certainly is to be given permission by her husband, but, maybe,
also tlte'parents' opinion is decisive.
The precept in the Pali Vinaya is similar to the one in T.142S.
A similar situation is to be found in the precepts ofT.1425, of the BhikJulJ.f-
vibhanga of the M.-L. School, and ofT.1435, all saying that a bhikJulJ.fmay not
ordain a woman without the permission of her masters (3:). The commentaries
on the precepts of T.1425 and of the of the M.-L. School
distinguish two situations: a single girl has to have the permission of her parents,
a married woman should have the permission of her husband, her mother-in-law,
her father-in-law and her husband's younger brother.
Explaining 'masters', the commentary on the precept ofTJ435 distinguishes
three situations: a single girl has to have the permission of her parents, a married
woman who has not gone to her husband's house yet has to have the permission
of both her parents and her husband, and, finally, a married woman who has
gone to her husband's house, has to have the permission of her husband.
HEIRMAN 75
h. T.1428, Bhik!julJlvibhaJiga, Pac.136 (p.763a27-b28, particularly,
p.763b17-19)163:
"If a bhik!julJl says to a sik!jamalJa: 'Sister, drop this. Study this. I will
c;onfer you the ordination,' but she not take measures to confer her
the ordination, then it is a pacittika."
i. T.1428, Bhik!julJlvibhaJiga, Pac. 137 (pp.763b28-764a3, particularly,
p.763c21-23)164:
"If a bhik!julJl says to a sik!jamalJa: 'Bring me a robe165. I will confer
you the ordination
166
,' but she does not take measures to confer her the
ordination
166
*, then it is a pacittika."
Finally, in T.l421 and in T.1443, it is said that a bhik$ul"}l may not accept a
married woman who is subject to her husband into the order.
163. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka1!l, VoLIV, p. 333, Pac.78; T.1425, p. 537b25-
c17, Pac. 110; Bhik$Wllvibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 255-
256, 224, Pac.110; T.1435, p. 330c2-27, Pac. 125 (T.1435 does not explicitly
say that the bhik$ul"}l ordains the woman, but only states that the bhik$UlJ! admits
her into the order
T.1443 contains two precepts that are closely connected with the above men-
tioned precept: T.1443, p. 1008a5-28, Pac. 123, states that if a bhik$ul"}l does not
confer the going forth to a woman who has done some household work for her,
although she, i.e. the bhik$ul"}i, previously, had promised this woman to do so,
providing she did this household work, her act constitutes a Pac. offense.
T.1443, p. 1007b13-28, Pac. 120, states that if a bhik$ul"}i, although she knows
that a woman finished the two-year study of the six rules and the six additional
rules*, does not confer the ordination to this woman, her act constitutes a Pac.
offense.
* These rules are the rules that, according to T.1443, have to be taken into
particular account by the probationer. See note 71.
T.1421 contains a precept that is closely connected to the latter precept of
T.1443. It says that a bhik$ul"}i who, although there are no problems, does not
confer the ordination to a probationer who has finished the two-year instruction,
but, instead, says that the probationer should go on studying, commits a Pac.
offense (T.1421, p. 91c19-27, Pac. 111).
164. OLDENBERG, H., VinayaPitaka1!l, VoLIV, p. 332, Pac. 77; T.1421, p. 91b24-c3,
Pac. 1 08; T.1425, p.526a16-b5, nihsargika-piicattika 18; the Bhik$ul"}ivibhanga
of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 179, nihsargika-piicattika
18; T.1435, p. 330a6-b2, Pac. 123; T.1443, pp. 1007c20-1008a4, Pac. 122.
165. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya, T.1421, T.1425, the Bhik$ul"}ivibhanga of
the M.-L. School, and T.1443. In the precept of T.1435, the bhik$ul"}i is said to
ask for an alms bowl, a robe, a door-key, and medicines.
166. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya, T.1425, the Bhik$ul"}fvibhanga of the M.-L.
JIABS 20.2 76
j. T.1428, pac.138 (p.764a4-b12, particularly,
p.764b2-3)167:
"If a when one full year has not passed yet, confers someone
the ordination, then it is a piicittika."
k. T.1428, Pac.139 (p. 764b13-cll, particularly,
p.764b29-c2)168:
School, and T.l443. In the precepts ofT.l421 and T.l435, it is only said that the
a woman to admit her into the order Although nothing is
mentioned as to the exact meaning of the term the introductory stories to this
precept give some indication, informing us how the the promise
to admit her, after the woman had requested the going forth.
167. This precept is closely connected with Pac. 83 in the Pali Vinaya, stating that a
nun may not ordain two persons within one year (OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya
Pitakal?l, Vol.IV, pp. 336-337).
Moreover, all the Vinayas contain another precept saying that a nun may not
ordain a person every year, precept which is closely connected with Pac.138 of
T.l428: OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakal?l, Vol.IV, p. 336, pac.82; T.1421,
p. 92b13-19, Pac.118; T.1425, p. 536c13-23, Pac. 106 (the precept says that a
nun may not take on disciples every year; the commentary to this precept adds
that 'to take on disciples' is to be understood as 'to confer the ordination');
of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 250-251, 220,
Pac. 106 (the precept says that a nun may not take on disciples every year; the
commentary to this precept adds that 'to take on disciples' is to be understood as
before, i.e. as 'to confer the ordination'); T.1435, pp. 330c28-331aI5, Pac. 126
(the precept only says that a nun may not accept disciples every year);
T.1443, p.1008a29-bI3, Pac. 124.
168. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakal?l, VoLIV, pp.335-336, Pac.81; T.1421,
p. 92b20-27, Pac.119; T.1425, pp. 536c24-537aI6, Pac. 107;
of the School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp.251-253, 221, Pac. 107; T.1435,
pp. 33Ja17- 334c29, Pac. 127.
COlmnOn in all these precepts, is the rule that an ordination ceremony has to be
performed within one day. However, while all the introductory stories to this
precept indicate that the ordination in the nun's order and the ordination in the
monk's order should be held on the same day, not all precepts focus on the same
aspect. According to T.l421, an ordination ceremony may not be interrupted and
has to be held within one day. If not, the bhik:;wJf who confers the ordination
commits a piicittika. On the other hand, according to T.1428, T.1425, the
of the M.-L. School, and T.1435, if a a woman
stay overnight after having ordained that woman in the nun's order, but before
conferring her the ordination in the monk's order, this bhik:;u1Jf's act constitutes
a Pac. offense. Finally, according to the Pali Vinaya, there may be no day
between the permission to ordain and the actual ordination. If not, the nun who
confers the ordination commits a Pac. offense.
HEIRMAN 77
"If a after having conferred the ordination to someone, goes
to the to confer her the ordination only after one night has
passed, then it is a pacittika."
4) The period following the ordination ceremony
a. T.1428, Piic.12S (p.760aS-b14, particularly,
p.760b7-S)l69:
"If a admits many disciples, but does not tell them to study
the precepts for two years
l70
and does not give them support in two
thingsl7l, then it is apacittika.l
72
"
b. T.1428, Piic.129 (p.760b15-c19, particularly,
p. 760cll-12)l73: .
169. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya PitakaJp, Vol.IV, pp.324-325, Pac.68; T.I421,
p. 92c6-11, Pac.I21; T.1425, p. 536b9-25, Pac. 104; of the
M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 248-249, 218, Pac, 104; T.1435, p. 328a23-
blO, Pac.114 (T.1435 does not explicitly say that the ordains the
woman, but only states that the admits her into the order
T.1443, p.1006a6-19, Pac. 112 andp.1006a20-b3, Pac.113.
170. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya, T.1425, the of the M.-L.
School, and T.1435. According to T.1421, the support has to last for six years,
while in T.1443, no duration of the support is mentioned.
171. After the ordination, an upadhyayinf has to help her disciples for another two
years and has to support them regarding two things: (1) in the law, (2) in .
clothing and food.
This coincides with T.1435. In the Pali Vinaya, in T.1421, in T.1425, and in
the of the M.-L. School, the teacher only has to help her
disciples regarding the law. T.l443 has two precepts: in Pac. 112, it is said that a
teacher ought to help her disciples regarding the precepts, while in Pac.I13, it is
said that a teacher ought to support and protect her disciples.
172. The Pali Vinaya and T.1421 add the possibility that a teacher has her disciples
helped by someone else.
173. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakaf!l, Vol.IV, pp.325-326, Pac.69; T.1421,
p. 92b28-c5, Pac. 120; T.1425, p. 536b26-cI2, Pac. 1 05; of the
M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 249-250, 219, Pac. 105; T.1435, p. 328a10-
22, Pac. 113.
nABS 20.2 78
"If a does not follow 174 her upadhyayini for two years
175
,
then it is apacittika.
176
"
III Conclusion
The admission rules, admission ceremonies and offenses against these
rules and ceremonies as they ani described above, display the exact
'theoretical' career ofa nun in the Buddhist community. In this commu-
nity, two orders can be distinguished, a monk's order
and a nun's order the latter being dependent on the
former. These orders gradually came into being, first the
and then the and, as the number of monks and nuns
continuously grew, the need was felt to have more regulations in order
to organize this growing community.
In this organization, the admission into the order is a fundamental
institution. This admission has been established for the monk's order
first. The way these admission procedures developed and in which cere-
monies they finally resulted, is described in the several Vinayas.
l77
A
survey has been given by FRAUWALLNER, E., 1956, pp.70-78. Apply-
ing this survey to T.1428, we come to the following outline:
First, Buddha himself performs the ordination, i.e. by calling the first
disciples to join the order by means of the formula: "Welcome, monk."
This formula simultaneously covered admission and ordi-
174. While according to T.1428, the new bhikWlJf, above all, has to listen to her
teacher, the Pali Vinaya, T.1421, T.1425, the of the M.-L.
School, and T.1435 all emphasize that the new nun has to serve her teacher.
175. After h.aving been ordained, the new has to follow her teacher for
anothe1' two years and listen to her teachings.
This coincides with the Pali Vinaya, T.1425, the of the M.-
L. School, and T.1435. According to T.1421, the new nun has to serve her
teacher for six years.
176. T.1421 adds the possibility that the new nun has her teacher helped by someone
else.
177. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakm?1, VoU, Mahiivagga I, pp.l-IOO; T.1421,
(Chapter on Ordination), pp.101aI2-121a25; T.1425, several passages
in (Chapter on Miscellaneous Items), pp. 412b24-499a16; T.1428,
(Chapter on Ordination), pp.779a6-816c4; T.1435,
(Chapter on ordination), pp.148a5-157c27; T.1444,
JIj) tI:l*$ (Chapter on Going Forth of the MUZasarviistiviidavinaya), pp. l020b
23-1041a20.
HEIRMAN 79
nation.1
78
Later, He permits the monks to perform the ordination by
having the candidate recite the formula of the triple refuge (refuge in
Buddha, in the law and in the order).179 Also this formula covered both
the admission and the ordination. Filially, He lays down that the ordi-
nation should.take place by means of a formal act in which the motion is
fourfold (ajiiapticaturthakarman
20
*).180 Hereby, a clear difference was
made between the going forth (pravrajyfi) and the full ordination (upa-
sal!lpadfi). Hence two stages became necessary to acquire the full status
of a monk (and a full member of the community) and to enjoy all the
rights and privileges attributed to these members. In the first stage, one
becomes a novice (srfimalJera) whose standing, rights and duties are
different from those of a monk who has received the full ordination.
Bad behavior of young monks further induces Buddha to determine
the minimum age for ordination as twenty years
l81
, while the minimum
age for the novice is fixed at twe1ve
I82
. In case candidate novices are at
least as grown that they can scare away the crows, the age may be less
than twelve.
183
Many rules are further added to regulate who can be a
candidate and who not, and who can accept disciples and who not.
At the moment Mahaprajapati Gautami was allowed to become a nun,
the monk's order was already well organized. This
explains why she can go to a monk's monastery in order to ask for the
permission to go forth. Most likely, in the beginning, the order of nuns
took over the organizational pattern of the monk's
community, and both orders further developed in the same general
direction.
However, the is not completely independent and relies
on the in several ways. This dependency is laid down in
the eight rules to be followed by the nuns in their relation with the
monks. The fact that a woman can only become a nun if she is ordained
by both the and the is essential in these
rules. This fact implies a control over the membership of the order by
the monks.
178. T.1428, p. 799bl-3.
179. T.1428, p. 793a13-21.
180. T.1428, p. 799cI2-29.
181. T.1428, p. 808b2S-26.
182. T.1428, p. 810c22-23.
183. T.1428, pp. 810c24-811a3.
JIABS 20.2 SO
In addition, the possesses some regulations, different
from the ones of the For the a stage
between the going forth (pravrajyii) and the ordination (upasarrxpadii) is
added. This is a probationary period that lasts two years, during which
the woman candidate, as a probationer has to prove that she
is fit to become a nun. Furthermore, some rules specific to women and
nuns are added to the rules for monks, e.g., the rules relating to married
women.
As it was the case for the also the formation of the
was not accomplished in one day. As suggested by I.B.
HORNER184, the probation period for a woman candidate was the result
of a gradual development: it is only when the need was felt, that an
additional stage between the going forth and the ordination was intro-
duced. This additional stage rapidly became a necessary condition to
become a nun. In T.142S, this necessity is evident from the ordination
proceedings as they are described in the three
compulsory steps leading to full membership of the community: 1) the
going forth, 2) the two-year probation period and 3) the ordination.
Also the piicittika 121 draws attention to the
necessity of these three steps, while the piicittikas 122 and 123
emphasize that a nun may not confer the ordination to a woman
candidate who has not done the two-year probation period. Furthermore,
also the fourth gurudharma
6
* states that this period must precede the
ordination.
It is, however, to be noticed that some precepts do not take the proba-
tion period into account: the introductory story to the fifth sarrxghiiva-
precept relates how a woman thief rapidly goes forth and receives
the ordination, so that her persecutors are confronted with a 'fait
accompli' alid cannot arrest her anymore. In the piicittikas 119 and 120,
respectively a pregnant woman and a breast-feeding woman are accepted
into the order and immediately receive the ordination. We thus have to
conclude that, at the time these latter three precepts were issued, the
probation period did not exist or was not taken into account. This can
only be understood if we consider the probation period as a practice that
has been introduced after the order of nuns had existed for some time:
184. HORNER, LB., ED, Vo1.V, p. 354, note 3: " ... this practice [the probation period]
will no doubt have been introduced later, after an Order of nuns had been in
being for some time."
HErRMAN 81
since the organization of the bhik$urzlsiu!lgha is founded on that of the
bhik$usaYflgha, the nuns are likely to have taken over the going forth and
the ordination from the monk's community, and later introduced a third
step in between these two. At the very beginning, this third step might
not have been compulsory. Since the Vinaya texts do not mention that a
woman candidate could freely decide whether or not to pass two years as
a probationer - while frequently mentioning the three obligatory steps
leading to full membership of the community - it seems safe to say that
when the probation period was introduced, it rapidly, if not immedi-
ately, became compulsory, and that, consequently, there never has been
a choice whether or not to become a probationer.
We have to conclude that to become a full member of the community,
a woman first has to go forth and to become a novice (SriimarzerZ).
Secondly, she has to pass two years as a probationer (sik$amiirzii), and,
finally, she receives the ordination and becomes a nun (bhik$urzZ). The
minimum age at which she can become a nun, enjoying all rights and
privileges attributed to full members of the community, depends on her
being single or married. Neither a sriimarzeri nor a sik$amiirzii can partic-
ipate in the formal acts and in the ceremonies performed by the order.
There is no essential difference between the position of a sriimarzeri and
the one of a sik$amiilJJi, except for the social rank in the community, a
Sik$amiirzii holding a higher position than a sriimalJ-eri.
nABS 20.2 82
List of technical terms
(with first appearance and reference to explanatory note)
upasal!lpadii (P. upasal!lpadii) : ordination, p. 43
upiidhyiiyini (P. upajjhii) : teacher, p. 44, note 66
karman (p. kamma) : fonnal act, p. 37
gurudharma (p. garudhamma) : severe rule, p. 35, note 6
jfiaptikarman (P. fiattikamma) : fonnal act consisting of a motion, p. 37, note 20
jfiapticaturthakarman(P. fiatticatutthakamma) : fonnal act in which the motion is
fourfold, p. 37, note 20
jfiaptidvitiyakarman (P. fiattidutiyakarman) : fonnal act in which the motion is twofold,
p. 37, note 20
(p. dukkata) : bad action (a very light offense), p. 48, note 79
pariviisa (p.pariviisa) : period of residence (a kind of penance), p. 37, note 22
piicittika (p.piicittiya) : expiation? (a minor offense), p.4l, note 45
piiriijika : an offense that leads to a pennanent, lifetime. exclusion from the order, p. 47,
note 72
(or (P. (u)posatha) : observance (a ceremony), p. 36, note 10
pratiddaniya (P.piipdesaniya) : requiring confession (a minor offense), p. 48, note 76
praviira1}a (or praviira1}ii) (P. paviira1}ii) : invitation (a ceremony), p. 36, note 11
pravrajyii (P. pabbajjii) : the going forth, p. 43
(P. bhikkhu) : monk, p. 35
(P. bhikkhunt) : nun, p. 33 .
(p. bhikkhunisal!lgha) : order of nuns, p. 33
(P. bhikkhusal!lgha) : order of monks, p. 33
miinatva (p. miinatta) : i.e. a kind of penance (doubtful etymology), p. 37, note 17
(p. sikkhiipada) : precept, p. 44
(P: sikkhamiinii) : probationer, p. 36, note 14
sriima1}era (P. siima1}era) : (male) novice, p. 48
sriima1}eri (P. siima1}ert) : (female) novice, p. 45
sal!lgha (P. sal!lgha) : order (of monks or nuns), p. 36
(P. sal!lghiidisesa) : remainder in the order (an offense leading to a
temporary exclusion from the order), p. 37, note 16
HEIRMAN 83
List of consulted works
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Tokyo, 1924-35
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No. 1423: En- Wu-fen Pi-ch'iu-ni Chieh-pen (Priitimoksa for bhiksu-
IJIS of the Mahisasaka School) "
No. 1425: .1i"J{liftIl;i$: Mo-ho-seng-ch'i Lii (MahasiiI11ghikavinaya)
No. 1428: [9n-$ Szu-fen Lii (Dhannaguptakavinaya)
No. 1429: Szu-fen Lii Pi-ch'iu Chieh-pen, for
of the Dhannaguptaka School)
No. 1430: Szu-fen Seng Chieh-pen for of the
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ni P'i-nai-ye
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Jayaswal Research Institute, 1970.
HErRMAN 85
SAKAKI, R. (ed.), Mahiivyutpatti Suzuki Gakujutsu Zaidan, Tokyo
1973
5
,2 Vo1s.
UPASAK, C.S., Dictionary of Early Buddhist Monastic Terms (Based on Pa1i
Literature) (DEBM!), Varanasi: Bharati Prakashall, 1975.
W'ALDSCHMIDT, E., Bruchstiicke des Bhiksuni-Priitimoksa der Sarviistiviidins,
Leipzig: Deutsche Gesellschaft, 1926.
(ed.), Sanskrit-handschriften aus des Turfanfunden, Teil I,
Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag GMBH 1965.
WIJAYARATNA, M., Les moniales bouddhistes, naissance et developpemem du mona-
chismefeminin, Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1991.
WOGIHARA, u., et alii, BonwaDaijiten (BW), Tokyo: Kodansha, 1974.
YUY AMA, A., A Systematic Survey of Buddhist Sanskrit Literature, Erster Teil,
Vinaya- Texte, Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag GMBH, 1979
OSKAR VON HINUBER
Buddhist Law According to the Theravada Vinaya (II):
Some Additions and Corrections
1.
In a forthcoming article, Edith NOLOT discusses the Vinaya term niisanii
in great detail!. In course of her discussion she briefly draws attention to
the fact that patiiiiiiiya, Sp 582,30 sqq. does not mean "with the
consent", as I erroneously translated nABS 18.1 1995, p. 37, 6, but "by
acknowledgement" .
As I did not concentrate on the legal side of the relevant paragraph in
the Samantapiisiidikii in my earlier article, but on the problem of legal
texts belonging to the Abhayagirivihara, it may not be out of place to
make good for this omission. The Samantapiisiidikii here comments on
the VIII. Sarrtghiidisesa dealing with a monk accusing another monk of a
piiriijika offence without any reason. This rule is introduced by the story
of the monk Dabba Mallaputta who is wrongly and maliciously accused
by the nun Mettiya to have raped her. Consequently, the nun Mettiya is
punished by expulsion from the order (niisanii): tena hi bhikkhave
Mettiyarrt bhikkhunirrt niisetha, Vin III 162,37 quoted Sp 582,16.
From the text of the Vinaya it is clear that Mettiya acts at the instiga-
tion of the Mettiyabhummajaka monks, who persuade her to accuse
Dabba Mallaputta of rape. The reason is that they want to do harm to
Dabba Mallaputta, who is highly respected by laypeople and therefore
gets better food than they themselves. Thus there is not the slightest
shadow of doubt that Dabba Mallaputta is an innocent victim of the
combined viciousness of the Mettiyabhummakaja monks and the nun
Mettiya.
Here, the legal problem starts, at least as the Samantapiisiidikii sees it.
Once Dabba Mallaputta rightly rejects the accusation, the following
sentence quoted by E.NOLOT from a different context and concerning
two novices is valid: tatra dusakassa patiiiiiiikara/Jarrt natthi, Sp 269,9
"there is no acknowledgement by the rapist." According to the Siirattha-
1. "Studies in Vinaya technical terms VI", note 28, JPTS 24.1998 (in press).
JIABS 20.2 88
dzpanz by Sariputta this means
2
: pucchitabbiibhiivato. na hi diisako
"kena cittena v'itikkamal(! akiisi, janitvii akiisi, udiihu ajiinitvii" ti eval(!
pucchiiya arahati, Sp-t (Be 1960) II 94,1-3 "Because there is no
questioning. For the rapist does not deserve to be asked thus: 'With
which intention did you commit this transgression, intentionally or unin-
tentionally?'" Obviously, a rapist is expelled from the Sa:tp.gha at any
rate3, but not necessarily the person raped. For the Samantapiisiidikii
continues: dusito pucchitvii patififiiiya niisetabbo. sace na siidiyati na
niisetabbo, Sp 269,10
4
"[the monk, who] has been raped, is to be
expelled because of [his] acknowledgement after having been asked. If
he did not enjoy it, he is not to be expelled." The reason for this
procedure is given by Kassapa Cola in his Vimativinodan'i: patififiii-
kara1}al(! natthi sevetukiimatii maggena maggappatipatt'iti dvinnal(!
afzgiinal(! siddhatii. diisitassa pan a maggena maggapatipatti evam ekal(!
siddhal(!, sevetukiimatiisafzkhiital(! siidiyanal(! asiddhal(!. tasmii so
pucchitvii "siidiyin" ti vuttapatififiiiya niisetabbo, Vmv (Be 1960) I
147,23-26 "There is no acknowledgement because both parts, the desire
to have intercourse and the entering by an (appropriate) way is certain.
However, in case of the raped [monk] only the entering by an
(appropriate) way is certain, the enjoyment called desire to have inter-
course is not certain. Therefore, he is to be expelled because he says in
acknowledgement after having been asked 'I enjoyed it
5
"'. This, at the
same time, shows that the Vimativinodan'i gives a slightly different
explanation. For, if sevetukiima is considered as certain, ajiinitvii of the
Siiratthad'ipan'i is of course ruled out
6
.
In the story of Dabba Mallaputta and Mettiya this obviously leads into
a dilemma: If Mettiya acknowledges rape, she is to be expelled, but so is
the innocent Dabba. This seems to be the underlying reason for the
MahiiviharaJ Abhayagirivihiira controversy dealt with briefly in my
earlier article: kil(! pan a bhagavatii Mettiyii bhikkhun'i patififiiiya niisitii
apatififiaya niisitii ti. kifi c' ettha yadi tiiva patififiiiya niisitii thero kiirako
2. The Vajirabuddhi#a does not explain this paragraph.
3. C dve ... nasetabbii, Sp 269, 9.
4. Ee diisito ti pucchitva: has to be corrected into diisito pucchitva with Be.
5. My understanding of this paragraph owes much to criticism and suggestions by
the Venerable Bhikkhuni Juo-hsiieh.
6. Vmv occasionally criticises Sp-t: O. v.HINDBER: A Handbook of pali Literature.
Berlin 1996, 338.
HINUBER 89
hoti sadoso, atha apatififiiiya thero akiirako hoti adoso, Sp 582, 30-34
"Has the nun Mettiya been expelled by the Buddha because of [her]
acknowledgement [or] without acknowledgement? For if she has been
expelled because of an acknowledgement, the Elder [Dabba Mallaputta]
has acted [i.e. has committed an offence] and is guilty. Without
acknowledgement [by Mettiya], he has not acted and is not guilty."
In our Vinaya text, which is the one of the Mahiivihiira, no immediate
reason for Mettiya's expulsion is given in the rather neutral formulation:
tena hi bhikkhave Mettiyarrt bhikkhunirrt niisetha, Yin III 162, 37 quoted
Sp 583, 12, in contrast to the Abhayagiri version: tena hi bhikkhave
Mettiyarrt bhikkhunirrt sakaya patififiaya niisetha, Sp 583, 9. This, how-
ever, involves the guilt of the innocent Dabba Mallaputta. We do not
know, if and how the Abhayagiri Vinaya experts may have solved this
problem
7
, which was evidently widely discussed.
However, the legal experts of the Mahavihara also run into difficulties.
If it is not a clear case of rape as the one between Sama1).eras referred to
in Piiriijika I (Vin III 323, 29 sq. with Sp 269, 9-22), but involving two
ordained members of the Saqlgha contradicting each other when asked
about the evidence, the situation becomes complicated. In the very be-
ginning of this discussion it is simply stated: Dabbassa ca yasmii imassii
ca vacanam na ghatiyati, tasmii Mettiyarrt bhikkhunirrt niisethii ti vuttarrt
hoti, Sp 582,17-19 "because Dabba's [evidence] and her evidence do
not agree, therefore it is said "you should expell the nun Mettiya"."
After the neutral text without sakiiya patififiiiya is said to be superior,
a detailed discussion of the legal problems follows in the Samanta-
piisiidikii (Sp 584, 15-585,9): "These are the considerations of the
experts in the [legal] commentaries (atthakathiiciiriya)8: If a monk
wrongly accuses another monk of a piiriijika offence (antimavatthu), this
is a sarrtghiidisesa offence [Sarrtghiidisesa VIII, Yin III 163,21 **]; if he
accuses a nun, it is wrong doing (dukkata)9. On the other hand, it is said
7. In spite ofVjb Be (1960) 196,14-20 and Vmv Be (1960) I 282, 12-20.
8. According to both, Sp-t Be (1960) II 346, 16 and Vmv Be (1960) I 282,24, this
opinion is found in the Mahiiatthakathii.
9. These experts are quoted here, because the latter case bhikkhuni,!l anuddha7!1seti
dukkata7!1 , Sp 583, 17 is not provided for in the Vinaya as confrnned by pii!iya7!1
aniigatattii, Sp-t Be (1960) II 347,3. If something is neither found in the Vinaya
(sutta), nor in the Mahapadesas of the Vinaya (suttiinuloma), it is possible to
resort to the iicariyaviida, which is the Atthakatha tradition as established by the
participants of the first council (Sp 230,27; 231, 9-11).
JIABS 20.2 90
in the Kurundi: [here applies the rule:] If there is a lie, it is a pacittiya
(Pacittiya I, Vin IV2, 14**)10.
Here, the following has to be considered:
According to the first interpretation (purimanaye; i.e. of the' experts in
the commentaries), wrong doing is adequate because of an intentional
accusation (anuddhal'{lsana). Although (1.) in case of a lie there is a
sal'{lghadisesa offence for a monk [and not Pacittiya I], if a second
monk is involved, [and] although (2.) in case of a lie, it is not a
conscious lie, if a monk talks with the intention to offend (akkosa) a
[second] monk, who is unclean [i.e. who has committed an offence], but
of whom he [the first monk] thinks to be clean [i.e. not to have com-
mitted any offence], but a pacittiya offence because of abusive speech
(Pacittiya II, Vin N 6,5** with Vin III 166,9), as [in these two cases],
in the same way here, too, (i.e. Mettiya vs. Dabba Mallaputtta) a
pacittiya offence involving a conscious lie does not apply, because of an
intentional accusation. It is comect to assume only wrong doing 11.
According to the last (i.e. second) interpretation (pacchimanaye)
because of a lie only a pacittaya offence is adequate. For, according to
the rule (vacana) there is a sal'{lghadisesa offence for a monk, if he
intentionally accuses a [second] monk (Sal'{lghiidisesa VIII) , and for [a
monk,], who intends to offend [a second monk] a pacittiya offence
(Pacittya II according to Vin III 166,9).
There is no such rule [saying] it is wrong doing, if a monk [offends] a
nun [and not another monk]l2. However, there is the rule [saying that
there is] a pacittiya offence in case of a conscious lie (Pacittiya I).
Therefore, a pacittiya offence is adequate.
However, here the following careful considerations [are necessary]: If
there is no intentional accusation (anuddhal'{lsana), it is a pacittiya (i.e.
Pacittaya:rI, and not Sal'{lghadisesa VIII) offence; if this (i.e. the inten-
tion) is there what is to be assumed then? Here, although it is correct
that there is a pacittiya offence, if somebody lies, there is an indepen-
10. Consequently, the views quoted are contradictory and need discussion.
11. According to the opinion of the Mahaatthakatha communicated Sp 583,17, cf.
note 9 above, there is wrong doing, if a monk acts versus a nun. This is reverted
on purely formal grounds in bhikkhunf .. , bhikkhurrz anuddharrzseti dukkatarrz, Sp
584,5.
12. As this is what is found in the Mahiiathakathii [cf. Sp 583, 17], it is likely that Sp
583,19-25 is a quotation from or rather a paraphrase of the text as found in the
Kurundi. Note also the unusual expression vacanappamiiJ:w.
HINVBER 91
dent pacittiya offence, if somebody accuses [a monk] of an unfounded
sarrzghadisesa offence (Vin IV 9, 9), therefore, because the intention to
accuse is there, there is no room for a pacittiya offence because of a
conscious lie (Pacittiya I). But it is impossible that there is no offence
[at all] for [the monk] who accuses13.
The first interpretation seems to be better: Therefore, if a nun accuses
a [second] nun of an unfounded parajika offence, it is a sairtghadisesa
offence [Sarrzghadisesa II, which is common to both, monks and nuns
(sadhara1J.a), Sp 915,35; Kkh 43,34], if she accuses a monk, it is wrong
doing14. Here, a sarrzghadisesa is [an offence] leading to removal, wrong
doing is leading to confession
15
; neither leads to expulsion (nasana).
Because she (Mettiya) has a bad character by nature, is a wicked nun
and says moreover herself "I have a bad character", therefore the
Buddha expells her because of this state of uncleanness. "
So far the Samantapasadika. Thus, in the end Mettiya is simply expel-
led, because she is "by nature a wicked nun of bad character" (pakatiya
'va duss'ila papabhikkhunl). This indicates that, at least at the time of
the Samantapasadika, there was no tangible legal argument in the
Vinaya by which Mettiya could have been expelled(!). This might
indicate that the verb naseti is used rather loosely in the introductory
story to Sarrzghadisesa VIII, because there is no rule according to which
the offence committed by Mettiya could be handled. The sarrzghadisesa
thus introduced is used against the Mettabhummajaka monks who had
persuaded Mettiya to make a false accusation.
2.
The second correction concerns a mistranslated sentence on p. 25, 31sq.
of my article mentioned above in the story of the theft occurring in
Antarasamudda (Sp 306,29-307,22): When it is said that the value of
the stolen object is a penny or even less, the Elder Godha, who
13. This seems to be the consequence because the Kurundi assumes the wrong
offence, i.e. Pacittiya I instead ofPacittiya II. Consequently, there is some sort of
formal defect in the reasoning of the Kurundf.
14. This follows from the assumption by the experts quoted Sp 583, 17.
15. The category desaniigiimin applies to the five lahuka offences (Sp 1382,14 with
Sp 1319, 12sq.) that is to all offences except Parajika and Sarp.ghadisesa
according to Sp 1334,30 (ad Vin V 127,22). Only Sarp.ghiidisesa offences are
classified as vutthiinagamin , cf. also Sp-t Be (1960) 1168, 16sq. ad Sp 415,23,
because they are "removed" by pariviisa etc.
nABS 20.2 92
eventually decides the case, asks (and not states, as translated
previously): "Indeed, has the Buddha prescribed somewhere a piirajika
with regard to a penny (miisaka) or even less than a penny?" The answer
to this question is of course "no": iipatti thullaccayassa ... atirekamiisako
vii unapaficamiisako vii, Yin III 54, 22, cf. III 47, 3 "it is a grave
offence (but no piiriijika), [if the stolen goods are worth] more than a
miisaka or less than five miisaka." Thus Godha reverts the earlier verdict
that there had been a theft, and rightly so.
UTE HUSKEN
The Application of the Vinaya Term nasana1
The first section in the book of Buddhist monastic discipline (Vinaya-
pitaka) is known as parajika. The significance of these rules is empha-
sized by the fact that out of the list of 220 prescriptio:n"s which are
recited fortnightly (patimokkha) only these four rules are announced to
a newly ordained monk immediately after full ordination (upasampada;
Vin I 96.20 - 97.18)2. The transgression of one of the parajika rules
leads to the monk's or nun's permanent and irreversible loss of status as
a fully ordained member of the order.
Buddhist law as specified in the Vinayapitaka is generally based on the
concept that an offence is established only after the offender pleads
guilty.3 Consequently, if an offender is aware of his parajika offence
and leaves the order on his own initiative, the Vinaya describes no
concrete act of expulsion by the Sarpgha. Rather the actual status of a
person guilty of such a transgression is rendered by the words ayam pi
parajiko hoti asal!lvaso, "This one has committed a parajika and (there-
fore) is without (any) communion" (e.g. Vin III 46.20**; cf. Vin IV
213.37**-38**)4,
There are, however, a few instances in the Vinayapitaka where another
term is applied to express that a person has to leave the order, namely
nasana, naseti etc. This state of affairs led Isaline Blew HORNER in her
English translation of the Vinayapitaka to the conclusion that the verb
1. I wish herewith to express my gratitude to Prof. Oskar VON HINUBER, who
kindly sent me material on the term niisanii which he had collected, and provided
very helpful suggestions. Additionally, I wish to draw the reader's attention to an
article written by Edith NOLO!, which is published in the Journal o/the Pali Text
Society XXIII ("Studies in Vinaya Technical Terms VI"). There NOLOT provides
an extremely useful systematic collection of the material on niisanii in the Pali and
Sanskrit sources.
2. Nuns have to observe eight piiriijika rules which are announced to them after full
ordination (Vin II 274. 23-24).
3. Cf. VON HINDBER, "Buddhist Law", p. 11.
4. In the casuistries the expression is iipattil?"l tval?"l bhikkhu iipanno piiriijikal?"l,
"You, monk, have committed apiiriijika offence" (e.g. Vin III 57. 14-15).
JIABS 20.2 94
niiseti in the Suttavibhanga generally refers to the expulsion of members
of the order who have committed a piiriijika offence (BD I, p. xxvii).
This statement will be qualified in this paper.
In the eldest stratum of the Vinaya, the Piitimokkha, niisanii with
respect to monks or nuns is used in only one instance, that is Piiriijika 2
of the Bhikkhunivibhanga (Vin IV 216.31**-217.3**).5 This rule
forbids nuns to keep quiet about the piiriijika offence of a fellow nun.
6
"Has been expelled" (niisitii) in this rule is listed in a series of verbs
expressing that the nun guilty of a piiriijika offence has not left the order
in the usual way, but rather that she kept quiet about her misdeed for a
certain period before finally leaving the order for another reason.
Indeed, both the forced and the voluntary leaving of the order are
clearly contrasted here by the use of the terms niisitii and avasatii (Vin
IV 216.33**-34** and 217.13-15). Thus Piiriijika 2 ofthe Bhikkhuni-
vibhanga indicates that the expulsion niisanii of nuns (and monks) comes
about when they, after committing a piiriijika, keep their deed quiet and
as a result fail to leave the order on their own initiative. In this case the
Satp.gha is apparently forced to take an active role in the expulsion of
the offender. The procedure of expulsion, however, is not described in
the Vinaya.
Another reference in the Vinaya also uses niisanii in connection with a
piiriijika offence (Vin I 173.20-22): A monk, who is accused of a
piiriijika offence during the paviirmJii ceremony at the end of the rainy
5. In another passage of the piitimokkha, niisanii does not refer to fully ordained
individuals but to novices (siimaTJera) (see below, p. 99).
6. The text of this rule in OLDENBERG'S edition (Vin IV 216.31-217.3) is not
correct. The text of the Bunnese, Sinhalese, and Thai editions is: yii pan a
bhikkhunf jiinal!! piiriijikam dhammal!! ajjhiipannal!! bhikkhunil!! n' ev' attanii
patieodeyya na gaTJassa iiroeeyya yadii ea sii thilii vii assa cutii vii niisilii vii
avasatii vii sii pacehii eval!! vadeyya: pubbeviihal!! ayye aiiiiiisil!! etal!! bhikkhu-
nil!! evarupii ca evarupii ca sii bhaginiti, no ca kho attanii paticodessa1]1 na
galJassa iirocessan [Vin: pa{icodeyyalJl na galJassa iirocceyyan] ti, ayam pi
piiriijikii hoti asal!!viisii vajjapaticehiidikii 'ti. HORNER's translation of this rule
(BD III, p. 166) has to be corrected accordingly: "Whatever nun, mowing that a
nun has fallen into a matter involving defeat, should neither herself reprove her,
nor speak to a group, but when she may be remaining or deceased or expelled or
withdrawn, should afterwards speak thus: 'Ladies, before I mew this nun, she
was a sister like this and like that, (but 1 thought:) 'I will neither myself
reprove her nor speak to a group [BD III, p. 166: and should neither herself
reprove her nor should speak to a group]', she also becomes one who is
defeated, she is not in communion, she is one who conceals a fault."
HDSKEN 95
season
7
, admits to having committed it. The Saqlgha then performs
paviirar:zii only after having expelled him (niisetvii). In this particular
case the expulsion of the offender may be necessitated by the Saqlgha's
desire to perform an ecclesiastical act, the validity of which requires the
order to be both "complete" (samagga) and "pure" (parisuddha), that is,
without offence at that very moment. When one of the participants is
found to be not "pure" the ecclesiastical act loses validity. Thus a monk
guilty of a piiriijika offence has to be removed perhaps even physically8
by the Saqlgha. He must remain outside the spatial boundary (simii)
stipulated for this ecclesiastical act within which only "pure" monks can
be present. Thus in this particular case the reason for the use of the term
niisanii might once again be the necessity for an active role of the
Saqlgha in the expulsion. This supposition seems more likely if one
remembers that the offender evidently failed to confess his offence
immediately after having committed it but rather only after having been
placed under investigation during the ecclesiastical act of paviirar:zii.
In other passages of the Suttavibhanga the term niisanii instead of
piiriijika is used. Some of these references are to be found in the
casuistry of Piiriijika 1 of the Bhikkhuvibhanga, that is, the rule
prescribing celibacy. There the following cases are mentioned (Vin III
33.24-28): A monk, who is guilty of having raped a sleeping co-mon1e
or novice, should be expelled (niisetabbo). In the event that the victim
wakes up and consents to the behaviour of the monk, both participants
have to be expelled (niisetabbii). The same rule applies in the case of a
novice raping a sleeping monk or fellow-novice (Vin III 33.28-31), and
in the case of a monk who is forced to rape a nun, a female probationer
(sikkhamiinii), or a female novice (Vin III 39.37 -40.6): Both partic-
ipants are found not guilty if they do not consent, but otherwise have to
be expelled (niisetabbii). The same goes for a monk who is forced to
rape a lay-woman, a homosexual
9
, or another monk (Vin III 40.5-13).
7. On this ecclesiastical act see Jin-II CHUNG, PraviiralJiivastu im Vinayavastu der
Miilasarviistiviidin, G6ttingen, 1997 (SWTF, Beiheft 7) (in press).
8. There is at least one instance of a physical expUlsion of a monk found to be not
"pure" (Vin II 237.8-10: atha kho Mahiimoggalliino ta/!l puggaZa/!l biihiiya/!l
gahetvii bahi dviirakotthakii nikkhiimetvii sucighatika/!l datvii ... ).
9. For an interpretation of the term pal;.ljaka see Leonard ZWILLING, "Homo-
sexuality as Seen in Indian Buddhist Texts", Buddhism, Sexuality, and Gender,
ed. Jose Ignacio CABEZ6N, Albany, 1992 (Bibliotheca Indo-Buddhica Series,
113), pp. 203-214.
JIABS 20.2 96
In all these cases the tenn pariijika is not applied even though the
respective offenders are apparently guilty of a parajika offence. It may
be that in the Vinaya for these instances the tenn nasetabba is used
instead of parajika, once again because an expulsion perforrried by the
Sarp.gha is thought necessary. 10
Another instance of rape is mentioned in the introductory story of the
rule Sarrzghadisesa 8 in the Bhikkhuvibhmiga: Two monks feel that they
have been treated unfairly by the monk Dabba. Therefore, they persuade
the nun Mettiya to accuse Dabba of having raped her in order to have
Dabba expelled (nasapeyya; Vin III 162.14-27).11 Thus this passage also
pertains to the instances of the casuistry of Parajika 1 mentioned above.
It is quite possible that the two malicious monks aimed to have Dabba
expelled by the Sarp.gha, as implied by the application of the verb
nasapeyya. However, according to the story, the Buddha asked Dabba
whether the nun's accusations were true (Vin III 162.30-31), and the
patimokkha rule views the case as an example of a consciously false
accusation of a parajika offence (Vin III 163.22**).12 Since Dabba
pleaded innocent to having raped Mettiya, the Buddha ordered Mettiya
to be expelled (Vin III 1(52.38-163.1: tena hi bhikkhave Mettiyarrz
bhikkhunirrz nasetha).13 This procedure, however, is not based on any
fixed rule of the Vinaya, since until then there existed no regulation
prohibiting monks or nuns from accusing another of having committed a
parajika offence. In the Vinaya a person having caused the formulation
10. This could be the case because a rape is viewed as a very grave transgression of
both Buddhist monastic and Brahmanicallaw. Rape in the Vinaya, particularly the
rape of a nun, is frequently mentioned as one of the most serious infringements
of BudQhist monastic law (cf. Vin 185.24; 89.2-3 and 11-12; 121. 7; 135.3;
168.10;" 320.13 etc.); for some examples in the Brahmanicallaw see Ganganatha
JRA, Hindu Law in its Sources, Vol. I, Allahabad, 1930, pp. 481-484.
11. In the Cullavagga (Vin II 74.24 -79.37) the introductory story of Sal!lghiidisesa
8 is repeated almost word for word. Here Mettiya is also expelled, and the story
introduces the ecclesiastical act of the giving of a sativinaya, "a verdict of
innocence" (Vin II 79.37 - 80.31). By means of this ecclesiastical act it is
officially agreed that the Sarp.gha trusts the accused person (cf. N OLOT, SVTT II,
pp.99, 109).
12. However, the focus of this rule is not on the behaviour of the nun Mettiya but on
the behaviour of the monks who caused Mettiya to utter the wrong accusation.
l3. Vin III 162.38 - 163. 3. After that the malicious monks were remorseful and
begged the other monks not to expel Mettiya for she had not committed any
offence (Vin III 163. 3-6).
HOSKEN 97
of a patimokkha rule is exempted from any punishment, since Buddhist
monastic law is a case-law following the principle nulla poena sine
lege. 14 In any case, even if Mettiya had been found guilty of an offence,
she would have had to undergo the punishment for a sarrzghadisesa
offence, that is a 14 days probation (manatta)15, rather than an expulsion
from the order, as was the case according to the introductory story of
Saf!lghadisesa 8. Until this point in the text the only cause fcir the appli-
cation of nasana mentioned in the Vinaya is rape or the concealment of
a parajika offence. However in this case, Mettiya neither concealed a
parajika offence nor did she rape anybody, but rather accused another of
having raped her. Therefore, her expulsion must be regarded as an
exception, made possible through the personal intervention of the
Buddha.l
6
In addition, it is worth noting that according to the introduc-
tory story and the patimokkha rule it was not Mettiya's behaviour which
gave rise to the formulation of the rule but rather the behaviour of the
two monks who caused Mettiya to make the unfounded accusation.17 In
any case, in this passage the term nasana is not used as a technical term
of Buddhist monastic law. The same holds true for one passage of the
Suttapitaka, namely an account in the Karm:ujavasutta of the Metta-
vagga in the Anguttaranikaya. Here a monk accused of having com-
mitted an offence changes the subject and talks about other things (AN
IV 168.24-27). This leads the Buddha himself to demand his expulsion
(AN IV 169.1-2: dhamath' ... niddhamath' ... , AN IV 169.10: tam
enarrz ... bahiddhii nasenti). This procedure is not based on any fixed
rule of the Vinaya but, on the contrary, contradicts the regulations of
Buddhist monastic law: According to Facittiya 12 of the Bhikkhu-
vibhanga the evasion of an accusation is a pacittiya offence, the conse-
14. Cf. VON HINUBER, "Buddhist Law", p. 7; cf. Hellmuth HECKER, "Allgemeine
Rechtsgrunds1itze in der buddhistischen Ordensverfassung (Vinaya)",
Verfassung und Recht in Ubersee 10/1, ed. Herbert KRUGER (1977), pp. 89-115;
p.96.
15. For mlinatta see NOLOT, SVTT III, pp. 117-122.
16. Thus this reference does not confirm C. S. UPASAK's opinion that niisanii
generally is applied as a term for the expulsion of nuns (Dictionary of Early
Buddhist Monastic Terms [Based on Pali Literature], Varanasi 1975; S.v.
Nasana).
17. This issue is extensively discussed in the commentary and is dealt with again here
below (p. 103).
JIABS 20.2 98
quence of which is confession but not expulsion. IS Thus it is possible
that the introductory story. of SaT(lghadisesa 8 and the just mentioned
account in the Suttapitaka belong to the eldest stratum of the canonical
texts, being fonnulated before the tenn nasana was used with 'a "juridi-
cal" meaning.
In another passage of the Mahavagga the tenn nasana is applied for
the expulsion of fully ordained members of the order (Vin I 85,27-
90.9). There it is stated that certain individuals are not entitled to full
ordination (upasampada) and, if ordination already has been bestowed
on them, they have to be expelled (nasetabbo). The eleven types of indi-
viduals concerned apparently did not receive upasampada legitimately,
having committed a grave offence in the time of household-life, or
simply because they were considered physically unfit for full member-
ship in the order.
19
The individuals concerned include homosexuals
(palJfjaka; Yin I 86.7-9)20, fake monks, persons converted to another
18. On the other hand, this account in the Anguttaranikaya may well have served as a
basis for Piicittiya 12 of the Bhikkhuvibhanga (Vin IV 36.37**). According to
the introductory story of this rule a monk also evaded an accusation (Vin IV
35.26-29). Since the Manorathapurm:zi (Mp IV 74.11-13), the commentary on
the Anguttaranikiiya, links the canonical passage commented upon with an
ecclesiastical act introduced and described in the Cullavagga (Vin II 101.4-
102.10: tassapiipiyyasikiikamma) by rendering "he evades" (annen' annal'!1
paticarati) with "he conceals (his offence)" (paticchiideti), this passage of the
Cullavagga may also have been inspired by the above-mentioned passage of the
Anguttaranikiiya. For some more examples of passages of the Suttapitaka which
contain rather old Vinaya material, cf. VON HINVBER, Handbook, 67, 74, 80;
cf. the references given in VON HINOBER, "Buddhist Law", note 5.
19. One p ~ s s a g e in the Pariviira (Vin V 140.14-15) refers to this passage in the
Mahiivagga without adding anything new. According to the Samantapasiidikii
(Sp 1391. 26-27) in another passage of the Pariviira (Vin V 216.32) the term
niisita refers to the eleven types of individuals mentioned above as well.
20. The Vajirabuddhitikii (Vjb 114.24 -115. 31) provides several additional
explanations of the casuistry of Piiriijika 1 of the Bhikkhuvibhanga. In the
canonical text a monk or a nun changes sex. The Vajirabuddhitikii has a
discussion about what age the individuals received full ordination, since married
women are allowed to enter the order at the age of twelve, whereas men can only
receive full ordination at the age of twenty. It is explicitly stated in this passage of
the subcommentaries that during the sex change process the individuals are not
considered to be pm:zq.akas (in this case pm:zq.aka probably means "without outer
signs of sex") and thus do not have to be expelled because ofVin 185.27 - 86. 9
(Vjb 115, 10-12; cf. Sp-t III 256.19-22).
HUSKEN 99
religion (theyyasal!lviisaka, titthiyapakkantaka; Yin I 86.31-35)21,
animals (tiracchiinagata; Yin 188.1-3), matricides (miitughiitaka; Yin I
88.20-21), patricides (pitughiitaka; Yin I 88.24-26), those who have
killed an Arhat (arahantaghiitaka; Yin 189.4-6), raped a nun, or caused
a split within the order, as well as persons who have caused bloodshed
(bhikkhunidusaka, sal!lghabhedaka, lohituppiidaka; Yin 189.11-16)22,
and hermaphrodites (ubhatovjafijanaka; Yin 189.19-21). Although these
persons committed no offence during monkhood, the expulsion niisanii
has to be performed by the Sal11gha, since it was the Sal11gha which
acted improperly (though unknowingly) by bestowing ordination in
these cases. Therefore the Sal11gha is forced to restore a lawful state by
explicitly cancelling the ecclesiastical act of ordination. In the Pariviira
one additional piece of information referring to the expUlsion of these
eleven persons is provided: The ecclesiastical act of ordination in these
cases is referred to as vatthuvipatti, i.e. "defect in material" (Vin V
222.6-14: ... vatthuvipannal!l adhammakamma1!1 ... ). This is confirmed
by the commentary upon the Piitimokkha, the KankhiivitaralJl, stating
that these eleven cases are avatthukii, meaning that they are "not
potential material" for an ordination procedure (Kkh 17.27-29 and 19.3-
5). Therefore, if the ordination ceremony (upasampadiikamma) has
indeed been performed not withstanding the avatthuka status of these
persons, then the ecclesiastical act itself is considered invalid and has to
be openly annulled by the Sal11gha.
Unlike the monks novices are not subject to Buddhist monastic
discipline, but have to observe ten specified rules. The expulsion of
novices is also called niisanii in the Vinaya. According to Piicittiya 70 of
the Bhikkhuvibhanga (Vin IV 139.18**-34**) a novice (samalJuddesa)
who upholds a view specified as false about the utterances of the Buddha
has to be expelled (Vin IV 139.32**: ... tathii niisital!l samalJuddesal!l).
This is the only passage describing the actual procedure of niisanii in the
Vinaya.
23
If a novice ignores one admonition he is to be sent away with
21. According to the Samantapasadika (Sp 1017.10-12) a theyyasa/!lvasaka may not
obtain even a lower ordination (pabbajja).
22. With regard to the individuals who have caused a split within the order and the
ones who have converted to another religion, the refusal to ordain clearly refers to
their second ordination, since they have both previously been members of the
order.
23. This procedure is described in the introductory story, in the rule, and in the
canonical commentary (padabhajaniya) of pacittiya 70 (Vin IV 138.32 - 139.4).
.nABS 20.2 100
the following words: "From this day onwards, dear friend Samal;mddesa,
this Lord is not to be viewed as your teacher anymore; the privileges
given to other Samal).uddesas, namely sleeping two or three nights in one
room with the monks, these are not (given) to you anymore; go, leave!"
This suggests that the expulsion of novices is not an ecclesiastical act but
rather an informal - though to some extent formalized - request made to
the novice. In addition we know from the anapatti formula that this
expulsion can later be amended (Vin IV 140.30-31).24 According to the
rule's introductory story, the novice Kal).taka advocated the false view
given in the rule itself (Vin IV 138.20-24). There his misconduct is
referred to as "slandering" of the Lord (rna bhagavantarrz abbhacikkhi,
na hi sadhu bhagavato abbhakkhiinarrz; cf. Vin IV 134.14-15).
According to the Cullavagga (Vin II 25.10-27.18) similar behaviour by
a monk leads to his suspension (ukkhepana)25, whereas in the case of a
novice expulsion (nasana) is called for. This mutual proximity of
suspension (ukkhepana) of a fully ordained member of the order and
expulsion (nasana) of a novice is implied in one passage of the Parivara
as well (Vin V 115.23-24).
The misbehaviour of the novice Kal).taka, however, is one of the ten
general reasons for nasana for novices. These ten reasons are listed in
the Mahavagga (Vin 185.19-26):26
I prescribe, monks, the expelling of a novice possessing the following ten
characteristics: Ifhe destroys living beings, takes things not given, adheres to an
impure moral code, if he lies, drinks alcoholic drinks, speaks ill of the Buddha,
speaks ill of the Sarp.gha, speaks ill of the Dhamma, holds false views, or is a
rapist of nuns.
Five of these ten characteristics are in violation of the first five of the
ten training rules set forth for novices
27
and the remaining five are other
24. The focus of the rule Piicittiya 70 is, of course, on the behaviour of the monks,
who are not allowed to keep regular contact with a expelled in this
manner.
25. In Piicittiya 68 of the Bhikkhuvibhanga the same behaviour as is
attributed to the monk Arirtha. There it results in a piicittiya offence. However,
the introductory story of Piicittiya 68 (Vin IV 133.32 - 135.5) is repeated word
for word in the Cullavagga (Vin II 25.10 - 26.33). There the suspension
(ukkhepanii) of the monk Arittha who did not give up his false view is described.
26. Pariviira VI.10 (Vin V 138.16-17) refers to this passage without making any
additions.
27. Consequently it is stated in the Samantapiisiidikii that the violation of the first
five training rules is punished by niisanii. To complement the content of the
HUSKEN 101
examples of incorrect behaviour. The expulsion of the novice KaI).taka in
Piicittiya 70 fits into either the sixth or the ninth of these ten situations.
KaI).taka either "speaks ill of the Buddha" (buddhassa aVaTJ-l'JalJ1 bhiisati)
or could be said to "hold a false view" (micchiiditthiko), as can be seen
from the introductory story of Piicittiya 70 (see above). Additionally,
one can conjecture from the aniipatti-formula of Piicittiya 70 that the
expulsion of novices in any of these cases can later be amended.
In the canonical references discussed above three concepts of the use
of the term niisanii can be distinguished. Firstly, Mettiya and the monle
in the Anguttaranikiiya are expelled not because of any violation of a
piitimokkha rule but because of the personal intervention of the Buddha.
Secondly, as a technical term of Buddhist monastic law as laid down in
the Vinayapitaka, niisanii stands for the expulsion of a member of the
order performed by the SaIp.gha. This expulsion seems to be irreversible,
since with regard to monks and nuns it is frequently applied in the case
of a piiriijika offence.
28
In these cases niisanii is used either because the
committed offence is considered to be a very grave one (rape), or
because the respective person did not admit to his offence immediately
after having committed it, but rather only after a certain period of
concealment, as illustrated by Piiriijika 2 ofthe Bhikkhunivibhanga and
by the expulsion of a monk during the ecclesiastical act of paviiral'Jii.29
canonical text the same commentary info=s us that the violation of rules 6-10 of
the S1imal).eras' is to be punished by a dalJrjakamma (Sp 1012.32 -1013.1 and
1015.2-4; cf. Sp-t III 255. 8-9).
28. On the other hand, one passage found in the Pariviira fails to conform the
supposition that niisanii in the Vinaya generally refers to the Sarp.gha's expulsion
of a monk or nun who has committed a piiriijika offence. In Vin V 137. 5-7
niisanii is used only with regard to the eighth piiriijika rule for nuns, but not with
regard to any of the other seven piiriijikas. It is unclear why the te= niisanii is
employed in only this instance.
29. In addition to the info=ation gathered from the canonical text, the commentaries
Samantapiisiidikii and Sumangalaviliisinf also mention niisanii in connection
with a previous concealment of a piiriijika offence, while commenting upon the
potential ways of settling the four kinds of "legal matters" (adhikaralJa). In the
Cullavagga (Vin II 101.4 - 102. 10) a monk is accused of having committed a
weighty offence, that is to say, a piiriijika or another, "similar offence" (Vin II
10 l. 8-11; according to Samantapiisiidikii ESp 1199. 1-3] this means a dukka!a or
thullaccaya, according to the Papaficasudanf [Ps IV 48.3-10] piiriijika-
siimantaf!1 here is a "heavy offence", that is a Sarp.ghadisesa). The accused monk
pretends for a while not to recall the particular incident referred to, after which he
then admits to having committed another, less significant offence (appamattikaf!1
.JIABS 20.2 102
Additionally, in the Vinayapitaka niisana is applied for the expulsion of
persons who should not have received full ordination at all. In this 'case
it was the Sarp.gha's mistake to bestow ordination on the unsuitable
individuals. For this reason the Sarp.gha is forced to act by revoking the
ecclesiastical act by the expulsion niisanii. Thirdly, niisanii is applied to
the expulsion of novices, which may become necessary because of the
ten reasons listed in the Mahiivagga. One of these reasons is referred to
in a piitimokkha rule (Piicittiya 70). This specific expulsion of novices
evidently corresponds to the temporary suspension (ukkhepanii) of
monks and may be cancelled.
The only canonical trace of a more explicit classification of the
application of the term niisanii is to be found in the Pariviira, the most
recent section of the Vinayapitaka. There "three expelled (persons)"
(niisitakii taya; Vin V 211.13-17) are mentioned. This specific tripar-
tition marks the transition to the much more elaborate definition as
formulated in the commentaries. The commentary Samantapiisiidikii,
which was compiled more than half a millenium after the completion of
the Vinayapitaka, comments upon this passage of the Pariviira (Sp
1383.36-1384.4). There a short explanation is given, and a more
detailed definition in an earlier passage of the same commentary is
referred to. There (Sp 582.19-26), in the commentary on the intro-
ductory story of Salflghadisesa 8 mentioned above, the tripartition of
niisanii is explained in detail:
There are three (kinds of) nasana: iiJiganasana, saf!lvasanasana and dal}a-
kammanasana. Of these 'A rapist has to be expelled' is a linganasana. If
apattif!l), before finally pleading guilty to the offence he is actually accused of. In
such a case the ecclesiastical act known as tassapapiyyasika-kamma is applied,
whereby the accused monk is deprived of some of his rights until his
rehabilitation (see NOLOT, SVTT II, p. 110). In the commentary on this passage
of the Cullavagga in the Samantapasadika the term nasana is used: The accused
monk evades the accusation because he fears expulsion (nasana) once having
admitted to the offence (Sp 1199.6-7). Similar explanations are to be found in the
Sumangalavilasini, in the commentary on the Sangitisutta in the Dighanikaya
(DN III 254. 10-18). The canonical text commented upon briefly mentions the
same situation as described in the Cullavagga. According to the Sumangala-
vilasini, the accused monk will be expelled ifhe has committed a parajika offence
(ayaf!l ev' assa nasana bhavissatf ti). Ifhe has committed a less serious offence,
the so-called tassapapiyyasikakamma is performed and he can, after a period of
good behaviour, regain his status as a regular monk (Sv III 1042.20-24).
Evidently the expulsion following the concealment of a parajika offence in these
cases is referred to by the term nasana.
HOSKEN 103
(monks) perform an ecclesiastical act of suspension (ukkhepaniyakamma)
because of the non-recognition of or the not making amends for an offence or
because of the not giving up ofa wrong view, it is a sal?1viisaniisanii. If (monks)
perform an ecclesiastical act of punishment (da1}r;lakamma) (by saying): 'Go,
leave!', that is a da1}r;lakammaniisanii. In this case, however, with reference to
the wording is: 'Expel the nun Mettiya!'
Following this definition a controversy between the Abhayagirivasins
and the Mahaviharavasins is reported in the Samantapaslidika.30 This
controversy evidently is the result of the Samantapiisiidikii's inter-
pretation of an earlier passage in the Vinaya containing the term niisanii.
In the commentary on the casuistry of Piiriijika 1, which demands
expulsion (niisanii) for a rapist (dusaka) (see above, p. 95), the Samanta-
piisadikii seems to be in need of an explanation as to why in this case the
culprit is expelled by niisanii. The commentary thus claims that no
evidence from the side of the culprit is necessary in case of rape. A
rapist (dusaka) is thus expelled without having given his own view (Sp
269.9-12):3
1
'Both have to be expelled' is: both have to be expelled by a liflganiisanii. In this
case no evidence from the rapist is required. The victim has to be expelled ifhe-
after having been asked - gave evidence (that he consented to the rape). Ifhe did
not consent, (the victim) does not have to be expelled. The same goes for a
SiimaIJ.era.32
The controversy between Abhayagirivasins and Mahaviharavasins now
focuses on the question of what the actual reason was for the expulsion
ofMettiya. Oskar VON HINUBER ("Buddhist Law", p. 37) states "in the
commentary the problem is discussed at some length, whether the nun
30. Oskar VON HINOBER ("Buddhist Law", pp. 37f.) emphazises the importance of
this passage, since this is the only instance in the Vinayapitaka where two
existing versions of the Vinaya are given.
31. This is in contradiction with the statement of the Samantapiisiidikii as to why the
Buddha asked Dabba, whether the nun Mettiya's accusation was true (Sp
581. 15-19): "[The Buddha said to Dabba:] 'Ifit is done by you, (say) 'It is done'
means: what does he show by this (word)? He shows that (the accused person)
has to speak out himself whether or not he has done it, since it is not possible
using the (monks') assembly's authority or favouritism to find a person, who is
in fact innocent, to be guilty or vice versa.'" Cf. also Sp 582. 16-19: "'For this
reason, monks, expel the nun Mettiya!' means: the words of Dabba and (the
words of) the (nun) do not conform. Therefore it is said: 'Expel the nun
Mettiya!'"
32. This last statement probably refers to the tenth of the ten reasons for niisanii of a
novice, which are listed in the Mahiivagga (see above, p. 100).
JIABS 20.2 104
was expelled with the consent (pa[ifiiiiiya) of Dabba Mallaputta or not".
According to t h ~ SiiratthadipanP3 pa{ififiiiya apparently does not mean
"having consented" but rather "having given her view", which refers to
Mettiya. Thus the discussion of the two factions in the Samantapiisiidikii
is about whether the expulsion of Mettiya was because of her (false)
statement (Abhayagiri view) or for another reason (Mahavihiira view).3
4
The Samantapiisiidikii enlightens us that an expert then intervened who
decided that the Mahaviharavasins were right (Sp 583.14-15)35. How-
ever, even then it remained unclear which offence Mettiya was accused
of. This question is extensively discussed in the subsequent passage of
the Samantapiisiidikii. There it is stated that Mettiya did not commit a
sa1?1ghiidisesa offence since the rule Sa1?1ghiidisesa 8 of the Bhikkhu-
vibhanga applies only to nuns with respect to other nuns or to monks
with respect to other monks, but not to nuns with respect to monks (Sp
583.15-17 and 28; Sp 584.3-5).36 This suggests that Mettiya had com-
33. Sp-t II 346.8-11: ayyenamhi dfisitiiti patiiiiiiitattii tiiya patiiiiiiiya yadi niisitii
thero kiirako hoti saddoso ti attho. akiirako hotlfi tiiya katapatiiiiial!l anapekkhi-
tvii yadi bhagavatii pakatidusslZabhiival!l yeva sandhiiya sii niisitii thero akiirako
hotlfi adhippiiyo.
34. It is not doubted at all that she had made this statement: Yin III 162.21-22 and
27: ayyena 'mhi Dabbena Mallaputtena dfisitii 'ti. In the above-mentioned
commentary in the Samantapiisiidikii and the subcommentary on this passage it is
not clear what person thero stands for, and what action is referred to by kiirako.
If thera refers to Dabba, then kiiraka means that he was thought to actually have
raped Mettiya. This is not true, as we lmow from the introductory story of
Sal!lghiidisesa 8. Additionally, if Dabba was a rapist - why should Mettiya have
been expelled because of her accusation? Therefore it is quite probable that
kiirako thero stands for the monk who performed the expulsion of nun Mettiya.
If he did so because Mettiya had made her (false) statement, then he evidently
doubtd the truthfulness of her evidence. However, a rape is believed to have ac-
tually happened as soon as a person claims to have been raped (Vmv I 282. 1-2).
Therefore, if the monk in spite ofMettiya's evidence performed her expulsion,
then he is a kiirako thero and is said to be "with fault" (sadosa). If, on the other
hand, the monk entrusted with Mettiya's expulsion expelled her for another
reason, then he is thought to be not instrumental in the performance of the wrong
punishment (akiirako thero) and is consequently "without faulf' (niddosa).
35. Cf. Sp 584.5-9; cf. Vmv 1282.9-10; cf. Sp-t II 346. 8-13.
36. See also Sp-t II 346.21 and Sp-t II 347.2-3. Additionally, according to the
Cullavagga (Vin II 276.9-18) a monk may not be accused by a nun. For the
difficulty of applying to nuns the rules given only in the Bhikkhuvibhanga, see
Ute HDSKEN, Die Regeln fur die buddhistische Nonnengemeinde im Vinaya-
HUSKEN 105
mitted either a dukkata or a piicittiya. However, the outcome of both
offences is not the expulsion of the culprit but a simple confession (Sp
584.5-7).37 The commentator solves this discrepancy by stating that
. Mettiya herself was aware of her bad conduct and was because of this
expelled by.the Buddha (Sp 584.7-9). However, we have to remember
the fact that there is no hint of Mettiya's self-awareness in the Vinaya.
This explanation thus seems to be a provisional solution by the author of
the Samantapiisiidikii, who otherwise would have had to admit that the
Buddha ordered the monks to act against the Vinaya.
The dusaka inPiiriijika 1 (Bhikkhuvibhanga) and Mettiya are expelled
by a linganiisanii according to the passages of the Samantapiisiidikii
discussed above. The same source provides the additional information
that the actual expulsion of the nun Mettiya involves her disrobing (Sp
584.11-13)38. Disrobing is therefore called linganiisanii. Since the
expulsion of fully ordained persons is called linganiisanii also in the
cases of the monk admitting during paviira1',lii to having committed a
piiriijika offence (see above, p.94; Sp 1078.9), and in the case of the
erroneously ordained eleven kinds of individuals in the Mahiivagga (see
above, p. 98; Sp 1016.15-16), it is probably, in each of these cases, also
performed by disrobing the guilty party. In all these instances the
expulsion seems to pe irreversible.
Once again, as in the commentary on Sarrzghiidisesa 8, in the
commentary on the passage of the piitimokkha about the expulsion of the
novice K ~ t a k a (Piicittiya 70, see above, p.99) the "three kinds of
niisanii" are listed in the Samantapiisiidika (Sp 870.34- 871.6):39
"Expel him" means: here we are faced with a threefold niisanii: sa1!lviisaniisanii,
lifzganiisanii and da1;uJakammaniisanii. Thus the suspension because of the
refusal to see an offence etc. is called sa1!lviisaniisanii. "A rapist has to be
expelled" (and) ''Expel nun Mettiyii!" is called lifzganiisanii. "From this day on,
Venerable Samat).uddesa, this Lord is not to be perceived as your teacher
anymore!", this is darpJakammaniisanii: this is valid here. Therefore he said:
"And thus, monks, he should be expelled: ' ... leave!'"
Pitaka der Theraviidin (Monographien zur Indischen Archiiologie, Kunst und
Philologie, 11), in press, l.1.1.
37. Cf. Sp-t 11 347. 11-13 andVjb 196.15-17.
38. See also Sp 59l. 26; 592. 1; and Sp-t II 345.27: "'Expel her' means: give her
white clothes and reduce her to lay status."
39. Cf. Kkh 127.39 - 128.6.
JIABS 20.2 106
It follows, according to this interpretation, that the expulsion of KaIftaka
in Piicittiya 70 i ~ a dal!4akammaniisanii. According to the information
of the canonical text (see above, p.99) the novice is sent away and is
thus excluded from membership in the order, since he may no longer
view the Buddha as his teacher. However, he may later regain his status
as a nOVIce.
Contrary to the Samantapiisiidikii, in the Vinaya the term dal!4a-
kammaniisanii is unknown, but dal!4akamma and niisanii are treated in
different sections of Mahiivagga and Cullavagga. An ecclesiastical act
of punishment (dal!4akamma) can be perforined by monks or nuns. The
Vinaya gives accounts of dal!4akammas being performed by monks
regarding novices or nuns, and by nuns regarding monks, but not by
monks regarding monks or by nuns regarding nuns. In the Mahiivagga
(Vin I 84.11-15) five particular situations are enumerated which result
in the performance of a dal!4akamma by monks with respect to novices.
The result of this dal!4akamma is not preordained. The severity of the
punishment is, to a large extent, determined by the particular monks
performing the dal!4akamma. However, according to the Mahiivagga
(Vin I 84.22-25) the punishment may not include prohibiting entry into
the whole area of an Ariima (Vin I 84.15-25).40
The outcome of niisanii for novices is not defined in the Vinaya, but is
discussed in the Samantapiisiidikii (Sp 1014.8-12; cf. Sp-t III 255.6-7).
There the expulsion of a novice due to any of the ten characteristics
listed in Vin I 85.19-26 is called liliganiisanii. That means that his
"taking of refuge", his choice of a preceptor (upajjhiiya), and his right
to occupy a lodging no longer has any relevance for him. For the time
being only "the outer sign" (linga) is retained by him. If in future he
does not conform to correct conduct he should then definitely be
excluded (Sp 1014.16-19; cf. Sp-t III 256.3-5). If, however, he recog-
nizes his mistake, the offence is not within the scope of linganiisanii and
the guilty novice can reestablish integration within the order (Sp
1014.19-30). At the same time, it is certain that the conscious trans-
gression of anyone of the first five of the rules of SiimaI).eras is
tantamount to a piiriijika for the monks (Sp 1014.30-1015.2). In the
Samantapiisiidikii a passage of the Kurundi is cited. This source informs
40. The introductory sentences state that SamaJ;leras, who were prohibited from
entering an Arama, departed, left the order, and converted to other religious
groups (Vin 184.19-21).
HOSKEN 107
us that.if a novice transgresses the rules 6-9 mentioned in the niisanii
chapter of the Mahiivagga, he will be expelled "in the same way as
Ka!).taka" in Piicittiya 70, that is, by means of a dalJrjakammaniisanii (Sp
1015.7-15),41 only after he is admonished up to three times. On the
other hand, according to the Mahii-atthakathii and the Samantapiisiidikii,
even a successful admonition and the subsequent admission of the
offence fail to release the novice from a dalJrjakamma. At the same time,
an unsuccessful admonition definitely results in a linganiisanii (Sp
1015.15-20),42 whereas a novice who has raped a nun can never receive
lower ordination (pabbajjii) again, even if he should promise to refrain
from such behaviour in future (Sp 1015.23-29).
Thus, although dalJrjakamma and niisanii in the Vinaya itself differ
considerably, the author of the Samantapiisiidikii links both terms by
distinguishing between different kinds of niisanii to be applied to
novices. Moreover, in the Samantapiisiidikii it is stated that on occasion
monks performed dalJrjakammas with regard to novices with a view to
preventing them from being expelled or from leaving the order (Sp
1013.23-27). These explanations are evidently an attempt to differen-
tiate the general term niisanii. The variation between dalJrjakamma-
niisanii and linganiisanii in the case of novices may have become
necessary once the ten reasons for niisanii listed in Vin I 85.19-26 were
seen to have various degrees of seriousness. Despite the fact that each
case concerns niisanii, only an infringement of the first five training
rules of the Sama!).eras, which is not later regretted, leads to the expul-
sion known as linganiisanii, the result of which appears irreversible.
However, only after three unsuccessful admonitions does the violation of
rules 6-9 lead to the expulsion of a novice known as dalJrjakamma-
niisanii, which can be cancelled, as noted above.
43
41. It is interesting that in the Vinaya only one admonition of KaI).taka is mentioned,
although the procedure of a threefold admonition is well known in the
patimokkha, as we can see from the yavatatiyaka sal?1ghiidisesa rules.
42. A similar description is given in the Kankhiivitarm;lporalJa{ika (Kkh-pt 100. 16 -
1 01. 2; see also Sp-t II 345. 30 - 346. 1).
43. Both execution and reversal of daIJejakammanasana are described at length in the
Samantapasadikii. However, there the expUlsion is known as nissaraIJa (Sp
1402.22-28; cf. Kkh 131. 31-33), although the wording of the formula suggests
that Pacittiya 70 and Vin 185.19-26 (reasons 6-9) are being referred to (Sp
1402.28-35). The reversal of the measure is known as osaraIJa (Sp 1403.3-13;
cf. Kkh 131.33-34). According to the same text expulsion as well as revocation
are ecclesiastical acts (apalokanakamma; Sp 1402.22-28 and 1403.3-13).
JIABS 20.2 108
The last of the three types of nasana frequently mentioned in the
Samantapasadika is the sarrzvasanasana, which is not described in the
Vinaya. Sarrzvasa in the Vinaya is a general term encompassing all the
rights and duties of a monk or nun within their respective community.44
The term is consistently defined in the Vinaya as ekakammarrz ekuddeso
samasikkhata, "one common ecclesiastical act, a common recitation, and
one and the same training" (e.g. Vin IV 214.31-33).45 Even in the
Vinaya the term sarrzvasa is qualified more specifically: asarrzvasa means
"without (any) communion", samanasarrzvasaka means "belonging to the
same communion", and nanasal'!lvasaka means "belonging to a different
communion". As mentioned in the beginning of this paper, the term
"without (any) communion" (asarrzvasa) refers to a monk or nun who
has transgressed one of the parajika rules. The offender has lost his
status as member of the Buddhist order and may never be ordained
again. According to the Mahavagga (Vin I 339.6-340.38) a suspended
monk (ukkhitta bhikkhu) is not excluded from membership in the
Buddhist order as a whole, but no longer belongs to the same commu-
nion (samanasarrzvasaka) as the suspending monks (ukkhepaka bhikkhu).
He is not prevented from founding or attaching himself to another
communion. Therefore he is called "belonging to another communion"
(nanasaf!lvasaka).
In the Samantapasadika, sarrzvasanasana is defined concisely as the
suspension of a monk due to the refusal to see or for not making amends
for an offence, or because of the refusal to give up a false view (Sp
V AJIRANAr:,A v ARORASA views the expulsion of novices in a different way.
Accora{ng to him it is stated in the Atthakathiis that a novice's rights and
privileges are lost completely, leaving only the status (Entrance III, p.243).
However, he does not tell us to what extent and in what respect the status is
retained. In his opinion the niisanii mentioned with regard to the Samal)era
Kal)taka implies that the status is not in fact relinquished but instead that the
culprit is simply excluded from the iiviisa. Because of this, he renames this
particular expulsion sarrtbhoga-niisanii, "depriving of sharing", a term not to be
found in the Vinaya or even in the commentaries.
44. This definition only touches on the relationship between monks and monks or
between nuns and nuns. Consequently, novices in this legal sense are not "in
communion" with anyone.
45. Sarrtviisaniisanii in the Siiratthadfpanfis explicitly defined with reference to this
definition in the Vinaya (Sp-t II 345. 29-30).
HUSKEN 109
Sp 870.36-871.1).46 This definition implies that saY(lviisa-
niisanii generally means "expulsion from the (same) communion"
(* samiinasaY(lviisaniisanii). However, as noted above, niisanii may refer
to monks who have broken a piiriijika rule, who have concealed the
offence, but who in the end have admitted to the transgression. In cases
of saY(lviisaniisanii one could therefore think of a monk who has broken
a piiriijika rule but who does not wish to recognize his offence and,
consequently, who does not wish to leave the order. The only means of
getting rid of such a monk mentioned in the Vinaya to my knowledge is
the performance of the ecclesiastical act of suspension (ukkhepaniya-
kamma). It is quite possible that this particular case is called saY(lviisa-
niisanii, too. SaY(lviisaniisanii may thus implicitly include the suspension
of a member of the order who has committed a piiriijika but does not
wish to admit to his wrongdoing. Thus two types of suspension, which
are similar in procedure but different in effect are called saY(lviisa-
niisanii: A monk, who has committed either a saY(lghiidisesa or a lesser
offence, can be restored once he submits to the decision of the Sarp.gha
regarding his offence. However, a suspension due to the non-acknowl-
edgement of a piiriijika offence does not include the possibility of
restoration.
47
46. However, despite the fact that the commentary on two passages in the Pariviira
(Vin V 115.23-24 and 211. 14-17) mentions only Mettiya, the dusaka, and the
novice KaI).taka, all three kinds of niisanii are listed (Sp 1320.31-34 and Sp
1383. 36 -13 84.4). The common connection of sarrzviisa-niisanii and suspension
is thus missing in these instances. These two passages may be considered as
evidence of multiple authorship of the Samantapiisiidikii, as suggested by VON
HlNOBER, Handbook, 220.
47. Prompted by the fact that the restitution of a suspended (ukkhitta) monk is
generally possible, V VARORASA states that sarrzviisa-niisanii is an
inaccurate term used in the Atthakathiis (Entrance III, pp. 243.245). On the other
hand, he claims that a monk who commits a piiriijika (antimavatthu) and who
does not leave the order, is then excluded by sarrzviisa-niisanii: "the Sarpgha
prohibits sarrzviisa absolutely and does not receive him again." According to him,
there is no example to be found in the texts even though this is the way such
cases are dealt with on a practical level up to the present day. He apparently
overlooked the link of the above-mentioned particular ecclesiastical act of
suspension (ukkhepaniyakamma) because of the non-admission of a piiriijika
offence with the "absolute prohibition of sarrzviisa".
nABS 20.2 110
In conclusion, it is possible to summarize the application of the term
niisanii and to trace the development of the use of this term and its
derivations in the Vinaya and in the commentarial literature. The
combined texts referred to above suggest the following historical devel-
opment. In the Kiiral}rjavasutta in the Anguttaranikiiya and in the intro-
ductory story of Sarrzghiidisesa 8 the term niisanii is a very general term
for "expulsion". As the juridical terminology in the Vinaya developed, a
distinction between piiriijika and niisanii was made, niisanii then desig-
nated the expulsion to be performed by the S a ~ g h a . The circumstances
under which such an expulsion was thought to be necessary vary
considerably: For example due to an invalid ordination, initial conceal-
ment of a piiriijika, or committing a serious offence such as rape.
Additionally, the expulsion of novices is also called niisanii.
The Pariviira contains the first indication of a classification into three
different types of niisanii. This categorization, however, is elaborate
only in the commentaries, which were compiled more than a half
millenium later.
48
There we find the terminological distinction of three
kinds of niisanii. Linganiisanii here is the name for the irreversible
expulsion of monk, nun, or novice. Dal}rjakammaniisanii entails a less
harsh type of expulsion of novices since it can later be revoked. This
expulsion equates to sarrzviisaniisanii for monks, since sarrzviisaniisanii
determines the suspension of individuals who until their restoration are
not allowed to live in the same communion (samiinasarrzviisa) with the
suspending monks. Additionally, sarrzviisaniisanii probably designates the
special case of the suspension of a monk due to non-recognition of his
piiriijika offence. In this case no restoration is possible.
48. Similar observations could be made by Oskar VON HINUBER regarding the
treatment of the samutthanas of the different offences of the Piitimokkha ("The
arising of an offence: iipattisamutthiina. A note on the structure and history of
the Theravada-Vinaya", Journal of the Pali Text Society 16 [1992], pp. 55-69;
pp. 58f., 61, 68).
HDSKEN 111
Abbreviations:
AN = Aizguttaranikiiya, ed. R. MORRls, E. HARDY, 5 Vo.ls., Lo.ndo.n, 1885-1900 (Pali
Text Society); Vo.L 6 (Indexes, by M. HUNT and C. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS),
Lo.ndo.n, 1910 (Pali Text So.ciety).
BD = Isaline Blew HORNER, The Book of the Discipline (Vinaya Pitaka), 6 Vo.ls.,
Lo.ndo.n, 1938-1966 (Sacred Bo.o.ks o.fthe Buddhists Series, 10, 11, 13, 14,20,
25).
DN = Dfghanikiiya, ed. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, 1. E. CARPENTER, 3 Vo.ls., Lo.ndo.n,
1890-1911 (Pali Text So.ciety).
VON HINOBER, "Buddhist Law" = Oskar VON HINOBER, "Buddhist Law acco.rding to.
the Theravada-Vinaya. A Survey o.f Theo.ry and Practice", Journal of the
International Association of Buddhist Studies 18.1 (1995), pp. 7-45.
VON HINOBER, Handbook = Oskar VON HINOBER, A Handbook of PiiIi Literature,
Berlin 1996 (Indian Philo.lo.gy and So.uth Asian Studies, 2).
Kkh = Buddhagho.sa, Kaizkhiivitaral!f niima Miitikatrhakathii, ed. DOROTHY
MASKELL, Lo.ndo.n, 1956 (Pali Text So.ciety).
Kkh-pt = Buddhanaga, Kaizkhiivitaral:zfporii1}atfkii, Chatthasangayana editio.n, pub!.
Buddha Sasana Co.uncil, Rankun, 1965.
Mp = Buddhagho.sa, Manorathapura1}i, Aizguttaranikiiya-atthakathii, ed. M.
WALLESER, H. KOpp, 5 Vo.ls., Lo.ndo.n, 1924-1956 (Pali Text So.ciety).
NOLOT, SVTT II = Edith NOLOT, "Studies in Vinaya Technical Terms, I-III", Journal
of the Pali Text Society XXII (1996), 73-150.
Ps = Buddhagho.sa, Papaficasudanf, Vo.l. I (1922) and II (1928) ed. by J. WOODS and
D. KOSAMBI; Vo.L III (1933), Vo.L IV (1937) and Vo.L V (1938) ed. by 1. B.
HORNER; Lo.ndo.n (pali Text So.ciety).
Sp = Buddhagho.sa (?), Samantapiisiidikii, Vinaya-atthakathii, ed. J. TAKAKUSU, M.
NAGAI (and K. MIZUNO Vo.ls. 5 and 7),7 Vo.ls., Lo.ndo.n, 1924-1947 (Pali Text
So.ciety). [Index Vo.l. by H. Kopp, Lo.ndo.n, 1977 (Pali Text So.ciety)].
Sp-t = Sariputta, Siiratthadfpanf, Chatthasangayana editio.n, publ. Buddha Sasana
Co.uncil, Rankun, 3 Vo.ls.; Vo.l. I: 1961, Vo.l. II: 1960, Vo.l. III: 1960.
Sv = Buddhagho.sa, Sumaizgalaviliisinf, Dfghanikiiya-atthakathii, ed. T. W. RHYS
DAVIDS, J. E. CARPENTER, W. STEDE, 3 Vo.ls., Lo.ndo.n, 1886-1932 (Pali Text
So.ciety).
VATIRANAl:<AVARORASA,Entrance = SOMDETCH PHRA MAHA SAMAl:<A CHAO
KROM PHRAYA VAJIRANAl:<AVARORASA, The Entrance to the Vinaya. Vinaya-
mukha,3 Vo.ls., Bangko.k, 1969, 1973, 1983.
Yin = Vinayapitaka, ed. Hermann OLDENBERG, 5 Vo.ls., Lo.ndo.n, 1879-1883.
Vjb = Vajirabuddhitfkii, Cha$asangayana editio.n, publ.Buddha Sasana Co.uncil,
Rankun, 1962.
Vmv = Vimativinodanitfkii, 2 Vo.ls., Chatthasangayana editio.n, publ. Buddha Sasana
Co.uncil, Rankun, 1960.
CHARLES B. JONES
Stages in the Religious Life of lay Buddhists in Taiwan*
1. Introduction
Scholars working within the academic study of Buddhism have long
known and studied the practice of conferring and receiving various sets
of precepts. From its very inception, the Buddhist community has
formulated and commented upon various sets of vows that the individual
may take, from the Three Refuges which mark one's formal entrance
into the "stream" of Buddhism to lists of specific vows, numbering up to
500 in all in certain literary traditions, that regulate the lives of fully
ordained monks and nuns.
However, most of the scholarly activity that has gone into docu-
menting the content and practice of precepts-conferral has been very
one-sided, focusing exclusively upon texts: the canonical vinayas of
various Buddhist lineages, the commentaries that flesh out the meaning
of these texts, and the ritual texts used in the ceremonies themselves.
Virtually no scholar has given attention to the meanings expressed by the
concrete performance of the precept-conferral ritual in Buddhist groups
and societies (The notable exception in Chinese Buddhism is Holmes
WELCH's superb The Practice a/Chinese Buddhism).
As Gregory SCHOPEN has pointed out, textual studies constitute only
one kind of evidence in the study of any religion or religious pheno-
menon. Texts, he says, show scholars ideals enunciated by a religious
elite.! This is valuable in its own right, especially insofar as the religious
community at large regards (or at one time regarded) these texts and
* The author gratefully acknowledges the Pacific Cultural Foundation of Taiwan
(grant no. SC68ll), and the University of Virginia (Dupont Grant), whose
generous support made possible the fieldwork for this study. I am also very
grateful to the many friends at the Nongchan Temple, the Haiming Chan Temple,
and the Xilian Temple for their hospitality and forebearance. Finally, thank you to
the staff of the Chung-Hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies in Peitou, Taipei, for
letting me use their library resources so freely.
1. Gregory SCHOPEN. "Archeology and Protestant Presuppositions in the Study of
Indian Buddhism", in History of Religions 3111 (1991), 1-4.
nABS 20.2 114
commentaries as authoritative, but it does not, and indeed cannot, reveal
the concrete ways in which the religion is conceived and practiced in the
real lives of real followers.
In the case of Chinese Buddhism, most of the attention paid to
precepts by scholars in the past has focused on the various vinayas and
pratimokshas used by lay and clerical Buddhists, along with the com-
mentaries of such eminent vinaya masters as Daoxuan and Hongyi.
Through such studies, we know much about the Indian provenance of
the Four-Part Vinaya IL9:5t1$ sifenlii followed by all Chinese Buddhist
clerics, their dissemination and acceptance in Chinese Buddhist history,
and the highly-developed ideas which great vinaya-masters developed on
the meaning of the precepts, the conditions of violation and exoneration,
and the methods and meanings of confession of faults.
I propose to look at precepts from another angle. Following
SCHOPEN's suggestion, I plan here to look at the conferral and reception
of precepts by Buddhist laypeople in Taiwan from a sociological
perspective. The primary method that I used for gathering infonnation
was not textual study, but field observation, and as a result of having
used this method, my observations and conclusions will offer insight
into the actual ritual symbolism of the precepts ceremony, as well as the
changes of status that the ceremony effects for the recipient. From these
observations, I plan to offer conclusions about the place of canoJ?1cal
ideas about the categories of Buddhist believers with respect to the actual
practices of living Buddhists.
Before I go into the actual description and analysis of the various
stages of lay Buddhist life in Taiwan, there is one more piece of ground
to clear. Because the observations and interpretations offered here are
phenomenological and sociological in nature, I have adopted a set of
stages that "do not reflect the divisions of Buddhists one nonnally finds
in texts, whether into the four groups of laymen, laywomen, monks, and
nuns; the sevenfold scheme of monk, nun, male novice, female novice,
female probationer, layman, and laywoman; or the ninefold scheme
which adds to the seven already listed male and female laypersons who
have taken on the Eight Upavastha Vows for a limited time.
Instead, for purposes of this study I have set three criteria for
distinguishing a separate stage of the Buddhist life. First, there must be a
rite of passage leading into it, marking a clear transition from one status
to the next. The only exception to this rule is the status of the neophyte,
which in the nature ofthings cannot have a rite of passage.
JONES 115
Second, the rite of passage must lead to a status that is potentially
permanent. Thus, I have chosen not to follow the traditional ninefold
scheme because it mixes temporary and permanent statuses: the Eight
Upavastha Vows only apply for the 24-hour period during which the
vows are in effect.
Third, each stage must constitute a step in a progression as well as a
level on a hierarchy. The traditional scheme does not represent a poten-
tiallife-progression for devotees. After all, an individual believer cannot
progress from laywoman to layman, or from nun to monk. Gender
distinctions do playa role in setting precedence when participating in
rituals and other religious activities, but I have observed that the rite of
passage into each stage and the status markers that people at that stage
may appropriate do not vary with gender. Thus, I have decided to regard
gender distinctions as subdivisions within each stage and not as separate
stages.
Using these criteria, I distinguish the following four stages in the lives
oflay Buddhists:.
1. Neophyte.
2. Three Refuges Disciple.
3. Five Lay Precepts Recipient.
4. Lay Bodhisattva Precepts Recipient.
In the pages that follow, I will take the reader through each of these
levels one by one in a continuous narrative, in which we will follow the
life of a hypothetical layperson. The guiding metaphor will be the
seating arrangements employed at the Xilian Temple one of
my fieldwork sites, during large Dharma-meetings. At each Dharma-
meeting, the temple puts up posters stating that, when processing into
the Great Shrine Hall and taking positions, the clergy enter first,
followed by the Lay Bodhisattvas, the Five-Precept Recipients, with the
Refuge Disciples and Neophytes bringing up the rear. If we regard the
Buddha-altar as the ritual center, then each of these groups occupies a
place progressively farther from that center. Thus, as our metaphor goes,
advancement from one group to the next represents a step closer to the
center, earned by the expression of a deeper and more exclusive commit-
ment to Buddhism demonstrated by a more thorough amendment of
one's life in accordance with Buddhist principles (see diagram p. 114).
We will begin at the beginning with the beginners.
JIABS 20.2 116
Diagram: Arrangement of Participants in Main Shrine Hall
According to Their Level of Precepts
II. The neophyte.
One might question whether the status of neophyte can legitimately be
considered a stage within the Buddhist life. There is no rite of passage
into it; indeed, it refers to the status of the unwashed masses who have
yet to take refuge in the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha. However,
I employ the term as the first stage of the Buddhist life because most of
the people of Taiwan who identify themselves as Buddhist have not
taken the Three Refuges, and indeed may never take them as long as
they live. 1 should also point out that the word "neophyte" is my own
term for these people; there is no word in Chinese Buddhism that it
translates. I use it specifically to refer to people who are interested in
Buddhism or participate in its rituals and activities, and who may one
day move to the stage of taking refuge. I do not mean people of other
faiths or no faith for whom Buddhism is irrelevant or who would never
go to a Buddhist temple for any reason.
It is at this level that we encounter the problem that has vexed many
sociological studies of religion in Taiwan: who is the real Buddhist?
Professor CHU Hai-Yuan IMW1Jffi., a researcher at the Ethnology Institute
of the Academia Sinica, undertook a survey of religious beliefs and
JONES 117
attitudes in Taiwan at the request of the central government in 1984, and
published his findings in 1988. As far as identifying Buddhists is
concerned, he found that, if you ask people between the ages of 20 and
65 their religion, 47% of them will'respond that they are Buddhists.
However, he .goes on to say that most people will respond in this way
simply out of habit. If you try to refine the question by asking whether
they do any specifically Buddhist things such as maintaining a vegetarian
diet, reciting scriptures, or attending Dharma-meetings at temples to the
exclusion of non-Buddhist activities, the number quickly drops to only
6%. If you add to these "pure" Buddhists the people who do Buddhist
things but also go and worship Daoist or folk divinities, then the number
rises to only 15%. Thus, of all the people who call themselves Buddhist,
only about one-third actually are in any meaningful sense.
2
One problem with Prof. CHU's survey, as he himse1fpoints out, is that
his questionnaire did not ask respondents whether or not they had
formally taken refuge in Buddhism; this is why he had to extrapolate
from concrete religious behavior in order to test his figures. A few years
later, however, one of his students, Xu Jiaqiang, replicated the survey on
a smaller scale, and did include this question. Out of the 41 respondents
who identified themselves as Buddhist, only a scant four had actually
taken refuge.
3
In a further clarifying question, Mr. Xu asked his
respondents whether their objects of worship included figures other than
buddhas and bodhisattvas, and only three said no. One other replied,
"only ancestors." The rest responded that they also worshipped non-
Buddhist divinities such as Mazu, Wangye, the Three Princes, and so
on.4 Although Mr. Xu does not say so, we may speculate that the four
who did not worship non-Buddhist divinities other than ancestors were
the ones who had taken refuge.
These findings tally with my own observations at the Xilian Temple.
Out of all the activities that the temple hosts during the course of one
2. CHU Hai-yuan "Taiwan Diqu Minzhong de Zongjiao Xinyang yu Zong-
jiao Taidu", in Bianqianzhong de
Taiwan Shehui a"Jil'i1!!"H1r (Taiwan Society in Transition). 2 vols., ed.
Chu Hai-yuan and Yang Kuo-shu) (Taipei: Academia Sinica, 1988), p. 241.
3. Xu Jiaqiang Taiwan Zongjiao Xinyang de Rentong yu Shenfen: yi ge
Chutan (Self-Identification of Religious
Belief and Status in Taiwan: a Preliminary Study). M.A. thesis, Donghai Univer-
sity, 1991. p. 57.
4. Xu Jiaqiang, p. 44.
nABS 20.2 118
calendar year, the two longest and most well-attended are those directly
related with the cult of the ancestors: the Qingming Fahui
("Tomb-Sweeping Day Dharma Meeting"), and the Zhongyuan Fahui
r:j:r51;r:!fr ("Ghost Festival Dharma Meeting"). These meetings last for
three days each, and will draw up to 2000 participants on peak days. Of
these participants, only a few hundred will actually participate in the
primary activity of the Dharma meeting, which in both cases is a group
recitation of the Siltra on the Bodhisattva 's Original Vow
Dizang Pusa Benyuan Jing, T. 412]. The great ma-
jority of participants come for only a few minutes in order to have one
or more paper paiwei (ancestral tablets) put up in the New Great Shrine
Hall: yellow ones to the left of the altar for deceased ancestors, red ones
to the right to bring health and longevity to living relatives.
At the end of the Dharma meeting, those who have recited the siitra
dedicate the merit accruing from their recitation to the people repre-
sented by the paiwei, which are then taken outside and burned. In return
for this service, those who requested the inscription of the paiwei will
make a donation to the temple, usually in the amount of NT$200 (about
US$8.00). I have also been told, but could not verify, that many of
those who participate only at this low level have not formally taken
refuge in Buddhism.
At this point we can make some observations with regard to the status
of the neophyte. First, it is the least threatening to a person's sense of
place within Chinese society on Taiwan. Retaining this status allows one
the freedom to participate at one's pleasure in Buddhist activities,
without demanding changes in any of the factors by which the individual
structures his or her life or locates him or herself within family and
society.
Second/it does not demand that one resolve to change one's lifestyle
or habits in any concrete way, nor does it create any conflicts with
societal mores and norms. In fact, the relationship of the neophyte to the
Buddhist temple and to the Buddhas and bodhisattvas worshipped there
appears to be strictly business: for a small donation the resident clergy
and participants in the ritual will dedicate the merit of their religious
practice to the client's family, living and dead.
Thus, during the time a person remains a neophyte (which can be and
usually is for their whole life), they experience no change in societal and
familial relations or in their self-identification or self-consciousness.
Whether "conversion" happens at any subsequent stage is another matter.
JONES 119
III. Taking refuge.
In his catechism Zhengxinde ("Orthodox Buddhism"),
the Ven. Shengyan writes:
... if one wishes to enter into orthodox Buddhism and become a disciple of the
Buddhist religion, then one must undergo the 'Three Refuges' ceremony ... Were
it not for this, then even though one believes in the Buddha and worships the
Buddha, one still is not a properly-enrolled student, but merely an unregistered
auditor. [Taking the Three Refuges] has a great effect upon the firmness of one's
beliefS
From this we can see the importance of taking the Three Refuges
according to one modem Taiwan Buddhist master.
At the Xilian Temple, there is a Refuges ceremony every Sunday
afternoon at three o'clock. People who wish to come and take refuge
will begin showing up in the guest-reception room between two o'clock
and two-thirty in order to register and have their Refuges Certificates
guiyizheng inscribed. The Certificate is a handsomely-printed
card that folds in half; the certificate is on the inside, and the text of the
ceremony is written on the back so that the recipients will know their
parts.
The text ofthe certificate reads as follows:
Insofar as the devotee N.N., of [Taiwan] Province, [blank] City/County, has
developed the intention of taking refuge in the Three Jewels [namely] the
Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha, and has respectfully requested that the
Ven. Zhiyu be hislher preceptor qinjiaoshi, Skt. upiidhyiiya), grant the
Dharma-name N.N., and issue this certificate, all of the above is granted to the
upiisaka/upiisikii.
Develop the mind of wisdom,
to save both yourself and others!
Transform and guide all beings,
to shun evil and to do good!
Given this Nth day of Nth month in the Nth year of the Republic, and the Nth
year of the Buddha.
Preceptor Zhiyu (seal affixed here)
While one nun is busy inscribing the certificates, the participants may
choose to ask for advice and cousel from other resident clergy while
5. SHENGYAN Zhengxinde Fojiao ("Orthodox Buddhism")
(Taipei: Dongchu Chubanshe !llt&t , 1965), p. 24-25.
JIABS 20.2 120
waiting for the ceremony to begin. Finally, with their certificates in
hand, the participants proceed upstairs to a small shrine hall dedicated to
the bodhisattva Guanyin, with an image of her in her thousand-armed,
thousand-eyed manifestation on the altar in front. As they enter, the nun
administering the refuges in the Master's stead directs them to stand in
lines according to gender and age: men on the right and women on the
left as they face the altar, eldest in front and youngest in back. After
some brief instructions on the procedures for the ceremony, such as
when to prostrate and when to insert their own names, she began the
ceremony proper.
This ceremony is very short and consists of four parts:
I. Confession ' ~ ' I ~ chanhui:
All of the evil karma that I have built up from the distant past stems from
beginningless desire, hatred, and ignorance. Whatever has been done by thought,
word, or deed, I now confess and repent of it.
II. Taking Refuge in the Three Jewels sRiJ'(=. guiyi sanbao:
I, the disciple N.N. [here one uses one's secular name], do from now on take
refuge in the Buddha, will rely on the Buddha as my teacher, and, preferring
instead to give up my own life, will never resort to the masters of other teachings.
(Repeat twice, substituting "Dharma" and "Sangha" for "Buddha.") The people
repeat the above three times, with a prostration at the end of each repetition.
III. Binding the Refuges t.6SRjiegui:
I, the disciple N.N. [here one uses one's Dharma-name, orfaming $15], have
now without reservation, completely taken refuge in the Buddha, the Dharma,
and the Sangha.
IV. The Four Universal Vows 1ZY5bW)j[ sihong shiyuan:
I vow to save all living beings without limit;
I vow'to cut off all disturbances of mind;
I vow to study all Buddhist teachings without measure;
I vow to achieve the unexcelled Buddha-way.
With this, the ceremony ended, and the recipients went home. It was
very short and simple, and did not include any formal instruction from
the abbot of the temple, whose name and seal appeared on the certifi-
cates (perhaps due to his poor health, which precluded him from
participating in many of the temple's activities).
I did have the opportunity to see the Three Refuges given in a more
elaborate ceremony at the Nongchan Temple in the north of Taipei
during the summer of 1993, with Ven. Shengyan presiding. The cere-
JONES 121
mony took place in the evening, after the Master had just finished a
lecture on the Lotus Sutra. After all of the seats had been removed and
the floor of the hall cleared, all of the participants in the Refuges
ceremony came and stood in lines, again separated by gender (whether
also by age I do not know). Before the ceremony began, one of that
temple's resident clergy took the microphone and, with the help of other
clergy circulating among the people, gave instructions on the basics of
temple etiquette. She taught the people how to do such essential motions
as the simple bow F r : l 5 ~ R wenxun and the full prostration. As the people
practiced, the assisting clergy checked their form and gave corrections
and pointers.
After this training session, the Master came out and arranged himself
on the dais. He then gave a short exposition on the meaning of the ritual
text that the people were to employ in order to ensure full understanding
of everything that was to be repeated. During this entire time, recipients
remained kneeling on straw cushions with their palms joined in front of
their chests. After the explanations, the Master then led the people in
reciting the ritual text of the Three Refuges. When this was completed,
they came forward one by one to receive their pre-inscribed Refuges
Certificates s,&::&ilif guiyi zheng, along with a book by the Master and a
Buddha-recitation rosary in bracelet form ~ ~ nianzhu.
This rosary was more than just a gift or a souvenir. The Master
instructed them to wear it at all times from that moment on, except
when they were bathing. A monk at another temple told me on a
different occasion that one should also remove it and slip it into one's
pocket when going to the toilet. The reason for these restrictions is that
the rosary (or at least the one gourd-shaped bead on it) represents the
Buddha, present in one's life at all times. It is not fitting that the Buddha
see one in an indecent or undignified state. From this one can see that
the rosary has great symbolic value, equivalent to a Christian wearing a
cross or a Jew wearing a Star of David. It is an identifying mark that
announces publicly one's commitment to Buddhism.
After all these items had been distributed, the people returned to their
straw cushions and listened while the Master spoke about the style of life
to which they had committed themselves, and about the nature of their
relationship to him and his temple. As to the nature of the life, he
admonished and exhorted them to live a pure life, and to come to the
temple and participate in its self-cultivation activities often. However,
lest they feel overwhelmed by the efforts to lead a pure life, he
JIABS 20.2 122
reminded them that the power of buddhas and bodhisattvas was always
available to help them; they had butto ask for it.
Next, he emphasized the personal nature of their relationship to him.
He was their S.&::&[ff guiyishi, the teacher under whom they'had taken
refuge. The temple was the site at which they had taken refuge. They
needed to come back often, therefore, for two reasons. First, to tap the
power of the place; second, because there were so many of them, he said
he had no way of remembering all of their names and faces. They also
had a special responsibility to him and to the temple to give both mate-
rial and personal support by donating their time and money.
They also had a duty to come to him for teaching. He specifically
advised them to read his books, listen to his tapes, come to hear him
lecture on the scriptures, and participate in all temple activities whenever
possible. However, lest this sound as if he were claiming some sort of
exclusive hold on them, he reminded them in very strong terms that they
had not taken refuge in him personally; they had taken refuge in the
Three Jewels. Thus, they were to have respect for all Buddhas, all
Buddhist teachings, and, most of all, they were to respect all monks and
nuns, calling them all [ffX shifu ("master").
He then told them that they should resist the urge to go for refuge
multiple times. Once was definitely enough, and to go around taking
refuge before multiple teachers was a form of grasping. Finally, he
taught them a few points of decorum pertinent to the Buddhist life.
From now on, they were to replace "Hello, goodbye, thank you, excuse
me," and all other social niceties with the invocation of Amitabha
'Buddha. They were also to address all monks and nuns as shifu (repeat-
ing this point again).
Because J had observed the Three Refuges ceremony at this temple
prior to th(; one at the Xilian Temple, I was able to ask some questions
at the latter based on some of the points of this lecture. I asked a nun
there if people taking refuge at the Xilian Temple had the same sorts of
responsibilities to it as those outlined by the Master of this other temple.
She responded that they did not in any formal sense, nor did they have
any kind of "special relationship" with the Xilian Temple based on
having taken the Three Refuges there. Thus, conceptions about the rela-
tionship of a Refuges Disciple to an individual master or temple vary.
I stated in the first section that, at the stage of the neophyte, Buddhism
makes no demands on the commitment of the devotee and imposes no
JONES 123
changes on his or her way of life. However, we have now seen that
taking the Three Refuges can, potentially at least, entail the following:
1. The imposition of a new Dharma-name r!1; or r ! ~ . While a new
name is given at the time of taking the Three Refuges, it is important to
note that the subsequent usage of this name is not as extensive as it will
be in later stages should the devotee decide to become a monk or nun.
According to lay informants at the Xilian Temple, one will not adopt the
Dharma-name in everyday life as a replacement for on,e's given name.
Rather, one will use it when participating in specifically Buddhist
events, such as a Buddha-Recitation Retreat or some other Dharma-
meeting. If the person is visiting a temple, they will probably introduce
themselves to the resident clergy by their Dharma-names.
2. The call to forsake other religions. As we have seen, the text of the
Three Refuges itself includes the vow to forsake anything in other
religions that might correspond to the Buddha, the Dharma, or the
Sangha. As Ven. Shengyan explains it, based these Three Vows, or = if
sanshi:
The purpose of these Three Vows is to prevent people who have already entered
the true path from going again in error on the paths of discrimination. After one
has received the Three Refuges, if in order to preserve one's family, property,
nation, its citizens, or life and safety, one goes to make offerings to ghosts or
worship gods, one will not have lost the Refuges as long as one does not harbor
the intention of taking [the new religion as] a Refuge, but if one does have this
mind, then one will lose one's Refuges.
6
It is apparent from this quotation that, in theory at least, taking the
Three Refuges does impact on the often-noted broad tolerance of
Chinese religion. However, the exceptions that Ven. Shengyan draws are
very significant in terms of the extent of this impact. According to his
exposition, the Three Vows do not entail a renunciation of all non-
Buddhist religious rites and practices. If Chinese Buddhism really did
demand this, then, as the experience of Christianity in China shows, they
would have very few followers indeed. The fact that the Christian
Church's sweeping proscriptions of ancestor worship and other forms of
"idolatry" has proven a major impediment to gaining converts is well
documented, and Buddhism would be very foolish to follow its example.
Shengyan appears to be saying that it is all right to make offerings to
spirits and worship at the temples of non-Buddhist gods as long as one
does not commit oneselfto following any of the "outer paths" as systems
6. SHENGYAN, p. 43-44.
JIABS 20.2 124
of salvation. One's ultimate commitment must be to Buddhism and
one's ultimate goal must be liberation as conceived by Buddhism.- Thus,
although we see here the beginnings of a more exclusive commitment to
Buddhism, it is not drawn so sharply as to cut the devotee off from
participating fully in funerals, local temple worship, and other rituals
that serve to reinforce the individual's place within family and Chinese
society.
3. The use of new forms of address for fellow-Buddhists. We saw in
the lecture given at the Nongchan Temple following the conferral of the
Three Refuges that henceforth the new disciples were to dispense with
the usual ways of saying "hello," "good-bye," "excuse me," and other
social exchanges and replace them all with the name of Amitabha-
buddha It is important to bear in mind, however, that this
only holds when two Buddhists are talking to each other, or when the
person is in a specifically Buddhist setting such as a temple or lecture-
hall.
It seems to me that this new way of speaking has two effects. First, for
the individual concerned, it reinforces a specifically Pure Land form of
belief and practice. Since Pure Land Buddhism is the most dominant
form of Buddhism in Taiwan, this is not surprising. The use of this
phrase, repetition of which is the most basic form of Pure Land practice,
in a wide variety of settings both religious and otherwise, brings
Buddhist teachings and practices to the forefront of consciousness and
helps to inculcate them as habits of thought.
Second, it gives rise to a sense of group solidarity with other
Buddhists. This transformation in ordinary social language gives the
devotee a jargon that makes him or her feel united with co-believers.
4. The training in temple protocol constitutes another way of pro-
moting a sb(!nse of belonging. The person who has undergone this sort of
training can from then on enter a temple with a sense of confidence that
they might not have had before. This assurance that one knows the
etiquette of the group and the proper way to perform ritual gestures also
gives rise to a sense of in-group solidarity.
5. The adoption of the nianzhu as a way of identification, like
the adoption of Amitabha-buddha's name as a form of greeting, also
coopts a form of Pure Land practice as a means of self-identification.
The original purpose of nianzhu is to count the number of times one has
recited the Buddha's name. Having a rosary on one's wrist at all times
can encourage one to engage in this practice when riding a bus, waiting
JONES 125
for an appointment, or at other free moments. At the very least, it
reminds one of the practice and perhaps reproaches one for being lax in
it. One lay Buddhist told me that she wore it "for comfort."
However, as a means of public self-identification it is quite effective.
Unlike the new greeting or the training in temple protocols which are
effective only when spoken or enacted, the rosary on one's wrist is
visible at all times and sends its message constantly. Thus, in order to
wear it, one must be willing to broadcast the message to everyone one
encounters that one has made a commitment to Buddhism that precludes
commitments to other systems of salvation.
It must be stressed that the last three of these five changes in one's
mode of social relations and lifestyle are not necessarily concomitants of
taking the Three Refuges. Any neophyte can and usually does greet
people with Amitiibha's name while in a temple or speaking to a monk
or nun, and not everyone who takes the Three Refuges learns to do the
ritual gestures and other matters of decorum appropriate to a temple (for
instance, this kind of training does not come with the Three Refuges at
the Xilian Temple, but at a later stage of lay life).
Nevertheless, when the whole package is considered, an interesting
pattern emerges in the deepening commitment to Buddhism that we are
tracing. Taking the Three Refuges and its concomitant changes, as we
have seen, has the cumulative effect of encouraging one's self-identifica-
tion as a Buddhist and a sense of belonging to an in-group with other
Buddhists. However, this commitment is not yet completely exclusive.
While one will probably not forsake Buddhism and convert to
Christianity or Islam, one may still participate in the normal rituals that
mark Chinese social and family life. So the circle has been drawn, but it
only serves to keep the non-Buddhists out; it does not keep the Buddhists
within it from wandering out from time to time to worship their
ancestors or set out a table of offerings in front of their shop.
Taking the Three Refuges also does not yet entail any lifestyle changes
that might require some sacrifice on the devotee's part. They are an
affirmation that Buddhism is the true way to liberation, but not yet a
commitment to tread that way. Since the Refuges disciple has not yet
taken on any precepts, they can still eat meat, drink wine, and visit piano
bars, karaokes, and other places of sometimes dubious entertainment.
Thus, a businessman would not find the Three Refuges seriously
crippling to his ability to entertain clients. So while the Refuges disciple
.nABS 20.2 126
unquestionably has a deeper and more exclusive commitment to
Buddhism than the. neophyte, it is stin at a low level.
All this assumes, of course, that the Refuges disciple understands the
purposes and effects of the ceremony in an orthodox way. However,
when one actually asks people why they are taking refuge, some
interesting responses emerge. One inan told me that he himself had taken
the Refuges long ago, but that on the day I spoke with him he was doing
it again on behalf of his deceased father. He got a Dharma-name
assigned for him and went through the ceremony as his father's proxy,
using his father's given name and Dharma-name in the appropriate
places. At the Xilian Temple, parents regularly bring in their children
and babies to take the refuges, partly to put down "good roots" for their
future spiritual progress (a very orthodox Buddhist reason), but also so
that they would be good children, do well in school, and other more
this-worldly reasons. I never saw this myself, but one nun told me that
pregnant women would come in and take the Refuges on behalf of their
unborn children in the belief that it would ensure a smooth delivery and
guarantee a well-behaved and fllial child.
The question of going for Refuge more than once came up several
times in the course of my research. The concensus appears to be that,
while it is not strictly necessary and not to be encouraged in too
profligate a manner, it is certainly permissible and may help to reinforce
the impact of one's original Refuges ceremony. In this sense multiple
Refuges are a kind of maintenance, keeping the disciple on track.
IV. The Five Lay Precepts.
In the section on the Three Refuges, I explained the importance of taking the
Three R,s:fuges. In Buddhism, taking refuge in the Three Jewels is like registering
for chlsses. However, registering for school is not the same thing as actually
attending class; taking on the Buddhist precepts after taking the Three Refuges is
the point where one begins marching forward in the Buddha Way.7
In this way Yen. Shengyan summarizes the difference between taking
the Three Refuges and moving on to take the Five Lay Precepts
::t:E%:.lim<: zaijia wujie. The Three Refuges are merely the means by
which one expresses one's commitment to Buddhism and one's belief
7. SHENGYAN Jieiiixue Gangyao ("An Outline of Precepts").
Dongchu Zhihuihai Congkan 4. (Taipei: Dongchu Chubanshe
*W IIJtX::f, 1965), p. 54.
JONES 127
that it alone provides the ultimate answers to life's vexations. Taking the
Three Refuges, however, does not constitute a promise or an obligation
to change one's day-to-day behavior in any concrete way .
. The Five Lay Precepts, on the other hand, do constitute a set of
obligations to amend one's life in fairly specific ways. These five
obligations (not to kill, not to steal, not to engage in illicit sexual
activity, not to lie, and not to drink intoxicating beverages) are part of
the legacy of lay Buddhism from the earliest period and their contents
have been adequately studied elsewhere. What will concern us here is the
manner in which these precepts are transmitted and interpreted in
Taiwan.
The Xilian Temple held a Ceremony for the Conferral of the Five Lay
Precepts zaijia wujie shoujie yishi on November 13,
1993. At that time, over 100 people came to take the precepts, and this
number, along with the complexity of the retreat and ceremony,
necessitated the mobilization of about a quarter of the resident clergy for
activities directly connected with the event. In addition, many of the
ongoing subunits within the temple's organization experienced an
increase in their workload as a result of the conferring of precepts. For
instance, the Great Shrine Hall Committee ::*JNIl. dadianzu took on the
responsibility for decorating the Great Shrine Hall for the event, and the
Dormitory Supervisory Committee i;t*#ll. jianliaozuhad responsibility
for looking after accomodations for all the participants.
While the planning begins some months in advance for the temple's
resident clergy, the laity who will receive the precepts become involved
at the point when the temple begins circulating notices advertising the
event. However, these notices contain more than just the details of time
and place. They also set out certain qualifications that prospective
participants must meet if they wish to receive the precepts. First, they
must have formally received the Three Refuges at least one year in
advance, and they must produce a copy of their Refuges Certificate
when they register.
Second, they must have their family's permission, since the precepts
may alter some aspects of the family'S life or the devotee's livelihood.
For example, while the third precept does not call for chastity, its inter-
pretation as given during the course of the retreat does set restrictions of
time and place on the sexual relations of legitimate partners. Thus, the
recipient's spouse does have an interest in the matter.
JIABS 20.2 128
Finally, the advertisement discourages participation by people who
wish to use the. ceremony in a "magical" way to increase wealth, get
children, or to pursue other this-worldly ends.
From the above remarks, one can see that the aspirant who sincerely
intends to keep the precepts strictly must make some alterations in his or
her lifestyle, although how extensive these alterations are depends upon
the quality of one's lifestyle prior to taking them. It should come as no
surprise, therefore, that the ritual and ceremony, as well as the level of
instruction and exhortation, are correspondingly more complex and
impressive. As one can see from the section of the liturgy entitled
"inquiry into impediments," it is also the first level at which it is
possible to be disqualified. Let us now look at the ritual which caps this
two-day retreat and serves to bind the candidate to the precepts.
The liturgy proceeds in three stages, the first of which simply consists
of gathering the assembly together jizhong. This is followed by a
stage called "welcoming and petitioning the preceptor" f;16
yingqing heshang, during which a few candidates come forward and
formally request the Preceptor to grant the precepts.
The final and longest part of the ceremony is the "formal conferral [of
the precepts]" zheng shou, and it begins with the "inquiry into
impediments" wen zhenan. The preceptor here asks the candi-
dates to declare whether or not they have ever committed any offenses
that might constitute an obstacle to their receiving the Five Lay
Precepts. These include four specific offenses: having stolen from any
Buddhist clergy, having practiced incest, having had sexual relations
with a Buddhist monk or nun, having abandoned parents or teachers in
times of illness, or having killed someone who had developed the mind
to seek enlightenment out of compassion for others.
After tnls follows the confession and the Three Refuges, which in
structure replicate the first three parts of the Refuges ceremony trans-
lated in the last section, although altered somewhat to fit the occasion
better.
One thing worth noting about these liturgical texts is the candidates'
affirmation that they will live out their days as a "Five-Precept Upasaka
or Upasika." As Holmes WELCH pointed out, Chinese Buddhists in the
past had the option of picking and choosing from among the Five Lay
Precepts:
When one or two were taken, it was called a "minor ordination" 1>:B-3tZ shao/en
jie. When three or four were taken, it was called a "major ordination"
JONES 129
duo/en jie. When all five were taken, it was called a "plenary ordination" 1ilili:itX:
manjie.
8
While canonical sources disagree on the permissibility of partial
precepts,9 the Xilian Temple followed the usual custom of permitting
the practice, noting that the karmic consequences of taking a vow and
then breaking it are more severe than those of simply performing
unskilful moral actions.
With these preliminaries out of the way, the ceremony then moves on
to the formal conferral of the precepts. The preceptor continues by
delivering the admonitions '/f!J:.fr),jiaojie, saying:
You upiisakas and upiisikiis, listen. The Tathiigata, the Enlightened One, the
Fully Enlightened, set forth the Five Precepts for the sake of upiisakas and
upiisikiis. Now hear and receive [them].
To refrain from killing living beings until the end of your life, can these upiisakas
and upiisikiis keep or not? (Answer: We can.)
To refrain from stealing until the end of your life, can these upiisakas and
upiisikiis keep or not? (Answer: We can.)
To refrain from illicit sexual activity until the end of your life, can these upiisakas
and upiisikiis keep or not? (Answer: We can.)
To refrain from lying until the end of your life, can these upiisakas and upiisikiis
keep or not? (Answer: We can.)
To refrain from drinking intoxicating beverages until the end of your life, can
these upiisakas and upiisikiis keep or not? (Answer: We can.)
What follows at this point is a section called "Generating the Aspiration"
~ ) j i fayuan. The preceptor, after a short explanation, leads the candi-
dates in vowing to dedicate the merit of the precepts to all sentient
beings, that all may come eventually to the Pure Land of Amitiibha-
buddha.
At this point in the ceremony, the main business is over, the Precepts
have been conferred and accepted. After this comes a short hortatory
talk in which the preceptor enjoins the recipients to order their lives
according to the precepts they have just received and gives practical
advice on how to do so.
After this, there is only one item left in the liturgy, arid that is the
"conferring of robes" while all of the new recipients chant homage to
Siikyamuni Buddha. The robe in question is the ~ t ; z manyi or the outer
8. Holmes WELCH. The Practice a/Chinese Buddhism, 1900-1950. Harvard East
Asian Studies, 26 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), p. 361. Roman-
ization adapted for consistency.
9. See SHENGYAN, Jieluxiie Gangyaa, p. 80-81.
.. --------_._---------- -----_.
JIABS 20.2 130
monastic robe, although it is not exactly the same as that worn by
clergy. The monastic version consists of strips sewn together, while the
lay version is solid. The newly-created Five-Precept Upiisakas /-ikiis
will, from this time forward, have the right to wear the manyi'during all
future Dharma-meetings, and will have places between ordinary
devotees and those who have received the bodhisattva precepts.
Not only that, but they will know more about the decorum and
customs of the Xilian Temple, having spent two days living there receiv-
ing training. There is a 70-rninute period set aside on the first day espe-
cially for learning how to manage and take care of ceremonial robes, not
only the manyi but the mf:w haiqing, or black cassock, as well. For
example, the clergy instruct the participants in how to fold, unfold, put
on, take off, and store these robes with proper ceremony. In addition,
my own observation is that people living at the temple receive much
informal training in etiquette specific to this temple, such as learning
that they may tum the lazy susans on the refectory tables clockwise only.
In this way, participants at this event come to feel more a part of this
temple, and will deepen their sense of identification with it.
However, there is another option open for lay devotees that does not
entail such a deep sense of attachment to a particular temple, and that is
to wait until the annual monastic ordination administered by the
Buddhist Association of the Republic of China (BAROC) to receive the
Five Lay Precepts. As Holmes WELCH reported thirty years ago about
past practices on the mainland, this avenue for receiving precepts is still
longer and more impressive than transmissions at local temples.
According to a report in the BAROC magazine Chinese Buddhist
Monthly, those receiving the Five Lay Precepts at the 1993 ordination
session at the Guangde Temple near Kaohsiung spent four days living at
the temple;" and at the end received the precepts from three of the most
eminent and well-known monks in Taiwan, including the president of
the BAROC, Jingxin Zhanglao As WELCH observed, those
undergoing a lengthier session in such impressive surroundings side-by-
side with the monks- and nuns-to-be must have felt much more "fully
initiated" than those who received the precepts elsewhere. I I
10. "Guangde Si Chuanshou Zaijia Wujie, Pusajie"
("The Guangde Temple Transmits the Five Lay Precepts and Bodhisattva
Precepts"), in Zhongguo Fojiao Yuekan 37112 (Dec. 1993),
p.lS-17.
11. WELCH, p. 364.
JONES 131
Thus, in summary, we may observe that recipients of the Five Lay
Precepts move another step closer to the center of Buddhism in several
ways. They move closer to the ideal of liberation by undertaking to
change their lifestyle and behavior in specific ways. They move closer to
the ritual center by gaining access to places closer to the Buddha-altar
during Dharma-meetings and through donning new ceremonial garb.
Finally, they move a little bit closer to the center of the Xilian Temple
through the "insider" knowledge they gain of this temple's customs and
etiquette. However, this is only the second step towards the center. If
they choose, they may go on to the next step and take the Lay
Bodhisattva Precepts.
V. The Lay Bodhisattva Precepts.
The Lay Bodhisattva Precepts fall outside the traditional Chinese
arrangements, as Ven. Shengyan's explains:
The Bodhisattva Vows are a separate pratimok!a outside of the seven groups of
upiisaka, upiisikii, male novice, female novice, sik!amiina, monk, or nun. The
status of the [recipient of the] Bodhisattva Vows can either be within or without
these seven groups. 12
Even though Ven. Shengyan is discussing the Bodhisattva Vows in
general, we need to be clear that in this section, we shall be discussing
only the Lay Bodhisattva Vows. There are six canonical sources for the
Bodhisattva Vows. The one most familiar to Western scholars is the
Fanwang Jing which gives a list of Ten Major and Forty-eight
Minor Vows. However, contemporary Chinese Buddhism reserves these
vows for monastics, and they constitute the third of the three
"platforms" in the Triple Platform Ordination.
When laypeople receive the Bodhisattva Vows, they receive the Six
Major and Twenty-eight Minor Vows contained in the Youposai Jie Jing
(T.1488). The reason is that this sutra follows a layperson
named Shansheng (Skt: Sujata) as he receives the Three Refuges, the
Five Precepts, and the Bodhisattva Precepts directly from the Buddha, at
every step receiving in addition the Buddha's instructions on qualifying
for and keeping the various sets of precepts. Because Shansheng never
becomes a monk, but opts instead to keep his householder's status, the
Bodhisattva Precepts as given in this sutra are appropriate for laypeople,
but not for clergy. For example, they include the vow never to receive
12. SHENGYAN, Jielilxue Gangyao, p. 246.
JIABS 20.2 132
anything properly belonging to the sangha (minor precept nine); the vow
always to have such things as robes, bowls, and staffs on hand to offer to
monks (minor precept seventeen); the vow against ignoring a monk's
admonitions (minor precept twenty-four); and the vow never t6 walk in
front of a monk or a nun on the road (minor precept twenty- five). In
addition, using a different and shorter set of vows for laypeople prevents
duplication of vows when and if the recipient decides to seek monastic
ordination, and helps to keep the status of clergy and laity distinct.
The rite leading into this stage is more complex and impressive still
than those by which one takes the Three Refuges and the Five Lay
Precepts. As we saw above, the Three Refuges can be given in a cere-
mony lasting between one and two hours, and receiving the Five Lay
Precepts requires a period of two to four days. The Lay Bodhisattva
Precepts, on the other hand, require that the recipient set aside either
five or seven days if they are conferred at a special stand-alone meeting,
or even longer if the lay recipient receives them in conjunction with the
annual BAROC monastic ordinations. Looking at it from the practical
angle, one can see that simply setting aside this period of time poses a
much more difficult problem for a working person than setting aside an
afternoon or a weekend.
I went to the Haiming Chan Temple W ~ W ~ in the town of Shulin
south of Taipei to observe a Lay Bodhisattva Precept Retreat that was in
progress there, and brought up the matter of qualifications with one of
the monks in charge of organizing the event. He told me that there were
no formal qualifications at that temple for receiving the precepts except
a sound mind and a desire to live a Buddhist life. One need not have
even taken the Three Refuges before, since both these and the Five Lay
Precepts wo:uld be granted on day five of the seven-day retreat. He did
go on to say: however, that a candidate could be eliminated in the course
of the retreat for a number of reasons: disruptive behavior, refusing to
remain on the temple grounds for the duration of the retreat, psycho-
logical problems that obstructed understanding of the precepts, falsifying
application materials, and so on.
Because so many of the candidates for the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts
were still neophytes with only minimal previous exposure to Buddhism,
the training given during the retreat began at the most elementary levels.
Like the recipients of the Three Refuges that we met earlier in this
article, they learned basic temple etiquette and ritual gestures. Like the
recipients of the Five Lay Precepts, they learned to handle ceremonial
JONES 133
robes and to behave properly in the refectory and the dormitory. In
addition, the daily schedule included 90 minutes of lectures on the
precepts.
The confC)rral ceremony itself is similar in structure to that for the
granting of the Five Lay Precepts. One exception to this is that this
ceremony requires not one but three officiants: the precept-master
dejie heshang, the karmacarya ash eli, and
the catechist jiaoshou ash eli. In this respect it comes still
closer in form to a full monastic ordination. We shall look at the cere-
mony used by the Haiming Chan Temple, which has ten parts.
The first is "purifying the altar and petitioning the
jingtan qingshi. The "purification of the altar" actually refers to the
purification of the entire ritual space through the chanting of mantras.
After this, the verger weinuo leads the candidates in petitioning the
master to confer the precepts.
In the second part of the ceremony, called "worshipping the Three
Jewels" :fI1ff:lI:.=._ lijing sanbao, the three preceptors and the candidates
worship the Three Jewels of the past, present, and future. With palms
joined, the candidates recite the following under the verger's prompting:
"With undivided mind I worship (all the buddhas, the Dharma, the sages
and holy ones) of the (past, present, future)." They repeat this sentence
nine times in all, making the appropriate substitutions.
The third part is called "requesting the master to preach the precepts"
qing shi shi jie, in which the candidates again formally
request the preceptor to grant them the precepts. After this request, the
preceptor questions the petitioners, asking, "Are you a bodhisattva?"
"I am."
"Have you generated the mind of enlightenment ::g:mJL,' putixin, Skt.
bodhicitta?"
"I have"
There follows a short sermon on the significance of taking the
Bodhisattva Precepts that places the candidates in the company of all
bodhisattvas of the past, present, and future by emphasizing that "these
practices and these precepts" are identical to those that are now, have
been, and will be received and practiced by the bodhisattvas of the ten
directions. At the end, the preceptor asks the candidates if they can
receive these precepts, to which they respond, "We can!"
With this affirmation, the ceremony moves into the fourth part, which
is called "asking for divine [attestation]" qing sheng. The precept-
nABS 20.2 134
master rises from his seat and offers incense, while the candidates,
standing with palms joined, ask buddhas and bodhisattvas to attest to the
conferring and receiving of the precepts. More specifically, they ask
Sakyamuni Buddha himself to act as the precept-granting'master,
Mafijusrl to act as the karmiiciirya jiemo ash eli, Maitreya to
act as the catechist jirioshou ash eli, all buddhas to act as
the witnessing masters, and all bodhisattvas to stand in as precept-mates.
This identification of Sakyamuni Buddha, Mafijusri, and Maitreya with
the three ordaining masters whose presence is necessary for a full
monastic ordination is not accidental, but has roots in the Chinese
Buddhist tradition. Holmes WELCH points out that, in full monastic
ordinations, the preceptor was said to stand in for Sakyamuni, the
karmiiciirya for Mafijusri, and the catechist for Maitreya. It is an
interesting reversal that, in this ceremony, these figures are asked to
stand in for the ordaining masters instead.
The fifth part is called "receiving the Unshakeable Faiths"
shou buhuai xinfa. First, the precept-master gives a long
speech using many scriptural citations on the importance of faith in the
Buddha, the Dharma, the Sangha, and the precepts themselves, and
explains what each of these terms means. Then the candidates say
together, "I, N.N., from this moment until my last incarnation is
exhausted, take refuge in the Buddha (the Dharma, the Sangha, and the
precepts)." They repeat this sequence of sentences three times, with a
full prostration after each repetition.
In the sixth part, the recipient confesses all faults of the past, the
present, and the future chanhui san shi zui. The precept-
master gives a short sermon on the effects of past karma and the impor-
tance of confession, and then leads the candidates in saying, "If I, N.N.,
in the past'(present, future) have committed any of the ten evil acts of
body, speech, or mind, may they never arise at any time in the future."
The recipients repeat this sequence three times, again with a full prostra-
tion after each repetition.
The seventh part is called "teaching the generation of the Great Vows"
fa dayuan. As the preceptor explains, these are a series of
14 vows designed to help the candidates in their future practice, and
include things such as vowing to recite [Amitabha] Buddha's name, seek
out good friends, avoid vicious friends, recite siltras, save suffering
sentient beings, and so on. This part appears to be unique to the Haiming
Chan Temple's liturgy.
JONES 135
The eighth part of this ceremony is where the main business begins,
the "formal conferring of the precept-substance" jEI'tJtl(;R zhengshou
jieti. In this part, the preceptor makes three requests that all buddhas,
bodhisattvas, and sentient beings in the universe attend and witness to
the reception of the precepts by the candidates. Before he does this,
however, the karmiiciirya instructs the candidates in a series of visualiza-
tions. During the first request, they are to imagine the "fine, subtle
precept-Dharma" of the universe vibrating from the power of mental
karma "like a covering of clouds." During the second request, they are
to imagine it settling like a cloud on their heads. During the third
request, they are to take it in through the tops of their heads and bring it
into their bodies and minds.
The ninth part is the "declaration of the precepts" *WJtl(;f bingxuan
jiexiang. At this stage, the precept-master declares the six major precepts
of the Youposai Jie Jing one by one, followed by the question, "Can you
keep this precept?" To each, the candidates reply, "We can." There is no
place in this ceremony for all 28 of the minor precepts to be individually
conferred and received. Instead, the preceptor simply says, "In addition,
there are the 28 minor precepts. Can you keep each of them?", to which
the candidates reply once again, "We can." The tenth and final part is, of
course, dedicating the merit of this ceremony to the salvation of all
suffering beings.
All of my informants agree that burning incense scars ~ W ; ran
xiangba is definitely part of the ceremony. The norm in Taiwan seems
to be to receive them in multiples of three on the left inner forearm. If
this is indeed the norm, then it represents a standardization of the
practice that was absent on the mainland in the past. Holmes WELCH
reports that many recipients of the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts received
scars on the head, while others received them on the arm, and others
received none at all. WELCH states that scars on the forearm had the
advantage of being visible, whereas those on the head would be covered
when the hair over them grew back.
As with the receipt of the Buddha-recitation beads ~ 3 l nianzhu in
bracelet form after taking the Three Refuges, this scarring with incense -
is an ambiguous status marker. Anyone can receive scars on the inner
forearm at any time for any reason. (Once when the Xilian Temple set
up a table for conferring scars during a Dharma-meeting, they invited
me to go up and receive some. I declined.) Frequently people elect to
receive scars in conjunction with other vows, or as a way of rededicating
nABS 20.2 136
themselves to Buddhism, or as an expression of devotion, or in
conjunction with a prayer in hopes that it will be granted. For example,
in his memoirs, Ven. Chen-hua relates how he once burned twelve
additional scars on his arm while praying to the bodhisattva Guanyin for
his father's conversion to Buddhism. Thus, the presence of such scars
does not definitely indicate receipt of the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts.
However, this is one of only two places that I have encountered in
Taiwan Buddhism where incense scars are not optional (the other being
the scarring on the head upon taking full monastic ordination). One
might say, then, that it is a negative marker: the absence of scars on the
forearm definitely indicates that one has not received these precepts.
Recipients of the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts, like clergy, are also
required to recite their precepts twice a month. One informant told me
that he knew of a group of recipients who gathered at a Buddhist lecture
hall each day of the full and new moons for a joint recitation. All
temples that confer the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts print and distribute
copies of the recitation ceremony at the end of the conferral. Recipients
of the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts also receive certificates issued directly
by the BAROC.
Finally, the Bodhisattva Precepts, whether lay or clerical, have the
longest effective period of any set of precepts, including monastic. As is
clear from the ceremony itself, as well as from the testimony of my
informants, these precepts hold not only for this life but for all subse-
quent lives. In general terms, they can be lost either by a grave violation
of one of the major precepts, which entails "defeat," or by intentionally
abandoning them. The Youposai Jie Jing itself, with which
we are most concerned here, lists six ways of losing the precepts: by
cutting off one's good roots (presumably by violating one of the six
major precepts), by rebirth as a hermaphrodite, by committing suicide,
by taking on evil precepts (such as vowing to become an assasin), by
intentionally abandoning them, or by being reborn on a plane above the
Desire Realm (i.e., in the Form or Formless Realms). Ven. Shengyan,
however, is more inclined to agree with the Precious Garland Sidra
Pusa Yingluo Benye Jing, T.1485), which states that
one never really loses the Bodhisattva Precepts. One only "covers" them
for a time. They remain a part of the recipient forever
l3
. On this view,
13. SHENGYAN, Jieliixue Gangyao, p. 302-303.
JONES 137
the recipient of the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts has entered a stage of the
Buddhist life that is arguably more permanent than any other!
VI. Summary observations about the stages of lay life
At this point We have come to the end of the continuum of stages in lay
life, and so it is worth stopping for a moment and taking stock of all the
changes that have taken place in our hypothetical pilgrims' lives. At the
beginning they were neophytes, interested in Buddhism and perhaps
beginning to frequent temples, but still "raw material," as yet untem-
pered by Buddhist training or practice.
Then they took the Three Refuges, which put them within the circle of
Buddhist followers (although they are not confined there), and put a
rosary of Buddha-recitation beads around their wrist as a sign to the
world of their commitment. They also received a new name, although
they would only use this when at the temple; it would not replace their
secular name. Finally, they began to learn a bit about temple decorum,
and thus gained some self-confidence when attending temple functions.
By the time they had taken the Five Lay Precepts, they had spent at
least one night living in a temple, absorbing its basic orientation and
atmosphere and learning some of its etiquette. They made vows to
undertake some concrete lifestyle changes, although these were very
general and open to interpretation. After the conferral ceremony, they
moved a little closer to the altar during Dharma-meetings and gained the
privilege of wearing a manyi similar to that worn by the clergy,
although theirs differed in being made from whole cloth and not from
strips.
If our layperson makes it all the way to receiving the Lay Bodhisattva
Precepts, then he or she has made a much clearer and firmer commit-
ment to re-arrange their life and conduct in accordance with Buddhist
principles. Not only do they wear a robe at Dharma-meetings that
resembles that worn by clergy, but they have incense scars (although in a
different place), and recite their precepts twice a month (although it is a
different set of precepts). They have spent more time at the temple,
received more detailed training, and move as close to the altar as it is
possible for laypeople to move during Dharma-meetings. In all these
cases, the layperson at this level has appropriated practices and status
markers that are similar to, but still distinguishable from, those
employed by the clergy.
JIABS 20.2 138
The person who makes it through this process occupies a very high
place within Buddhist circles, but this does not translate into recognition
within wider society. Some of the status markers, such as the new name
and the ceremonial garb, are only used while at a temple. Others are too
ambiguous to be read clearly by people in secular society: a set of beads
on the wrist or scars on the forearm are recognized generally as having
some Buddhist significance, but the average non-Buddhist is not likely
to know what they mean specifically in terms of one's status within the
world of Buddhism. One may contrast this feature of lay Buddhist status
markers with those employed by clergy. Monks and nuns wear their
robes, display their scars, and use their new names everywhere they go,
and the meaning of these status-markers is recognized by all members of
Chinese society, whether within or outside of Buddhist circles.
We must be careful, however, not to attribute all of the effects of
following this life-progression as we have traced it thus far solely to
going through these rites of passage. In particular, there are many other
activities that take place at Buddhist temples during which laypeople
may learn temple etiquette, decorum, and customs as well as develop a
sense of attachment to the temple. Participants in One- or Seven-day
Buddha-Recitation Retreats spend considerable time at the temple and go
through very detailed training in such things as table etiquette, proces-
sions in the Great Shrine Hall, and handling the haiqing robes.
Conclusions
The implications of the foregoing discussion should make clear to the
reader the necessity of heeding Gregory SCHOPEN's argument as stated
earlier: in matters of Buddhist practice, one cannot rely solely on textual
evidence. Iu:this instance, the observation of rituals for transmitting and
receiving hlY precepts in modern Taiwan shows that the living Buddhist
community organizes itself into a hierarchy that does not correspond to
the division of Buddhists found in literary sources. It thus becomes
apparent that scholars must revise their view of the status and role of
laypeople in the Buddhist community, and be open to further revelations
as researchers undertake fieldwork in other parts of the Buddhist world
and in different periods of time. Such research will give scholars a more
accurate picture of the place of literature in the Buddhist tradition, and
also of the practices ofliving Buddhists.
Works cited
CHEN-HUA 1992
JONES 139
In Search of the Dharma: Memoirs of a Modern Chinese
Buddhist Pilgrim. Ed. Chiin-fang Yii. Trans. Denis MaiL
Albany: SUNY.
CHEN Huijian 1994: Dangdai Fomen Renwu tm (Contemporary
Buddhist Figures). 4th revised edition. Taipei: Dongda Tushu
Gongsi **1i1i!0qJ.
CHU Hai-yiian 1988: "Taiwan Diqu Minzhongde Zongjiao Xinyang yu
Zonghiao Taidu" ("Reli-
gious Beliefs and Attitudes of the People of Taiwan"), in
Bianqianzhongde Taiwan Shehui (Taiwan Society
in Transition), 2 vols., ed. Chu Hai-Yiian and Yang Kuo-shu.
Taipei: Academia Sinica Ethnology Institute cp
p. 239-276.
SCHOPEN, Gregory 1991: "Archeology and Protestant Presuppositions in the Study of
Indian Buddhism," in History of Religions 3l/1: 1-23.
SHENGYAN 1965a: Jieliixue Gangyao (An Outline of Precepts
Studies), Dongchu Zhihuihai Congkan, 4. Taipei: Dongchu
Chubanshe * W tl:l1J 11, 1965.
SHENGYAN 1965b: Zhengxinde Fojiao (Orthodox Buddhism).
Taipei: Dongchu Chubanshe *1')] tJjJiJ1.
SHIH Heng-ching, trans. 1994: The Sidra on Upiisaka Precepts. BDK English
Tripitaka 45-II. Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist
Translation and Research ..
WELCH, Holmes 1967: The Practice of Chinese Buddhism, 1900-1950. Harvard East
Asian Studies, 26. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
WILSON, Bryan 1982: Religion in Sociological Perspective. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Xu Jiaqiang 1991. Taiwan Zongjiao Xinyangde Rentong yu Shenfen: Yige
Chutan -il?il1')]:j:5R (Self-identifi-
cation of Religious Belief and Status in Taiwan: a Preliminary
Inquiry). M.A. Thesis, Donghai University
Yuancan 1974. Fan Wang Yanyi (The Fan Wang Jing: Text and Come
mentary) Guangdong: n.p., n.d. Rpt. Taipei: Xinwenfeng
1974.
Zhongguo Fojiao Yuekan (Chinese Buddhism Monthly) News Unit
1993. "Guangde Si Chuanshou Zaijia Wujie, Pus a Jie Jishi"
' ("A Journal of the Trans-
mission of the Five Lay Precepts and the Bodhisattva Precepts at
the Guangde Temple"). Zhongguo Fojiao Yuekan 37/12 (Decem-
ber 1993), p. 15-17.
PETRA KIEFFER-PULZ
Rules for the sima Regulation in the Vinaya and its
Commentaries and their Application in Thailand]
1. One of the prior conditions for the existence and continuance of the
Buddhist community is a boundary (simii) which defines the space with-
in which all members of a single local community have to assemble as a
complete Sangha (samagga sangha) at a place appointed for ecclesias-
tical acts (kamma). The completeness of the Sangha is a prerequisite for
the valid performance of each ecclesiastical act of the Buddhist commu-
nity. The invalidity of a boundary, therefore, implies the defectiveness
of the kamma performed within it. On account of this, rules for the cor-
rect determination of the simii and for the application of undetermined
boundaries (abaddhasimii) were laid down in the Vinaya. These rules
were provided with additional regulations and detailed explanations
handed down in the commentarial (atthakathii), and sub-commentarial
(tikii) literature.
These texts allow one to outline the development of the simii regula-
tions and to point to shifts concerning their application. The period
covered stretches from the time of the Vinaya to that of the Vimati-
vinodanitikii, viz. from roughly the 3rd century B.C. (?) to the early
13th century A.D.
These rules, more or less, are the foundation for regulating simii
questions in all Theraviida countries up to the present. However, in the
course of time different countries have developed different methods
regarding minor questions. In the present contribution I will first sketch
the general developments, basing myself on the Pali Vinaya texts,
thereby emphasizing those points which are relevant for the comparison
with special features of the Thai tradition. Thereafter I will deal with
some of these specific features of the Thai tradition more detailed.
L The introductory part ofthis paper ( 1-4) is a slightly shortened and modified
version of the introduction to my article "Ceremonial Boundaries in the Buddhist
Monastic Tradition in Sri Lanka" to appear in the Proceedings of the Wilhelm
Geiger Symposion, Colombo 1995. I thank Richard WILSON (Gottingen)
for improving my English.
nABS 20.2 142
I. Outline of the development of sima regulations in the Vinaya
literature
2
2. In the Vinaya the sima is introduced to delimit the extension of "one
residence" (ekavasa) which previously functioned as the standard for
defining a complete Sangha
3
. Wit.\1 this innovation the rules for deter-
mining and removing a sima were introduced. First of all marks
(nimitta) had to be announced (kitteti) as indications of the course of the
boundary. Eight types of marks valid for that purpose are enumerated in
the Vinaya. However, the method for their announcement is not
described there. After the announcement came the determination of the
sima, viz. samanasarrzvasasima, "boundary for the same communion".
As a second step the function of the "not-being-separated from the three
robes" (ticivarena avippavasa) could be conferred upon this sima,
allowing the monks to be separated from one of the three robes within
the sima, without this being counted as an offence.
The overlapping and combining of two determined simas was forbid-
den and an "interspace to (other) simas" (simantarikii) prescribed. In the
Vinaya we have only one form of a determined sima, viz. the samana-
sarrzvasasima. The rule of keeping an interspace between simas, there-
fore, must refer to other samanasarrzvasasimas. Since no details are
given about the size of this interspace or about how to mark it, one can
assume it was, in the beginning, probably only a distance to be kept to
other sfmiis.
Additionally, three forms of simas are mentioned which could come
into force if no determined simii existed, viz. the boundary of a village
(gamasima) in settlements, a distance consisting of seven abbhantaras
(sattabbhantara), i.e. ca. 80 m, in the wilderness (arafifia
4
), and the
boundary of the line constituted by throwing water in all
directions (udakukkhepa) around the assembled Sangha on natural lakes,
rivers, and on the ocean.
2. For a detailed presentation I refer to my thesis published in German:KIEFFER--
POLz 1992.
3. The simii rules are included in the second chapter of the Mahiivagga,
the Uposathakkhandhaka (Yin I 106, 1-35; 108,26 - Ill, 22); all information
given here is based on these passages.
4. Arafifia refers to all regions outside of settlements and bodies of water.
KIEFFER-PULZ 143
The removal of a simii was only necessary if one wanted to enlarge or
diminish the space enclosed by the simii and is not discussed at length in
the Vinaya (see below, 3).
In the Vinaya the determined smniinasarrzvasasima represents the
primary focu,s of the rules. The three undetermined boundaries are only
provided in case a monk is not inside a determined sima when the per-
formance of an ecclesiastical act turns out to be necessary. The descrip-
tion of the carrying out of the determination, removal, etc., is short and
straightforward.
3. The extensive and detailed explanations in the commentary to the
Vinaya (4th/5th century A.D.), viz. the Samantapasiidikii (Sp 1035.23-
1048.32; 1049.27 -1056.30), show that the need for more detailed rules
was at hand. Out of the simple rule in the Vinaya of announcing the
marks (nimitta) developed a detailed description of the method of
announcing nimitta (Sp 1035.23-1036.31; 1040.16-23). Accordingly it
was necessary to choose exactly defined marks from the eight objects
allowed in the Vinaya (and defined in Sp 1036.31-1040.16), to
announce them, proceeding clockwise, and, finally, to announce the first
announced nimitta a second time to connect it with the previous one.
Probably based on this method a new verb was introduced for the deter-
mination of the boundary. Whereas in the Vinaya the verb sam-man had
been used, in the Samantapasiidika the usage alternates between bandh
and sam-man
5
. Out of the use of this verb the term baddhasima (t.
phatthasima) developed as an expression for each determined boundary,
and in conformity with this the three undetermined boundary types were
called abaddhasima (t. aphattha
O
or akatasima). The detailed explana-
tions for how to determine a boundary in a village or one enclosing
several villages (Sp 1040.23 -1041.10), etc., show the complexity of the
procedure of the determination of a boundary and the ease with which a
mistake during the ceremony could render a sima invalid. It is, then, no
wonder that the undetermined boundaries (abaddhaszma) gained ground
(see below, 11).
In the course of time the number of monks increased and monasteries
developed. In some of the larger ones resided many more monks than
previously, which entailed the performance of more ecclesiastical acts
(viz. pabbajja, upasampada, and kammas regulating offences). Owing
5. Cf. KIEFFER-POLZ, Sima, B Einl. 7, fn. 98.
JIABS 20.2 144
to the fact that for each kamma all monks inside a sima had to assemble,
the daily life of the community could be disturbed frequently. Therefme
smaller simas, i.e. by-simas (called khalJrjasimas), were introduced,
which were determined additionally within the space of the monastery.
With the introduction of this new sima type the term simantarika, "sima-
interspace", received an additional meaning. Whereas at the time of the
Vinaya it was probably an undefined distance to be kept to other
samanasal!lvasasimas (see above, 2), it was now to be applied to the
khalJrjasima as well. The sima-interspace now had to be marked by stone
marks and had to have a minimum standard of one ratana (ca. 40 cm),
one vidatthi (ca. 20 cm) or four angulas (ca. 7,2 cm) (Sp 1056.24-27).
The samanasal!lvasakasima enclosing the whole monastery was then
called mahasima in contrast to the small simas. In determining a
khalJrjasima and a mahiisima a certain order had to be observed: first the
nimitta for the khalJrjasima(s) were announced, then the nimitta for the
surrounding Sima-interspace (simantarika), and finally the nimitta for
the sima for the whole monastery, viz. the mahasima. Thereafter one
could determine which sima one wanted to determine first, but normally
one started with the khalJrjasima (Sp 1042.21-24). The method for de-
termining a khalJrjasima was the same as for the samanasal!lvasakasima
with the exception that as marks for the khalJrjasima only stone marks
are mentioned (Sp 1041.19-1042.31, cf. KIEFFER-PULZ 1992, B 6).
Whereas in the Vinaya the removal of a sima is only briefly mentioned
(Vin I 110.12-14), and the kammavacas are given (Vin I 110.14-36), it
is discussed in detail in the Samantapasadika. On account of the intro-
duction of the khalJrjasima a certain order of the individual steps now
has to be observed not only if one wants to determine khalJrjasima and
mahasima ( ~ e e above), but also in the case of their removal, when the
reverse o r d ~ r has to be complied with. Moreover, it is, according to the
Samantapasadika, not possible to remove an unknown khalJrjasima. The
removal of an unknown samanasal!lvasakasima, however, is possible,
since there are places within a sima which are definitely part of it, viz.
the uposathagara, the cetiya, the bodhi tree, the senasana etc. (Sp
1051. 8-22). Assembling at these places, therefore, is a guarantee for
being located within the mahiisima, and this in turn is one condition for
the correct performance of the kamma. Where neither khalJrjasima nor
mahasima are known the removal of neither of them should be
performed, since the determination of the new simas might result in the
overlapping of the newly determined samanasal!lvasakasima with an
KIEFFER-PULZ 145
already existing unknown khalJrjasima. This rule is important since it
was changed at a later date (cf. below, 4 & 10).
Another important feature is the development of the so-called
abaddhasimas. These had been introduced in the Vinaya in the event
that no determined boundary existed at a certain place. The detailed
commentary to these sima forms in the Samantapasadika (Sp 1051.27-
1056.8) shows that they gained ground. This is especially true for the
udakukkhepaszma.
4. Of the four tikas to the Vinaya the Vimativinodanitika is the most
innovative. A very important new rule concerns the removal of
unknown boundaries, which in the Vinaya was not discussed at all and
which in the Samantapasadika is explained as being impossible for an
unknown khalJrjasima and very difficult for an unknown samana-
sa1!lvasakasima. The Vimativinodanifika (Vmv II 156.1-14) introduces a
method for removing such unknown boundaries which is valid till today
in Sri Lanka, in Burma and also in Thailand. 6
The applications of sima rules in Thailand.
5. In the Thai tradition the course of the sima is indicated by marks as
prescribed in the Vinaya. These nimitta are called pai sima, "flat stone",
in Thai, and strk sima in Khmer (BIZOT 1988, 86; Na Paknam 1981,
p.57). Three features are peculiar to the Thai tradition: firstly, the stone
boundary markers visible above the ground are not real nimitta, but only
objects placed upon the nimitta which protrude above ground; secondly,
as the actual nimitta (which are completely buried), only stones seem to
have been used, though according to the Pali tradition one could choose
among eight natural objects; and, thirdly, in addition to the nimitta indi-
cating the course of the boundary in the cardinal directions, a ninth mark
called simakil is buried in the centre of the space enclosed by the sima
(BIZOT 1988, 9; WELLS 1975, p.180).
The true sima. stones are of unhewn rock buried in the ground at the four
cardinal points and four intermediate points of the compass. Above these are
placed stones or other materials which are visible to the eye to mark the sites.
These stones, slabs of concrete or pillars of brick, ate decorative and may depict
6. Compare also VA.JIRANA.NAVARORASA 1983, pp. 30f; cf. KIEFFER-PDLz 1992,
p. 327, fn. 590.
nABS 20.2 146
the Wheel, or a leaf, or have little niches within where candles may be placed
7
.
Sima stones can also be embedded in the Uposatha walls. There is a ninth .and
most important sima stone in the center of the consecrated soil under the floor of
the Uposatha hall. With this is sometimes placed articles of value and the name of
the donor of the building together with the date. The ceremony of consecration
starts from this central point. (WELLS 1975, p.180).
Neither of these features is documented in the Pali Vinaya texts, includ-
ing the tikas, up to the 13th century.8 .
The oldest pai sima are from the northeastern region of Thailand and
belong to the Dvaravati Period (6th to 9th cent. A.D.; NA PAKNAM
1981, pp.57-62)9. As early as in the 6th or 7th centuries they can be
observed also in the southern, northern and central Thai provinces, and
in parts of Burma and Cambodia (BIZOT 1988, 87). This usage was
therefore already customary before the Sinhalese nikiiya was introduced
into Thailand. Though we have comparable sfma stones during the
Polonnaruva period (1017-1235 A.D.) in Sri Lanka, this is not the same
phenomenon, since these stones are real nimitta and not only decorative
markers.
The method of burying the marks for the sima reminds one of the
custom of Hindu societies of marking their village boundaries by
invisible, i.e. buried, marks and of placing visible marks, such as trees,
etc., above the ground.
10
The purpose of this measure was to prevent
shifting of the boundaries and to keep evidence of the real course of a
village boundary in case another group tried to shift it. Since, however,
the destruction of the marks of a ceremonial boundary of the Buddhist
Sangha does not render the sfma itself invalid (Sp 1043.9-11), there
would be no need for this procedure.
The fact that only stones are used as nimitta reminds one of the usage
connected,;with the khalJq.asima. Though the khalJq.asima is only a
special form of a baddhasima and on account of this the eight objects
allowable as marks of a sima could have been used for the khalJq.asima
as well, only stones are mentioned as its nimitta in the Pali texts. This
7. See No NA PAKNAM 1981, and GITEAU 1969.
8. Later texts have not yet been edited or examined.
9. It should be mentioned that these decorated stone slabs were not only used to
demarcate the sIma but also other buildings within the monastery. To be certain
that a sIma was indicated, one therefore has to dig below these relief stones for
the actual nimitta.
10. Ganganatha JRA, Hindu Law in Its Sources, vol. 1, Allahabad 1930, pp. 346-348.
KIEFFER-PULZ 147
supports the assumption that the Thai simii originates in the khmJejasimii
(see below).
Whereas according to WELLS (see above) unhewn rocks are used as
nimitta, VAJIRANA:t:-l"AVARORASA (1983, p.14 fn.l) mentions round
stone balls. This tallies with the observation by WIJEYEW ARDENE, who
describes the nimitta as consisting of "black granite, round, with a
diameter of about two feet" (1986, p.96).
The use of a ninth nimitta in the centre of the place - not found in any
Pali Vinaya text so far known to me - is also attested to for Java (BIZOT
1988, 88). This nimitta plays a role within the ordination ceremony of
the Mahiinikiiya, and probably also the other nikiiyas, since the
up ajjhiiya, i.e. the monk leading that ceremony, sits in front of it
(BIZOT 1988, 10).
The ceremony of announcing the nimitta (called dak nimitta) deviates
from that described in the Samantapiisiidikii in so far as the ninth mark
has to be included. Instead of beginning in the east and of moving
around clockwise till they again reach the east, the main body of monks
remains in the middle of the place while four monks go to the eastern,
southeastern, southern, etc., and eastern nimitta, where they, in question
and answer, establish each nimitta, and then return to the middle
(WELLS 1975, p.183; WIJEYEWARDENE 1986, p.97). This simple cere-
mony corresponding to what is prescribed in the Atthakatha is embedded
in a ritual in which lay people also participate. The most important
feature in this connection is that the stone balls serving as nimitta hang
over the holes dug in advance, supported by a tripod and suspended by
threads. Only after the dak nimitta has taken place and in the presence of
a great number of lay people are these threads cut, and the stone nimitta
fall into their respective holes (WIJEYEWARDENE 1986, pp.96, 98f.).
6. Before a monastery can be built in present-day Thailand royal per-
mission must be obtained. The same is true if one wishes to determine a
simii (WELLS 1975, p.180; ISHII 1986, p.74). Two types of monasteries
are differentiated: monasteries which have obtained a royal grant of
visungiimasimii, i.e. which have permission to establish a simii and build
an uposatha house within it; and monastic residences (t. samnak sangha)
which do not possess an uposatha house (WELLS 1975, p.27; ISHII
1986, p. 104).
The place granted by the government within the precincts of the
monastery is called visungiimasimii and is generally not larger than
JIABS 20.2 148
260 x 130 feet (i.e. ca. 80 x 40 my This area is to be marked off by
nimitta and determined as simii space. Thereafter, normally within that
area, the uposatha hall is erected. This serves for all ecclesiastical acts of
the community - not only for the uposatha ceremony. The are'a granted
by the government can only be recalled if the simii determined there is
removed by the monks in an ecclesiastical act (WELLS 1975, p.179).
The visungiimasimii is explained as: " ... given to the Sangha as
visungamasimii land, - removed from the status of government land,
being a special place devoted to Sangha ceremonies according to the
Vinaya." (WELLS 1975, p.179).
In the Pali commentary to the Vinaya the term visungiimasimii,
"boundary of a village (having been) separately (given to someone)", is
used as the antithesis of pakatigiimasimii, "boundary of a common
village" (Sp 1052.1-4). There the term visungiimasimii describes an area
given to a certain person, monastery, etc., who then receives all taxes,
etc., originating from this area. The land can be recalled by the king
whether or not a ceremonial boundary (simii) of the Sangha has been
determined within it. In the Samantapiisiidikii the visungiimasimii is
enumerated together with other types of the same simii form, i.e. a non-
determined boundary (abaddhasimii) consisting of the boundary of a
settlement, viz. giimasimii, nigamasimii, and nagarasimii. This indicates
that the visungiimasimii is named there as a possible abaddhasimii only.
The question whether or not the determination of a baddhasimii within
this area is possible, is not dealt with. But in analogy to the rules for the
pakatigiimasimii this should be no problem. Thus the questions of who
the visungiimasimii is given to, whether it is used as an abaddhasimii by
any community or whether a community determines a simii there are
irrelevant,in this respect. The simii determined by a Buddhist community
has nothit;.g to do with any boundary indicating ownership. Thus, if a
person were granted a visungiimasimii and one or more baddhasimiis
existed within this area, this did not at all affect that person's right to
receive taxes, etc. This seems to be different in Thailand. There the land
given as visungiimasimii cannot be recalled by the king or government if
a ceremonial boundary of the Buddhist community has been determined
within it. Only after the ecclesiastical act for the regular removal of a
ceremonial boundary is the king or government able to withdraw the
land.
Among the monasteries with an uposatha house, there are some which
do not possess an area granted by the government. These monasteries are
KIEFFER-PULZ 149
called baddhaslmii wat, and it is assumed that they received their
original grant from some past ruler (WELLS 1975, p.28). They only
differ from the viswigiimaslmii wat in that they do not own a written
document regarding the area used as slmii compound.
Another, according to WELLS (1975, p.28) comparatively rare, type
of monastery is the mahiislmii wat. This wat owns a great slmii
(mahiiszmii) enclosing the whole monastic area. If we consider these
different types of monasteries with uposatha houses, it is evident that the
mahiislmii wat represents the monastery which according to the Pali texts
is the regular one, since normally the residence where the monks lived
(iiviisa) was included within the slmii along with all buildings belonging
to the monastery. The problem that, on account of this, all monks had to
assemble for each ecclesiastical act was alleviated by the introduction of
the "by-slmii" (khm:ujasimii; see above, 3).
The visungiimaslmii wat, which seems to be the regular type of
monastery in Thailand, is not represented in the Pali texts at all - the
term visungiimasimii being used in a slightly modified sense in the Pali
texts as indicated above. Whereas in the Pali texts a place for the
uposatha house is provided within the simii enclosing the whole
monastery, the Thai slmii generally has become so small (except in
mahiisimii wats) that it often includes only the uposatha house itself. As
a consequence, the uposatha house is the place for all ecclesiastical acts
of the community, whereas according to the Pali texts at least uposatha
and upasampadii may be performed in different places, viz. within the
uposatha house and within the khwujasimii respectively.
7. In Thailand slmiis are found with a single and with a double line of
marks (nimitta) (BrZOT 1988, 87). Whereas the single line of nimitta is
easily explained, the double line presents some problems. BrZOT, basing
himself on DAMRONG, suggested that they could be the sign of a reno-
vation by the Sinhalese nikiiya (BrZOT 1988, 87). This assumption is
most improbable. For, if even the destruction of the real nimitta of a
simii is unimportant with respect to the validity of that simii (see above,
5), how much less would the disappeareance of only the decorative flat
stones count. The doubling of the pai simii as a renovation measure also
seems strange, since in the case of renovation one normally only restores
something already existing, but does not double it.
A slmii enclosing the whole monastery, i.e. a mahiislmii, only has a
single line of nimitta. Contrary to this the khar;tj.asimii, which is situated
JIABS 20.2 150
within the miihasimii and separated from it by a sima interval (simanta-
rika), seems at first sight to have a double line of nimitta. In reality the
inner line of stones indicates the course of the kha1Jc!asima, whereas the
outer line points to that of the simantarikii (this at least is valid for all
Theravada traditions).!! The earliest traces of the institution of the
kha1Jc!asima go back to the Dipavarpsa (4th century A.D.). Thus this
sima type could well have been known in Thailand by the 6th century ..
There is one possible explanation for the phenomenon of the double
line of nimitta which would agree not only with present-day usage, but
also with the information drawn from the Jinakalamali: The simas with
these double lines of nimitta could have been kha1Jc!asimas, situated
within a mahasimii enclosing the whole monastery (this would fully
correspond with the prescriptions in the Pali Atthakatha). The marks for
the mahasima might have been chosen in accordance with the Pali
Atthakatha from among natural objects such as rivers, trees, hills, etc.
Possibly the kha1Jc!asima had mostly been used for the various ecclesias-
tical acts, so that the mahasima fell into oblivion and, since it had only
natural boundary markers, nothing remained to remind one of its exis-
tence. Another possibility is that the inhabitants of such a monastery left
and later newcomers did not know of the existence of a mahasima at all.
All that survived visibly for others then would have been a small sima
marked by a double line of boundary markers. One should also keep in
mind that the possibility of removing old and unknown simas was intro-
duced only after the time of the Atthakatha, i.e. after the 5th and before
the 13th centuries, so that in earlier times there would have been no way
of removing such simas. With this hypothesis information from the
. Jinakalamali (1529 A.D.), a chronicle of Northern Thailand, agrees
fully. form of a baddhasimii mentioned in this text is the
kha1Jc!asimii.12 This kha1Jc!asimii enclosed the uposatha house as is the
case in Thailand up to the present. Nothing is said about a mahasimii,
11. Other Vinaya traditions do not have such an interspace, e.g. the Miilasarvasti-
vadin, cf. Jin-il CHUNG and Petra KIEFFER-PULZ, "The karmaviicaniis for
the determination of simii and ticfvarelJa avippaviisa", Dharmaduta, Melanges
offerts au Venerable Thich Huyen-Vi a l'occasion de son soixante-dixieme
anniversaire, ed. by Bhikku Tampa1awela DHAMMARATANA and Bhikkhu
PASADIKA, Paris 1997, pp.13-55.
12. N. A. JAY A WICKRAMA, The Sheaf of Garlands of the Epochs of the
Conqueror.Being a translation of JinakiilamiilfpakaralJarrz of Ratanapafiiia
Thera of Thailand, London 1968, pp. XXV, 132, 134, 147, 162.
KIEFFER -PULZ 151
the existence of which would be a prerequisite for the existence of a
khm:ujasIma. Furthermore in present-day Thailand only few monasteries
with a mahasima exist (see above, 6). The fact that only stone nimitta
are used for the Thai sima also point in this direction.
8. The question of when the tradition of determining a sIma including
only the uposatha house had its starting point cannot be answered.
Possibly it is a consequence of the tradition that the relevant area had to
be granted by the government or king (though we do not know when
this usage dates from either). Since this piece of land was henceforth
alienated from the crown or government it was in the interest of these
institutions to grant only small areas. Considering the great number of
monasteries and the tendency among the lay population to prefer the
erection of new ones instead of repairing older ones (because more merit
would so accrue) this can easily be understood.
9. In the secondary literature it is stated that " ... traditionally, there
appear to have been no bod (uposatha-house) in the monasteries within
the city walls. The entire city being consecrated, ordination could be
conducted, technically, anywhere within the city." (WIJEYEWARDENE
1986, p.91). One reason for this could have been that in the Thai tradi-
tion the uposatha-house itself was enclosed by a sima in most cases, so
that if a great sIma was to be determined, the bod within the city was
avoided in order not to mingle or overlap one sima by another one.
A determined sima enclosing a whole city like Anuriidhapura or
Chieng Mai (WIJEYEWARDENE 1986, p.91) is a mahasima. It could
therefore include various khwujasimas. Though the sIma enclosing the
uposatha house is called kha1J.tjasima, it seems not to have been under-
stood as kha1J.tjasIma in the sense in which this word is used in the Pali
Vinaya texts. Otherwise it would have been no problem to place a bod
encircled by a sima (kha1J.tjaszma) within a city enclosed by a sIma
(mahZis'ima)
The Iinakiilamiili shows the same understanding of the term
kha1J.tjasima as that prevalent in present-day Thailand, in that it is used
for the place, where the uposatha house is situated, though no mahasIma
exists.
nABs 20.2 152
10. It has already been mentioned above that the Vimativinodanitikii
contains a rule on how. to remove baddhasimas whose course is
unknown (above, 4). This now generally accepted method is also
adhered to in Thailand (VAJIRANANAVARORASA 1983, p.30; WELLS
1975, p.18lf.; WIJEYEWARDENE 1986, p.97). The removal of the sima
(pa. simasamugghiita; t. suot than) is performed previous to any sima
determination. The ceremony described by WIJEYEW ARDENE goes' as
follows:
The monks fonn two rows from the stone inside the building to the one at the
entrance and then to the one on the right. Two named senior monks chant at the
central stone and, without the rows of monks moving, two others, also named,
chant at the stone at the entrance (east). When these two are completed, the row of
monks between the centre and the entrance move, and take up positions between
the stone in the southeastern comer and the one in the southern position. The
chant is then made at the southeastern stone. They go round the building in this
fashion, repeat the chant at the eastern stone (at the entrance) and back into the
building (WDEYEWARDENE 1986, p.97).
It is obvious that the course followed in performing this ceremony is the
same as that used for the announcement of the marks, i.e. the goal is to
connect all marks. The same is stated by VAJIRANANA V ARORASA
(1983, p.31) "the chanting ... is done once at the centre, such as in the
Uposatha hall, and then at each comer, corresponding to the nimitta,
... ". The method for the removal of a sima resembles that described in
the Vimativinodanitikii (Vmv Be (Chs) II 156.1-14; KIEFFER-POLZ
1992, p.327 fn.590). However, VAJIRANANAVARORASA relates that
he has heard "that in former times, the head of that ceremony used a
bamboo lattice with spaces big enough to accomodate each monk,
linking them together within a forearmslength throughout the area."
1983, p.30).
11. In the introductory part (above, 3) it was mentioned that the
abaddhasimas gained ground from the time of the commentaries onward
(5th century A.D.). This is confirmed for the Thai tradition by the
Jinakii1amali. Here various udakukkhepasimas are mentioned)3
Obviously this has been the most common simii form, being replaced by
a determined sima, viz. a kha1J4asima, only in certain cases. It is, how-
ever, evident from secondary literature that in present-day Thailand this
sima form is no longer used. WIJEYEWARDENE (1986, p.99ff.) quotes a
13. Op.cit., pp. XXV, XXVII, XXXII, 130, 138, 154.
KIEFFER-PULZ 153
sermon given the evening previous to the determination of the sima.
This sermon consists of a dialogue between two monks. The one asks the
other what "ubosat on the water" is, and receives the reply that it is an
uthak 'ukkhepana sima form, which was popular in ancient times
(WIJEYEWARDENE, p.l02f.).
ABBREVIATIONS
BIZOT 1988
GlTEAU 1969
IsmI1986
BIZOT, Les traditions de la pabbajja en Asie du Sud-Est
(Recherches sur Ie bouddhisme khmer, IV), G6ttingen, 1988
(Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in G6ttingen,
phil.-hist. Kl., 3. Folge, Nr. 169).
Madeleine GITEAU, Le Bornage rituel des temples bouddhiques
au Cambodge, Paris, 1969 (Publication de l'Ecole
d'Extreme-Orient, 68).
Yoneo ISHII, Sangha, State and Society: Thai Buddhism in
History, Honolulu, 1986 (Monographs of the Center for
Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University).
KlEFFER-PtrLZ 1992 = Petra KrEFFER-PULZ, Die Sima. Vorschriften zur Regelung
der buddhistischen Gemeindegrenze in iilteren buddhistischen
Texten, Berlin, 1992 (Monographien zur indischen Archiiologie,
Kunst und Philologie, 8).
NAPAKNAM 1981 No NAPAKNAM, The Buddhist Boundary Markers o/Thailand,
Bangkok, 1981.
V VARORASA 1983 = V V ARORASA , The Entrance to the
Vinaya. Vinayamukha, vol. 3, Bangkok, 1983 (original Thai
version 1921).
WELLS 1975 Kenneth E. WELLS, Thai Buddhism its Rites and Activities,
Bangkok, 1975 (3rd updated edition; 1st ed, 1939).
WlJEYEWARDENE 1986 = Gehan WlJEYEWARDENE, Place and Emotion in Northern
Thai Ritual Behaviour, Bangkok, 1986 (Studies in Thai
Anthropology, 2).
JIABS 20.2 155
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