The Indian Orthodox Church of St Thomas A.D.

52 -2009
Fr. Dr. Joseph Cheeran

XIV

date. 1 also c\loud ni\ grant tide in Dr. George lusepli ihe energetic secrc'iaiY of the Church tor his authorit-alive noie on die qualiiarn c i hanges diar ha\e newly developed ID the church. 1 remember the prominent person* who have made significant contribution to the church history. 1 also acknowledge die goodwill shown to me and helped me to ease die burden of the cost In sponsoring t h e colour phoios I'OU the second, i h i r d arid fourth cover page* of the book) of Cheppat F.varath kizhaketlnl plainer Korhuminan, !\vbo bore the entire expense of the big meeting held in l')2~ in Akiva to hung peace to ihe church), of I'ukkee/h Tile l'aclon owner, Mi ( h.iili, who v\as a great leader ot the r l i m - t h AUI\ ardour lover ot the theological seminary, and of Purhcnkavu Mai I'hiloxeuos who had r e v i v e d ihe ( h u t c h i r o t n i h e treachen inflicted In Arch Bishop Mar 1 Vilnius, and who made unequal servu e to the consequent growth ol the Malankara Sahba. 1 express tin gratiiude io \\.K. |osoph MampalK" son ot Kuchummaehan, Mrs Annamma b'.apen, daughter of M.C. Chacko, and Thomas Mar \ihanasios (the Matropolitan of Chcugannui'), the nephew of Puiheakavu Kochuihirumeni tor their liberal contribuiions. In the same breath I express inv thanks io Rev. Dr. \1K. Kuriaknsc (Philadelphia; who encouraged me l i v eongrarulalions tor bringing out ihe F.ngllsh edition. 1 pray that the new ten run will bring happy months and rich years to (he church thai grow day bv day against the disputes and litigations that had been rocking it for sometime. K.V. Mammen Kottaekal Mangauam Kottaviim-lfi 31-7-2009

nrks of Fr. Dr. Joseph Cheeran

I he I n d i a n Orthodox Church of St Thomas l . i ga de e sh Chandra Bose I he Seven Letters of Si. Ignatius' VniniLM Fssa\ Colleclon Mar Pionvsius PuhkkoUil I M i l a n k a r a Sahlu and Kerala Culture I lie I n d i a n Orthodox Church - (a c r i t i c a l study) Mar Sevcnos Yuhanon I riMS nf Malankara Church I he Ancient Bible (if I n d i a I he Bible and Makiyalam Modern Poetry. (Ph.D. Thesis) I he Kannayogi of Malankara Sabha. M a i D i o n \ s i u s P u l i k k o l i l II, The Great \ stor\ of Hie v i s i t to Mardin I n d i a n Orthodox Church : History & Culture Mar Dioinsius Vattessaril S v r i t i t i Patriarchs and their misdoings \ Hand Book to Sunday School Teachers Studies on Orthodox Culture \ksharangalucic Acharayan I ditorial Collections The Orthodox P u l p i t . Selected Kssays of Fr. Dr. Joseph Cheeran Orthodox Church & 'PiiliLikjiP Orthodox Church & 'Padiyolakal' I n d i a n Orthodox Church A.D. 52 - 2007 Kandanacl Grandhavari kitcyclopeadiaof I n d i a n Orthodox Church History Kuda\il ValiyaTliirumcni Si Ignatius Orthodox Cathedral at Thicluir Si. Marys Orthodox C h u i c l i . Pa/hangi Palur Church (The Orthodox Cathedral. Arthat)

Chapter I

Traditions of the Undivided Christian Church of India

'The background Kerala is a small stale that lies on the south-western i i p o f l h e Indian subcontinent. Kerala exhibits a unique culture of its own. which is different from what you see elsewhere in India. There w .is a time when the Arabian Sea spread itself up to the foothills on the west of the Western Ghats. Kerala made its appearance in history \K hen this part of the sea retreated around. 4(XX) B.C. (That was Noah's i ime when the water retreated after the great deluge.) The first settlers in Kerala were the representatives of the Negro-Australoid race from I he great Stone Age (15th c. B.C. to Istc. A.D.). These aboriginals, who lived before 2000 B.C.. had no permanent, established or unified K'ligious creeds, rituals or social traditions. Even then, living in hilly regions with thick forests, they worshipped trees, mountains and other natural forces. The plentiful sea-shores and the rich forest-environment k'd ihcm to fishing and hunting for a living. Without any contacts with ilie outside world, they led very simple, nature-based lives. They were also small in number. The Dravidians. the heirs of the Indus Valley Civilization that got ruined in the wake of the Aryan invasion of northern India in the 18th c. li.C. were defeated by the Aryan culture. Some Dravidians got absorbed as Shudras into the four-caste Aryan society. Those who were not prepared for this, fled to the south. Some of them reached I he regions east of the Western Ghats (Tamil Nadu), some others the regions west of the Western Ghats (the hill-country '?? Kerala), and yet oihers Sri Lanka. These divided Dravidians, who were the owners , tin) the heirs of the great urban culture testified to by the sites at Harappa,

Mohanjodaro, etc., had been trained in the practice ol agriculture. Burning forests down, they prepared their land for cultivation. It is worth investigating whether the 'Khaandavadaahaa' in 'Krishnakatha' is indicative of this 'burning of the forest." The Bible records that. Heeram used to come to the Kerala coast once in three years to gather forest products such as peacocks, elephant tusks and monkeys for King Solomon who was a great enthusiast lor collecting forest products (976-937 B.C.). (These products were chiefly from Kerala, and therefore it is claimed that they were gathered from Kerala. It is quite possible that Tarsus was our Tellicherry. Frissery becomes elissery, doesn't it? Heeram gathered gold from Ophir. Etymologists have pointed out that this Ophir was the Bepur of the shores of the Bhaarathappuzha. (Sec 1 Kings 9:26-29. 10:22). People from the Arab race came as settlers in Kerala which had thus become famous in the cultural world, looking for trading possibilities. It was after the Arabs established their supremacy in trading that the foreign trading centre got shifted loPonnaani from Tellicherry, Bepur (Ophir), Faruk (Barake), etc. where it had stayed during the days of Heeram. Even the permanent change of the name of the Western sea from the earlier Eritrean Sea to the later Arabian Sea can be attributed to the Arabian presence on the Kerala coast. When the ancient cultural centres at Babylon and Ninuvc got mined (700-680 B.C.). several groups of people from these centres took refuge in different parts of India. (Remember the Babel incident described in the Bible: Genesis 1 1 : 1 - 1 1 . ) These newcomers who recognised the unlimited possibilities of the products of the hill-country expanded their earlier trading regions. The settlers from Babylon-Ninuve were mainly the descendants of the race of Abraham. The trade centres in Kerala were Tellicherry, Farek. Kadalundi, Ponnaani, Kodungallur and Kochi from lime to time, and the ones abroad were the sea ports of Alexandria-Persia. For the sake of trade the Kerala coast has got to know cultures from several countries such us Greece. I'ersia. China

.Hid Rome. When the Assyrians in the eighth century B.C., the 1 t.iln lonians in the sixth century B.C.. and Israel and Judea later, were - II'MI nyed. many people from these countries sought their refuge on the M.ilabaar coast. This influx of cultures blessed Kerala. Apart from the i \pansion of trade, introduction to branches of science such as astrology, < .u penny, sculpture and kalpaganitha happened in Kerala through the i n i t i a t i o n of the Judaic refugees is a fact observed by Kodungallur Kuii|ikkuttan Thamburaaninhisepic ' Kerala." That the western coastal nv inns of India had cultural exchanges with the Babylonian-Assyrian unions has had undeniable mentions in our ancient literature. Ninuve h.is been referred to as Sonithapuram in our ancient literature. \ V.Krishna Warricr. through diligent and expert analytical studies, has inimd out that Sri Krishna's grandson Anirudhan crossed the western M-a. wooed the daughter of Baanaasura, became a captive at the Baanaasura capital, that Sri Krishna went crossing the sea and heroically icleased his grandson as mentioned in our ancient literature, are all evidences of the amazing foreign relations we had in those days ( Kalotsavam). Historians of scripts have pointed out that the ancient I n d i a n language Brahmi was written from right to left, and this also endorses the historic claims of the ancient Semitic influx to India. Many years before Christ, Jews had already settled in Paaloor, Kodungallur. Maala and Eyyaal. There are historical records that they had seven or eight strongholds in Kerala. The Jewish leader S. SKoder. who lived in Kochi and wrote and published a history of the lews in Kerala, writes thus in his book about the Jewish migration into Kerala: "At the fall of the Assyrian Fmpirc in 605 B.C., when the Persian 1 niperor Shanmanessar took Israelites as slaves from Babylon, some n| them escaped and came to Kodungallur and settled there. When K mg Nebukhadnessar of Bahylon captured Judea in 586 B.C., a group nf lews sought refuge in Kerala. When the Persian Emperor Syrus i apiured Babylon in 539 B.C.. another group of Jews took refuge in Kerala . . ." (The History of the Niranam Church", Advocate l'( '.Mathcw. pace 38).

In the article "Mahaabali the Asura King (Idavakapathrika, Book I, Volume 6, 2003, pages 11-15), N.V.Krishna Warricr makes the following observations which are relevant here (Kalotsavam): "... I agree that we cannot find any unquestionable evidences to prove that our ancestors were Assyrians. Even then, there are tacts which justify guesses. 'Kavidies' from the Indian subcontinent were found during excavations in Sumeria. Sir Leonard Woollcy fount! a green stone under the soil, which was obviously taken iron) the hills of the Nilgiris. The people ol Sumeria-Babylon-Assyria must have known the Kerala coast from very ancient limes. People from there must have come here as settlers from then itself. As hinted at in the Vaamana story, a foreign invasion may have quickened these migrations. These invasions or floods may have led to the settlers' severing of relationships with their ancestral families. Having reached a new marshy land, and having to fight the half naked natives and the appalling living conditions overthere, it was only natural that these settlers sometimes dreamt about the heavenly, rich urban life they had left behind. It is not surprising that they started celebrating their old national festival here in order to keep the memory of their past life alive, and (hat it gradually got associated with the name of one of their famous ancient kings. At the end of'this article, it will he mentioned that a similar annual national festival was being celebrated in Ninuve also around the same period of time. Our Onam must be the Keralite version of the same festival. This maybe the reason why Onam has become an integral part of the Malayaalee's blood as though it was derived like an inherited cultural trait" (Kalotsavam). See another mention in the same article about foreign migrations into Kerala: "Let me also declare that it is a book entitled "Possible relics of Sumcrian traditions in the religious rituals of theThodas" written by Prince Peter of Greece that attracted my attention to some of the factors which formed the bases for t hi s article. The subject of Peter's book is the striking similarity bel>u\ n the mystical names of the eleven gods of theThodas and the names of IheSumerian gods. Peter in this

hook strongly suspects whether theThodas are the descendants of a Sumerian-Assyrian-Babylonian colony of people who came to Kerala horn Sumeria before 2 If/) B.C., settled here, and later for some reason, i nl off all their lies with their native land, moved east, and settled for a loiicl\ life in the forests of the Nilgiris." ()ur national and Church historians should, at least from now. pay heed to the observation that N.V.Krishna Warrier has made in his Kalotsava article that the Keralite festivals of Vishu and Onam were I c^ti vals from countries such as Babylon and Assyria and that the people who celebrate Onam and Vishu in Kerala had links with these ancient ailtures. '['here were many believers in Buddhism and Jainism among the I >ra\ idia ns who later migrated to Kerala from Northern India. They played a big role in collecting forest products from jungly regions and icaching them to the regions of the seaports. The spreading of the B' iddhist-Jainist (Sramana) temples during the period between the first century B.C. and the Sangham period of the earlier centuries A. D. is indicative of the considerable numbers in which these people were present in those regions during those times. At the time when Ward and Conner were preparing a survey report around the year 1800, in Talappally Taluk alone, there were about two thousand pagodas (houses of worship) is apiece of information recorded by them (Geographical and statistical memoir of the survey of theTravancore and Cochin State, Vol,2. Part II. Cochin, p.276). In the Chaavakkaad, Thalappally, Valluvanaad Taluks adjoining the Ponnaani sea port, there were innumerable Buddhist-Jainist temples and their monks wearing their wooden coats. There is still a Cheeran pond (Cheeran meaning coal made from barks of trees) in the port town of Paaloor. There is also a Cheeran pond temple. It is just that during the spread of Shaivism the pagodas turned into Bhagavati temples. Even though the BuddhistJainist movements were born in northern India as a revolt against the animal sacrifice culture that the Aryans kept and the Buddhists and .lainisls were atheists, they were very noble peace-loving people. They

were able to attract a large number of the common people of Kerala to their creed. With the exception of the Arabs and the Jews, most other people were gradually absorbed into their creed. Their first stronghold in Kerala was Thirumaraikaad in the Taluk of Thalappally in the regions of Paaloor. This place which is now known as Porkalam. has formerly had names such as Marayur, Maraikad. Veduvanam, Vedakaad, etc. There are still seen a number of different types of ancient underground and overground caves in these regions. That this scenic and serene region acted as the training ground for those who practised their faith in the Buddhist-Jainisl and the .Shaivite-Vaishnavite-Brahmin creeds is pointed out in the Shivapuraana - known as Periyapuraanaa - written hy Chekka/hiyaar in t h e 1 2 t h century (Ch.28. Title: ThinignaunasambhandhaMoorthiNayanaar. pages I IS-142). The Greeks participating in the foreign trade centring around the seaports of Ponnaani and Alexandria had established colonies in the port town of Paaloor. and the Buddhists likewise had established their colonies in Alexandria. Historians point out that the Buddhist colony in Alexandria had a Buddhist cemetery (Sir Flinlers Petry-Raudhaa Kamal Mukhcrji, 'The Church and Art of India', page 132) and the Greek colony had an Augustus temple in Paaloor (A. Sreedhara Menon, 'A Survey of Kerala History", page 23). The place where the Augustus temple stood is still seen in the Paaloor region under the name Akthiyur. There were Jewish synagogues in places such as Chaattukulangara and Mattom in Paaloor where the Jewish colony existed. Chaatlukulam (which still exists) is a small sea port. Kulam or pond in Tamil means port. (The common meaning of 'pond' was later attributed to the word.) The forest products from Malabaar used to reach Chaattukulangara by country roads. They used to travel by country boats from Chaattukulangara to Ponnaani where the big ships were anchored off the shore. Products which disembarked at Ponnaani would travel to Chaattukulangara by country boats, and they would he traded in the famous markets at Chaattukulam, Chemmannur and Aalathur, the nearby places.

There arc sufficient linguistic, circumstantial and historic evidences ,ivai lable in order to make the observation that it was the Karkaanaad w hich was part of the Chcra kingdom in the first century A.D. which later became Kakkaad (Paaloor region), and that it was the Chcra sea port Vanchimuthur (the old Vanchi) which later became Pazhanji (Paaloor region). The legend that a Perumaal who got converted to ("hristianity was assassinated by the Kakkaad Nambidi, and the history that the Kakkaad Nambidis got the Thalappally region as a gift in iccognition oi this act. may be read along with this. The Kakkaad fort and the fort at Pa/hanji (Kottol) arc described in an unwritten manner hv these historical tales. In brief, it may be said that it was the Chcra kings who controlled the foreign trade that had got started here before the time of Christ. This trade centring around the sea ports PonnaaniAlexandria played a decisive role in giving birth to a mixed culture in Kerala as well as Alexandria. There are records which show that the scientist Ptolemy, while talking to Indians in Alexandria, mentioned that (here were Indians living in Hgypt at the time of Pleeni (in the 1st century \.D.) (Bombay Ga/ettier. Volume 10,pages 137. 138). Ivory.the I anions export product from southern India, formed a part of the precious ihings collected by Heeram's ships during the time of Emperor Solomon (KthcenUuy B.C.). Some of the other things collected by Hecram such ;is peacocks and monkeys were also products from the hilly regions of Kerala. The Egyptian mummies were wrapped in the calico cloth from Kerala. The Kelhana pieces of cloth in which Christ's body was wrapped were those made in Kerala (Liddel and Scott's Great Lexicon). The language scientist Dr. Caldwell has argued that Hebrew words such as tukiyayi. almug, shenhabim and cop arc in that order Dravidian words w ilh the meanings peacock, sandal, ivory and monkey. The I lebrew words for cotton, gulgulu, amril, etc. are derivatives from Sanskrit. A Greek doctor who lived about 400 years before Christ has used the wordkarpiyan for cinnamon (karuvaapatta). The Greek name lor chukku (dried ginger- known by the name inji) is sinjiber. The old Tamil and Malayalam characters of the alphabet (vattezhuthu) were

formed from the Phoenician alphabet which was in use before Chrisl. The Roman gold coin collection which was discovered from the cave at Eyyaal village in Paaloor is an undoubtable evidence of the old link. The name of one street at Paz.hanji (the old Vanchi) in Paaloor is still the Greeks' street. Anybody who came here crossing the sea in those days was known as a Greek. This included the Persians also. The temple on the Kaattakaambaal coast in the Paaloor region was their house of worship. This temple which belonged to Emperor Darius became a Bhagavati temple during the advancement of the Shiva cult. It was through a murderous attack that the devotees of the Shiva goddess Kaali captured this temple. The incident of llic harvesting of the head of Darius still continues as an annual celebration ofu ritual art form. During festivals at several temples in later times this 'murder" drama has continued to be enacted. What the foregoing discussion makes clear is that Kerala had become famous in western and eastern countries through trade, long before Hippalus discovered the monsoon winds in 45 A,D. St. Thomas in his gospel (Apocryphal) describes that one of the eastern kings who visited Christ was an Indian. This discovery by Hippalus further reduced the distance between these countries. It has already been hinted that Kunjikkultan Thamburaan has made mentions in 'Kerala' that the sculpturing an came flowing into Kerala through Alexandria. It was therefore quite natural that the messenger who was sent out by King Gondaphorus in search of a sculptor to build a palace reached Alexandria, and that a group of sculptors underthe leadership of St. Thomas reached Kerala through Ponnaani. (The Thundi sea port described by Pleeni in the 1 st century is pointed out to be Ponnaani by K.A.Neclakantashaastrikal.) It was also natural that the Jewish Hill in Paaloor very close to Ponnaani became St. Thomas's first gospel field. (It was the Lord's command that the gospel should be preached first to the sheep lost from the Israel fold.) The colony that was known as the Jewish Hill was that of the Jews who were engaged in foreign trade. There was also a Jewish synagogue at

this Jewish Hill in Chaattukulangara. These Jews in Paaloor knew their language of worship Hebrew, their mother tongue Syriac (in the form i A Aramaic) and also the ancient language of this hill country Tamil, all \ cry well. Therefore, they were able to follow St. Thomas's preaching and worship in Aramaic. Itwasnoldifficultforthe settlers in the Jewish i olony to understand St. Thomas's witness that Jesus was none other Uian the promised liberator, the Messaiah, for whom the Jews had waited lor centuries. En bloc they embraced the religion introduced to them by St. Thomas. It was easy for them to accept the novel offer of l hurch membership through Baptism, which maintained that in Christ there was no male-female distinction, as they were used to the age-old practice of circumcision tor individual membership in the Jewish religion. It was easy tor them also to accept the concession that the new sacrificial worship could be conducted anywhere at any lime, without their having lo go to the only temple at Jerusalem for the purpose. They gladly accepted the new vision that anybody who had taken the Baptism had ihe eligibility lo become a priest, as this gave them freedom from the requirement to look for Levites and the sons of Aaron to conduct sacrificial worships for them. They found the charm of the divine principles of love, forgiveness, forbearance and sacrifice much more adorable in comparison with the rigid laws of the Jewish canon that taught repayment of evil with evil. With this, the Jewish synagogue on the Jewish Hill in Paaloor became the first Christian house of worship in India, and the converted Jews became the first Christians of India. Chaattukulam (the pond in the valley of the Jewish Hill) thus became the first venue for Christian baptisms. The prototypical Christian Eucharist was first celebrated in the Jewish synagogue now turned into a Christian church dedicated to Mother Mary, in the Aramaic language, using bread and wine as the sacrificial objects. This was the time when the Buddhist-Jainist religions were beginning to lose ground within the country. These religions had taken birth by rejecting the blood-thirsty gods who could be pleased with animal sacrifices. These religions, which had their bases in a code that was

constituted by good deeds, righteousness, love and kindness, a few centuries later, started experiencing a feeling of emptiness. When their practitioners realized that an atheistic code could never quench man's spiritual thirsts, they started attributing divinity to the founders of their religions. Temples with statues of the Buddha and Jainist priests in them came up all over the country. This resulted in a spiritual crisis. An atheistic religious philosophy could not be in agreement with (he practices entailed by idol worship. Christianity appeared before them when they were waking up to Ihe realities of the dilemma that faced them. The> found clear answers to many of the baffling questions which were troubling them, in the Christian vision. The very appealing code of acceptance of both the divine and the human that they found in Christianity attracted them strongly. They also gradually started leaning towards Christianity. The Christian Church that St. Thomas founded in 52 A.EX was thus discovering new horizons of growth and expansion. A. St. Thomas's Indian Church Certain western scholars have questioned the ancient and widely accepted firm faith that St. Thomas was the founder of the Indian Church. Roman Catholic historians, particularly the Jesuit historians among them, and Protestant historians such as Fischer, Dr. Buchanon, Dr. Kerr, Bishop Hcber. Archdeacon Robinson, Howard. Collins and White 1 louse vehemently support the St. Thomas tradition. Colonel Yule who translated "Marcopolo". and Alex Dorsie who examined Portuguese records, have historically justified this tradition. But people like Lacross and Hough have expressed displeasure at their inability to find contemporary historical records for these periods. Just a handful of scholars like QM.Rae have questioned this tradition. There are two arguments that they have raised in this connection. The Indian mentions related to St. Thomas in fact are mentions about Ethiopian regions. This was their first argument, and the second was that, though St. Thomas may have visited India, he could have visited only places in the north western region such as Afghanistan and Kabul and not the southern parts of India. Secular historical investigation serial publications have undeniably established the unquestionable historicity of the familiarity of the Indian

11 '.ist that the continents of Asia, Europe and Africa had from at least a 11 lousand years before Christ (P. K. Gopaalakrishnan, 'The Cultural 11 isiory of Kerala'). Therefore, their first argument is not justifiable. I heir second argument is only a tale spun out of their imagination, as i here is no Christian religion or a St. Thomas tradition existent in the north-western regions of India. What are the historical facts that are known to us about people Mich as Shankaraaehaaryar, Cheeraaman, the Niranam Poets. < henissery. E/huthacchan, Kunjchan Nambiyaar, etc., who have been attributed ihe status of Patriarchs of the Malayalam literature of recent <. amines by literary history? Are we not ignorant of their times, places of birth or work, personal names or the names of (heir parents? The authorship of several of the works which are known as their works is a matter of contention these days. Even though sufficient historical facts are not available even about these comparatively modern literary and cultural fathers, in the light of the publications that have come out in t h e i r names, we consider them as historical personalities. Viewed in this manner, we can be proud of the richness of the heritage and the records we have received in the name of St. Thomas which is two thousand years old. The first and foremost evidence in this regard is nothing but the existence of the Indian Christian Church which proudly claims that its li lunder was Si, Thomas. There is no other Christian community in the whole world which claims to have St. Thomas as its founder. But in India, though it has existed on different tiers since the 17th century, all of them unanimously vouch for the heritage they have from St. Thomas. Some of the ancient churches which claim to have been established by St. Thomas are another evidence in this matter. It is a very ancient tradition that St. Thomas established seven and a half churches in Kerala. Though certain local interests have famished the claims in the case of some of these churches, with regard to the claims of at least four of these churches, there can be no doubts. The four churches in focus

here are the ones at Paaloor. Kottakkaavu. Niranam and Gokkamangalam which bore witness to Si. Thomas's journeys along the coast and his final journey to Madras. The worshipping communities which got established in these four places arc the historical witnesses of the St. Thomas tradition. But the story of the Paaloor church alone will be sufficient to make it clear to us how shamefully some of these churches engaged themselves in cheaply advertising their claims ol" ownership. They made up tales which said thai St. Thomas came to Paalayur, attracted the attention of some of the traditional dwellers, the Namboothiries of these areas by performing certain miracles, baptised them, converted their temple into a church and ordained some of them as priests. These are the tales which are being propagated by the present owners of the Paalayur church. The careless shots in their own arguments have already started boomeranging on them. In the first century A.D. Namboothiries had not appeared in Kerala. The legend which says that Kerala is the land that was claimed from the sea by Parasuraama who threw an axe and was gifted hy him to the Brahmins, is a nonsensical story that was created by the Namboothiries only after 16th century A.D. in order to establish the origin of Kerala, its greatness and their own importance as the heirs of (his great piece of land. There is no historical element in it. Even then, as its propagators were royally supported aristocrats, their scheme succeeded. As the Namboothiries were considered to be the noble caste in the 16th century, it became necessary to have connections with them in order to establish one's caste nobility. It may be remembered here that the birth of Thunjathezhuthacchan was connected to a Namboothiri. An unwritten law that 'one who is not a Namboothiri is not an aristocrat.' parallel to the law that 'one who is not a hermit is not a poet' came to be propagated. It was against this background that the Christians hastened to establish their descendancy from the Namboothiries. It was as a shortcut to aristocracy that the story that St. Thomas converted Namboothiries into Christianity in the first century was added to history in the form of a legend. 'RambaanPaattu' written by Thomma Rambaan

ni N n a i i a m in the 18th century can be dismissed as a nonsensical i n'.iiion o! the kind that was mentioned earlier. I n order to establish that it was a temple that stood where their i lunch stands now, the people of Paalayur have even made amuseum \v hk h exhibits certain stone idols, etc. Through legends about idols .mil ;i temple, the Paalayur people, instead of supporting their claims I in i heir ancient origins, in fact are only raising doubts about their ancient i iiiviiis. As they have begun to take note of this, they have also started p.nik king about it. I,et us examine what the modern secular historian \ Srccdhara Menon has to say about the truth of the matter: ". . . Musi of the Keralile temples were built in the 8th century A.D. This i minion progressed during the period of the Kulasekhara Emperors < H()()-1102) who ruled Mahodayapuram. This was the period during which most of the Hindu temples in Kerala were built. By this time ( hrislian-Islamic-Jewish religions had also built their own centres of wtrship and had started attracting local communities through their creeds and worships. In order to make Hinduism more attractive, its authorities i opk'd festivals, processions and humanitarian activities like education .md treatment of illnesses from Christian and non-Christian (then known as Buddhist J communities" (The Culture of Kerala', page 36). If the argument that the Paalayur church was built on the site where the Paalayur temple stood after the arrival of the Namboothiries is right, ii becomes clear that it was built only after the 9th century A.D. This jjucss could be right. The explanation is given below. Around the 6th century A.D,. Namboothiries of the Aryan race reached Kerala by the western sea from northern India. Kaanippayyur Namboothirippaad. the author of "The Migration of the Aryas," has i ibserved in the first volume of his book that the first Aryan settlements in Kerala centred around the sea port Ponnaani and the nearby areas. < Ii adually they were spreading to the Paaloor regions, to Peraar and l he Periyaar Valley. These newcomers who considered themselves as in ible and peace-loving by nature, recognised the ideals and practices

seen in the Christian vision as the finest examples of nobility and goodness. Some of the religious scholars among them recognised Christ as the archetypical sacrificial persona who was the doer, the object and the recipient of the sacrifice, as prophesied by the Rigvcda. (Examine the Purushasuklha in the Rigvetla.) As a result of this, a sizable number of the Namboothiries who had settled in the Paaloor region embraced the Christian religion, and the Bhagavati temple at Chaavakkaad in the Paaloor region got converted into a Christian church. Some families discarded the 'PoonunooF and accepted the Baptism, and thus became more deeply eligible for the "twin existence". (As Brahmin men receive both 'Samaavarthana' and 'Upanayana', they are usually described as having a 'twin existence.' This meant that they were born twice. In reality, the second birth is that which happens indeed and in meaning through the Baptism. As this can be given to all without any malefemale distinction, it is the Christian community that has received the Baptism which is belter entitled to the'twin existence'ascription.) As most Namboothiries got converted to Christianity, it is possible that the rest of them left the place and went off to live elsewhere. In the Paaloor region, we still find the Panakkal, Kuthoor, Kolaadi, Mekkaaltu, Thykkaattu, Vaazhappally. Kidangana and Kollannoor families. In the Mooleppaadu-Kollannur family history recently published by Advocate K.V.Thaaru and Advocate K.J.Skaria, I happened to see a research study observation that the Kollannoor temple and the Kollannoor Namboothiri residence existed in the Paaloor region. From these Christian families which had a membership in the Kaakkasseri Bhallalhiri Saamoothiri's 'eighteen and a half poets,' some like Pakalomallom, Shankarapuri, Kally, Kaaliyaankal, etc., moved from Paaloor from time to time and settled in places like Ankamaaly, Kuravilangaadu, etc. In the Paaloor region, those who got converted into Christianity from Namboothiri families, are still thought of as later Christians and not considered to be on a par with the more ancient ones. While talking about the ancient priestly families, those families which are still mentioned

n'.pcclfully in the Paaloor region are the four that are celebrated in an -Id song in this order: Cheeran. Pulikkottil, Cheruvalhoor and M.mlumbaalaa. That the founder of the KottayamM.D. Seminary and i In- Parumala Seminary Joseph Mar Dionysius who was consecrated . 1'. .1 Bishop of the Malankara Church from the Paaloor region, when i In- \ oung man Kaakku from the Kollannur family, who was desirous il becoming a priest in the Church, was denied the eligibility by his own I i . n i s h on grounds of family status, intervened in the matter personally .id granted Kaakku admission to the Theological Seminary is an incident \\Inch is still alive today in many people's memories. it has already been mentioned how the Bhagavati temple at < luavakkaadu had got converted to a Christian church with the . i inversion of the Namboothiries. It is quite possible that it was this mass conversion that prompted the Jagatguru Shankaraachaarya to I ii iii I y the Aryan religion with the proposition of an 'only' God (adwaitha), .mil to formulate the Hindu religion by interpreting Shiva, Vishnu and I d ahma. the deities of the three prominent existing religious sects, as a ii niiiy holding the same divine essence. The Chaavakkaadu Bhagavati temple, which became a Christian i [lurch, got dedicated in the name of Mar Kuriakose Sahadaaand his mother who, at that time, came over from Syria as immigrants, and it ill us came to be known as the Mar Kuriakose church. It continued under the supremacy of the head-church of the Paaloor Christians at ('liaattukulangara (the present day Aarthaat). We have been discussing the founding of the Indian Christian ('luirch by St. Thomas. In this context, let me introduce to you a fragment ot a song from the liturgy which the Malankara Church has been using I mm ancient times. This song is from the Pentecostal service which was handed from generation to generation in the hand-written form. before our liturgies found their entry into printing. This author has. as a pail of his book collection, the hand-written version -a version written m the scripts of both the eastern and the western Syriac alphabets.

This ancient liturgy was the one used in the churches at Alexandria and Persia and also all over the undivided Malankara Church of the days before the Udayamperur Synod. This song, which has gone unnoticed by all Malankara Church historians, is a song sung in the 'kukkoyo' melody during the third service of the Pentecost (E.M.Philip has hinted about it: 'The Indian Church of St. Thomas', page 38). "nD(3ccruo sioofflfujna aBilcnCO 6)ff*i3 o;ail g> etmomaot^lcsooo 6)iaa3 oraoeojo a nrilcnj
n)OG0ru3 a^aO3C03a3 (/16TUle<B)0 6)B>03 t-1<J)(SriIJ(TU2l"nJ "

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SSir St. i lmma> liibk and the Kerala I ultsiiv lie Si Thomas U'Me :- ihe BilA'lhat pn >\ est hat il \v;i'.Si.* hois us iii> toiMuk'il thei 'In ;s!i;iii ( h'.jiv'ii HI India. Nobody knew -tnyl!tiML*.
> ! . ! ! ! : s iiiln;.' l\ i'>i. ii\" p.e.Cii: .lillh.ll lot! lid il ll'om his IVspeeled

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What the song says is that "Simon Peter spread his (gospel) net from Rome, St. Thomas spread his net from the Hindu country, and the chosen St. John spread his net from Ephesus." What this song reflects is the historical awareness entertained by the global Christian Church regarding the gospel activities of the Apostles of Christ. What the Christian Church understands is that after establishing the Church, its worship and the ordination of its clergy in Malankara. St. Thomas went up to China on a gospel trip. Wc sec that the letter of appointment that the Alexandrian Pope issued to Mar Ahathalla as late as 1653 A.D. appointed him as the Patriarch of Malankara and China. Even though it is quite possible that St. Thomas established Churches in the Chola-Paandya kingdoms as well, these Churches did not seem to survive. In 72 A.D. St. Thomas was buried as a martyr at Little Mount in Mylapore. Later the Persian merchants who reached Kerala in the 4th century A.D., took away all his relics to Edessa in Persia and buried them there reverently. The Eastern Church calendar commemorates this incident on 3rd July. The Church at Malankara also celebrates the memory of St. Thomas as a Church festival on 3rd July. The month of July that commemorates the martyrdom of St. Thomas, in Syriac, is called Thomoos. 18th December, the day on which St. Thomas was stabbed, and 21 st December, the day on which he was martyred, are both celebrated as Church festivals by the Church at Malankara from olden days.

, .i ivjl.i Mann; an uu hiuici iiieiiii: 'AnuciN 'ran-laim;1 juiind. published 'i)u-'i;iii_'J aiiicle about il .lr-i i>\t.-r. o' lie, iiib'e. 1 huliibk : ve. . . u icm Iron* (he liibl- \w si si, . i heic .in." imdiv ision.-. ink* books 11 ink !" oi vc is es in ihis liihleas theie are a; Ineiannmca! ISihic. S Ins .1 h mdw ''men > cssi-.i1 i. '- nuee in ihcnlu M.-ia\ aianr ser;pl. piesentiiig ,. -Mililitmus .in,! in ic! i cense <>'< c erv thing liom the creation ol (he ii.r cise. I he nisu:> .u the Kmehtes. the 'jcncaiogv ol ('iirisi anil the i.-Uiiv ol i hi.' Iilenj (. hrN 'IK i tiding his ho;, in nit i incident-.. Ilie Bible ";' In .in eiiii ret nrdii'iMne ii ro al nl mc I In Is Spirii mi (lie dav n! n. f^aileeosi and the a icideiU of the conversion ol .Mil:(! people as ;i i 'nil : if tliu p< caching ol lhe gospel by Si IVicr. At ltic iii'sl fiance
P

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ill icah/e ilka tnis 15ih!e was vvrili.en Io> the benefit o! iLe Jews. All I lie <{eicn pilosis on ml lo'he one assertion dial Jesus was i he o peeled Messiah, the one who -va^ promised to the Jewish race. i lie aiilhoi of I his 151 hie had not come to know of any developments in lenasalem ore1 sew here after the fesiival of the Pcnieeosi. nor did he l.aow an yt hi ng ,ibout lhe I Lirlher expansion activities of the Church. I iin he hail the histoid of [lie israeliiesai his fingertips. The incidents i elated lolhe life of Christ have been recorded with the clarity that can he expected ol an eve w itness, ('ertain historical pictures which are pan ol the Orthodox Christian trail it ion. hut have not been recorded in .nn o! the gospels, are there in this Bible. Names such as Moses. Samuel. Joel and Isaiah have been recorded in their Synac forms. With .ill t h e s e supportive t a c t s we have every reason to surmise that this

--------__---K ------I --------

Bible was written by St. Thomas himself tor the benefit ol the Jews who then lived in Kerala. The canons of the Uday Lim pern r Synod ol" I ri'M clearly make mentions about the wide-spread use ol'such non-canonical Bibles in Kerala. ,-,v t.rp.-p r^iJ .gi'iri ,i;;^.j.Ai''" .'.(i""i*oi ~i.-. 1 '*. -T'Tr'--,-? J.I-H.-.U'

n. utc! reierences to Shiva which clearlv indicate the influence ot the

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kaalidaasa in his 'Kumaarasambhava' pictured I'aarvathv and l' ir.ie-uaia as inseparables like a word and iK moanmg iroui which iii i u - the proposition of the 'ardhaiiaarecswara' i.-r.j-v ; i. ':iv(,,r,,. (ihe I' '! leiiialedodi. 1 Ins idea seems to h a v e e v o l v e d from Ihe Biblical "ii'. ep[ of oneness between husband and w ife and between Christ .ind I lis Church. Bardison wn-.n-.A. m* <.- ;u3;. who lived in Hdessa between 144 .md ^AdX-hasieeordedin his book in Syriac titled 'ActaThoma.' I' '.ails such as relal ions wiiiiOontlaphoriis. building of palaces, miracles .iinl ihe foil tilling of the Church, in counccuon with St. fhomas who I' .n bed Kerala by u Live! ling in a ship from Caesaria. Bemg a book ih.it was w ri t t en I X0() years ago, it is quite possible that it received
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Man\ differences including ihe "two ignorances" pointed out by the ! 'dayamperur Synod are found in this St. Thomas Bible. The Svuoti ha lined 111 is non-canonical Bible: later under! he leadership of Archbishop Mencssis noncanonical religious books were collected and burnt in several places. I he Si. l'homas Bible may have thus got destroyed. The St. Thomas Bible and other religious books may have survived the burning in the Paaloor region which boldly excommunicated the Archbishop That may be how a handwritten \ersion of the Bible was later obtained from Pazhanji. It is nu trivial matter that copies of the noble universal book "Bible" were available in Kerala in the I si century A.IX itself. None of the Vedas had entered the hill country at that lime. Therefore, the observation that Kerala's ethical, religious and cultural bases have their foundations in the Bible can be supported. 'I he Bible was thus able to exert in a big way a cleansing and refining influence on the Shaiva-Vaishna\a-Brahmana religious cultures which reached Kerala in later times. The conversion of Rudra. the God of killing and annihilation, and lhal of the blood thirsty Kaali into the beatific Shiva and into the goddess of might respectively, can be attributed loihis influence. There

later additions. But still Bardison's main declaration is in

r i e e m e n t with the historical declaration made by Kim|ikkullan 11uinhuman in his epic "Kerala" to the effect thai messengers used Io In- sent out from here to the middle-eastern countries in search of i ulplors. Bardi son's description that St. fhomas who look money I mm the King to build a palace used the money for Ihe propagation of ilie gospel and lhal. though he was sent to prison for the offence, he \\ as later released when the King's brother who died unexpectedly unit to heaven and saw that the palace was built in heaven came back l mm the dead and bore witness to the same, and lhal the King and his i.imily got baptised as a result of lliis- all this with some changes were filer taken up LIS stories by ihe propagators of Shaivism and were used b\ ihem in the propagation of llieir religion These stories were used as |i.ii.illeisol die stories about ihe life and activities of Maarnkyavaachaka

--------_------------------gg| --------

Penanaan whoauihoi'tu ' riuravaachaka,' who. timing the period(>40-nni) YD., left Jaimsm m order to join Shaiv l-un, v\ ho. as a powerlui spokes 15lanol the same., ted the persecution ol (hose who tn]lowed ilk' <'iiiistiauieligion ini he Ci U'ia ca ns la ia l Kaavcri I'oonipauina. and who iai'. i I,.!I]I"L,! iverai i as a Shaiv is[ MisMOuar. We find (hose sturics m die MUIVM epic "I vi.] apuiaanaa dial was w niton h\ (' ! i ' ' K k a / l n \ a a i Vnvapu:.tanua. page-, j SS- ] > ! > . in the I.Yicentur.. A I), i !

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atlecled I he propagation oi the ('hrisiiari 'ohgron in tho^e

'. - \ lien a hikkgiound supportive ol the philosophical basis oi the " ,!kiu religion was \el to he formed, theoniv support that the Indian i i.;ch had was what il received Irom the Alexandrian ! 'imrch
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..iiidiia being the foreign cent! oof trade with its Indian .; I'onnaani. il was not at all difheult in dioscdavs to keep up a ' r.:n iiaders were members ol the Alexandrian Church, and as Ihe .:: ( hi islian pi IOSK look tlieii t r a i n i n g Irom the Alexandrian ! i eologioa! ('ollego, these mutual reiai louships and contacts were tirmb

counterpart i.'uoiisinp w ith i he Ale\andriaii Church. As a good number of the

i ihhsiied ones. It is iccordcd by t he ( Trismus Church historian 'i mi sen lose (hat when the Principal ol the Theological Col I cue al v le xa nd ri a was inlonned about I he religious con lent ions with the K.nidhisis. llie ViceJ'.'lC ) L' : n;<.' .'.'. !.'..'') "i:> '. i. j",i ii,i i ' 'I' ";'! 'I,''. . JI ,-i ;). .J. f , ' i'! 0 j in,,,, i .1,-. " r i ,oi r '[-' .- i
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IVmcipalol (he college. Bishop Puntenus Demetrius. 'i.i^seul to India inordei to look into the matter (hcelesiaslical I listoty book 3. Chapter 10). I his Bantenus history is recorded also by the liiCmriaii .lorome. apart Irom ilio Caesarian Bishop and scholar > iii-ebiose. Nohodv has ejueslionod the recordings of these great I ii .loriuns of ihe.4lh cenlury A.D. 'Niceneand Post Nicene Kit hers", \ol. |. pages 224-225: Jerome. Vol. 1. Ch. III. p. .C70: 'Hist ory of i !II istlanilv in India". Source materials, M.K Kuriakose, nae4 mav
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he iet erred lo.) l\en (hough certain other authors have recorded thai ilie country India being referred to by those historians is some other '. minlrvihe argument that our counlrv India wa1- not known in foreign i ouniries in the early centuries A.l). has crashed like a card-pa lace w ith the discovery of the history of the trade links thai India had in those davsbclore Christ with Alexandria. The Tcriyapuraanaa' has uvorded in several places that Ihcological debates were commonly held in Kerala in those dav s. Chekka/hiyaar has recorded details about i.'ligious debates hold from the 4th century A.l)., vvheie he men! ions ihatdebaies used lo beheld in many places between lhe Shaivistsand iho Buddhists, and Ilia! in all those places (he Shaiv isi scholars won all i he debates. As it was customary lor the Buddhists and ihe Jainists lo

It hashcen staled earlier thai at (he time of llie arrival of Si. Thomas a large majority of people in India wore lollowers of (lie Buddhlsl-Jainist religions, and that the eailv Indian Christians were converts from Jewish and Buddliisl-Jainistconiinunilies i referred !ob) laler historians in general as Buddhistsi. The main dwelling and iraining grounds ol these people were located at Thirumaraikaad in the Baaloor regions. Though the Christian religion that spread in the Baaloor region, by its first appearance, was acceptable to these Buddhists, details related to mailers of faith became subjects of conlenl ion. The conceptual tensions that arose between the Jewish Christians and the Buddhist Christians

--------------------------m rm -----------------------------

engage in religious debates, it can be logically surmised that before I lie days of the Shaivisis, the) used to bold debates u ith the earh Christian Churcli. It is doubtful whether Rev. Dr. V. C. Samuel's rejection of the Pantcnus history on the grounds that there haven't even been any claims thai at any lime there have been any sort ol"relationships between the Churches in Alexandria and Kerala, is acceptable in the light ol the best of research available (' The Church is Grow ing' Pari I. page IS). This declaration by Rev l)r V C Samuel which was made in the wake ol the observation recorded in 'The India n (hurch of Si. i'homas.' pages 43-45. about the discussion he l d by [ { . M . P hi l i p regarding the relationship thai the Church of Kerala had w ith Ihe Church of Alexandria, under the title 'The Discourse Trip of Panlenusio Southern India", can only be taken as a lapse of memory. Moreover, the research treatise written by Deacon P.T.Gheevarghcse(later Archbishop Mar Ivaniosc) in the year 1907. under the title 'Were the Syrian Christians Nestorians?'. records the following tpage 32): ". . . It is evident that a Bishop of die Jacobite Church from Alexandria came to Kerala in 696 AT)., as a result oflhe efforts made by the deputation sent to the Jacobite Patriarch in Alexandria from Kerala. In the year 695 A.D.. a local priest from the Syrian Church of Kerala was consecrated by the Alexandrian Patriarch"' (h'rancis Day: 'Land of Perumaals,' page 216: Neile: "I listory of [ lolv Dasiern Church' Alexandria. Vol. II, pageSS). It was most unfortunate that Rev. Dr. V.C.Samuel, who taught history for a whole life- time at the Theological Seminary of the Malankara Church, who guided a large number of research scholars, and who authored many valuable history books, ignored the research treatise on Church history prepared by Deacon P.T. Ghecvarghese who later became an Archbishop of the Malanakara Orthodox Church. The Syrian poet Mar Aprcm. who died in the year 370 A.D.. has described St. Thomas as 'a dweller among the Indians who had got

: timed by the extreme heal." 1'he modern historian Asscemaan writes: Ml the theological books in Greek. L a t i n and Syriac vouch that St 1 liomas was the Apostle oflndia" (Dissert de Syro-N'estorieus Vol. I\. pagc4S9. P h i l i p page 39). Bishop Heberdeclares: 'As there are -Lii ficicnl evidences to prove that the Apostle preached the gospel in I n d ia and thai he died a martyr's death in My lapore. there is absolutely iu> room for any doubts." I his is how Dr. Buchanon concludes matters itier a long discussion. "In the same way as we believe that Apostle i Vierdicd in Rome, we have enough evidence to believe that Apostle I bonus died in India" ( Ph il i p, page40). When clear historical evidences are lacking even in the case of historical incidents whiclurre just about two centuries old. St. Thomas's I n d i a n Christian Church can be legitimately proud of the fact that so manv historical evidences are available on external, internal, national and international levels about a historical incident which is about twenty centuries old. ( . Lark Foreign Relationships of the Indian Church The last foreign link of this C'hurch is St. Thomas who reached Kerala through the trade path between Pouiuiani and Alexandria. The discovery of (he trade winds by Hippalus in the year 45 A.D. made I best, links considerably easy. Though the Indian Church had contacts u ith the Christian Churches in the Persian regions which were established bv the disciples of St. 'I'homas, Mar Aadaayee and Mar Maarie, these links were not very active. Until the beginnings of the Persian trade links in the 4th century A.D., the Indian Church kept up these relations, first without cessation, and then as occasions demanded. This fact is ampK supported by many historical evidences. In this port low n founded b\ Alexander the Great in his own name in 332 B.C.'.. the formation of uni ver sal bu nia nilv happened, and the cultures from the east and the west amalgamated. The Jewish philosopher Phyio lived here during i lie time when the Greek translation of the Old leslamenl (Septuagtnt,) was done here in the 2nd century B.C. It must have been from die

-----------------------------EH-----------------------------

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("h ns ii an theological i oUege in Alexandi ia that llif-' ear!\ theological student1- Irorn die Malankara Church took lheir theological (raining. 11 was I his i cial iun\hip tha! miiiaied (he m\ ilalion e Mem fed to Pantenus from (hai theological college 1'he Alexandrian Church was enabled to make Ihe theological trainim:. offectiu- because of the ,S\ rian heritage M had recei\\x\ irum ils lounderMatkos;. i hese links arc unqucsiionahb supported bv facts such as the a n i \ a l in Malankara in a Bishop Irom Alexandria in b% A i) i Francis |)a\ page 2 Id). ilieconscciaiion of a Keiahte priest In ihe A lexandrian Pair; neb in d1'-, VI > i Wale \'ul. 2. page XKl, and a;.'.am. (he preaching ui the gospel on I lie islands in (he Indian < leean hv the Alexandrian i'ainaich Mar Yaakkoh who oiled from H37 u > X 5 2 A.])., and the Alexandrian I'alriau h\ appointment of" MarlgnallusAhalhiillaasihe Patriarch of India and China and hisheing senl here in 1633 as per requests made hy the (. 'hnsiian ('hnrch o\' Kerala. In addition, an incident which came to iight recently has also clarified this mailer. This is how Pr. Kunakose() IX". has recorded it hi (he hook tilled \AHireigiiTourand Some Scattered Thoughts'v\ hich lie published m (lie year 1976 (page 2X0 r. '. . . While talking to some PgyplianC nnrch leaders about these historical inudenls. one historical scholar from among them brought an Arabic hook . . . and showed what the hook hail said about an Indian press) h\ name Pathrose making an appeal for help to the Patriarchal throne of Alexandria and the consecration and appointment of a special bishop lor India by the Alexandrian Patriarchal throne. .." Another ancient Church thai had relationships with the Indian Church was the Persian Church. Cialatius of Sysiccus has recorded in the book of history that he authored in the latter half of the 5th century that, a! the first universal Synod that was held at Nicea in 325.-VD.. Bishop Yuhaanon recorded his participation under the title, the bishop of Persia and the bigger India. It is quite possible that the members of the Persian Church founded h\ Aadaa\eeaiiit Maarie. (he disciples of Si. Thomas, and their founders themseh ev kept up a icLlionship u ilh India through Alexandria, and artztied onc-sidedtv that ( he ir co nl ac ts *

'In' Indian ('hmeh warranted the consociation and appointment of S ' e i s i i u i Bishop as the Bishop of" Persia and India jointly. (In this i i i - x i :l mav be remembered thai in the Pth century, the Pope of \- -andiiii conseciaied and appointed Ignatius Ayalhulla as the ' " Mu h |oint l\ tor India and China. This was not done with the i -. v ledge of either the Indian Church or the Chinese Church.) There point in Rev. Dr VC Samuers declaration thai, except Galatius, .loriannienl ions India in connection with Bishop Yuhaanon (The . h K( ii\n\in\pagt.-s. 2 2 - 2 3 1 Wecannoi approve of a research
M

Mmdologv that goes seeking after what is unsaid, and not what is

! 11 is not a realistic research methodology The argument that the m.aiiioii made of India is not about our India, but some other country. rinoi also he taken seriously. (The reason has been clarified earlier. ui'. o! meet ion with Bardison's writings.) We see in /iert's "NaalaagamanT (Chronicle) written in Persia II'MIH! the Middle Ages that Bishop Doodi (David), who was a scholar in Besraon ihe coasts of the Persian C i u l f during the period between "' md 300.A D . left his diocese and travelled to India and converted I. ii "c numbers of people there to Christianity (Fr. Dr. A'.C.Samuel, The i hnrch Is Growing.' page 26). There is a note on the margin oflhe i n k i p r e t a i i o n o f t h e Fpistielolhe Romans prepared by the religious inierpreler of the Persian Church, Fsodad. in the 3rd decade of the 5lh

rnttirv. which reads like this: "This Fqiislle was translated from Komai i

rieek to Syriac with the help of the Indian priest Daniel" (Mingaana. b.u'K Spread of Christianity in India," page 27). Mingaana has also uiorded that Bishop Maanaa of (he Persian Rivaardasheersenttothe Indian (lunch around 470 A.D.. copies of religious sermons and songs in ihe Persian language and also his own S\riac translation of hooks Aiitleu in Creek (page 28). There are mentions about the Indian Church .Mid its relationships with the Persian Church in the Greek book titled t niversal Christian Topography' written hy Cosmos after 5.35 A.D. 1 Ins account written hv Cosmos who \ isiled South India between 520 md 325 A.D.. as an account written by an eye-witness and a

Ka

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contemporary traveller, is beyond contention. He w r i t e s : "In the Taprobane (Ceylon) Island and in the interiors of India on the coast of the Indian Ocean there exists a Christian Church with priests and communities of people who are believers. It is nut certain whether the Church has spread from there to other countries, lint there is :i C 'hnstian Church in Maalc where pepper grows, and also a Hishop vdiowas consecrated at a place called Kalyaanain Persia." Al the time of the starting of the Persian link, we see t h a t the Keralile centre of foreign trade got shifted from Ponnaani to Kodungallur. 1 lie kings ol the first Chera Vamsa, who had established t h e i r capital m Pa/ha>avanchi (Pazhanji?) and later in Perumpadappu in the I'aaloor region itsell, following constant attacks from the Chera-Paandya emperors, moved their capital to Kodungallur. These attacks which were a scries of battles fought for about a hundred years as described by A. Nreedhara Menon, were staged on the expansive meadows at Thirumaraikaad in the Paaloor region which later came to be widely known as Porkalam. These endless battles destroyed all the forts and palaces that existed in Pazhayavanchi (Pazhanji) and Perumpadappu 1 Vanncri) and also the seaport at Ponnaani. The Cheras established themselves al the safer centre Kodungallur on the banks of the Periyaar and declared Kodungallur as t h e i r "new v a n e h i . ' As in Perumpadappu (ChaaUukulangara = Vanchikkulam) there-came to be a 'Varichikkulam' in the Kodungallur region also. They had to expand Kixltmgallurintoa seaport with the shifting of the capital. The trader Thomas (Kaanaa) supplied to Kodungallur all the sculptors and the workmen needed for the building of the seaport. Following the persecution of the Christians that happened in Persia during the time of Saappor 11, Thomas Kaanaa reached Kodungallur with a considerable number of the refugees is the legendary story told ahout it. This incident which happened in 345 A.D. is described as 'Syrian migration' by Rev. Dr. V.C.Samuel ('The Church is Growing,' page 36) and also by H.M.Philip (page o2). The Malankara Church Encyclopedia has also described him as the leader of a Christian migratory group delegated bv the Pe rsian (. athohcosc

ii K! as a sa\ lour who brought and settled an entire colony of Christians, k I tidi ng a Hishop, in order to strengthen the Keralile Church (page
').

However, it is certain that, apart from protecting refugees, there i'ii-.t have been other valuable contributions which warranted the ii i, ifi'jemcnls made lor assuring him of a respected position as long as i i ie n orkl lived. I his is mentioned in an unpublished handwritten history . ; ihe ('Imrch: -.- 7J,X :\ px.fiiri^prnn'^ ii^KiDDpicrai'.-nri i-r>6ijh<3rz!im!mrr) KBc/scrulrngu
''t*.;;.; iT,raroi'li:;j"'BOj6rc3rm ,'BOij<isnf~jgo (.j'DiPD'hiM^p^o a^jnafroigeiiftfiensgo

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rvj^n^o ul.O.I;.,']ifti! i-^i)^lo1K :]a gDT (1 InCW-SKKf) ^QicO^^P WKgcOBS (STOWS? n

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-;..';. in7j.r^f-n~' . :.' TsLJ-''"Ii>JL/3 631} rn:;<;<go (SriOt.o.io.i6"Kn"f iwralftiroioi^MoiGrno ':, ,-j;l^| mirtii'.iijiiD^.j rJi^im^o (nij.uijlcnf^oia finicJi^QomnnTiiKD^^OTO) . i.'<:>,'./ii w:>i,ar~Q>?.o CiV-i'Dig .o)jii5M> ,n;y?3<"DTl fingGJjo .-irxSro-roil <3%wm>2o ,!:i'j^oi (TJDffliiim'jjtfti >PI %v.y.(7& maul (nrayai)" asjlral^f reFQKarrogo mcrcJc&i f,i in>:,vislvM ohlo.Kdii| I'fjiifidJiSijQi ailnndo (EEOE>? Guifriiffljrnj. ioiM"R,jo .joisigo firnOLL!j(Tf](Q)3o nieiOHc.JSOjgo anifjTOiOQonjgo 'iii'.o:,-^ wyur^ dh^w^o ens 00130 oiOiQitegranira^o mi<cP.a^o '"jgtacrago < O \\ V <" A ? Frasrat' (iiafijiaiofijoigo (5ra6To" 01 em ^3 SOB 3 a
I

ni^ajBiftyango ;i'j3 'jem^.ari'jFinigo >isnvmjga iierrieytoS eataiiuaDstogo f>$\\&i&, arnol^o, "'.V.Ti'p:', ^o306).*<i KO;)O. S:0)D(^QJ^, oflca'jjeanni. nfiraraemi)'. ikoatf.-ijlpimf'.

.i!ri.-; jljemgm3Jpiijo cedofcii". ij(,e>r>. gDS3nisi mmostoiDraMOo. mamoo^fmi'. iHracraflmsecBgo cn;O(_uro6m303,

i-. ,-.).-,. i%n]^2;ji-"l Ggsi^ilwj'iRMftmeoiaa^ uiirrntR)TJa) <ni&/m EQimJoerrf aflciJ ...; .IPI-J&II ^D^^iJCJiaikcisire' -.inofij^agu

....I >,', I ' KR ': COO . ;O>UJ Qgp . U^IPJI, fii'ijeis-^omf, '.r^ra^iur'kjgu -,on'ywtugo E><ro.6ri"'
',d .-msini^j.^o ;rr;(D.yo nj^nwgn ma^^go yo;> nulita-ij,^coilmga<&3as
, J i:.. is' -.^)S ,jrj!la!;j6 iii* '.'(-;r^" srrr.ip j^.'.; & n c-H ara i" m ^^g

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(FT. Dr. Joseph Cheeran: 'The Indian Orthodox ( hurch: ilistorv and Culture , pages %, 7). F,\ tracts from the writings of illoop Wnter also are ofiekwance litre.
L I'V.^iO) L-T^. ; ;..'.X!i !.''' ''V.- li.-l. i ':',!'.. ,-: .) . ; ,

:.il.i ID 1 _'l)'"i l o t i n d Nestonan* 'hrmmii^in Kerala. 'I'he Bible reading i' wnisen during the limeoiT'atriarch Yaahb \aloho Vandthelndian '. !K>P Mar Yaakkob. in 149(1. t hiee representatives from the ' ilanakaraChnix li v i s t i c c t the Persian Patriarch Simon and obtained

'i"k^ \\ i ilien m ! M)\ f prepared at Chennamangalam! claim to have

niik"ri iO)Q]nrt. n:k~ci[]'i\ii>ii-'i6 if&>ir,(r,rniii(>i '-'''fii.ii'.m'W",.-v-. .. ji . iti ; I :, - . . - > ; - .

'"r)-)Oi(J)iT)o ',s.,if);;,i fTi.iJ^kn'i.-'i;;-. j^va rf !.*-, I 'r; 'nr^*; i ;["',! i 11 hi . :: !,'' ,,1,'H ,.
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1

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''lollops | HI I IK Malankara Church. WV got three bishops from i i.MII I :M).V Allci I n"'S'S dnee or lour eastern bishops came to > 'Uiikar:!. Mai Abiahant wluteoi tunned lobe in Malankara till 1597 Miic ol litem. Mai (labnel w ho tame in I 7118 was also a member 'He Peisun Chmvh. In the 5t h cciiiiirv A.D.. Ihe Persian Church 11 limned Ncsloi. As a result of litis, in (>2X 2') in Tigris, a parallel i, ,.t 101 vui.i appointei.1 tutiler Ihe lilies ol Maphnaanaaand the Senior K' dv.ip of the hast. '1 he above menlioned bishops came from Ihese . ! ' i it roues. I'liroiiiih ihem certain N est oriantratln ions happened to i ike n-nt in (.ertain parts ot Malankara. When the Portuguese came '" - iliey happened to gel the wrong idea that Ihe whole Malankara ' ' i' ii eh was under Nesiorian rule because of Ihe presence ol Ihe 'v. -i.hi.jii M;n Aiirahant here, and i_on-,equenlly, the Catholic Churcli initi.iieda i
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including ihe Synodal Udayamperur. A certain number ol Persian crosses remain in ihe Malankara i inn eh as silent witnesses o! the relatinnshipsthal existed between the Malankara Church and the Persian Church during the 7th. Sth and I'lils centuries A.D. There are Iwo of ihem in the Valiyapally at l\nila\am/]hereisoneaUhc Kadamaltom Orthodox church, and yet .inothoi al ihe Muliuehiru Catholic church. These are crosses sculpted i nit of stone the Persian way. There are inscriptions on them in ihe v i i nt of Ihe Persian royal language Paalm i. Though there are debates
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isniriGJTUiQjOjfirxiS gp?j ypi;u)j ?i(o(oi":''o.l ivm" ;_>-. m:i".!.oi ;.|k,i;;;:i: ^> ,.> .VH)I;;O rftLiDriiiss'imgiBpajf'j'jiinji iffidljn ejniQ<o:m m-1jJti*j"j '( OTn'j. ,i MiMi:;.,^ nva;^-.,

The migration thai happened under ihe leadership of Knaayi Thomman in the 4th eenUiry. Ihe migration that happened usidei the leadership of Mar Saappor and MarApmd in the ')th eentur\. and the origin and continuance of the related traditions, especially Ihe history of the Christian community that goes by the name Knaanaava. are all chapters in the Persian links of ihe Malankara Church. Mecken/ie mentions about a certain Bishop Yohaiinaan who v\ as senl from Persia toMalaakarainlheyear I I2'J. [lis said thai Marco Poio who \i.siled

the interpretation of ihese inscriptions, the generally accepted

MHI

n.tnslaiioiis are given below: Onthecros>on ihe wail facing ihe northern .iliarat Kottayam ValAapalli: "OhOiriilmy Loal, have mercy on Aphras i he Naharbukh the Syrian v. ho sculpted out this cross." On the .k-C'ti id cross: "Let me not lake pride inanythhi" otherihan the cross of mir Lord Jesus Chris!," On ihccro^s al tlie Kadamaltom church: "1 of

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have come to this land as the beauldul bird I mm Nmuve. I, Snapper, who was saved from sufferings by the Messaiah who forgives what I have written" (For further details The Church tineyclopedia. pages 50u512). No one claims thai Ihe bishops who appeal in these mentions lived here and ruled here permanently. I'he Malankara (.'lunch does not have their tombs. It is doubtful whether I hey came here for trade purposes. What we have to deduce is that the M a l a n k ; i r a Church even at that lime did not subscribe to the mcsitabihlv o! a rule penned in a Bishop, Everv cluireh had a group of priests. E\en in (lie I7ih century t h e i r head was known as Peredvulha. He used lo ordain and appoint all the priests needed for his particular church i It was against Ihe background of this very powerful tradition ami by its support that the twelve priests who consecrated the first Marthomnia as a Bishop got the courage to do so.) We need to take note ol the declaration made by Iltoop Writer to the effect that theological heads used to come here from Alexandria even in the centuries when we had our links with Persia. I le is hinting at an interim period when the Alexandrian links were weakening and Ihe Persian links were strengthening. There is one thing that is very certain. There may have been bishops among those who came from Alexandria afterthe4lh century and those who came from Persia. Bishops from Persia may have come as followers of Bishop Mar Youseph in the Knaayi Thomma group. It may be remembered thai Cosmos in the 5th century found churches here with Bishops and also those with only priests and believers. (The Alexandrian link developed centring mainly around Muchiri (Pormaani-Cfiaavakkaad--CheUuva). The Christian centre of that link can be guessed as Paaloor. [| was the Christianity that developed around Thalappally thai prompted Hyder Ali and I i p p u to describe Chaattukulangara-Paaloor as Christian tow its. I D, Early Worships; Arrangements for Priesthood What was the nature of the worship in the early centuries in the

i ': in t hurch of St. Thomas? There is one thing thai is certain. There .'-iv no Christian Church without worship and priesthood. The main ion entrusted with the disciples o( Christ was the regular I1 ' t o r m a t i c e of the Holy F.ucharist and Ihe Holy Baptism. They HI. k'lsiood the priest hood that they had received through the laying on nivKastheii right ami their grace to perform these. The Holy Bible *" M, testimom lolhe practice of giving priesthood through the laying "i' '! hands, which the Apostles employed in the early Church for the i, ' i i i m e n i ol deacons and for the ordination of ihe early priests like I ri oiotniosc and Titus. I he performance of the Holy Eucharist was !' i: ips based on whal our Lord did during the Last Supper. Because 'i Hie inlluenceofthe worship in the Jewish synagogues, readings from i Id -v ri pi u res and preaching became a pan of ihe Christian worship. \ i he Kerahtes had Creek and Roman contacts, il was not difficult for ili' kera lite Christians lo follow Christ's praclice of using bread and "im' ;is the objects in the celebration ol (he Holy Eucharist. After the i' iirrectionof Christ, the early Church in Jerusalem had the praclice i'i i >nung together on the first day of the week. St. Thomas who was t'.ni of lh is tradition i n Jerusalem, on his arrival here, started the same pi.Miceol selling apart the fust day of the week -Sunday -for worship in 11.' .iKo. Perhaps the very first celebration of the Holy Eucharist in I'.i lala happened in the Jewish synagogue at Chaallukulangara in I'.i. i lour which had now turned into a Christian church after St. Thomas's f i n d i n g at the Paaloor seaport (Ihe main seaport in the Muchiri area) .ind the introduction of ChrJstianily in the region. Like in Paaloor, in all the places where small worshipping communities had formed, St. I I m n u i s made arrangements for Ihe celebration of ihe Holy Eucharist f\ appointing priests through the laying on of hands. It is possible that '.i fhoinas found his first priests from among Jews and Buddhist monks. V- the performance of Ihe duties of the priesls was very simple in those 111\ s. i i d i d nor require any special training. Perhaps Ihe early priesls iri ci\edthenecessar\ training from the Apostle himself. They may IM\ c depended on (he ponds in the v i c i n i i v of the churches for the

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podonnain.-s.ol the! I-.l\ Baptism. Vvcicao in the I K-]\ BiMc about ine Baptism thai Deacon Philiposegave toihe eunuch ai a urn side pond. The performance of ihc Baptismal sacrament aSo aiusi koc I veil \civ siniple. A declaration olTailh a:id ! balhe'g m waici in the nameol I lie Holy Trinity may have been tii^ onN (wo steps j Kri omsc d in ibe Bapiisnial -acranicni I heie r n a \ noi have t\en ,in\ use (.1 oik 01 other equipmen! in tlie carls Baptism. I here weie nnl\ nm L'joups among I hose who wcieM'dauicd. name!1., (he prices w in pei Mrmcd the riles and (lie 'helnce- -. li^ ,i-.,.^U\l 'hem \n ilic per!, im-^-ii i |,>, nitisl ruu'lveu i l v p i a c l k i thai oui ancienl Cillers had in [I IIM minds when I! R-\ u i o l e o n l . i ,mig -,- Inch is nou ds ua l h aim; ^ l i c i i e . e remember all I hose ei daisied, in oar t h u d hom pr.Arr on Sa;u;da\s. bach worshipping comr.iuniiv musl l;avc had a; least ouc pnesi and several 'helpers." 1^en miiug!, duteous.sc.niciMncsjtuMsnicd Baptisms like Deacon Phihpose m !l.c earls Ouuch a! Jeitisaiein. the Baplisni was considered to have been completed onlv when the priest, through ihe laying on oi'hands. imparled the indwelling ol the Hoiv Spirit. The language of the worship, as pei Ihe henla-ie recened imm St/I nomas, must have been Synac. the Aramaic s a r i a n i n! it. h was not a foreign language to the early priests and theit 'helpers" who had come Ironi [lie Jewish tradition. T here was some airan^emeni in the Jewish centre to teach Syriac to those who had accepted priesthood from among the Buddhist monks. The Christian houses of worship look I lie name of 'pal!\' after the Btiddhist-Jaimsi tradition. At dial lime Kerala did noi have eit her the Sanskrit language or any nomenclatures relaied !o houses ol'w orship. As (he Jews called their synagogues in Kerala as "panics/ l he acceptance ol this name for the Christian house of worship was quite natural. Very authentic evidences-are a va il a ble in order to prove that (he Buddhist houses of worship were called "pallies." The Vadakkunnaatha temple at Tnchur. as is know n to everyone, used to be cal led ' BuddhappalK * before it got taken ovei hy Shaivism. The slope on the north of dial Budhdhist 'pally'-- the present day northern bus stand area - is known

r\ en to the present generation as 'Pallythaamam.' It is because of the universal respect attached to the name "pally1 that it later became s\ nonymous with royal honours. Palliyurakkam (the royal sleep) and palliye/hunnallathu' (the royal procession) arejust two from among t he many examples available to show the supreme respeel that people Iiad attached to the Buddhist- Jail list-Christian houses of worship. I ,ater v\ hen the Muslims reached Kerala, they also took up the name 'pally' Mr th e ir houses of worship. Thesloryofthename "pally" proves that e\ en as late as the 4th century A.D., other names like 'kshetram' and ambalam' had not originated in Kerala. Even words used in Kerala in order to signify familial lelalionshipslike 'father', for example, were of Dravidian, not Aryan, origin for ihe first six to seven centuries. It was the word ' Appan' of I ) ravidian origin that was used to signify 'father'; no one was found to use the word ' Aechan' which is of Aryan origin. Christians generally accepted the Dravidian linguistic heritage. It was (his general heritage ihat was later accepted also by the Shaiva- Vaishnava movements which reached Kerala in the period from the 3rd to the 6th century. (luruvaayurappan (Vishnu) 'EllumaanurappaiT (Shiva) and Vaikkathappan' have survived the strong later Aryan linguistic onslaught lor centuries. it is quite possible that the early Christian priests, while performing the holy rituals, dressed either like the Buddhist monks or like Jews. There is a tradition that St. Thomas founded seven churches; there is also the tradition which says that it was seven and a half churches. There are many people who have raised claims for the 'half pally.' As all these claims originated in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, historians have expressed doubts about their historical validity. Yet. a f t e r Paaloor. the churches at Paravoor ( K o l t a k k a a v u ) , (iokkamangalam. Niranam. etc. are amply supported by circumstantial evidence. The other churches which claim the St. Thomas heritage are

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the ones at Kollam, C'haayal and Maaliyaamkara. Among the churches that have raised their claims for the 'half church.' the ones at Thiruvithaamkode and Malayaattoorare Ihe firs! and foremost. It deserves special mention that, later when the division into Taluks was done, the Paaloor region which had the Christian centre Thalappally in it, came to he called Thalappally and (he royal family which ruled that region came to be known as the Thalappally Royal Family. Many authors have written (hat St. Thomas founded Crosses. It is not certain whether foundation of Crosses was possible during (hose limes. We do not know whether the early Church administration had attached any importance to the foundation of Crosses. It is possible that the shape of the Cross was used in the act of blessing. St. Paul speaks about taking pride in the Cross. The tradition that St. Peter welcomed the death on the Cross may be remembered here. Also we do not know whether the early Church had the practice of declaring a newly built church as having been dedicated in the name of a sainl. If at all we had the practice, only the name and mediation of Mother Mary could possibly have been used for the purpose. It may he remembered that the earliest churches at Paaloor (Chaattukulangara), Niranam, etc. are dedicated to the name of Mother Mary. The early Church used to respect Mother Mary, who was described as 'the second heaven' by our ancient fathers, as the replica of the Church itself. The legendary stones that the Apostles baptised Mother Mary the week after the festival of the Pentecost, (hat they consecrated the holy oil (Mooron) on the next day and that they blessed the church at Jerusalem on the day after that and celebrated (he Holy Eucharist there, which had spread in the Syrian Church, were found to be spreading in the Malankara Church as well. This should mean only that the Holy Baptism, the Holy Eucharist, the Holy Mooron, the blessing of the churches and the ordination of the clergy, were all part oi Ihe earliest Apostolic traditions of the Church. However, it was against the background of our relationship with the Alexandrian Church that the

\postolic traditions instituted here by St. Thomas developed here in ihe Malankara Church. It was in the Alexandrian style and manner that \\ c devdoiied the organization of our churches, worship and priesthood. I his has to be specially mentioned in the discussion regarding the priesthood of the Keralite Church. No Church in Kerala claims to luve the tomb of any of Ihe bishops who died here before the 17th * ciitury. The bishop-posilions which originated as part of Church .idminisiration at different levels in different pails of the Christian world horn tune to lime did not seem to have entered (he early Malankara ('hurch. In other words, the priests who were ordained by St. Thomas had the authority to ordain other priests. It was on the basis of (he extent of their jurisdiction that they were called priests or bishops and not because there was any difference in the degree of the ordination iliat they had received. A priest was in charge of a local parish, whereas a bishop had to oversee mailers for a whole region. It was against this background that St. Paul used both the terms interchangeably; both parlies received (he same ordination. (Dr. Poulose Mar Gregoriose, 'Love. Freedom and a New Humanity,' Sophia Books, Kottayam, 2006, page 553). St. Paul, in his famous Epistle to Timothy, has called Timothy a priest in Ch: 4. v. 14 and Ch: 5, v.22. St. Paul exhorts him thus: "Do not lake lightly Ihe divine blessing thai you have received from priests through ihe laying on of hands" and "Do not lay your hands on anyone in haste." There are certain things which are clear here: 1. It was priests who did the laying on of hands for Timothy. 2. It was an Episcopal position that ihe priests gave to Timothy. 3. Timothy was also given the authority for llie laying on of hands. If one reads carefully, verses 17 to 35 from chapter 20 of ihe Acts of the Apostles, one will be able to sec that (hose who presided over the Church at Ephesus were called both priests and bishops. St. Peter, in his first Epistle Chapter 5 verse 1, calls himself a priest. Fr. T.J. Joshua, New Testament scholar and teacher at ihe Orthodox Seminary, writes: "At the time when St. Paul wrote his I .pistlcs, there does not seem to have been any difference between the

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posilions of priests and bishops; what wc understand is that these were different descriptions being used for people holding the same positions. St. Paul in his Epistle to the Philippian Church, refers only to [he bishop and the deacons there (Phil. Ch. 1. v. 1). whereas during his journey, he calls and speaks to the priests at Rphesus (AclsCh.20 v. 17). This is what he tells them: 'The Holy Spirit has appointed you as bishops." St. Paul, while writing to his disciple Titus, refers to priests (Ch. 1. v.5); a little later we sec that he calls them bishops. What is clear from all this is thai, during die lime of the Apostles, priest and bishop were interchangeable names." (The Priest' ('Purohitan'). Trimonthly magazine. 183 June, Article 'The Duties of the Priest in the Vision of St. Paul'). It was at Nicea in the 4th century A.D that these positions were defined and differentiated. Fr. Dr. V.C. Samuel, who was a famous Theologian and Head of (he Department of Church History at the Orthodox Seminary, writes: "In the early centuries of the Christian Church there have been incidents of bishops being consecrated by priests alone. For example, indisputable evidences are available to us in order to establish that, at the then famous centre of the Church in Alexandria, it was the council of the priests that consecrated their bishops (The Church Is Growing,'page 143). The Rishop Alexander, who participated in the Synod at Nicca, was a bishop who had thus got consecrated by a Council consisting of 12 priests. Look at the details of this practice: "Mark, the evangelist appointed with Hanamah. the Patriarch, twelve presbyters to be with the Patriarch. So that when he died they should choose one of the twelve presbyters and the other eleven should lay their hands upon his head and bless him and make him presbyter with them eleven in the plea of h i m who had been made Patriarch and they might be always twelve." (Charles Gore: The Ministry of the Christian Church', Alexandria. 1887. p. 358,359). This priestly practice which was prevalent in the Alexandrian

( lunch spread also in theMalankaraChurch which was inconstant < i muict u ith the Alexandrian Church. The priests who had got ordained I >\ St. Thomas had the authority to ordain other priests through the L i v i n g on of hands. Statements to the effect that it was priests of the kind thai we have today that St. Thomas ordained, that they had no .niiliority to ordain other priests, therefore priesthood and sacraments .nne to an end in the Malankara Church and that it was only around ilie 4th century that a certain Bishop Joseph who came either from M i ia or from Persia revived all this here, have no historical value. It was the wrong effort to interpret the history of the 1st century in 1 fie light of the understanding prevalent in the 18th century that misled many of the Church historians. As part of the later developments to 1'iiMire the efficiency of the overseeing practice of the bishops, certain powers of the priests got polarized in the bishops. The later polarization of powers in the Archbishops and the Patriarch was thus only a way of ensuring the efficiency of their overseeing practices. The early Christian t liurch maintained the position that the Church was complete wherever ii had the Eucharist and the one to celebrate it. Even though threefold priestly positions got established in the ( hurches in the Roman Empire as per decisions taken at the Synod of Nicea. the Malankara Church that lay outside the Roman Empire continued the Apostolic practice for many centuries that followed. Though the Malankara Church got to know the bishops who came here from abroad as visitors for the purpose of trade, etc.. it never accepted the presence of a bishop as a requirement till it got acquainted with the Portuguese Church in the 15th century. (For further details refer to the book tilled 'The Indian Orthodox Church: History and ( ulture' written by the present author, pages 76-87.) We do not know whether the Indian Church that got founded in 52 A.D. by St. Thomas had any fixed order of worship. But certain novel observations in this regard arc put forward by J.J. Morris who i ecently conducted research on the literature of the Sangha period.
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His revolutionary conclusions deserve to be further researched on. We still have not obtained many of the archaeological objects which could help us to piece together the history of Kerala in the first five centuries. All that we have discovered is across-bearing statue unearthed from Ncelampcrur and a few Roman coins. But the writings that we have now obtained from the Sangha period literature amply make up for the inadequacy mentioned above. As has been pointed out in the beginning itself, the then Kerala community was a well developed and well established one. On the basis of religion also il was in the same way. What Kerala had in those days was a unireligious community which included priests and believers. From them the Chera King was the crowned or chief priest, and the heads of families and other leaders were ordinary priests. Under I hc i r spiritual leadership the Keralitc people ofthosc days led a life that was perfect in goodness. The religious teachings and rituals of those days were the ones obtained through God the 'Word' and the twcl ve disciples. That God used to be described also as the One without any beginning or end. the anointed One, etc. From these details clearly given by the Sangha period literary works, we can decidedly say thai Christ was the Central Point of the religious faith that southern India had in those days. But the people of the southern India of those days were not known as Christians, but as Anthanaas and Maravaas (A 'WA,- adhA). These names which the South Indian Christians had in those days were usages from the Dravidian language ofthosc days." ('Kerala through the Sangha Period Religious Faiths'). 'The conclusions arrived at by Munis who studied the Sangha period literature realistically and diligently are extremely revolutionary and undiscovered by any historians so far." "These conclusions are extremely revolutionary. Therefore they are also extremely debatable. At the same time they provoke new thinking, deserve further studies and pave the way tor further research by showing a new light. Morris's book is a doctoral thesis." These are comments made by P.S. Velaayudhan, who is one of the office-bearers of the Kerala History Association, in the book that the Association published.

In ihc foreword to the book written by N.V.Krishna Warrier, he says: In certain songs which celebrate the good deeds of the Chera Kings. i here are clear mentions which say that these Chera Kings were ( h n s t i a n s and that they used to conduct worship in the form of the i hi istian Fueharist is an observation substantiated by J.J. Morris in his I >ook. The studies conducted by the historical researcher Kesari A. H.i.ilakrishna Piilai in this regard arc also noteworthy "... After Knaayi II lomman built a church in Mahodaya Pattanam, the first worship that ^ .is conducted in it was attended by the then Chera King is a Christian legend in which the Cheran mentioned is Kulasekhara Pemmaal iChenkuftuvan 11,670 A.D.).
ij<3tyes}ri|]<oiQ(D cusrculcollars! Q)<miQ<DQOui eoiuSnil csoj(g3co3coilmjo

The above lines talk about 'Chathu(sh)kapoothar." This is how it can he explained: Chathushkam' means four. {In Arabic and also in S\ riac it is 'araba'- author.) Knaayithomman brought four Christians horn the famous cultural centre 'Poothu,' and "Chathushkapoolhar' is the name that was given to these four Christians who were brought hereby Knaayithomman. These four people came to Vanehinagaram and celebrated the Fueharist (worship with honey, which Kesari says was the Eucharist) there, in which this Cheran participated. That is what the above lines say. (Kesari A. Baalakrishna Piilai, 'Kesari's Worlds', the article titled 'Keralam',page89.) A certain sacrament in which Ilamcheran Irumporai, the 9th Chera King who ruled Kerala in the early decades of the 4lh century, participated, as recorded in the oldest ever Sangha work obtained (It must have been written within the first three centuries A.D.) is given lielow: (3rarojo(3>lort)3 iMinJid 6>njff>jo 3j)>j<0G)i2f3aai flaiarrilo(3 a_ijo3)6>6>o (OT3C3TOI1QI6TII1 cnlolanj

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This is how Idamaruku Joseph interprets the above given lines: "Cheran welcomed the 'Poothar' who came to the market place in his capital. lie made them stay in h i s capital, and when they conducted their worship according to their religious faith, he participated in their worship" (The Culture of Kerala,'page 101). (Kesari has expressed the view that Knaayithomman's arrival was in 669 A.D. Haanapperumaal. who used to be called "Akhandakeerthipralhaapaif and "Vallabhan". is said to have gol attracted by the Christian worship and to have accepted the Christian religion and (o have been known from then on as I'ally haanapperumaal. It is said that the Brahmins were < ml raged by this, and on their insistence the Perumaal's bodyguard Kakkaad Nambidi murdered him and that, as a reward for this, Kakkaad Nambidi was made the king of Thalappaily which included the Kakkaad region.
. . .<e)0l3ta>D!J63T3gnffKJ .0>c96)3S, (1313 <SS\ (T)1 rfM) 0 S, fflffTOcSAJgO

I. Ancient Religious Literature In the history of Kerala the first six centuries A.U. have been li'M-ribed as the Sangria period. Those who are seeking the cultural lir.im y of Kerala before the arrival of the Aryan religion and culture li.i i'. have no other way but to depend on the literature created during tin Sangha period. Those historians who have linked words like Marayor,' 'Murukan'and 'Dwijar" found in Sangha literature with the \n\ an culture, have done this out of the mistaken notion that works like Keralolpatihy' (The Origin of Kerala) and "Kerala Maahaatmyam' i I he Greatness of Kerala) were historical works. Modern historians li.i\e already established that there was no Aryan presence in Kerala hi-lore the 6th century A.D. Those who have interpreted 'Murukan'as < iud Subrahmauya, have not explained the acceptability of their iiik'iprelation. 'Murukan' should actually mean 'three in one." The I t u m a t i o n of the Hindu three-in-one concept happened during the , 111 lalgamalionoftheShaiva-Vaishnava-Brahmana movements after the Sih century A.D. The Shaiva-Vaishnava amalgamation that happened immediately before that resulted in the formation of the divine concept i il Ayyappan (I larihara Sulan). During the third-fourth centuries of Shaiva Mi|iremacy before this, the divine concept of Subrahmanyan was formed. I hal concept had no connections with the interpretations given to the Murukan' concept. But the divine concept of the Christian religion is basically founded on the three-in-onc concept. Therefore, the Murukan' concept that appears in the Sangha period literary works has to be understood as the thrce-in-one concept of the Christian religion. The word 'Marayor' actually denotes the priests of the Christian icligion. In the first century A.D., during which time neither the Aryan theology nor the Islamic theology had entered Kerala, whatever religious I Iicntions we find in Kerala were all only from the Bible. All the religious movements which reached Kerala afterwards happened to call their piiests by this name. ft is not clear what word was used in the Sangha period literature lo mean 'Dwijar.' As the Tamil alphabet docs not have any characters

3Jlog<s3>o, n_rjaT)(0ta^i3 nffjcrol aooen<9>gls>ej <0>oo6majcooco) cnaiilsl. I&,<BS)0S iBiQ<aern ojajos nfrjrro sriinojmcnlGaiOQs (OTej^jgejlroosyfljroJloojj (5(DGTTIO e>rfji0^|1 (oas?3,os)a3morajfiis cruomnTj'xTiJfflJifi a^an m"lQja1<33 Gauouil 6ni3sn)5>ri_|toj[flogj6)s mrajOUDoaia nioejifll iniGGt/arais^gg dh&S)3soiQ<a6>05G<xo ri_i*&TOnril(D>l6)i "<ma>cooosm\al) eta>o"eco>o ng)crr> rruoyocoio gslaffljcrnj. We can be sure that the Syrian orders of worship which had got formulated through contacts with the Persian and Alexandrian Churches had entered the Malankara Church as well. Sonic very rare handwritten Syrian orders of worship whieh are seen here and there point out that different types of Syrian orders were in use here before the Antiochean orders became available. The orders which have been obtained testify to not being Nestorian. We w i l l have to believe that there was an ancient order whieh played a decisive role in the formulation of the Antiochean and Persian orders.

representing soft sounds, it is not l ike l y to have any equivalent lor 'Dwijam.' As these Aryan soft sounds are not found even in the history of Raama which was created in the 12th century A.D., these arc not likely to be found in the Sangha period literature. Only those belonging to the Christian religion have talked about two births. The 'awareness baptism" has always been described as a second birth. This description, even in the literal sense, suits the Christian Church which formed in Kerala in the first century A.D. much better than the Brahmins who came to Kerala only after the 6th century A.D. and who practised both 'Samaavarlhana' and 'Upanayana' only for the men. These interpretations came as a part of the efforts made to turn into history all the false claims put forward by works such as 'Keralolpatthy' or "['he Origin of Kerala.' The Old Testament Bible of the Jews had reached Kerala along with the Jews even before the days of Christ. As we have already seen, the New Testament Bible also reached Kerala in the 1 si century A.D. itself. Even though a copy of (he different gospel was taken to Alexandria when Pantenus was returning there in 190, even at the time of the Synod of Udayamperur in 1599, this gospel was siill being used in Kerala is a fact clearly hinted at in the canons of Udayamperur. A few years ago the present author unearthed a handwritten copy oi the Malayalam translation of this gospel from Pazhanji in Paaloor. All the uncanonical mentions pointed out at Udayamperur are seen in the Pazhanji Bible. St. Thomas who lived in the same century as Jesus has recorded in his Bible all those miracle stories about the boyhood of Jesus which had spread in that country. This St. Thomas gospel has the basis for many of the myths that had been traditionally accepted in the Malankara Church such as the brothers of Jesus, the disappearance of Jesus and the story about the two thieves who were crucified along with Jesus trying to rob him. The Bible considerably influenced the goddess concept of the Shaiva-Vaishnava movements that entered Kerala during the Sangha period, The non-killing based sacrificial concept of the Bible greatly

i n i . i i U'd the Buddhist-Jainist religions. T he Buddhist literature that !'"i ^nticn in the second century A.D. was modelled on the preaching mi I ilir parables given by the Bible. Thiruvalluvar's'Thirukkural'which ^ .i'. i larified to have been written either towards the end of the third n HI in y or in the fourth century, has absorbed into it as much of the MiliK as possible. The main achievement of'Thirukkural' was the hill i Iment of the historical mission of a synthesis of the diverse cultures Hi.ii h:id entered the Tamil country. The ideological inner string of this mi' infi was supplied by the messages from the Bible. The ethical im 'v.,i;:cs from the Bible repeatedly appear in 'Chilappathikaararn' which i'. an epic poem belonging to the literature of the Sangha period written l i i i l i r Sih century A.D.
DJOOJ630(J3

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ff)3K^3oi)a*l6Kiim; msnJlaS

(3^nS-i(36K3i2IBo 6).a_l(g>j<Tr>(a)0(3 roiOGDCOJOtftO^ (12C030 aiosrrujo, njj. 176) "SSSIOlCKSfTOaJCSGyao S) > IQJlfflt96)06T13)S0G)tm

ni]o etm&muddKi mas

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<Sn0n3J(_nJrio riJOnJai(3[ZI26i3B5)gGJ3o (a_n,. 176)

i.noaij <DCD)1<3 aislmoeni saaaeimsjtaojomrmGJ) crilc/SojoW

((U613!ilt&asmjjo, ojj. 326)

The message we see repeatedly in these parts is the Biblical message ili.il says man will reap what he sows. Here is another part from t 'lulappathikaaranf that reveals Biblical influence: '<>ioJon3aigi(QS1 mjja3(0l, CSTJOCQ)
!.402nJ3o.lo ml(SCQ)0(3c9S)j<9i.(ce>Lr)0(0o@a. aJJ. 12)

(i."ffclcnjnjaKn>eniao gracrolajoaafjrro sraooaaixaoerr) ruooJcorailSKi^ i'j' \h mala (ruj3colm(ai.

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caisnj(ossm6si3a3ifio ecoxTjjo niii1irj<9>^(2jen?3<s6iJ5)(0i(Ea)Dte6i1 <aiaj(tneei3S)S sloiltea rogjj <fe<aj6msca>o6)S oj^TOnlcOQ mgjj (itnoiTO m)3t9fl]3KJ)ca.O0o erosl, f0i1c&>rii3(3cm mjfnlaiQg ^^-P a.gfiijtSjt^ njocuissirai ecnodKil. ^is1ojnr\)on"\)<3<G>oi3,4>lojOies>l QiDorruaaomraicrilQmoojsiaBosiKD raomuj<3iaaan3(/3 siroioooexin eajerrajo LOJW6mgcnjr&io"lri_|'lri3, tftissgffloai) a~uo.9><Ml nioa33JJoJloi} g6n3ffltOigj6)s njtplccD) ajolr^jlnS, genafflOcOorailcaDTjinj a)V3(Tu1a_jla6 fl^2izir3roj5)5 auo,lPio ail6>3S>loJla8, croeMBGDmjocrutdtfjeBraoii 6iiit$1a3 aloanffl^errilcQilroi i^(rud=b05')lcQ)i6niJOco.>1 nJDD<o>o QTia^j^ltolajlc^ C3T^(3(i5i5)fflOo giTnilri>.6i|i6)aj)^jao (ejD(ciij<a<s!WMlryin3 ai'Plcn DQPI rormoffltai^finrrunotaofflo ml6HB(/3 ajcjlrTjop.Jl'ij^c&oaSajlnS
aJS^aJ3nJc9)(3mB6aBgl53 oUnTJjo

i'Kin evolutionary change. The various divine concepts were thus k'lined and interpreted as the ten Vaishnava incarnations. Imitating the impersonated god-concept Christ, Raama and Krishna were created . is i impersonated gods and placed as the central figures in the devotional lnerary works that came to be written. Orders of worship were formed I mm devotional literature. In the same way as Christian churches were I 'inlt in the name of saints, temples dedicated to deities and lesser deities -Lined appearing. The first Shaiva-Vaishnava temples were actually i tie remodelled Buddhisi-Jainisl pagodas. If we are prepared to accept VSreedhara Menon's opinion, these dedicated temples became an uganised movement only in the Hth century A.D. This is how Sreedhara Menon explains the matter: "In Kerala it was only with the advent of organised religions that aiders of religious worship got established. As long as the ancient I iravidian customs and practices continued, there was no need lor 01 Lanised centres of worship. In the movement against other religions many Hindu temples came up. The Mathilakom temple and other Jain icmples got converted into Hindu temples during the decline of the l.iinist religion. The followers of Jainism became Hindus. It is believed ihiit the Kooda! Maanikya temple of lrinjaalakkuda which is now known .is a Rharata temple, was once a Jainist temple. At that lime it was dedicated to the Jainisl god Bharateswara. It was this god Bharateswara who later became the Hindu god Bharata ... What really happened was that the Buddhist religion got absorbed into Hinduism. The Hindu leligion accepted Huddhist orders of worship and many of their festivals. I he stories of Buddhist-Jainist temples becoming Hindu temples have .ilready been narrated" ("The Culture of Kerala', pages 23-29). Sreedhara Menon is of the opinion that the I lindu religion established .iiprcmacy over the Buddhisl-Jainist religions in the 8th century A.D. ihrough nonviolent means. But the picture given by the research of (iopaalakrishnan who wrote the cultural history of Kerala is different. f le writes: " The one whose birth made India an eternal object of worship for the entire humanity, it was to ruin the fame of that noble

cfegggjjo AQifliaja^o aignijo 6")6)c&>oJlsiQJla3. (eioaai^o njoci^jo lasr^jeit&lftsS cn1piail(o3oJ1e^io(3rtjln3 (gra)rQ)^(3(3lm6tirjgjS)S(Q)'n3>jlo ffloqffll^lsjcrnanjiacroorauj.o aiojojamjsaejRJ) 6)Oio>co) aj<ploo>lro3 BraioJlujojjo ra}65Dlcn>l<alr96)1pj
ml asirnloScOTnfflan

CD(3m26>)K)xsraKnsjojlri3 ailsrrcuJl dJjffrD^iicejo <sa)sjn.i1aDlailQS.

(nllOo - :iS9. 360)

The Ten Commandments of Moses, the poetical visions of David in the Psalms, Christ's Sermon on the Mount and the gist of Si. Paul's messages in the Epistles, all are brimming over in these lines. 'Hie Biblical influence thai converted the murderous Rudra into the virtuous Shiva has already been explained. The Shaiva-Vaishnava-Brahmana devotional movements of Kerala were formed as a response to the growing inlluence of the Christian religion. This is how the Polytheistic Dravidian divine concepts and the Aryan ethical principles got subjected

soul Buddha that the Brahmin religion made an intense effort in the course of which such previous works of poetry got lost from the soil of India. If you compare the way the Brahmin religion was embraced for the sake of wreaking vengeance upon opponents, and the way existing literature was destroyed and new literature was created, in the manner in which the Catholic Church dealt with scientists in the Middle Ages, the latter would look like a matter of minor importance in comparison with the former. If the Catholic Church was able to obliterate all light for three or four centuries, it was the radiant brilliance of millennia that the Brahmin religion was able to stop; this remains as a wonderful enigma in history.. ."(P.K. (iopaalakrishnan, 'The Cultural History of Kerala', pages 106-108). A person who evaluates the Kodungallur Bharani festival as a commemoration of the way Buddhist monks were hunted out of the Trichur-Kodungallur Biiddhisttcmples, and the way these temples were turned into the Vadakkunnaalha Temple of Triehur and the Bhagavali Temple of Kodungallur respectively, w i l l certainly have to agree with the opinion expressed by Gopaalakrishnan. The Shaivapuraanaa - Periyapuraanaa - itself gives evidence of the fact that all humanly possible methods of destruction were employed in the annihilation of the Jainist religion. Sec some examples: "... The Chozha King called his emissaries and ordered them to ruin completely all those who harmed Dandiyatikal, and this command was carried out by driving all Jainists right out of Thiruvaaroor and destroying without a trace all their monasteries and other strongholds" (page 147). '"As many of them themselves boasted, the King ordered the killing of all Jains and this was carried out faithfully by the honourable minister" (page 135). "Jnaanasambandhar set out for Madhura after giving his word that he would himself go and get the Paandi King himself to annihilate all Sramanaas" (page 103).

I he Puraanaas were written up to the 7th century A.D. The last I 'maanaa to be written was (he Bhagavata Puraanaa. The descriptions "l iliu killings of the people of the religions of the lower strata by the
I -I ipk of the religion of the higher stratum arcavailable in the Puraanaas. II if Puraanaas have described all those belonging to religions such as irmsh. Christian and Islamic which came from abroad, not just as IMI ngncrs or strangers, but as people of lower strata. During the heyday ><11 lie higher order religion, all religious visions which came in from il 'I i iad were ruined. The Bhavishya Mahaapuraanaa gives hints about LI La-. Sec an extract from it: (jaT)airf^.nS a aiaolces^rrnj: <J3I3G1CQD)3 ias>1<8iDQi836TO)rnjo mnmmjcril
U'JiOJQfUdO) (0136313 L-K3rjp<UHl3 CDSrarenllO* Cj2ljJ<D>S!6K5>o nffitnAidiOG} '.1.^111 njluOfJQIOCQll Ojrikp^la^lOlOTn&rjO . . . (OOl 003(0(3 ChciT>&r&i\

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The Puraanaa says that it was at Kurukshelra that all the nonBrahmins were massacred. All those who resisted the practice of caste differentiations were the ones who were thus massacred- This included people from mainly the Buddhist-Jainist-Chrislian religions. Ifthey were thus physically murdered, how much more would their religious literature have been destroyed? The Bhavishya Puraanaa has several instances which are examples of the Brahmins' parallel efforts to imbibe other religious literatures while destroying the ones mentioned above. The Puraanaa has made its own, in Indian shape and attire, iill the Biblical singers from Adam to Christ. Adam became Adaman, Eve became Havyavati. Moses became Moosakan and Jesus the Messaiah became Easaa Masseehan. Along wilh these characters, the Puraanaa accepted theirstories also.
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(Translation of Bhavishya Mahaa Puraanaa. pages 267-272). The above parts were taken from the Biblical Old Testament. Parts from the New Testament also have been included in the Bhavishyapuraanaa;at least efforts were made in this direction, as is shown by what is given below:
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P.K. Ciopaalakrishsnan writes: "Towards the end of the Sangha period, that is. at the end of the third century or the fourth century A.D., what Thini valluvur did was the making of a hislorically important effort tt ir the synthesis of all the cultures that had till then come into the Tamilian country. What we hear from the sweet words of the eternally great creation the Thirukkural" authored by this great man of vision is the same message as the message of synthesis later heard from the works * >fSreeshankara and Sreenaaraayana" (pages 189,190). What this discussion reveals is that the Bible which entered Kerala in the first century A.D., influenced the Buddhist-Jainist religions lirst, and then also the Shaiva-Vaishnava-Brahmana religious movements, refined them, and thus played a chief role in leading the Kcralite culture to growth and development.

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--------------------------mm---------------------------

F. The Social State in the Early Centuries bven though the Malankara Church was founded by St. Thomas in 52 A.D. as a missionary community, after the first two centuries it came under severe religious persecution. This persecution was strengthened at the time when, before the formation of the Hindu religion, the Shaiva-Vaishnava-Brahmana movements arrived and were gaining ground here. The tactics which were used to defeat and imbibe the Buddhist religion were the ones which were later faced by the Christian religion also. It has already been mentioned that the remnants of these h i n t s are there in the Bhavishya Mahaapuraanaa and also in the Bhaagavata. As the Christian religion had an organised shape right from the beginning, it had authorities, regular meetings, etc. The Bible was the basis for all its rules and regulations. They had weekly worships and fellowships for the leaching of the Bible. The Bible that insisted on purity at the levels of the person, the family and the community gave enlightenment to that religion. Some strands from these deserve special mention: "Thou shalt cat thy bread with the sweat of thy brow." This commandment was taken very seriously by the Christian religion and the members of the Christian Church were very hard-working people. They devised double-faced avenues of hard work. The first face of their hard work was the area of foreign trade itself. The first Jewish and Buddhist entrants into the Christian religion had multilevel participation in the I'onnaani-Alexandria centred trading activities. It was through the activity of gathering trading products from the hilly and interior regions that they became part of (he trading establishment. In those days when there were absolutely no forms of vehicular transportation available on land, it meant extremely hard labour to gather goods from hilly and interior regions and to get them transported to the coastal regions by head-loads. The roads of those days were footpaths. As robberies were rampant, the hard work was also dangerous. They were able to lighten the labour of this dangerous work area in some

incisure by organising travelling groups among the labourers, by i.iblishing granite posts on the waysides at which they could put their I' u< Is down and take some rest and by founding village shelters from I'l.ue to place to provide drinking water and tit her refreshments to ilnsc load-bearers and travellers. In those days when coins were still in >i m use. the Romancoins were the only means for bartering. By I w ii it iwing huge collections of coins from big merchants, they gave these in the tanners of the hilly and interior regions in return for the goods ilu'} collected from them as per their needs. These people collected ....>ds not only for the foreign traders, hut also tor trading in the local in.ii kets. The exchanging and selling of the goods needed for life in the \ i Mages were done through the markets that were established in the \illages . The people who brought goods from far away places to these markets and did the selling of these goods at the markets were all ( In istians. For these people who believed that hard work was .niiicthing entrusted to them by God. this labour was a calling from (rml Himself. Because of the heavy familial responsibility, they considered this Iili> sical labour light in nature. The Christians who practised a single liusband-wife relationship had very firm familial ties. They were i i l i g i o u s l y bound to the duly of taking care of their families through li.ml work. The sanctity of married life and the responsibilities that ensued it were part of their religious life. The success of the children's heirship arrangement would depend on the sense of responsibility of llie lather. The Christian religion entrusted the father with responsibilities i >l the kind that were not found in any other religion. Through Biblical ui ses such as "If a son asks for an egg, will a father give him aseoipion?" il was made clear to the heads of families that the nurturing of their lamilics was their God-given responsibility; this strengthened Christian lamilial relationships considerably. The familial concept that laid down lhe Biblical principle that brothers were one another's keepers, meant sanctity and required hard work. In the absence of such secure familial II incepts, other communities often lapsed into irresponsible loose living.

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When they were thus wasting their time, the Christian communities were making steady progress through paths of alacrity and hard work. The responsibilities for bringing up the children properly and for training them in some trade which will lead them to a self-reliant life-style were all vested in the head of the family. The Christian heads of families ensured their guidance to their children even in matters like their mairiage. Even though modern concepts like the family budget were not available then, the Bible mentions the need for extreme alacrity in making ends meet. There are many, many parables in the Bible which teach practical wisdom through stories such as the story of ihe family-head who became a laughing stock by having to give up the constniciion of his house half-way because he slatted the construction without counting the cost and then exhausted ail his funds before he could complete the construction, and the story of the family-head who cut a sorry figure when his house, having been built on sand, crashed in adverse weather. During their weekly fellowships, the believers gol clear instruction in such matters through the interpretation of these parables. U was also indirectly a training ground in practical living. This trained Christians in thrifty living and in saving. When they became richer, they started acquiring more land and trading in land. This was the second face of their area of hard work. From iheir Jew ish tradition, they also had the necessary background for this. Though in a very unsophisticated manner, banking was first started in Kerala by Christians. The Paaloor region in the Trichur district was the birth-place of chit funds and banking. This is a discovery made by the researcher P.P. Varghese who conducted studies in this subject. Christians continued the Jewish way of building streets and the Jewish practice of organising trade in the front part of the house and of utilising the hind portions of the house for living. This is how Christian streets modelled on Jewish ones came up beside the ancient markets and trade centres. The dangerous and laborious trade of collecting goods by travelling in hilly regions and of reaching them to the seaport regions and the' comparatively easy trading done in markets and homes, both these

111111 ninaled the economic face of the Christians. Familial security, sense "l direction, purity of ideals and the social relationships modelled on 11 ie Sermon on the Mount, made the Christians valued members of the i immunity with a good standing. The Christians occupied a position Mi.ii caused feelings of jealousy in those other communities which were i Kiiher organised nor disciplined. When the jealousy and the intolerance >\ disorganised communities took to violence, the Christians were faced \\ iih the requirement of gelling trained in the use of weapons of defence. I hk' Christian men went about wearing weapons of defence on i l u n i s e l v e s because looting of their houses and churches had become u'i y common. Fven to attend worship, they had to go to the churches u earing weapons. This situation proved to be a blessing in disguise. .is trained warriors were organised in all villages to protect churches, luding institutions and houses. After the 6th century A.D.. when the Aryan Brahmins came to Kerala, conditions in Kerala were such that made caste divisions impossible. The Christians, and following their example the Muslims ;iK(i. were here to carry out the duties of the Vaishyaas. As they resisted \iyanisation, and as their strength could not be ignored, an Aryan Vaishya community did not take birth in Kerala. The same thing happened in the case of the Kshatriyaas as well. As it was the time u hen Christian warriors were taking training in the use of weapons and as they had their own 'kalaries,' the Aryan Brahmins were able only to i leclare a few of the rulers as Kshatriyaas. In a situation where sufficient numbers were not available even from the rulers, ihey were in a pi cilican lent that necessitated the con version of a few worthy Shoodraas as Kshatriyaas by conducting 'Hiranyagarbha.' (This was the ritual in which a big idol of a cow was made in gold, and if a person entered this idol at one end, walked through ii reciting manthraas and came out at the other end. he was declared to be a Kshatriya.) The Christian priests were very bold and very honest people who would surprise anybody w iih the background ihey had mBiblicai vision. Many clear indications .ne seen even in recent histories of Kerala about instances in which

Kings and local rulers invited and took away whole communities or Christians to be bodyguards and palace watchmen, and also lor the growth of theirtrade, and built streets and churches for rhem. Their expertise in carpentry also made Christians very respectable people. During the Stone Ages, building of houses was a nig problem. With the finding that wood could be used for the constmclion of houses, house construction became an art. It is noteworthy that Kodungallur KunjikkuttanThamburaanhas mentioned in his epic 'Kerala' that it is through the Assyrian-Chaldean races that came from the middle eastern country that Kerala got acquainted with carpentry and astrology. The Babylonians, and after them the Jews, and then the Christians who had the Jewish heritage, arc the people who worked on this scene. The building of King Gondaphorus's palace and the arrival of St. Thomas and the legend existing about these, point to the above mentioned realities. According to the indications given by the Indian Puraanaas, carpenters arc people who came from abroad. We do not know if it was for their 'Cianithashilpa' knowledge they were honoured by ancient writers. (The Bible speaks about the serpent repeatedly as the emblem of intelligence.) It may be remembered here that Kesari made the observation that Knaayilhomman, who, in the 4rh century A.D.. led the expedition of hundreds of people including artisans oi'various types from Persia to Kerala, was an extremely skilled carpenter, that he was none other than the famous T'erumthachan' from 'Parayipetta Panthirukulam'. and that the Kerala Emperor appointed him as the Minister in charge of all his constmclion works. The Christians in Kerala improved their financial status by being able to give leadership in building architecturally beautiful palaces and ministerial residences. Social prestige and recognition came searching for them. In this context we have to evaluate the copper plaque that was presented to Iravikolhan by Emperor Vecraraaghava. ('Kothan' was the word used inSyriactomean 'prabhu.' 'Lord5 in English and 'Yajamaanan'and 'Achen' in Malayalam are equivalents. Iravi was a respected priest. The suffix marking respect 'aar' was added to the Syriac word 'Kothan.'

uid [lie word thus derived from it was 'Kathanaar".) We have to .....^ider the positions, rights and benefits received by Christians via iln Knaayilhomman 'Chepped' as reeogntion for the services rendered In l! icm. T hose copper plates were the gifts given in recognition of the ii i\ .iluable and sacrificial services rendered by the Christians in imparting ."inage to the noble Chera Hmperor who came and settled in Kudungallur. seeking refuge there, llceing from the Chola-Paandya .iii,n.'ksinPa/hayavanehilPa/Jianji).andinPcmmpadappuinlheVanneri i i ii miry, by giving him military support and a filled treasury, and by I 'inkling the town and the seaport and thus making a Rival living possible loi hi in. It was after Chendamangalam and Kodungallur becoming i < t \ . i l centres in the fourth and fifth centuries that Paravoor and \nkamaaly, and thereafter places like Kothamangalam and Km uppampady, turned into Christian towns. The Christians in these I'I. K C S were foremost in travelling through Periyaarand its tributaries, . i 'Meeting forest products, engaging in foreign trade and thus filling the u >\ al treasury. The Biblical culture groomed them as a noble and loyal in.iss of citizens. At the fellowship meetings that they had on every Sunday, the reading and interpretation of the Bible was part of the worship. Several handwritten copies of the Bible were produced in those days. In order to escape from the threat of being branded as unethical literature and thus getting destroyed, it became customary to prouxt the Bibic even by giving it the false title 'Buddhacharilha.' Even it u lay. some copies of these 'Buddhacharithaas' arc available in the manuscript library at Thrippoonithura. Though their title is 'lUiddhacharilha' their content is 'Christhucharitha.' "It is possible that ide Bible got destroyed along with all the nonlheological literature in the middle oflhe Aryanisation in Kerala from the 5th to the 8th centuries" I N.K.Jose. 'Some Kerala Church History Problems', pages 58,64). These possibilities and circumstances are illustrated with greater clarity h\ P.K. Gopaalakrishnan: "The most notorious means resorted to by I lie Brahmins for the destruction of their enemies has always been the destruction of their literature. Conservative Brahmins would not allow

the flowers that had bloomed on any branch other than the branches of their own thinking schemes of the Brahmin religion to nourish in the Indian garden." Under these circumstances, g i v i n g the title Ruddhacharitha' to 'Christhucharitha' must have been pan of the effort to protect the Bible under a disguise. It was during the time of the expansion of foreign trade centring around Kodungallur that the Keralite Christians got d i v i d e d as the 'Southerners' and the 'Northerners.' It has already been mentioned how a "chepped" containing positions and rights was presented to Knaayithomman in recognition of the services he rendered in connection with the building of Kodungallur as a royal town and a seaport. The residential centre allotted to Christians in the Kodungallur region came to be known as 'Mahaadevarpattanam." The northern part of the town was occupied by the native Christians, and the southern part of the town was occupied by the followers of Kjiaayilhomman. Their customs and life-styles were different. An ancient handwritten hook of history explains those things this way: 6)c&,osij63T3eu(3 criotxtiKn rareto oj<sffST3M0)l<TDrfho (aiajroUcesiopioroS 244 G<e>oo3 ejail rardgorn '(maraajailrolcssjo (nonicoil &n_KOGcG>;ini} cscsinitol OTic9ff)(oraio)3rti3 (iJjaJjo ml ceo as 30 a>jos ojooTml.Q^Qc&osrGoaiJ
rUffl300l<B)0<B> a\<TY)36rril (SfljyjQffiO. DrL|(t>l6>U0 nJgglc95)Jo aig6TT)5T3)larjO <0/l<daJ OT^lGSOfLJQyjfii) OJDSOBIW) a.Jo(3l200TJo 29-CT) OOCDlfDlO'P 11 ^JcSS)0

' > K.rpi6)tft> sio xs&iaTlaT) siajolecaio ralstotm e>njsrn^6)c9> ajglffaaraS

1' 11 IT) 1 0 6) a.J Ol G CO) 0 ffl'l S ffJIO) J g g Q aj 6TO, j 6) t&) 1 01 tft, j (ol U0 J o .1 1 inlccOJ3(F)lSGJra>lgg 6>r. JfiTT^10c&il(T) fflmjJCUQJJo . . .

(Anonymous Church History; the handwritten copy, in the original, 1 available in the hook collection of the present author.) It was along with this Persian group that the names of Mar ' il icev arghesc and Mai' Kuriakose Sahadenmaar reached Kerala. The Unions ancient churches in their names at Paalayoor(Chaavakkaad), \nkamaaly and Karingnachira were built after this period (P.V.Mathcw, I lie Nasraani Christians of Kerala,' page 226). Ihe research studies conducted by Kesari on this subject <li .erve attention. "After the death of Kulasekhara Perumaal in 671 \ I). or the year after that, his son, the Cheran Chandravarman, who *\.is also known e i t h e r as Pallybaanapperumaal or as Plioothappemmaal. ruled the country. Knaayithomman was his minister, h was because he was the expert sculptor who was the minister in i harge of the public works department of Pallybaanapperumaal that ihe Hindu mythology of Kerala gave him the name TJliyannoor IVnimthachan.' Pallybaanappcnimaa!, towards the end of his life, at 1 lie insistence of Knaayithomman. accepted Ihe Christian religion of ihose Toothar". (Poothar- Those Christians who were brought by knaayithomman from the place called 'Poothu'- author.) Because of ilns religious conversion he was assassinated by the Kakkaad Nambidi. 1 kesari has not made it clear where Kakkaad is, or who ihe Kakkaad N;unbidi was. Kakkaad is an ancient common word from Kunnamkulam in the Paaloor region. Kakkaad Nambidi was the bodyguard of the Cherappeiumaal. His courageous act was recognised .i'. an act in protection of the interests of the Brahmins. In return for ilns. the Kakkaad Nambidi was anointed as the King of Thalappally, Hid all the Kakkaad heads of families from Kakkaad, Chirayalam, Manakkulain and Punnathoor were given the title 'Thalappally Kings.' I hough they have no powers, the title still remains. The chief family

cruaJOTffllcQijo caTaffl)lGcn3ssjroio> cootji (srajoailei^aijo oouSl <&i<3<a6Jls<fljnjjci igrarLiKilnii mcmjeis c9)(3rora)oailrr)j05

[OI3)6Tli 34S-C03 2'D^cs'Sffi^ra^ <T)l(TO QiaT), <T)1cm iDLmJDSrriltfcgJO

ffleico)og(OK3)1rti3 ^sreoaiiltojfm mijrooffrolt&^o anemlraS eriinujjtSogoQsl. ramryerno (e>jJnn1cr>K5> aioacaojoaii auroffJilraS crra si mord 01030 m1cTDn1(o3 njolnjaiigaitojo snajraglra'S 6Tuau)^d3og3<Q)1 a_im<i| 6)nj(o1csa3)oraj6)s g^rojoj rootnjd njlslcft aistStesinjasVltDileijo e)nJolsta)3(ojS)S graojeii ng^ajraraiS rasni n_ilslc9> 6K0ia<fl6)nJcii3)lalejjo
ngjODOT) a]J<0JtiH0am5W)ltnjo m0^O<t5il(0la_jOaS 6)aJK)lGCQ)aOlB(Smi 6D^j

oJlsninjiPlajiio 6)3JO1GCQ)O ralsfOTi> goej moctJ^oj'plaj^o einJOlecDJOolsfara)

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head from the entire Kakkaad family, who is known as the Kakkaad Kaaranavappaad, continued to protect Thalappally under the supremacy of the Cochin Kings. It has been observed that the forts in those regions, Kakkaad Vattakkotta and the forts at Eyyaal and Chcmmanthitta, were the residences of the Chera Kings, and that Pa/hayavanehi (Pa/hanji) was their capital. Kakkaad was situated in the region of the Ponnaani seaport.) It was the Christian r e l i g i o n that the Buddhist Pallybaanapperumaal embraced is supported by die cross-wearing idol of Pallybaanapperumaal discovered from the Bhagavati Temple at Kiliroor near Kottayam some lime ago" ('Kcsari's World", pages 89, MO). Anotherevidence for the recognition and respect earned by the Christians of Kerala is the 'Tharissaappally cheppeds\ 'Tharissaa' which is a derivative of the Syriac word 'Thrisaai' has the meaning: 'one who is cleansed or sanctified' (the Greek form being 'orthodox'). As in the case of Kodungallur, the 'Tharissaappally chepped' is the record ofthe positions and rights given to the Christians at Kollam by the Venaad ruler in recognition of the services they rendered for th building ofthe town and the seaport at Kollam. The Kollam town had become famous before the supremacy of Kodungallur came to an end. in the former half ofthe 9th century A. D. itself, Kollam became an important seaport. In the opinion ofthe traveller Sulaiman, Kollan was the best seaport in South India in those days (Ilamkulam Kun janpill' 'The Kerala of those days,' page 155). Trade unions like Anchuvanna and Manigraamam, in Kerala, were based at Kollam. The Lord Punnathalappathy and Cholaikutippalhy also had a share in th government of Kollam town (Tharissaappally shaasanam'). Kolla was the main trade centre ofthe Chinese. Therefore the imporlanc that Kollam, the Venaad King's capital, earned was similar and paralle to what was given to Mahodayapuram. The main architects o\' th fame ofthe Kollam town were the trader Shaabaar Basaw who cam to Kollam in 825 A.D. and the two bishops Mar Saabor and Ma Aproth who came with him. These foreigners got the Venaad King t

n li i \i.ind that Kollam could be turned into a seaport town with immense ii.ulr possibilities. As per their instruction, that year itself, an elaborate .t|>ori was constructed in Kollam. The famous declaration 'Kollam il i' 'i m indicates this seaport construction. With the making of the Kollam v.ipori. Kollam trading became stronger than Kodungallur trading. iM'iliiiigalluilniding was mainly with the eastern sides of regions like \ l m a a n d Europe. As the Chinese trade centre was Kollam, the fame "l K i > l ! a m increased by leaps and bounds. That year itself the Venaad ' . i p i i a l was shifted to Kollam. The year 825 A.I), became an mil i ii jj citable one because of all the events like the arrival of foreign n . n l e r s and bishops, the construction of the seaport under their k.ultTshjp, the promotion of trade, the construction of the seaport town -itu I the organisation ofthe capital. This is the actual background to the J.n ling ofthe new era 'Kollavarsham.'
HI

I .ater. the Aryan Namboothiri Brahmins came as settlers in Kerala i lie Ponnaani seaport. They gained supremacy over everybody t'l'.e and claimed the highest racial purity by which they segregated all i ulu-i communities as racially impure ones, and therefore untouchables. Iini i hey gave high recognition and respect to the Christians. They believed that if a substance like oil or something had become impure it only had to he touched by a Christian to become pure again; they not nnlv believed in this principle, but also practised it. The author was iiMc to gather this information from a colleague who was a \< iy\ edaachaarya. Vyaasamuni did not hesitate to testify to this respect, while defining whatever was low, impure or untouchable, in his llkivishyamahaapuraanaa.
M.I

Hit' Villaarvatlom Royal Family Even though the honours and positions gifted in the Iravikothan i hepped", the Knaayilhomman 'chepped' and the Tharissaappally hepped' described in this chapter were given for as long as the sun .mil the moon existed, all their relevance has been completely lost. But till, these documents make it very clear that, from ancient times, the knahle Christians were held in high esteem on social -economic-cultural

bases. These 'eheppeds' help us to proudly remember the fact that the aneient Christian communities of Kerala have made eternally memorable contributions in the history of Kerala and thus to the culture of India. Another institution that reflects all this recognition is the ViIlaarvattorn royal family. Aregion which comprised places like Chendamangalam, (iothuruthu. Kadalvaathuruthu, Chaalhedam. Kalloor. Ka/.hoor, Thrikkoor, Karumalloor. Neerikode, Mulavukode. Naayarambalam, Pallippuram, etc.. was under the jurisdiction of the Christian dynasty known as Villaarvattorn. This royal family is recorded as being part of a branch of the Perurupadappu Swaroopam (PV.Mathew. "Ihe Nasraani Christians of Kerala', Volume 1. page 324). The inscription on the tombstone of the last Villaarv attorn King reads something like this: "Chennangalathu Purathu Villaarvuttom KingThomma." His royal sceptre was kept for a king time as a treasure by the Christian leaders. It is said that it was given to Gama when the Portuguese people came. The above inscription is an important evidence to prove that there existed a royal family from the 9lh to the 14th century A.D. We see that, in 439, Pope Euginius sent a letter to "our most beloved son in the Messaiah, the famous Emperor Thomma of India." Considering these circumstances. Asseemaan, the historian of the U day amperur Synod Guwaya. and the writer of the Cochin Census Report of 1911. have all acknowledged the Christian royal family as a historical reality. Their capital got shifted to places like Chendamangalam. Udayampeair and Kodungallur because of certain religious confrontations. There is atradilion which says that the church at Udayamperur was built by Ihe Villaarvatlom King in 5! 0 A.D. Dr. Kudappu/.ha Achen has described the mention about the end of this dynasty found in the 'Villaarvatlom paana': When the last ruling king Thomma died, his wife was left alone in the royal family. Aprince from the Cochin royal family, after becoming a Christian, married this queen. This caused dissatisfaction to (he King of Cochin. Having become the victim of this dissatisfaction, the prince had to leave his country and go into exile. The queen died under these heartbreaking circumstances.

hi ihis context the last leaf from the 4th hook found from

s.i.mioolhiri Kovilakom' and published by N.M.Namboothiri should

IT [nought to our special attention: .... om<s> oj^oajlcfo STOIOGDK3 2ro nil. i ><3aio TujrajnjraiiDlGa^cm rarasjaj LtramratoilKsS Otfoogglai^toilmjo ini'in.ii'ij isff5>3b"rnT sicaiOffn^CnjacQxailrojo cap^o ^enjannoismGraos
m.T1>\ )'Q)o rupaJOl^lKDlm^O <&>}S\ n\\<p .TJOlceQc&gJo (?) ngjifJCDlQ^QIOC^ O.Ki ) i>inl'3Jo 6)<13>3SE>J 6k9>l fflO^(Tllgg1(03 nJ0JlCQ) (M5>ija5 gDOJGT) ..l,i..rtlla& . . .

i Ihe Unseen Pages from Saamoothiri History.' Vallathol \ id\,i;ipeetham. 19^7. page 246. Appends 3:2). As mentioned in this record, the Villaarvattom royal family lay i misidc Hinduism. This record makes it clear that the Christian dynasty w Inch bore the name Villaarvattom existed in history. This royal family M'uals ihe picture of the Christian religion at the zenith of its growth HIHI slrcngth. A declaration from the book titled 'Anthropology of Syrian ( luiMians' written by N.K. Ananthakrishnan is noteworthy in this it uiiexi: "Syrian Christians were a very energetic set of people with a | ui of physical stamina. In olden days they very rarely travelled outside w 111 ii nit wcari rig arms in good measure. Most of them went about with mi unsheathed sword in the right hand and a shield in the left hand. I'ti 'in the lime they were eight years old, they were trained to use these weapons. They continued to use them till they were twenty live years nlil. They were expert hunters and soldiers. Therefore, they were looked upon with great respect by those who ruled the country. The uspecl and awe given to a local king by the kings of the neighbouring legions was proportionate to the number of Syrian Christians living in his territory ... Their rulers always respected and protected them not mil v lor their general honesty and reliability but also for their dexterity iiml valour" (pages 54-56). (The Christian Encyclopedia, Prakaasam Publications, pages 193-199). 'Often the Kings sought their advice on nutters' (M.O.Joscph: "Thachil Maathulharakan').

G. Influence of the Christians in Kerala At the lime when the Christian religion came to Kerala. Kerala was a land of no established order. After the sea retreated from these regions, many unorganised cultures reached Kerala from time to time. The earliest dwellers depended on forests and forest products. Of the nine human emotions, chiefly passionate love and alacrity guided tliem. As and when new settlers came, the older dwellers retreated further and further into the t h i c k forests. It was when the Dravidians from North India, the Chaldeans from Babylonia, and after them the Arabs and the Jew s readied here that fashions opened their eyes in Kerala. It was the stepping out from the Great Stone Age and the stepping into the Metal Age. As a result of foreign trade. Kerala achieved foreign contacts and cultural progress, apart from economic development. The Christian religion reached Kerala at a time when the Buddhist-Jainisl religions and a foreign culture joined together to give Kerala a new profane culture. As a missionary religion, Christianity was a movement that preached to the community. The ethical purity of the man-woman relationship, and a social responsibility that required one to take a stranger as one's neighbour, formed the core of the Christian religious vision. The innermost strands of that religious vision were the paternity ofCiod the Creator and the fraternity of the entire Creation. Individual prayers and community worships were only the power channels Ihat supported the practice of this vision. This influence led the atheistic philosophy of the Buddhist-Jainist religions to theislic ways of thinking. This vision prompted the purification of the familial concept of the Shaivisl vision through the concept of the half-female God. This same influence still challenges society to adopt the sacred principle of single husbandwife relationships. The indirect influence of the Christian religion in these matters is undeniable against the background of the continued growth that the Kerala communities have had to this day. of practices thai ensure the respectability and the purity of familial relationships such as the setting up of the home centring around the man's family, religious rituals that make the social acceptance of the man-woman relationship

.ihhgatory. the presence of the clergy, the presence of the house o( w m\hip. the recording of the witness of those who act as witnesses, [he ensuring of the presence of relatives and neighbours, interpretations i -I i narriage which make the practice of divorce almost impossible, and i lie constitution of rules and regulations by which children inherit the -uldress and rights of the father. It was based on the incarnation of Christ that the Vaishnava Mm cment. through the ideology of incarnation, linked up the various . haracters whoplaved leading roles in different Indian communities at i l i l l e r c n t times, in order lo formulate a set of philosophical principles Ini its own grow ih and development. The core of the incarnation of i lirist is in the declaration that the act of incarnation is emancipation, n demption and the establishment of ethics, all three rolled into one. What is at Ihe back of the concept of Krishna being the one male leader with a host of innumerable Gopikaas as his co-femalc leaders, is ihe vision of Christ as the bridegroom and all the members of the Church , 1-. his brides. It was the Christian vision of the Trinity that formed the
I i.isis of the unifieal ion of the Shaiva-Vaishnava-Brahmana movements II no the one Hindu religion. What the agents of this unification accepted s\ Inle proclaiming Brahma as the Creator, Vishnu as the Sustainer and kudra as the Killer, is the visi on of the Ihree-in-oncGod who had a ihieefold existence as Father, Son and Holy Spirit with the sameness o\' essence bul with three diverse planes of operation. Shankaraachaarya. while emphasising the "advaitha' principle, had actually imbibed the

unc-God concept of the Christian religion. Parallel to the festivals i >iganised by the Christian religion based on the important events in the lite of Christ, followers of other religions also started celebrating their i m n festivals. The origin of a personal-God-concept and the celebration i il festivals related to the events in the God-person"s life in Kerala can l>e understood against this background. Hven the myths and rituals limn the Bible were transformed into stories in the Puraanaas. It is the i n> ih of the Baptismal service that Christ crushed the head of the old .ei pent in Jordan, that got transformed as the 'Kaaliyamardana' story -------------------------------------KCT---------------------------------------

and appeared in the Bhaagavata. The conversation that Christ had with the Samaritan woman at the well became the Chandaalabhikshnki story and was aeccpted as such by the authors of the Buddhist Puraanaas. Like the Keralite religions and religious literatures, the Bible influenced also (he Sangha period literary creations. It has already been observed that the inner strand of the virtuous and ethical message of the Sangha period literary works extending from Thirukkural to Chilappathikaaram is the Bible. It is the Christian religion which started with the tradition of the construction of houses of worship from the first century A.D. itself that prompted the building of houses of worship belonging toother religions in Kerala. In the beginning the otherreligions had not developed forms of worship with the participation of the common people as worshippers. At that time the temples had only an inner sanctum like the chancel in the Christian houses of worship. Later when forms of worship with the participation of observers were developed, the temples came to have outer spaces for spectators and observers as worshippers. During later limes worships ami sermons with the participation of worshippers were organised. Other religions have now started strengthening sermonisation through their worship. !t may be remembered here how the other religions have started organising 'samaavarthana' and 'upanayana' under the name 'second birth' parallel to the theological training in the Christian religion, and how Sunday Schools are now being organised in many temples tor teaching the scriptures to the children. It can also be remembered how, rejecting even animal sacrifices, bloodless sacrifices like in the Christian religion are being organised now. The organisation of morning and evening prayers in the homes, the practice of reading from the scriptures during festivals in the temples, and the organisation of religious conventions for days together, have all been prompted by the Christian religion. Behind the starting of art forms like Koothu, Koodiyaattam, KathakaliandThuUal in Kerala after the twelfth century A.D. also, the

ihrect and indirect influence of the Christian religion can be seen. Even ] I lough most of the ancient epics took birth in northern Indian contexts. ill i he art forms which originated on their basis were initially staged in I \ialoor (the heart of Valluvanaadu-Thalappally Taluks), the birth-place i >1 the Christian religion in India. This historical fact can be remembered lii-re. Nobody has so far been able to say tor certain where the visual in form "koothu" and its promoters the 'Chaakyaars' came from. It is i matter of special interest that the compound lying to the west of the I 'a/lianji (Pa/hayavanchi) Orthodox church in the Paaloor region (the i itmpound where the new church has now been built) is still known as < 'haakvalheParambu'; and it is a matter of greater interest that many < hiislian families in this region have the family name 'Koothoor.' It deserves to be studied specially to find out whether 'Koothoor' has m\ connections with 'Koothu' and whether 'Chaakyathu Parambu' lias any connections with 'Chaakyaar.' > u Miilcrijffni (T)3s<fti6)mcrD ai'lQjcQjIraira-rfnooj^crnKnasrf). laranjODolT-p .H'.rrm gtojcSrm CBOJGI (LZKIGTUTOO). <e)0(dirailfeicr>io an ojraliSj^iaalceigjo dinujo) insirijo gnjmsoBCKOjo), tG>OKi[flZ)l<0, ajtnj^oisinia'S (ffiaioU
OlkLDOlo), cfcO (3 LfflilcfeniOcai^ 6313512 (.n-KTOlfUOdfcJjSSragJJO (<TUof30ni]6mo)

" ><T)63T3</3. alti\OPlajiaobaTwi) (offl^d^ arilralcfcgjo rnleiailgtesjcejgjo). 'iilafloj lasrnlc&crji, ffloiaiancru iz^coiQJoaxiicoijejs uamjGa\>3rrnlcLn>o
iaiJCGpaJc&>6ro6in303), Lt&>1C0)0tr)JnMO3r063BU3 (fi313joU">lc&>o- OJOnJlc&O-

"i>jHooray3i3lcT)(D;63ncr3). rruouilcjiecjnnos njocdjaijgg (rojoleroocril I'li^rijosJaiorrid^iaio (3racuoaj6>s rinpe) n,CKr>fflocQ)1 fflo<3^@3<iticQil6>ej

i . ITUoLOfflragiJo (ai)orrO<iO)^(O-|Gi^3(S<0)OojOOSroOJJo ffiOtO^gDrflltQ/lOej 'll^JollJpnXUio) GlnJdS&l&iGHO <SJ 0 <& 2ffll i&> (3~l o3 Ollcm dJ&IGciJ0*JO

noKilrailra'Vflaim) roilaayVij, csi.3f32ffllca>{3 (msiOJoad i.aJG.(5)^<ej njolaolejino

'^DS'lCQl 616>OJr}"l<ftfi3 (ah^miS) (Si^eieXOTiDO'PleiOCQil n.ltolaol&lTiSfflJiTT)

If wc make such comparisons we will be able to see that all the \ isual art forms which originated and developed in the Keralite temples w ere modelled on the 'Christ drama' that was being enacted here from

-----------------ra-------------------

the first century A.D. The Christian religion looks upon them reverentially as rituals of worship; other communities look upon them reverentially as ritual art forms. This comparison, if desired, can be taken lo deeper and broader levels. The Christian religion, which reached Kerala before Malayalam expanded as a free language in the 9th century A.D., contributed in a considerable measure to the growth of the language. ('hristians were able to enrich the Dravidian language and Malayalam that was horn from it. The language enrichment happened mainly in connection widi the Christian worship with aSyriac background, in connection with Christian names and in connection with the Bible and the Christian failh. See a few words which Malayalam has thus made its own: rf},rijra"3 i&,?j(33 roT*iflS)l raraaoo (ai3)(ooa>tT>cD>>o rroo^asjo
CIOoJlCTIJ<l <BS>3 rL| O (3T3 (3 c9 (l\ CD> 3 ffi t9Q 0 0& ffloooffiGyoaecno rarocsSeiacril njjiriinS Gc/i p il (saoaS
c9>r(Jltra63T303

i, ion,o >. m.o

. lIptXTlj 3'iT)prT) n.;'W(Ji)

c&iOnoli^

raraailcrajorrol

njIPDCmjLJ

iJrorm nJO(.0)io

c&)j6>(3ouS
.i!.l,t)'XJ)0

= ua^oDlcfefflsroo ^ Gca>osri3, rurajcfiail = gCQ)l(3riJ = njloo

i",i)ilfl6~>Qjarij)0

c9)(oroi3cayj c*.^ 0(3(5)0

S)erulQ6>pj(foro
' O)DO'J(T) nluTJil'TOtvurS . IninDldKliCTUfSll .,|-)i.!mlvT)j(3,eQltr\)
I.VIQJOQJO

mJlcwiDCTuaio OOf3(7m LnjaiQ.Ti,a,aaO(3 6)aiaoil6ic3Siom3j)1 = naamo>3ocri3u3 ffloeioceiio = oiimcrS maiffj<Dtoi1s>pj cSfflPiriu^fSinai Ri(btEOrjttaiJ = CT)Gnfl(Ecoj

i.) J1L(U)0(B aJO PjIraiDIO

mtnoflsiuilopi f3ra(irji|<EhUo3 oaoumoooaziatoios K5)Piaia3

(ajraoenil) G3ras)S)OjGl<&.(i3 trujoileusoiio

i iiion.siuefijoejVjicjrcno) .i)>J(Sffl)DGil(6<j96)3 ..Ttijou (taraoenil) cruat3ajL(3>ltt>' (rJlraiooj) nJlnorii

6T016"3ngiQS nJlOJXXii

.iiiajsnijaS i.iiialataoaS i^i.'isninoo

./JC3

6>cesO(iir(Jia3+raiajriU J_O_KD; ojje(oonr)1na3

cfedGltraajBgjSjS RnamjcDOcniloOjo

ffijsuaiio
ffiGSTHCTOO

= sm&ild/loo = L^JSJ = (.(i igil

cQxo^siGa
dEtaOG!n_|QO

=
~

samma
(r3CUDQJCQ) n lQl3J0Ori3>n3

JIP'I,TIJCI3

!
ffiOJGaJOQCnO UDOaJo

<ra3oo
o&><-ijp<3

ji.in(soon3 6)6iniGlrffeS)i^ (rooujooem OJ(TOI.KJ)O ijiooi?]if3lcruo luiaicinerjomj fflornf3erru)o = cntoamjoaril an

= rrumoroa
(Oc&aitBiO^

<e>y<>1croo

rrocomgmo

6)6)rru)TO>
mjnORO

=
=

ff)6)mjG(oi3)o
6KTO3nr>GO0

=
=

s3e.il6)OJ5r$
0te>{OXTO3c&iiil

ffi^Goooo cruleriio
0)00)1053(01010

= =

croj(/)CTLDs>e>ai>ejo a^lcffmo nOQffllffiOO = <&^(olua = fi-JJSlq-IJSg H3TS(T_]o eajoco^nsScstatnio = fiira^ c&>jmTl&)a$ dnj(3

I ill >le has been made in a research dissertation (Fr. Dr. Joseph Cheeran. I he Bible Influence in Modem Malayalam Poetry'). See a few '\,iniples:
'3rapilnjl6in^ ojlercsio). ffljo3ces)1(o1so, ceijroloo,
CQ)moia

enB^jefcajyiffll, ' nJjLGnaiS,

1

(313 amino
TJCOTDIO

y>'U'lrtocoiu)ism>ra3nJ. oa^oloolteojiSi, d&jsisrcnos, E^sl n.fwijTailoag nJOaJo ajjotsa^.s,. AJ50 '...'.laitnosjtSigjo. wniDDtniromoiDo. o.&&]<&,o3,
ODO1Q2)

te^sranpss, gosco>oijo ffljcnJlfsS

C&>J6TOT3)3S,

MJaa e&i(.j)"l<fl&;j<Tr)a]6>cijj

.-iDipioej

ar)](EPI3ftQI3
03611.1003

nlQ
(ai)<TH,3mjl)

.s^r^oi(olca>udces)

c&.>s>lc9io3,

ocrnoni3
GCt03

= TJP.JlcQ)aio3

mtydhDutumHaoi -1' nic&oSrtK) <a.js. finejaJDcroafflomlsQil^j, mo^nii^njjt.sncia, eoiooijraSraimo, > ! 1,.1-ila-oD, DSH0)6)O$ <odra>o, gDOtoiooj} ODocruo, nrocoxoiiteQsrasiai} -H.^UTDTOIOS, rara)G'laiUo>3<96)o3, nJojoloDomnSdso, njfo snlcmjoft., .1 ijonjgejeifljKn aogmjeni;,
'ill.)(.3T5)Db"TT)1, nJJaJo ajaj(OTOJ(ld c&>6)PJOl(Q)6), C^6rrilriJS>JI>}<e)U3,
HDOKCOOS

3CD)tloo oidnoo nioinlGcruo

aiacruauD&io

= 03TO)naoo'J = (Etmoo

ajojrjlrruo

oij noil col 3_pr>0te6>2<a>,

aJocrujcS.oStee)

(.aoaflcu) (T\)o"eiqijiOc&iaj(o onfleuinuiaocQ) (3)m'l<pl(SPJc9 (TUJOICQJOOII 0)3 0)6313 05 (3) (31 OJ 6313 g 0 CQ)1 nJ <&. <& (310) J OJ 3 O0 COSITD (.00 0)6313 03 tn) (3 QJ cro o tu o (oem a o sm.
01> 3 (J =96)3611]

ii'S'liSiOglcQ) tDcSiiiLnno. raraoloiloa c&>m1 HnlcmjoBi, n_nDocaj, '.'loojccessmffiia, DOJ(3 n^^jansinnoafncrr)

OIIGIOKDJO.

goojea

(oraolaDjaDloj,

iJ3(ScB6)0, _il3cG6)<iJClO, nJOCtGSlO TJOO, raiaaioocia, turarijlroo. gDts^ajaS. mj3<eG)j, nJOteoj. 6DKSitnoc9S)
t9>1aiOl(QJBI), molcDXff), OJOffSl^.

.ri.--,nil(TS oilsiffl) cr)S<e6)2t9), asjojl&jQnnra (ffiactmno'So, goj, tuooiBrarroejeil, .. 1 )'i H3t3)l5>a^ tftfril, raiarijojjo rruoj^QajiB) t.c&>2Uf)lc96)jc&>, alcuoajj niwi&jo, raracQiraSteoarafla^ csro)oo, ooomjoijo tDt9i(tnojjo, ailejtijlgto^os
I.'I.Ii>3)o,

(3T3i_6njr1n3o

gDcnjnrw<ss) c/)1ajojv^1cru <D)iDca"un

CTUOJOlCG)

(trilojffiioloj, gr/D <QtbKnsrcrili8 a|j)cmc96> "JB^IPJ. rara^ffltura)

n).D.:jej(Eujgl, faj^tesiooJlroS siseiltnjjo, G)S>1&ica.*^ce>jc&., m^atejjejoisffDsoj, .iHiKLic&ajflDo, c&>j(alu&1s>r$ cnpmo, njoo, moemcQifrosKailqaijsjs snogo, ui.iojtsi sxufBjaloBooua, eisjailejoottn (araoKnovo, aajraomJloajj njjosrucno,
il:l^OJ0(3 aJlfC/jcOj, OJm5(.CT)Sai303c9S)3CQ)1 (nOJc9S)nSJt9), 6)COOlCQfl(ij3 ill ><i 1(313)1 a3 nJ*,Sj"l(G) <fls^Ol, CSfn3nDCQiJ6)5 ffl^Ojl^, GmjOGBOo

cuonnajnS. ojo)^ja3, aiooj, aioo^ja3

OiJOlcQ), c9)OlCQ), G.iJOJ, (SnJO^oS, 6)_iJOlCQ)3<Te

<B)J(in3i3<T)Da 3 ItfI<Jt(30o

61300^03, G30a>3o3
(3i3jffl)n3

i:-ir!')effl3o0c9)O 3, 5meilt9 jgg tarajglcStfojgl, (3i3a3cOKJ)3to, ajj<p (oereocon

i(l.1oi,6>, QJSl dJ301I3CQ) SlOO^cS,, 6>aJ9lS (8)3l6)<9O0SJe9S)Jc9), 6TU3G6nJC!)3,

t.)i.njo>ej<snOo,

eiemecnoaS,

aooeraoaS,

(rultnsay,
CDOOJ,

CnnoGoenJ,

The idioms, special usages and images which have been copied into the spoken and written forms of the language from the Bible and from the Christian worships and rituals are innumerable. The observation that the main flow of influence into the modem Malayalam poetry is the

'i)irt<sitsica,1oQ)jos ajlrol. smailraoioaD ^jcilc/o, raere (riMtntDl, o^aiQojggl gcn^oral.

eoooscn njosjtfe,

The words, images, idioms, messages and visions which the t I uislian religion has thus spread into the language have created a forum I HI endless research and discussions.

H. Other Relationships of the Malankara Church In the discussion of Ihe ancient foreign relationships of the Malankara Church, there are one or two more paragraphs which deserve to be mentioned. One of them is the relationship with the Nestorian Church in Persia. Towards t h e end of the period of the relationship with the Alexandrian Church, in the fourth and fifth centuries, ihe centres of the foreign relationships got shifted from Alexandria to Besra and other seaports in Persia, and from Ponnaani to Kodungallur. It has already been mentioned that, as a result of this, the Malankara ('hurch started contacts with the Persian Church. At ihe time ol the starting of this relationship, the Head of the Persian Church was a Calholicose who ruled from Selukya as his headquarters. But from 486 A.I), the Catholicate accepted the Nestorian faith. Asmall minority that protested against this, consecrated Morusau at Tigris as the first Maphriaanaa. It is relevant to ask whether the Malankara Church, when it started its relationship with the Persian Church, established contacts with the Cathoiieosc or with the Maphriaanaa. It is not possible to say that the Indian Church, because of having been founded in the heritage of faith it had received from St. Thomas and also from its contacts with Alexandria, through its later contacts, accepted the Nestorian faith. Certainly, we need not reject the thinking that, as t lie Church under the Sclukyan Catholicate exhibited a higher missionary zeal, the bishops from that Church are likely to have visited the Malankara Church. But, as history is silent about the Church of the Selukyan Calholicose during the period from the 9lh century to the 14th century, we have no historical evidences to accept the Nestorian relationship. The Morusau Maphriaanaa who got established in 628 A.D., appointed for India an Archbishop and a few Bishops to assist him. The Nestorian Cathol icose also has appointed Bishops for India. In 1490, a delegation from Malankara approached the Nestorian Calholicose. It is possible that Bishop Ycsuyaahb Simon of the 7th century. Bishop Saalibsaakaa of the 8th century, Mar Thoma. Mar Yuhaanon, etc. of the 15lh century were Nestorians. There is no history that any of these bishops died ----------------------------------------EM-----------------------------------------

lu'ic. I hey must have just come lor short visits. Even though it is I'i ISM hie that they ordained priests here during their visit, it does not 11 ii\m that a tradition o\' faith that had taken root here for centuries was u |ccial just because we received an authentic laying on of hands from il use visitors. A permanent arrangement that had got formed here for iln ordination of priests could not have disappeared just because an u t .isional v i s i t i n g bishop came and ordained priests here. There are ii-i ords that, even in die I 7th century, the bigger parishes here had 11 n INC winI held the Peredyutha position. Even though those who held i In position were not bishops, the Canons instruct that they have the .nii lioril y to ordain priests, if the Church so authorises them, in the .licence of bishops. It is likely that the tradition of the Alexandrian i hurch, through its contacts with the Persian Church, got fixed as the Iisition of the Peredyutha. In 1665. even when Abdul Jalecl Grcgoriose " .is visiting here, there were those who held the Peredyutha position in iIn' bigger parishes here; this has been confirmed by the orders that he issued. It is possible that the Archadiyaakkon position that existed in 11 it- name of '.laathikkukarthavyan' for generally representing the ( i m m u n i t y in places like the royal court, for example, was an .mangement that was obtained through the Persian contact. In any i .ise, when the Portuguese reached Kerala, it was a Nestorian Bishop ikii ihey found here. His successor Mar Abraham was also a Nestorian I tishop. In the understanding that the Syriac that was being used in the w orship was really Nestorian, they certified the Malankara Church as being Nestorian. As they found certain Nestorian traditions in some of ihe centres of the Malankara Church that they got to know, this understanding was further strengthened. Some Church historians have made guesses that all the foreign I leads of Churches who have come to Malankara from the 9th century i inwards were sent here by the Nestorian Patriarch, in the same way as bier Church historians argued without any basis that, from 1653. all llie foreign Heads of Churches who reached Malankara were sent here h\ ihe Patriarch of Antioch and tried to cook up evidences to prove the

same. They have also cited certain inscriptions made by certain Catholic authors who took the position that the Malankara Church was Nestorian. They have to give answers about two matters. 1. The bishops who visited Malankara, where in Malankara did they have their headquarters'.'Arc there any records in the Indian Church about what they did here? 2. Do we have any of their tombs here'.' Or. were they traders who were hereon short visits, at the end of which they went back? 3. Were there any instances of the Catholicose-Maphnaanaa positions being combined in the same person? (Eldo Mar Baseliosc. who came here in 16X5. has claimed so in the liturgies that he wrote.) 4. Are there any hints available about a ti me when the person who bore the Catholicose-Maphriaanaa positions (ogether, was intouc' with the Patriarch at Antioch? Though many travellers like Cosmos have given their witness about the presence of bishops in Malankara, it was not a permanent presence, All of them fulfilled their episcopal duties in the Church also while attending to their business as traders, and then they went back; no one has put forward any claims that any of them died here and was burie here. It was the tradition of the laying on of hands that got instit ute here in the first century A.D. that continued here till the arrival of the Portuguese. Even after getting to know many Patriarchs, CalholicoseMaphriaanaas, Bishops and Archbishops, when the 'Kandanaad Padiyola' was written (1809), ihe person to be consecrated was calle only as 'Yajamaanan' by the official meeting of the Malankar representatives. In those days, the ordinary priests in the parishes were called 'Kalhanaars,' and those who were designated for the 'Yajamaanan' position were respectfully called 'Kalhanaaraehens.' It was these 'Kathanaaraehens' who were called 'Peredyulha' in the letters of Abdul Jaleel Ciregoriose and Thoma Arehadiyaakkon. Till the beginning of the 20th century, the senior priests in parishes used to be

k ii n v M i .is 'Kalhanaaraehens. though they had no special powers. We know .ihuui five bishops, YaahAaloho, Danahaa. Yohannaan,Thomas urn I ~i i H iseph visiting Malankara at the same time in the early pail of the I *>ih i i-iiiury. They also should be part of this visitors'list. From among llii'tn. Mar Youseph received favours from the Portuguese. He died in I n i o p r i n 1569. Mar Abraham reached Malankara in 1568. He was mi i i| i | Hi ri u n i st who did not mind proclaiming allegiance to the Pope iiinl .iKo ihe Nestorian Patriarch Abdcesau as and when he pleased. I MM when he formally continued this submissive practice, he desired in In | I.I 11 ot Malankara. As was customary, the Malankara Church H.I'. pieparcd io receive and accept the laying on of hands from 44 him. Ai ihai lime, the general administration of the Church was still vested in (iluw arghesc Arehadiyaakkon. Mar Abraham, the last visitor to the undivided Malankara Church, died in 1597. I, Ihe Undivided Church: Some Observations I. Asa result of the elaborate foreign trade that used to happen lliimu'.li ihe Ponnaani-Alcxandria seaports, before Christ, Kerala was Hie meeting ground of the Buddhist-Jainist believers from the Dravidian tin r.. Arabs. Greeks. Persians from the Assyrian race. Jews from the Mil lillc-Hastem countries and ancient Babylonians; Kerala did not have H monolithic culture. .' In 52 A.D.. under the leadership of St. Thomas, the Christian (Inn eh got established in Paaloor, the Ponnaani seaport region (the lir,in of the present Thalappally-Valluvanaad Taluks). The Jewish NVn.igogue on the Jewish Hill in Paaloor became the first Christian house ul worship. It was the Jews and the Buddhist-Jainist believers who I'm)traced the Christian religion in the beginning. They received very Inmicd orders of worship in the Syriac language, the Bible and the blessing of priesthood from St. Thomas. V As a result of (he trade relationships, first the Alexandrian Church mill then the Persian Church maintained contacts with the Malankara I lunch. It was against the background of the Alexandrian contacts

that the development of the sacraments, the arrangement for the continuance of priesthood and the training in the faith were basically formed in (he Malankara Church. 4. The Kings of the first Chcra dynasty had invited those who had become experts in carpentry, astrology, "kalpaganitha' and the visual arts to come to Kerala. Their groups established seaports and port towns first in Kodungallur and then in Koilam. and this brought a lot of prosperity to the Kings. These foreign Christians helped the Kings immensely not only in money matters, but also to build up a good army; they underwent many sacrifices in order to be of help to Ihe Kings. In recognition of all this, the rulers in the respective places gave the C 'hrislians their own villages, the right and the aid to build their houses of worship, and also many positions. 5. The Christian religion merged with the local cultures, and it purified and refined them. It became an example to others in the ; construction of houses of worship, in ethical and moral codes of conduct, social awareness, the hardworking nature and in thrifty living and saving. The concise Bible that St. Thomas authored and gave them led them ) into light, and so the propagation of their religion happened at a fast pace. 6. Their first priests were appointed from Ihe Jewish and the Buddhist-Jainist communities of believers. The inner strand of the message of the Sangha period literature was the Bible. Following the Alexandrian model, priests ordained other priests through the laying on of hands. At a later time, this authority came to rest upon the chief or senior priest in each parish. When the Persian contact was strengthened, this chief priest came to be known as Tercdyulha." An elected representative of the priests, who had to represent the community as a i whole at places like the royal court, for example, following the Persian model, came to be known tinder the name 'Archacliyaakkon' or 'Jaalhikkukarthavyan.' 7. Though at a later lime, the universal Synod of the Roman Hmpire that met at Nicea (325 A.D.) passed and implemented rules and regulations regarding the practice of the laying on o\' hands, it was not possible to stop the ancient practices that continued in the Malankara g?l---------------------------

i inn eh. It did not mind accepting the laying on of hands from the iM .hops who came v i s i t i n g Malankara from time to lime for trade inn poses or for missionary work from foreign Churches such as the UiA.indrian Church and the Persian Church. The Malankara Church 'inl not pay much attention to the differences they had in mailers of lull] In certain places, this caused, not just differences but oppositions, ....utters of instruction, rituals and practices, but still it did not cause ii i \ <. nnsiderable disturbances in the mainstream life of the Church. x I'hesc circumstances should not be forgotten when we read i....i (tie writings ol foreign authors who came here as visitors, that they 11 ii 11 sd diverse types of Christian communities here, practising their di lli-renl types o\'Christianity in ways which were different from locally Mind practices. *. During limes when the Shaiva-Vaishnava-Brahmana movements I' .i i u c d supremacy here, they have persecuted the followers of Ihe Iliuldhisl-Jainist-Chrisrian religions and have destroyed (heir religious I iiii at a res. The el forts of the authors of their Puraanaas (o make the bilile a part of t h e i r creations, are c l e a r l y seen from the llhav ishyamaliaapuraanaa (written by Vyaasamaharshi). These I N[ seditions caused the dispersion of the Church in Paaloor, and thereby it. spreading to other regions. The series of battles fought by the CholaI'aandya F.mperors, centring around Porkalam, in order to capture the l n i c i g n trade centres at Ponnaani and Kodungallur seaports and thus in monopolise foreign trade, indirectly helped the spreading of the ( In"istian Church to all parts of Kerala. 10. The Christian Church at Malankara. which was undivided till Ihe arrival of the Portuguese, effectively influenced the religious, social, i nliural and artistic life of Kerala. Bxamplcs for this can be seen in the li-siivals. literary works, familial set-up. importance given to hard work, n.iiional awareness, importance given to ethical practices, national revival IIH i\ emenls and religious revival movements that are found in plenty in Kerala.
l

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Chapter II

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The Synod at Udayamperur and the Oath-taking at Koonankurisu

A. Peredyutha
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As in the Alexandrian Church and other ancient Churches with an Apostolic tradition, in the Malankara Church also, priests used to do the laying on of hands which had recognition and acceptance. Later, when they came to know bishops from the Persian Church and other similar Churches, though they made use of their scr\ ices, thev continued their old practice. This is the background against which we have to understand the records of travellers like Cosmos which say that they found Churches with bishops ami also without bishops during their journeys. In Ceylon what Cosmos found was a Church with priests and believers. The Church he found in Maale, where pepper grew, also did not have any bishops. What this clarifies is the fact that a Church does not require a bishop for its existence. The Synod that met in Nicea in 325 A.D. passed a ruling against this and restricted the authority for ordination to rest with the bishops alone. This has enabled the bishops to do their duty of supervision more effectively and more efficiently. But we cannot forget the fact that it was a technical arrangement binding only on the member Churches inside the Roman Empire. As this rule had no standing or legal support outside the Roman Empire, it is not tikeiy that the Indian Church came to know about the decision al Nicea and implemented it. Moreover, one thing becomes clear if the Canons of Nicea are examined. The Svnoii was considering

i In practical sides of the expansion of the Church. It had adopted a " i\ liberal approach to administrative matters. In the organisation oi .11 In unislration. Nicea did not exhibit the kind of unyielding attitude it hid towards matters related to faith. Therefore that Synod gave many i in cssary concessions to those Churches which were unable to keep up unbroken and continuing contacts with the other well-established i l u n c h e s . Nobody tried to fetter the Malankara Church with rules .mil tcgulat ions, as this Church existed faraway from all other known i lunch centres of'those days, and as Kerala lay outside the Roman I uipire. and also because expansion was the commonly shared interest .il all the Churches. At the same lime, parallel to the common canons nl ,ill the Churches, there came about certain arrangements in the Malankara Church also in th i s regard. Like the parallel universal positions of Patriarch, Catholicosc and Pope, the Eastern Churches i .ime to have the Korepiscopa and Peredyulha positions. When the head of an urban parish came to be known as an Episcopa, the head of .i tural parish came to be known as a Korepiscopa. Many Synods have given to the Korepiscopas the authority to ordain and appoint pnests in the absence of bishops, if the Church so desires. A regional S\ nod that met al a place called Anseera (Ankaara in Modern Turkey) in CaialiainAsia Minor in 314, before the first universal Synod in the U< nnan Empire took the decision in 325 that only bishops should ordain pr icsls and implemented it. look a decision to this effect: "Without the w r i t t e n permission of the bishop, a Korepiscopa does not certainly ha\e the authority to ordain a priest for another parish in the lown." This canon has given us certain pictures. 1. Korepiscopas have the authority to ordain priests for rural panshes. 2 If the bishop gives permission in writing, the Korepiscopa has ihe authority to ordain priests tor urban parishes also. That the word used here is permission is a point to be specially t a k e n note oi\ This is the insight which this canon gives: "If the Church

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requires it, the Korcpiscopa has the authority and the eligibility to ordain priests." (At present in our Church there is no practice of"giving any special authority to the Korepiscopa. We have heard that Konaattu Maathen Korepiscopa, like bishops, used to wear (he round head gear and to lead the service of the washing of the feel during Passover. But. till recently. Korcpiscopas used to ordain people for positions like Korooyo, Youpedyakkeeno. etc.) Peredyutha in the Persian Church is the position parallel to Korcpiscopa in the Syrian Church. The functions of the Maphriaanaa and the Peredyutha. in essence, are the same. These words mean things like the one who produces fruit or causes growth. Though the 'patri' in the Patriarch is used to mean the one who gives birth, and the words Maphriaanaa and Peredyutha arc used to mean the one who produces fruit, in the context of the Church they mean 'to make the Church grow through ordination.' The canon that those who held the Peredyutha position, which came into being before the Synod at Nicea, should not ordain anybody without a ruling from any of the bishops, is similar Hi the rule in the Church constitution which says that an Episcopa in a Church should not conduct the holy service of Mooron consecration or consecrate a bishop if that Church has a Patriarch, a Catholicose or a Metropolitan. It was against the breaking of this rule Ihal the Synod at Anseera acknowledged in 314 the canon that is cited above. The structure of priesthood in the Malankara Church was different in ancient times, liven though priesthood earned a living, that was not the only means of income for a priest. Therefore, several priests used lo take turns to do the priestly duties in a parish. The ancient chancel arrangement to accommodate one Cpiscopa. twelve priests and seven deacons at the same lime as was customary in a complete parish, may be remembered here. The main priest - who was usually the seniormost - used to act as the Peredyutha. The seniormost from time to lime, without any special ordination service, would lake on the Peredyutha

pnsiiion. When the other priests were known as 'Kathanaars.' the Peredyutha used to be called 'Kathanaarachen.' The word 'Acheif i .nrie sth e meanings of the noble one. the head and the master. In one i use.the 'Achen'of those days was the Bishop ol'loday. Ordinary I >r icsts were not called ' Achen' in those days. In the Niranam Chronicle. v\eral instances are seen where the Pakalomattom Bishops were iflerred to as ' Aehens' in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, in .pile of the fact that words like Methraan. Episcopa and Metropolitan were known in Malankara. The 7th Marlhoma. when he was a junior hshop. was called 'lilaya Achen' in the Niranam Chronicle. Pulikkottil Joseph Mar Dionysius. the Malankara Metropolitan and i lie founder of the Kottayani Old Seminary, is still referred to as the \chcn who passed away' by the people of his native place. In those il:ivs Achen used lo mean lord or master. In the first Matayalam Bible 11he Rambaan Bible) which was jointly translated by Pulikkottil Ittoop Kunibaan and Kaayamkulam Philipose Rambaan, printed at the Bombay Korean Press, and published by Buchanon in 1811, wherever the word Master'is needed, it is the word 'Achen" that is used. See the usages like ' Veellachen" = the master of the household and two Aehens = two masters. In the Kandanaad 'Padiyola' which was prepared in 1809, i he officiating clergyman at an ordination ceremony is referred to as Master ('The Indian Orthodox Church: History and Culture', page 430). Nol inside the Christian Church alone, but even outside it, the word "Achen" was used to mean 'Master.' Usageslike 'Namboothiriachen' and 'Mangaattachen' and 'Kurangachcn' used by Kunjchan Nambiyaar [the old monkey- Kalyaana Souganthikom Thullal) may be remembered in this connection. The oldest priest in each parish - Mooppachen -used to be respectfully called 'Peredyutha' in that parish, and he used lo ordain and appoint the priests and deacons needed in that parish. The present author lias discovered and published two Syriac letters which undoLibtably prove that there were those who held the Peredyutha' position in the Malankara Church. One record is the li-nersenttoRomebyThommaArchadiyaakkon tMarThommalfrom

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1653) in 1647. The author of this letter written in eastern Syriac signs and seals the letter calling himself Thomma the Archadiyaakkon tor the entire Hindu country and Thomma the priest of Christ. A photograph of this letter which was collected from Vatican by the Reverend Kora Varghcse Achen is kepi in the archives at the Kottayam Old Seminaiy. In that letter the Archadiyaakkon of the Hindu country, along with all the priests and Peredyulhas of parishes, sends greetings of peace to the father who has attained (he holy, respectable and glorified throne of Peter in Rome. This is how the salutation oflhe letter is written (Er. Prof. Joseph Cheeran:'The Malankara Church and the Kerala Culture.' Appendix, Syriac photocopy. Description, page 5). The second letter is the article of instruction written by Abdul Jaleel MarCiregoriose who reached Kerala in 1665 and died here and was buried in the church at North Paravoor. The present author has a photocopy of this letter which was written in Chaldean Syriac. This was discovered from the Thozhiyoor Archives and collected from Mulanthuruthy (Photocopy, the above book, Apendix, Explanatory note, page 6). This long article was written in 1668 Kumbhom 5lh. by Mar Gregoriose. addressing the priests in the Paravoor, Mulanthuruthy and Kandanaad churches. Certain other relevant parts of this article have been translated by E.M.Philip and included in his History of the Church. (Sec pages 154158.) In the introductory part of this article, the Peredyulhas in the parishes are being addressed before the priests. The present author has not been able to conduct a comprehensive research or enquiry into (he matter. The two records cited above undeniably prove the fact that those who held Peredyutha positions were present in the parishes of the Malankara Church. It is unfortunate that no Church historian of ours has mentioned anything about the presence of Pcredyulha position holders in the Malankara Church. What could be the reason for this? 1. Not many people have taken the trouble to search for the Church records of those days. Our historical research adopted a kind

"l complacent laziness under the cover of the general declaration that ill the Malankara Church records were burnt to ashes under the leadership of Archbishop Mcnessis after the Synod at Udayampcrur. 2. Even today records that survived the destruction are available HI different places. But all of them are written in Syriac or Karsoni, that im i in eastern Syriac. The moment we see something written in eastern M liac. we brand it as Ncstorian and reject it. without making any effort in read it. Writings in eastern Syriac. which was widely used in the Middle Ages, have been misunderstood as evidences of a Ncstorian pieieiice in Malankara by at least a few of our Church historians. .V Many Church historians were misled by prejudices. They had ni it heard about the practice of ordination being done by a non-bishop. As soon as they came to hear about it, they rejected it as something luially unacceptable, without taking the trouble to examine the history behind it. They had been blinded by the prejudices that priesthood died out in Malankara after the days of St. Thomas and that it was i I'kindled in Kerala by the Persian Church and the Antiochean Church. 4 It was impossible that certain Episcopal fanatics, who imagined ilial the glory o\' Episcopacy would be tarnished by the acceptance of Hie practice of a non-bishop giving ordination, could get reconciled to Hiis historical fact. As it is only bishops and bishop designates who get Hie opportunity to study Syriac in depth, it is quite natural that (hey did not trv to publicise a fact which they suspected would diminish the seriousness oflhe necessity-condition of Episcopacy. In any case, what happened was that the historical reality of the presence of Peredyulhas who, without any problems, used to ordain priests in Malankara. in most parishes, was consigned to darkness. It. Archadiyaakkon It has the meaning 'the head of the deacons." The Hoodaayaa t anon has described the holder of this position as the spokesman of ihe Episcopa. This person has the charge oflhe administration of the i hancel on behalf of the Episcopa. There is a special order of service

dEI

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forlhe giving of this position. During the service the 'Amsavadi is given to him as a mark of the position. The Archadiyaakkon has special responsibilities during important services like ordination and consecration of Mooron. But today the practice of appointing Archadiyaakkons by officially giving them (hat position has been slopped. As the practice of giving a special 'Amsavadi' to the Archadiyaakkon has been stopped, he uses the 'Amsavadi" of the bishop during times when he is performing his official duties. As the priests are the heads of the deacons, the practice that wc now have in the Malankara Church is the practice of the priests themselves performing the duties ol the Archadiyaakkons. During the Middle Ages also, the Archadiyaakkons of the Malankara Church were those who held the positions of priests. In the Malankara Church these people had to carry out responsibilities which were much bigger than in any other Church. In each parish when the Pcrcdyuthas performed the priestly duties of the Episcopas. the Archadiyaakkons of the limes performed the administrative duties of the Bishops for the Church in general. The Archadiyaakkons of the times used to be the leaders al the meetings of church representatives, and were in charge of the general administration of the community. In the name of the performance of this duty, he used to be called 'the administrator of the community.' It was he who used to represent the community in the royal courts. When the need arose, it was his responsibility to correspond with the sister-Churches abroad. The Archadiyaakkon position holders used to he given greater respect than was given to the Pcrcdyutha position holders who functioned only within their respective parishes. The Malankara Metropolitan position is actually the timely expanded Ibnn of the Archadiyaakkon or 'administrator of the community' position that was there in the Malankara Church during the Middle Ages. In the sixteenth century, it was the members of the Pakalomattom family who used to hold the Archadiyaakkon positions. For quite some time, the Church appointed Archadiyaakkons from the Pakalomattom families continuously. Gradually, that position became the inheritance of the members of that family. In order to establish that inheritance there

.line about claims which argued that the family had received its I >i icsthood from St. Thomas himself and that, from that time onwards, H was that family which carried out the responsibilities of the Metropolitan-Archadiyaakkon- in the Church. In the same way as ilic Parasuraama story, this tradition later became part of history. When IIIL' i n e v i t a b i l i t y of the Metropolitan was accepted, the then\Khadiyaakkon became the Metropolitan in the name MarThomma I IN Ih53. and thus the presence of the Metropolitan was permanently t .labhshed in the Malankara Church. During the reign of the last \K hadiyaakkons their headquarters used to be at Ankamaaly. ( . The Pope's Messengers in Malankara Pope Innocent III (1288-1294) formed an Evangelical Society in in dor to spread Christianity in the eastern countries. An evangelist limn this Society - Yohannaan from Monti Korvinoy - on his way to < lima, his field of work, stayed in South India for a few months in l."M. He sent a letter to Europe saying that he found a Church that u.is founded by St. Thomas and that he gave adult baptism to about a hundred people. After that, a missionary by name Jordanus, on his \\;i\ back from China, stayed in South India for quite sometime in I il9. Some of his companions were also there with him. These i diiipanions got killed by Mohammedans. Jordanus escaped and inched his country. In 1330 (Fr. Dr. V.C. Samuel writes '1328' in his In >nk 'The Church Is Growing', page 82) he came back to India, having lnvn appointed the Bishop of Kollam. With this new Bishop, who was .ilso a member of the Dominican Monastic Society, the Pope sent a Ifller inviting the Syrians to enter the unity of the Catholic Church after discarding the heresy. Another Latin traveller. Friar Odorick, reached Kollam. having ii;nelled south along the Malabaar coast in 1321, and met many I 'hi istians and saw fifteen Nestorian Christian homes in Mytapore i ('athay and the way thither'. 1. pages 73-81). Pope Eugene IV sent i ci lain representatives here in 1439 with a letter addressed to 'Thomas,

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the Emperor of the Indians, who is my beloved son in Christ ami worthy of praise.' It is possible that it was the Villaarvaitom King Thomma whom the Pope called the Emperor of the Indians. In any case, (he representatives who are said to have been sent with this letter, are not known to have reached India. (See E.M. Philip, pages 90-91.) In this way, though many Popes from time to time sent many messengers targeting the Church at Malankara. none of these efforts met with any success. D. Did the Malankara Church Ever Accept the Nestorian Faith? Archbishop Alexis De Menessis who organised the Synod at. Udayamperur in 1599, and the historians favouring this, have; approached the Malankara Church matters on the grounds thai the , Malankara Church of those days had generally accepted the Neslorian j faith. In modern times, Fr. Dr. V.C.Samuel, having accepted the same] grounds, writes: ". ... From this record, il is clear that in 13<ll the Malankara Church was living in harmony with the Persian Nestorian \ Church" ('The Church Is Growing.' pages 75,76). I le writes again: ". .. The Malankara Church, at least from the 4th century, was living in j contact with the Persian Church. After that Church officially accepted 1 Nestorioseas the Father of the Church in the 9th decade of the 5th j century, till the 16th century, the Malankara Church existed only on \ that relationship" (the same book, page H6). This was a very hasty decision taken by the venerable Malpaan Fr. j V.C.Samuel. It is right that bishops from the Selucia throne used to | come to Kerala at long intervals both before and after the Church in. Persia accepted Nestoriosc. But, apart from the fact that their influence ! was seen in certain regions, it docs not give sufficient reason to brand ' the whole Malankara Church Nestorian. In this context, it is imperative that wc consider the treatise which chiefly discusses this subject which was written and prepared by Deacon P.T.Gheevarghese (who later became one of the founders of Bethany
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.ind also founded the Malankara Wreath - Archbishop Mar Ivaniosc) .ii id was published in 1907. The disciple of the Malankara Metropolitan I lis I loliness Bishop Vallasseril, during the days when he was staying ii ihe Parumala Seminary, wrote the book which was published from iln Old Seminary with a preface written by C.P.Tharakan. Fr. Dr. \ < .Samuel, researcher in history and the Head of the Church History I Hpailmenl al the Old Seminar}', has given a list of about seventy books in Ins index, which were examined by him-books from India and .iluoad. written in Malayalam. English or Syriac. But we are genuinely MI prised by the question why he did not pay any heed to a book which, under the title 'Were the Syrian Christians Nestorians?' was published, in away, as an official publication of the Church and which made a comprehensive study of the subject. This imposing treatise, .II ranged in 58 impressive paragraphs, has proved in the most scholarly manner that the Malankara Church was not Nestorian. As Fr. Dr. V. i . Samuel lias not refuted any of the evidences presented in this treatise, dues il not become clear that he did not scrutinise this subject in a Hsearching and analytical study? Moreover, it further surprises us that lie has not ciled the relevant portion from E.M.Philip's Church History, i hough he has included the book in his index of books. E.M.Philip writes: ".. .Along with the Synod's decision regarding the periods of I, ist i ng to be observed by the Malabaar Christians, Menessis mentions i he following five periods of fasting that were being observed by the Malayaalees: I. the holy and awe-inspiring Lent. According to the piactiee followed in this diocese, this starts on the Monday following the Quinquajesima (Kothine) Sunday. 2. the holy Advent. This is being iihserved in this diocese from the Sunday following the IstofDhanu. ( i he fasting in connection with the Ascension of Mother Mary starting from the 1st of Chingam. 4. the fasting of the Apostles starting from the lust day after the Pentecost week. 5. Prophet Jonah's three days' l a s t i n g starting from the eighteenth day before the starting of Lent i (ieddes, pages 350, 351). All these five periods of fasting are required l>v us canons to he observed in the Orthodox (Jacobite) Church. The

dales for these periods of fasting mentioned above agree with the dales on which the Orthodox (Jacobite) Church observes its periods of lasting. (It was only when the Gregorian Calendar was adopted that these dales changed from the Julian Calendar during the 1950's.) Apart from these five periods of fasting, the Nestorian Church observes an additional fourofthem. Those are: 1. Mar Seyya's three days' fasting. 2. ihe virgins' three days' fasting. 3. Mar Elia's seven weeks' fasting. 4. Moses's fastingforonctofourweeks(Badger Vol.2 pp. 187. 188). We do not see any mention of these four additional periods of fasting observed by the Nestorians in the Udayamperur.Synod records. Until the time of the Udayamperur Synod the Nestorian observances had not entered the Malankara Church is what can be clearly seen from what is cited above." The lack of enthusiasm revealed here by Fr. Samuel, who otherwise shows a keen interest in refuting all the arguments presented by E.M. Philip, becomes suspect. There is something to be mentioned here about a Syriac handwritten Bible being kept at the Cambridge University. Scholars have expressed the opinion that this Bible which was presented in 1806 hy the then Malankara Metropolitan Thomma VI to Claudius Buchanon who visited the Malankara Church from Calcutta in order to conduct research on the Bible tradition in Kerala, was copy-written between the 6th century and the 12th century. Listen to the argument put forward by Deacon P.T.Ghecvarghese who has been mentioned above: "There are more than twelve notes in this, regarding clergical services for occasions on which St. Mary is commemorated. In these notes St. Mary is not referred to as the Virgin St. Mary or the Mother of Christ according to Nestorian practices, but as the Mother of God in a way Ihe Nestorians have never called her. The notes seen before the readings starting at St. Mathevv 12:33, St. Mark 3:31 and St. Luke 8:16 are witnesses to this." "Again, according to the Nestorian practice, there cannot be a Holy Eucharist service on Saturdays during periods of fasting. But the people of the Orthodox (Jacobite) Church and other eastern Churches conduct the Holy Eucharist service on Saturdays during periods of

11 .inig. In this handwritten Bible we see notes for conducting the Holy I ii, harist service on Saturdays during periods of fasting."'".., In this Mililc that was presented to Dr. Buchanon, we do not see even one ii' >i'- pointing to the parts to be read during Ihe Friday festivals observed i>\ ihe Nestorians.. ."(the book mentioned above, pages 55-57). A i'....Hid years' insight that ihe Malankara Church gives is that the in mislream of ihe Malankara Church has not been Nestorian. I. \ n ()bservation about the Undivided Malankara Church I.el us collect some details about Ihe Keralite Christians from the i m i i - s prepared by travellers in the 13th and 14th centuries, reports, I">.iks. etc. We will have to take into account certain evils such as pitindices, selfish interests, lack of comprehensiveness in Ihe enquiry IIinducted and hasty conclusions, while evaluating them. This stand .in.mis a special relevance in the context of the fact that these nh'.cn-ations were prepared by foreigners who look India (or Kerala) li i he an uncultured country. We have to keep it in mind that no one has i'\ it conducted even a superficial enquiry into the decisive influence r\cr led by the Christian religion upon the Keralite life, culture and literary
nils

I In community life, the Keralite Christians held high positions mid respect. Most followers of Christianity had only a general urn lei -standing about the Christian religion, but no special knowledge. I IhTcfore they were unable to play the missionary role in the community. 2. The religion had limitations in the initial organisation of its forms nl | )i aver and worship. It is doubtful whether the Christians in Kerala llml any understanding about the growth of the forms of worship and tlw literature of prayer. Established religious training programmes were in >i adequately available. They had not acquired the knowledge that w .is necessary in order to carry on a dialogue with the other religious ii n i vi ' i ne n t s in their region. ^ Along with men, women also used to take pari in worships in (In- churches. After delivery, a woman did nol go to church for forty i l i i \ s in the case of a male child and for eighty days in the case of a

female child. After (hat the infant will be taken to church and given baplism. 4. There were more than one priest in each church. The oldest among them used to be given special respect. Positional names such as Vicar were not known. 5. Commemoration services used to be conducted for the dead. That was also a means of income for the priests. 6. Anew priest's first celebration of the I loly Eucharist was a festive occasion. 7. Priests used to be respected both inside and outside the religion. 8. In the same way as in the Coptic Church, the Apostles' fasting used to be observed from the day after Pentecost. 9. There were Percdyutha position holders who used to ordain and appoint the priests needed for each parish. 10. The general administration of the Church was vested in the Archadiyaakkon who used to be known also as the Archdeacon. 1!. They gave leadership in matters such as trade, banking, sculptural works, etc. and also in training in the use of weapons. 12. The Church maintained a high standard in ethics, its dress code and familial relationships. 13. On many occasions the Church underwent religious persecution. The Church successfully survived all that. 14. There was an effort to harmoniously co-exist with the contemporary regional culture. Effort was madelo be part of the regional mainstream even in matters such as names, customs and practices. F. Eastern Bishops It has already been mentioned how foreign trade made it possible for Kerala to have expansive contacts first with Alexandria and later with Persia. Among those who traded with Kerala, there were people from different Christian communities from different

i minifies. Through them their countries had come to know about the Malankara Church. Their communities came to be known in the Malankara Church as well. The Malankara Church was always lukewarm about the faith differentiations that came about in the foreign "inuries. But many foreign Churches with a missionary zeal made .rrious efforts to convert the Malankara Church into a colonial Church -I iheirs. In the early times, it was the Selucian Church of Persia which u.i^ foremost in this matter, hspccially after that Church adopted the Vsiorian faith, it exhibited a greater missionary zeal. CITMeckensee MI ( h n s i i a n i t y in Travancore' (p.7) has mentioned about a certain Hisliop Yohannaan having been sent to Malabaar from this Nestorian ilnone alter its getting established in Baghdad. But Kerala has no records .ihoul him or his having reached Malabaar or having done anything here. The few Nestorian believers who were met here by Marco Polo who visited Kerala in ] 295, or the fifteen Nestorian families who were li uind in Mylapore in 1321 by Odorick, the Latin traveller,do not present (lie picture ol the general stream of a national Church. The Persian luders who were Neslorians could have had a colony in Kerala and iKo their own houses of Worship. (There are records that the Armenian ( In itch had such colonies and houses of worship in India. We need to MV them only as certain arrangements which were made during the ii;ide.) A. Mingaana testifies lo Vatican being mentioned in the Syrian K-cords in the Bible reading notes of 1301 (written at Slungalaor i hendamaiigalam), and this may also be considered against the same background. But these foreign relationships were sufficient lo raise questions in ilie consciousness of the Malankara Church about the Episcopal hierarchy that was being formed in the universal Christian Churches. I lie knowledge that many Churches considered as invalid the practice ol ordination without the laying on of hands by a Bishop, urged the Malankara Church to have certain second thoughts. It was as a result < it lliis that a delegation visited the Patriarch of Moosal (Persia) which ilu'V knew, for a bishop. Two from t h i s delegation of three, George

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and Joseph reached their destination (One died on the way.), and Patriarch Samuel ordained both of them as priests. And two Bishops, Mar Thomas and Mar Yohannaan, were sent along with them to Kerala. Mar Thomas, who realised the truth that Bishops had no administrative powers in the Malankara Church, went back to Moosai. Joseph, who went with him, came back in 1493 There are no records available about Mar Yohannaan's Indian operations. Mar Elias became Patriarch in 1502. He sent the Bishops, David, Danaha and Yaakkob to Malankara along with Mar Thomas. E.M.Philip records that Mar Yohannaan. who had come earlier, was here when these people arrived (page 88). This is what is seen in the report which they sent to the Patriarch in 1504: "There are about thirty thousand families here who agree with us in matters of faith. They pray to Ciod for your well-being. Now (hey are trying to build more churches. All kinds of things are easily available here. The people are meek and peace-loving. Praise be to Got!! The church of St. Thomas also shines here because of the dwelling of Christians. That is at a place called Mylapore in the Silan region which is on the sea coast about twenty-five days' distance from here. In our province in which the Christians live, there are about twenty towns. Its name is Malabaar. The main towns here are Kodungallur, Paaloor and Kollam. There are also other towns which are somewhat similar to these. Churches and Christian homes are seen in all these places. Close by there is another big and rich town by name Kozhikodc. Gentiles live there" (E.M. Philip, page 89). We do no! know where these five bishops made their headquarters. They were able to make some followers in the churches close to Kodungallur and Kochi. The eastern Bishops were able to spread the Nestorian faith and practices in certain regions of the Malankara Church. G. The Arrival of Vasco Da Gama and Others and the Later Developments With the fall of the Roman Empire, the India-Europe trade came under the control of the Arabs. A Portuguese sailor by name Vasco Da

< iama. in an el tort to I ind a tree passage for ships, reached Kozhikode, i lie headquarters of the Saamoothiri. on 26th May 1498, with royal Mtpport. In those days there were no Christians or churches in Ko/hikode. We see in the legends of Kerala (Gundart, pages 3-4) .ind other similar sources, details about how a temple was taken to be ,i church and how the idol of Kaali was worshipped under the false notion that it was Virgin Mary. After certain preliminary discussions uiih the Saamoothiii and after filling all their four ships with merchandise, (iama went back on 4th November. The Muslim traders who held the monopoly oi' trade at the Ko/hikode seaport in those days were displeased by the arrival of the new traders. Based on the information received from Vasco Da (iama who had returned, the King of Portugal sent a tleet consisting oi' 1} ships to Malabaar, with 1200 troops under [he leadership of Alvarice Kahraal. In September 1500. Kabraal and parly reached Ko/hikode. After the big encounter they had with the Arabs over there, the party reached Kochi. The King of Kochi extended a big welcome to them. During the time when they were collecting their merchandise, Kabraal happened to meet the local Christians at Kodungallur. He got to know the Christian community over there. It is believed that one of those Christians, a man by name Joseph, told them thus about the Keralile Church: "We are Christians. We would have liked to board your ships and go to Jerusalem after inuring Europe and Rome and such other places. St. Thomas came here and established churches here, is what we understand. We have only crosses and no idols in our churches. It is the Assyrian Catholicose who sends us our bishops now. The priests, as a mark of their ordination, have a circle of hair on t h e i r heads. Babies are baptised after forty days. If someone dies, we observe eight days of purification. We have many periods of fasting. The third of Karkidakam is the festival of St. Thomas. We have many Bibles and a lot of Biblical interpretations. We have been settlers at Kodungallur from ancient times. Among us there are Jews and merchants who are of Misra, Parsee or Arab origin. We are also

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merchants. And we pay a tax to the King of Kodungallur for the same" (Bernard Thomma Kathanaar, The St. Thomas Christians', page 97). Kabraal, on his return journey, took Joseph and his brother Mathias along with him to Portugal, as desired by them. He is the person who first wrote a book about the Malankara Christians. This is what he declared in Europe about the Keralite Church of those days, the Church before ihe arrival of the Portuguese: '\ .. These Christians have, as their spiritual head, a Pontiff (or Pope), twelve Cardinals, two Patriarchs, Bishops and Archbishops. From the Kodungallur town mentioned earlier, the Bishop who was the Head of the ('hurch also came with us in our ship and reached Ormoos Island. He disembarked there and travelled for three months. Thus, along with die Bishop. Joseph went up to Armenia to see the High Priest. The High Priest honoured the Bishop ;md ordained Joseph. This is how things are done by all the Christians in India and China. The positional name of Joseph's High Priest was Calholicosc. His head is shaven in the shape of the cross. As mentioned above, he appoints one of the Patriarchs under him in India and the other in China. And he sends the other Bishops and Archbishops to the various provinces as he likes." ". . . They (the Indian Christians) have priests, deacons and assistant deacons. They have Confession and the receiving of the Communion. Thev do not have the anointing of the sick. Instead of that, they bury the dead body with proper prayers." ". . . There are no statues in the Malankara churches. It is the crosses that adorn the churches. Babies arc baptised. They use the leavened bread for the Eucharist. They fast during Lent and during Advent. They have monasteries, books and well qualified preachers. In the palace of Kozhikode Samoothiri. the Hindus, the Muslims, the Jews and the Christians have separate entrances" (Paarettu, 'The Malankara Christians' Volume 2, page 134). No one seems to have taken this contemporary witness of Joseph seriously. Because of the unfamiliarity of the language, it is likely that the author of the book did not properly understand what Joseph said, is an argument which many people use in defence of their ignoring it.

V\ hen we consider what Paarettu said: "The Indian Joseph was an 'Alia-ordinary person," and what was said by Frakken Monthan Bodo ' I 507) who stayed with him for months and collected reports: "Joseph i. i iitell igent. honest, perfectly trustworthy and a person with an exemplary 11 le and a deep faith in God," we feel that the facts revealed by him have it) be taken seriously. His revelations are adequate to correct many of "in misconceptions. Both R.M.Philip (based on Asseemaan III 589. page 88) and Fr. I) ( Y.C.,Samuel ('TheChurch Is (irowing,' page 76) have recorded ili.u a delegation vi site d the Nestorian Patriarchal Moosal in 1490. \sseemaani, who lived from 1687 to 1769. was a competent official n| the Vatican Library and an Archbishop in the Catholic Church. ( Vrlainly, what was said by the 'Indian Joseph, a prominent member if the delegation, around 1507. is more reliable than a book that was w r i t t e n two and a half centuries later about the delegation that left Malankara in 1490. The reason for the reliability of the 1507 book is ilial there is no need to cook up statements in order to justify the Ulayamperur Synod which branded the Malankara Church as NcsLoriiin. As mentioned by Asseemaani, Joseph's eye witness account iliat it was the Armenian Catliolicose that the 1490 delegation visited .md not the Nestorian Patriarch, is possibly true. The statement that ilu'ie are two Patriarchs under the Catliolicose is right. Under the Armenian Catliolicose, there were two Patriarchs, one at Constantinople md the other at Jerusalem. (It may be remembered here in this context ilial AhalhullaBaavaa who came in 1653, in the letter that he sent to M;ilankara. calls himself'Ignatius the Patriarch of India and China.' When we remember the fact that, just like the Persians, the Armenians .iKo used to come to the Kerala coast for trade purposes, we feel we .lie required to rethink whether the many I leads of Churches who were uvorded in history as Nestorian Catholicoses were really Armenian < '.uholicoses. Mar Ivaniose who came in 1685, forbade the use of unleavened bread for the Eucharist in Malankara, through an official I c i i c r of his. It may be justifiably conjectured that Abdul Jalcel

(iregoriose who came in 1665 was the Jerusalem Patriarch under the Armenian Catholicose. and that it was through his influence that the practice of using unleavened bread for the Eucharist spread in Malankara. When we read together, the diary note recording in Mar Ivaniosc's prayer hook which says that it was the Armenian traders who brought Mar Bascliosc Yaldo Maphriaanaa. Mar Ivaniose and the rest of them who reached Kerala in 16X5, and the recording of Kariyaatti Youseph Malpaan (later Kariyaatti Bishop) in the book ' Vedatharkam' that those of them who were part of the foreign Heads ot Churches group that came here in 1751 "were undoubtedly Armenians which could easily be made out from the way they dressed and behaved.' we begin to feel that some of the chapters in the Malankara Church history will definitely need a re-writing. It is quite possible that most of the stones about our Nestorian relationship were created deliberately with the knowledge of the Vatican authorities in order to strengthen the understanding that the Malankara Church was under the influence o\' the Nestorian madness immediately before the Synod at Udayampcrur.) This priest, who was historically famous under the name ' Indian Joseph,' was sent abroad in 1490 as the representative of the Malankara Church. That was indeed an honour bestowed on him. We cannot certainly ignore the statements made by this man as statements from a man of low intelligence, when this man was known to be someone who earned everybody's respect, an orator, an intellectual, very efficient and very quick and dexterous in analysing matters. ! le conducted a study of the organisation of priesthood in the Malankara Church, comparing it with its organisation in other eastern as well as western Churches. The fact is that this man who furnished an analysis of the organisation of priesthood was not properly understood by anyone. His statements may be understood in the following manner: 1. The Christians in Malabaar have a High Priest as their spiritual head. (It is the word 'Pontiff which could mean "Pope' that is used in the place of the High Priest.)

i! is pohsibie that what he meant was that the Arehadiyaakkon. w ho is the administrator in the Malankara Church, holds a position Lquivalcnt to the position held by the Pope in the Catholic Church. The \ichadiyaakkon, while putting his signature, used the positional name 'i lie Priest of Christ.' Joseph must have taken this usage in the same .iy as the Papal usage 'Vicar of Christ." He used to be the Chairman .nid the Manager of the meeting ol' the Malankara church [rpresentatives. As the one who represented the Church in the royal 11nut meetings, he used to be respected in Malankara in the same way .is the Pope. When Rome appointed Ghcevargliesc Arehadiyaakkon .is ihe Bishop of Paaloor, he thankfully rejected that Roman honour, perhaps because the position of the Bishop was not in the least bit auractivetohim who was really the Pope of Malankara. Both in the spiri tual overseeing and in the worldly administration, he enjoyed the position of the'Vicar of Christ' in India. He had authority over parishes indirectly and over provinces directly. Perhaps it was in the best faith iliat the Arehadiyaakkon is the Head of the Bishops that the Episcopal < andidate MarThomma IV required Mar Ivaniose to consecrate him under the positional name 'the Priest of the whole of India'. (The position of Mar Thomma IV was recorded as 'the Priest of the whole of the Hindu territory' at the place for recording the signature in the consecration book.) The hierarchy of the clergy in the Malankara < luirch of those days was Archdeacon (Arehadiyaakkon), Peredyutha, Priest, Deacon and Assistant Deacon, which perhaps was translated .is Pope, Cardinal, Bishop, Deacon and Assistant Deacon by Joseph Kalhanaar in the manner in which they would be understood in the western Churches. It may be remembered here that Dr. Francis liiichanon. who visited the Paaloor parish in 16(X), described the priests ai the Cfiaattukulangara (Aarlhaat) parish and the Chaavakkaad parish, uhom he met personally, as Popes. ('Francis Buchanon's Kerala', nanslatedby Dr. C. K. Kareem, pages 44.46 and 61 may be referred iu.)

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2. Twelve Chief Priests.............. The word used in this place is Cardinal- Similar and parallel to the 222 Cardinals under the Pope, what the Malankara Church had were the Peredyutha position holders. It has already been hinted above about two records which show that at least in I he churches at Ankamaaly, Mulanthuralhy and Kandanaad. there were Peredyutha position holders above the priests. It is possible that what the priest Joseph meant was that, in the twelve main churches in the Malankara Church, there were twelve Peredvutha position holders. We have already seen that in Alexandria also, it was a Council consisting of twelve priests which used to d e t a i l the ordinations even in the 4th century A.D. Similar to this, it is possible that, as per the Apostolic number, a Council consisting of twelve Percdyuthas was formed in Malankara also. 3. Two Patriarchs, Archbishops and Bishops These are not positions which used to exist in the Malankara Church in those days. This was the reason why the priest Joseph's statement was ignored. It is possible that inTravancoreand Kochi there were two priests holding special positions as advisers of the Archadiyaakkon. Mar Thomma VI appointed two priests, one from the south and one from the north, in order to examine and discuss the issues raised by Dr. Claudius Biichanon when he visited Mar Thomma VI. What we understand is that Pulikkottil Ittoop Malpaan from the north {founder of the Kottayam Old Seminar)') and Kaayamkulam Philipose Rambaan from the south were the (wo representatives. When the church representatives of the Malankara Church met at Kandanaad on the 1 st ol'Chingamin 18()9 under the Chairmanship of Mar Thomma VIILthe (wo noble priests mentioned above were appointed as the advisers of Mar Thomma VIII. When Mar Thomma I was consecrated (in 1653), the Church appointed four scholarly priests as the advisers of Mar Thomma i. Perhaps the appointment of advisers was a practice that existed in the Church from olden times. Perhaps by 'two Patriarchs' the priest Joseph meant two chief advisers.

Perhaps it was the priests who were to oversee matters in the I 'i <" inees whom he meant as Archbishops. It is possible that scholarly M.ilpaans were appointed as Bishops with the urban parishes as the q u i r e s for t h e i r f u n c t i o n i n g . It is also possible that the \u hadiyaakkon's administrative organisation was arranged on this basis in Malankara in those days. The Bishops were the ordinary priests in Hi parishes. We can see a rebirth of titles reminiscent of the Aposotolie iimcs in this hierarchy. As this arrangement got radically changed as a ie .nli of later developments, the priest Joseph's witness became more iin redible than cooked up stories. Vasco Da Gama reached Kochi w i t h his fleet on 7th November in I 'in \ 1 Ic offered gifts to the King who entertained hint. The Christians >t Kodungallur visited the representative of a Christian King from a I In is ii a n country with offerings and with the consolation of having got ii pink-dor. They said. "We are all happy about your arrival. In olden limes there was a Lord from our race in this country. Here we are I'l vin g you the sceptre and the royal plaque given to him by the nobles of those days. About 30.01)0 of us have agreed about this. From now i HI. i he King of Portugal will have supremacy over us. From now on, if w e ever have tokill a guilty man, we will do it only in his name." Saying llns. they gave him a rod and a document. The rod was red in colour, mid it had two silver bangles and three silver bells in a bangle. Again ihe v said, "It you build a fort by our side, you will be able to acquire the w In ile of the Hindu country." Hearing this, Gama became very happy I le replied: "God will see to your protection in the future from the hands of all enemies, especially from the hands of the Muslims and al! llu'ir wickednesses. Do not be afraid in the least bit" (Gundart, keialappa/.hama'.p.33). I he Portuguese leaders successfully helped the Christians to regain llie rights and the positions which had been given to them as per the kellamTharissaappally document. With this, it became easy for the I'mluguese to establish their roots in Kerala.

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At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese the Christians of Kollam were under the rule of Mar Yaakkob. Even though it is said thai he was sent by the Patriarch of Babylon, Feroli points out thai, in a letter that he sent to the King of Portugal on 17th December in 1530. he says that he comes from Armenia and that it was the Catholicose who sent him (The Indian Orthodox Church: History and Culture.' page 161). 'This claim supports the revelation made hy the priest Joseph. He used to agree with the Portuguese in matters concerning religion. This was mentioned hy St. hrancis Xavier in a letter that he wrote to the King of Portugal in January 1549. Mar Yaakkob died in 1549. He was buried in the monastery church of the Franciscan priests in Kochi. From the time John Albuqucrk took charge as the Bishop of Goa in 1503. efforts had started in order to capture the Keralile Christians to join the Roman Church. The Papal Bula o( 1493 had given supremacy over all eastern countries including India, lo Portugal. The Goa Bishop appointed (he Franciscan priest Vincent lo be in charge of Kerala which was under his jurisdiction. When his Kochi mission failed, he reached Kodungallur. There also he did not meet with sufficient success. In 1541 he started a Theological Seminary in Kodungallur. Fr. Vincent succeeded in getting about a hundred young men from aristocratic Keralitc families admitted there for theological training. But the Malankara Church rejected them when, at the end of their training, they were ordained by the Roman Bishop. It became necessary to absorb all these new priests into the churches of the Portuguese themselves. This was said to have happened because Syriac was ignored at the Kodungallur Seminary. The Jesuit authorities who made this assessment, in order to give the impression that this complaint was being attended to. started a new Seminary in Vypikolta. But this move also did not meet with sufficient success. In the wake of the rift that happened in the Nestorian Church in 1551, Sulacca attained the throne at Moosal in 1553. In 1555 he was murdered with (he help of the opposing party. In that place, with the acceptance of Rome. Mar Abdeeso took charge. He consecrated the ---------------------------------------IFCT ---------------------------------------.

l u m b e r of the murdered Sulacca and sent him to Kerala as Bishop ) i mseph. Mar Youseph and his companion Mar Elias, who reached i ii u in 1556, were made to stay at the Franciscan monastery in Bassain h -i IS months. During his Kerala visit, he was sent lo Lisbon, again to Malabaar. and then to Portugal. Most historians have recorded that Vuiseph died a martyr's death in 1569. Following this, the Nestorian I \iii larch Simeon sent Mar Abraham to Kerala. Having reached Kerala 111 hiding, he was capti vated and sent to Portugal. On his way he escaped I imii captivity, got Roman approval, got re-consecrated by Abdeesom, ami w as appointed Archbishop of Ankamaaly. But the Portuguese did iini accept him. He was not able to put into practice the Catholic i usioms and practices. He called for a Synod in 1583. He tried in vain i'i please Rome. He refused lo ordain those who had got trained by ilie Vypikotta Seminary. He died in 1597. He was buried at the Ankamaaly eastern church that he himself had got built. That was during the reign of Pakalomattom Gheevarghesc Vuiiadiyaakkon. During the lasl days of'Mar Abraham, the eastern bishop hy name Semavoon reached Malankara. In the wake of the unpleasantness between them, they excommunicated each other. The I 'ot luguese sent Mar Semavoon to Lisbon. Over there he died at the fi.inciscan monastery in 1599. II. Archbishop Menessis, Archdeacon Gheevarghese During the last days of Mar Abraham, in 1595, Alexi Do Menessis look charge in Goa. As soon as he heard about the death of Mar Abraham in 1597, he first appointed as the administrator of Ankamaaly. 11. Francis Ross from the Vypikotta Seminary, and then, following the i ^position of the people, he appointed Gheevarghese Archadiyaakkon instead. The Archadiyaakkon refused to sign the oath of submission, .is required by Menessis. Against this background he called a meeting ol the church representatives at Ankamaaly. In the "Padiyola'that was approved by the meeting, there were the oath and the call lo strengthen i he Archadiyaakkon's position in order to be able to stand firmly on -------------------------------------IWB -------------------------------------

our ancient faith. With this, Latin priests were thrown out from many places. When he saw that it would be difficult to find success in the efforts that were being made for bringing the Syrian Christians of Kerala under the authority of the Roman Church, the Archbishop decided that he would himself go to Malabaar. The administrative authorities o" Kerala, who had experienced the military strength of the Portuguese both favourably and unfavourably, were scared to displease the Portuguese. At the end of repeated compcllings, the Archadiyaakkon put his signature under the letter of oath which looked harmless. With a strong military accompaniment, the Archbishop disembarked at Kochi on 1 si February, 1599. He declared that there were three purposes for his visit. I. Subdue Malankara in order to get them to accept the supremacy of Rome. 2. Raise Malankara from the mistakes they have made in matters of faith and practices. 3. Renew and make immaculate the disciplined practices of both the clergy and the laity. As required by the Archbishop, the Archadiyaakkon came to meet him. Though he had come with the accompaniment of an army, in the end he met the Archbishop by himself at Chcndamangalam. Though it could have been a stormy encounter, the Archbishop, through his tact, sterling personal qualities and official pomp, made it a meeting filled with the beauty of peace. Gradually, the Archbishop entered into his duty. The Malankara Church did not accept the requirement to remember the Pope in all its official prayers. As a part of this cold war, the Archbishop ordained 38 people at Udayamperur, opposing the Archadiyaakkon. He celebrated the Holy week at Kaduthuruthy in a very colourful way, in a manner in which it would impress the common people. The marching of the Archbishop in all his pomp and glory filled the ordinary believers of the Church with wonder and awe. as they were used to very simple ways of life and practices. The promise that many people gave that they would accept the authority of the Pope's

ii I ' l e s e n t a t i v e , made the Archadiyaakkon very angry. The \ i < luidiyaakkon, who had the same kind of authority in Malankara as iInPope had in Rome (Remember the statement made by the Indian in usi Joseph.), passed excommunication orders against the n I'K'sentativeof the Pope by name. I he King of Kochi, who got worried that this may cause a fall in n.ii k\ and resultantly a fall in the economy, ordered his Christian subjects in obey ihe Archbishop. The Archbishop insisted that the \u ludiyaakkon should approve ten conditions. I. Completely reject the Ncstorian faith. 2. Agree that the teachings MI IVierand Thomas arc equivalent. 3. Sign the oath of faith which .is made in accordance with the conditions laid down by the Pope at iliilime of his appointment of the Archadiyaakkon. (The Jesuits had p ii ihe Pope to understand that the only way to subdue the Malankara t h i i s i i a n s was by subduing the Archadiyaakkon Gheevarghese. Ai cording to this, the Pope appointed the Archadiyaakkon i KV\ argliesc as the administrator. The reference here is to that letter nl ,ippointment.| 4. Submit to the Pope all the books belonging to the An hadiyaakkon and the Metropolitan. Burn up all that is against the l i . n h i n g s of the religion. 5. Accept the Pope as the supreme head of ilu-1 'niversa! Church. 6. Reject the authority of the Patriarch of Babylon if, the head of the Nestorian Church. 7. Allow entry into Malankara nnlv to those Bishops who arc approved by the Pope. 8. Take an oath lli;il iheGoan Archbishop will be obeyed as the lawful head, until a new Archbishop is duly appointed as head. 9. Publish the 'Olaas' w h i c h require the Kathanaars to attend the meetings of the Council. KM )uring parish visits, the Archadiyaakkon should accompany the Aichbishopby himself. There was a first meeting at the Vypikotta Bishop's palace in order in discuss the conditions. As bodyguards 3000 soldiers and two 11 HI inlanders accompanied the Archadiyaakkon. The two parted after ,n nrdial discussion. The Archbishop created favourable groups in

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centres like Udayamperur, Kaduthuruthy. Kaanjoorand Paravoorby ordaining many people in these places. He sent out his messages to many places. He tried to conduct a sacrament in Paravoor, and partly succeeded

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ojyaieKajj&ijo g> ere o CQJI . (f3ra> mi)jc&>0(i)tOa QfO.o^iBSJigaDl we>a)36n)ctuo amsssn) stiiixSafi mlffsxoemo s><]ico)y>:)6m iin^ ixu^rai sircar) He visited places like Aalangaad and Chowara. At C'howara he. invited the Archadiyaakkon who was slaying there, lor a discussion. The Archadiyaakkon fell the earth slipping away from under his feet. At ihe meeting which was held al Chowara they were able to agree o~ oneortwo issues. 1. A Synod may be called in order to discuss problems concerning faith. 2. The Archbishop may visit churches and bless the people. 3. The Archbishop is not allowed to perform any of his official duties in Malankara. But the agreements were broken. At Kaanjoor the Archbisho made a very provocative speech. He was visiting churches as h pleased, without minding any of the prohibitive orders sent out by the Archadiyaakkon. He conducted a sacrament at the Porakkaattu church. No one opposed him as he had the backing of the King of Porakkaattu. He created a group at Mulanthuruthy by ordaining several people. A Udayamperur, in spile of Ihe prohibitive order that came earlier from the King, he went ahead and ordained as many as 3X people very ceremoniously. In order to make the Passion Week services at Kaduthuruthy a blessed experience, the Archbishop very generously pleased some of the leaders of the people. He completely ignored the 1EE1

ulimiatum given by the Queen of Vadakkumkoor who supported those "l her subjects who protested against the doings of the Archbishop. [ lo hought fur a price the ultimate authority. In the end, the Queen A ho sen! out the prohibitive orders, had to become the proteelor of the \nhbishop. I legot many regions under his control through Ihe use of "i 'id coins, demonstrations of (he Portuguese military might, tact, threats IIHI through the show of his pomp and glory. He increased the number "I his followers by ordaining several people on the day before Easter. I lie threat that Portuguese aid would be withdrawn if support was lu'iilo the Archadiyaakkon. proved lobe very effective. All the Kings .ihandoned the Archadiyaakkon, and their subjects wen! the same way .is iheir Kings. Even his followers were forced (o abandon him. When Ins helplessness became complele, the Archadiyaakkon, as per the :ul\ ice of the Kings and others, decided to submit himself to the authority nl ihe Archbishop. He went to the Chendamangalam Theological Seminary where he confessed all his sins to the Archbishop, signed the document stating ihe (en conditions and agreed to call a meeting of the S\ nod at Udayamperur on 20llt June, and on the very next day. May II III. ihe 'Olaas' concerning this were sent out lo all the churches. I. The Synod at Udayamperur: the Events that Followed The Archbishop sent out a circular concerning the meeting of i lie Synod. from Chendamangalam, on the 14lhofMay. In order lo ensure the majority at the Synod, on Pentecost Sunday, al Paravoor, lie ordained fifty people. He prepared in his own handwritten form, the < anons as were passed at ihe Synod, to be sent to Menessis. A few of Ins faithful followers heard and approved these. The biographer of the \iehbishop, Antony Guwaya. has described the background of the Synod, its proceedings, etc., in the book "Jornada' written in the Portuguese language. The Udayamperur Canons can be seen in the hook 'History of the Church of Malahaar' written by Michael Ciidds .ind in the book 'History of Christianity in India' written by James Hough. The Synod started on 10th June. 1599. Il was attended by -------------------------------------IRJ -------------------------------------

153 clergymen including 20 deacons and 671 laymen. The presence ofGheevargheseArchadiyaakkon was irrelevant. There are people who are of the opinion that he attended the Synod and others that he did not attend it. Ittoop Writer records that the Chauttukulangara-Paaloor parish and the Thiruvithaamkode parish did not attend (he Synod (page 105). To begin with, the Archbishop celebrated the Holy Eucharist. He himself read out the Pope's letter of authority. Fr. Francis Ross spoke about the universal authority of the Pope. The Archbishop had arranged Pahuruthy Yaakkob Kathanaar to translate the Canons into Malayalam. First the Oath of Faith and then the Canons that had been written and kept ready were read out, and (hey were declared to have been passed. E.M.Philip writes: ' 1 5 0 clergymen and 663 laymen, murmuring as a sign of Iheir dissatisfaction, signed the decisions on their own behalf and on behalf of the parishes that sent them," The Synod ended on the 26th of June, 1599. The meeting passed as many as 267 decisions in 9 parts. The general approach of the Canons was that the Pope of Rome is approved as the 1 lead of the Universal Church, that the faith, customs, practices method ofadminislration. etc. of that Church are being approved, and (hat all the Eastern Fathers who have had contacts with Malankara, including the Patriarch of Babylon along with the faith, customs, practices and style of administration that they have instituted here are being cursed and banished. The Canons also' tried to prohibit those regional practices that the Malankara Church had kept as part of the Keraliie culture, and to promote in their place Roman practices. Even though permission was given to continue (o use Chaldean Syriac for worships, the Canons laid down the condition that those orders of worship should be corrected according to the new Canons, and if correclion was not possible, they should be burnt. The positional title 'Vicar' was instituted, and the Vicars were bestowed with unmatched spiritual and worldly administrative powers. The Synod hung above the heads of the believers, the curse 'Maharon' like the sword of Democles. The celibacy of the clergy was made a rule, and

ii v. .is insisted that those clergymen who were married should disown 11 n'li wives. Instructions were given to fix idols in churches and to w i n>hip them. Many of the already approved saints of the Malankara < lunch became part of a list of the cursed. In many churches the Pimm saints were changed. People like K.N.Daniel and Dr. Skaria /.uhaniiah have published the Udayampemr Canons in their complete im in in Malayalam. (See "Two Ancient Prose Works'.) 1( is seen in ilu' Synod histories that the Canons were written in three languages, I'i u Inguese, Karsoni and Malayalam. Mcnessis started the I lerculcan task of the implementation of the i aiions in the Udayamperur church itself. The church over there which \\ .is dedicated in the names of the saints Saabor and Aphroth was now i (-dedicated in the names of all the saints. Menessis who declared the hiiptism of Kerala Christians as invalid, now rebaptised a large number ol believers and clergymen. Wherever there was a strong opposition to a second baptism, the people's baptisms were declared complete through an anointing with the Holy Oil. During the triumphal march for ihe implementation of the Synod decisions, married clergymen were 11n'ced to disown their wives. Those who did not comply were excommunicated. During the visit of centres like Kottayam, kudamaaloor. South Para voor and Mulanthuruthy, the priests who did in >l attend the Synod were made (o take the Oath and were trained to u induct services in the Roman way. In Ankamaaly which was famous as the second Thalappally of the Kerala Christians, the patron saints of churches were changed. The collection in the ancient library over there was burnt. Then the triumphal march continued to regions like Akaparambu. Aalangaadu and Chendamangalam. After that, places like Kodungallur, Porakkaadu, Kollam, Kaarthikappalty. Maavelikkara, Niranam and Chengannoor were visited. At the Chengannoor church also the hook collection was burnt. During the visits the Archbishop hied in vain to attract to the Christian religion the King of Kollam and iheBigLordofKochi. At the end of the visits, the Archbishop went to the Paaloor-Chaattukulangara parish which had boycotted the

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Udayamperur Synod. He had taken an oath to bring under Rome the Christians of Paaloor which had become famous as the first Thalappally of the Kerala Christians audio shower fire on the very ancient book collection over there. But the Paaloor Christians who had boycotted the Synod now organised another novel boycotting festival at Paaloor. After aceremonial welcome, the histrionically talented people of Paaloor presented before their guest a play in three main acts and with three chief characters. The Archbishop, who was also a lover of art. showed enthusiasm in enjoying the art festival that was presented in his honour. In the first scene of the play, two people, one dressed as St. Peter and the other dressed as St. Thomas, came on to the stage. Thomas respectfully entertained Peter who came as his guest. A Iter the in ilia! exchange of pleasantries, the Archbishop enjoyed the manner in which quite unbecoming of a guest, Peter started talking to Thomas about the special authorities that Christ had given to him, the need for the ("hurdies of the world to come under the authority of the Church of Rome, and the Pope of Rome being the Vicar of Christ for all time and an infallible man. Though the chief characters in the second scene were the same as (he ones in the first scene, in this scene, Thomas was the speaker and Peter was the listener. Thomas refuted each of the claims that Peter had raised in the previous scene. Thomas, quoting the words of Christ, on their basis, clearly explained how disgraceful it was to creep into his sheepfold pretending to be preaching the Gospel but really stealing his sheep. Thomas reminded the senile Peter, in context, about the old argument they had about authority and about the biggest among them and the answer that Christ gave them, his interpretations and his parables. The Archbishop, who watched the scene with attention, perspired. Menessis realized with horror that many of the conversations in the play were the same as what took place between him and the Archadiyaakkon. In the next scene of the play. MarKuriakosc Sahadaa, who was sitting in a corner as a silent witness in the previous scenes, started speaking with the seriousness of a judge. On the basis of Jcsus's

i' \ichings, examples, parables and the administrative set-up that the - .uly Church used to have in the early centuries.be pointed out that I Vier's arguments were false and unChristian and he advised Peter to "low into true repentance at the earliest possible, and to give up his pi act ice of stealing the sheep under the guise of tending them. He ended his long speech with this advice, and the final curtain of the play u 11. Wuh this, the audience went up in shouts and violently threw the \ichbishop, who was watching the play with bated breath, and his i < mipaiiions OLII of the church. The Archbishop went down from there i-1 Chaattukulangant from where he went off by boat to Chaavakkaadu nid from there to Kodungallur. (For more details, examine'The Indian t lirisliaus of St. Thomas' written by Bishop L.W.Brown, page 38, and i he Malankara Church and the Culture of Kerala' written by Prof. Fr. loseph Cheeran, page 22.) (The people of the Paaloor-Chaallukulangara region arc always like this. They arc never double-faced. That is their.strength as well as iheir weakness. It they like someone, they will receive him with shouts ul joy. II they dishke someone, they will throw him out with shouts of .ihuse. From the lime they threw the Archbishop out with shouts of abuse (BA"v Bn), the people of Paaloor had a new name: IJA~mplmA (those who shout abuses). That name later became the name ol the place. Today the name Paaloor has been forgotten. In its place the name BA~mv (Aarthaat) has been confirmed.) This was the manner in which the Paaloor parish happened to stand firm in the old traditions even after the whole Malankara Church came underthe authority of Rome. ()n receiving the news about the death of his own sister and of die King of Portugal, the Archbishop somehow completed his lour programmes, and reached Goa back again on 16th November, 1599. alter an eight-month-tour of Malabaar. Before he departed, he called ;ill the leaders of the clergy and the laity to the church at North Paravoor. lie declared at their meeting that the Archadiyaakkon had been ffEPl

appointed as the Administrator and that the Chcndamangalam Seminary Rector Fr. Ross had been appointed as Co-ad jutor. Mcnessis went back to Europe in 1605. Me got appointed as the Viceroy of Portugal and as the Chairman of the Portugal Council in Madrid. The Portuguese historian Manuel de Fariahas recorded that he had an ignominious end after becoming notorious ('The Indian Orthodox Church: History and Culture,' page 243). (Parallel to the efforts made to bring the St. Thomas Christians of India under Rome. Rome also did the direct preaching of Ihe (lospel in India. The Franciscan monks (from 1500] and die Jesuit monks (from 1541) from the Catholic Church gave the leadership in this matter. The Franciscan community played a decisive role in the Gospel work in Kochi. the construction of the Kochi fort, the construction of the theological training centre in Kodungallurand the Gospel work in the Kodungallur-Kollam towns. From 1542 to 1553. St. Francis Xavier put a lot of enthusiasm into the Jesuit movement. St. Xavier gave leadership to operations such as converting the fisherfolk of the coastal regions to Christianity, constructing churches for them and establishing educational institutions for them. When the Portuguese settled down in places like Mylapore and Naagapattanam for trade purposes, the four monastic movements. Augustinian, Dominican, Franciscan and Jesuit, gave leadership to the Gospel spreading operations in those places. These movements are mentioned in the fame list of Velaankanni, Mylaporeand Madras. Robert r!e Nobili who came in 1606 worked with Madurai as his centre. He worked out a religious life-style which related itself to the Indian background. Nobili's movement worked in places likeTrichy. Dindigal andTanjore. The work of these various movements was based in Goa which had been captured by the Portuguese in 1510. It was in the Latin tradition under Rome that the churches and administrative set-ups founded by the above-mentioned centres were working.)

I.

The Arrival of Mar Ahathalla and the Oath-taking at Koonankurisu

Ihe Jesuit Church ruled the Kerala Church from 1599 to 1653. Rome appointed Francis Ross as the Bishop of Ankamaaly on 20th December. 1599. As a result of the efforts of Ross also. Rome was able to free Ankamaaly from the supremacy of Goa on 28th December. 160S. Ross shifted his headquarters from Ankamaaly to Kodungallur. I his was not satisfactory to the administrators of the Kochi religious v e n t r e s which had been founded in I55K, In 1603. Ross called a S\ nod of the Malankara Church at Ankamaaly. 300 clergymen and a bigger number of laymen attended this Synod which went on for days. I'his Synod met with the intention of softening the decisions taken at the I klayamperur Synod. Hut the decisions taken here were not acceptable io Ross. He published a book by name 'Ross's Canons' in 1606. Ross gave leadership to missionary work at the parish level. During his early days Ross got on well with the Arehadiyaakkon. But this i el a ti o n s h i p did not last for very long. Floss excommunicated the Arehadiyaakkon. Ross passed away on 16th February, 1624. He v\as buried at the Kodungallur church. His successor Stephen Britto Liot appointed on 24th September. 1624 at Goa, and took up office on 20th November. This Bishop had a good relationship with the Arehadiyaakkon in the beginning. But when the Arehadiyaakkon founded a monastic movement by name "St. Thomas the Apostle's Community" and tried to get Rome's approval for this, Britto opposed it. The Arehadiyaakkon passed away on 25(h July, 1640. He was buried at Ankamaaly. In his place. Britto appointed the previous Archaiiiyaakkon's nephew Parambil Thomas. Bishop Britto passed away on 2nd December. 1641. Francis Garcia, who had been appointed earlier as his assistant, now took charge as his successor. Thomas Arehadiyaakkon could not agree with the Roman policies which denied the Arehadiyaakkon his historically based rights. I le was di ssat isfie d. Continuing his cordial relationships with the Roman administration he tried to solve the problem, but he was disappointed.

IE3

In these circumstances, he organised the St. Thomas Christians who were unable to agree with the Roman style of functioning, Thomas Arehadiyaakkon sent letters appealing for help to eastern Church centres with which the Kcralite Church used to have contacts earlier, through the foreigners who were coming to Kochi lor trade purposes. Bishop Garcia noticed these moves. The western seaport regions of India came under the observation of the Portuguese. In these circumstances, the Portuguese arrested in Sural the Bishop by name Mar Ignatius who reached India in 1652. No tine has explained on what basis historians have called this Bishop Ahathalla and Ayithaalo Ho. This author has examined a letter which was written by him in Chaldean Syriac, anil which was testified lo by Vengoor Glieevarghese Kathanaar- later the chief clergyman among the four advisers of Mar Thommal-and which was photocopied from the Vatican library and kept in the Kottayam Old Seminary archives. In that letter he has recorded his name as Patriarch Agnatius -can be read as Ignatius also. Though the historians, who have the habit of unhesitatingly taking him to be an Anliochcan Patriarch when they half hear the name Patriarch Ignatius, have later called him an Anliochcan Patriarch, Pr. Dr. V.C.Samuel has recorded that Palriarch Yaakkob III, when he was staying at Manjanikkara in the name Abdul Aahaab Rambaan, has clarified lohim, who was serving as his Assistant Malpaan at thai time, that there is no record which says either that the Antiochean Syrian Church had a Patriarch in that name - in the name Ahathalla, Ayithaalo Ho or Ilhaaloho-or that any Anliochcan Palriarch visited India in those days (The Church Is Crowing,' page 136). There arc two secret doors which help us to know more about Mar Ignatius who reached Malankara in 1652. One of those doors is that letter which was written by Mar Ignatius himself in Chaldean Syriac, testified to by Vengoor Gheevarghcse Kathanaar. and sent to Rome, as mentioned earlier. In that letter, what the writer claims is that he was appointed as the Patriarch of India and China and sent by the Pope himself. Who is this Pope? Is it the Roman Pope? Some historians,

\\ ilhout any basis, have said it is. Is it possible that the Portuguese who ne under the authority of the Roman Pope, will arrest and harass a I 'airiarch who was sent by the Roman Pope himself? That can never I lappen. Then who is this Pope, who is being referred to in the letter? I Setore the Roman Patriarch claimed the title "Pope', this title was being used by the Alexandrian (Coptic) Palriarch; and he is still using it. \ctuaily. the Pope being referred lo by Ignatius is the Alexandrian Pope. I he positional name 'the Patriarch of India and China' used to exist before. This reference was avoided in the letter perhaps because of i lie I car of the possible dangers of such an open revelation. As the I 'ope of Alexandria was well known in the Malankara Church, perhaps ihc wriier thought that such a reference was not really unavoidable. The second secret door is another letter sent by Patriarch Ignatius to the Malankara Church. That letter had the instruction that 11, on the way he was prevented from reaching Malankara, twelve priests should jointly consecrate the Arehadiyaakkon Thomas as Bishop. An instruction of this kinii could have been given only by a Bishop from the Alexandrian background. No other Church background could have had the courage to give in writing an instruction which stated that the ancient Alexandrian practice of the laying on of hands could be used under unavoidable circumstances. In the light given by these two doors. il can be said without any hesitation that Mar Ignatius - Ahathalla must have been his personal name-was a person sent by the Alexandrian Pope. What influenced the operational style of the successor was not c i t h e r the Syriac scholarship of Francis Ross or the diplomacy of Stephen Britto. Garcia's hasty moves were provocative. The removal (>f the Syriac language completely from Ihe orders of worship, the haste with which he brought in the Latin orders of worship and prayers in its place, and the devices organised by the Latin rule in order to reduce ihe relevance and powers of the Arehadiyaakkon -all these hurt the Syrian Christians very badly. As the power of the Portuguese was .iscending during the time of Menessis. the Kings had no other go but

to support him. But, the Portuguese powers were declining during the lime of Garcia. And the religious policies of the Dutch who came immediately afterwards were favourable. When the Portuguese pow ers declined, the Kings started considering the preferences of their subjects. The rulers noticed the depth of the pain that t h e i r subjects had, for having to reject the religious practices they had continued from very old times. Thomas Archadiyaakkon was very quick in taking note of these favourable circumstances. Dissatisfaction was brewing in the people when they were forced to bear the Roman yoke while labouring under the iron listsol authority. Their protests started coming out from under the cover, when the Portuguese powers declined and the favour of their local Kings showed itself outwardly. The fact that no great harm came upon the Paaloor parish even after they threw out the powerful Archbishop Mcnessis and that they were continuing with their old practices and the laying on of hands, was sufficient to give courage to everyone. The Paaloor-Chaattukulangara Christians who were the owners of the Chaavakkaadu seaport, as they had constant trade contacts with Kochi, made the effort to keep updating t h e i r communications. The kindly attitudes adopted by the Thalappaily Kings who were the protectors of the Paaloor-Chaattukulangara parish, must have influenced the other Kings also. The dissatisfaction with the Roman leadership, which was increasing in the ancient Christian centres, started spreading. They deployed themselves behind Thomas Archadiyaakkon. In the meantime, the efforts made in vain by Bishop Garcia to murder Thomas Archadiyaakkon and to subject him to the inquisition at Goa and lo imprison him at Lisbon, awakened the spirits of the Christians. The Carmelite monastic community that reached Kerala during this lime engaged in gospel spreading activities by insulting the Syrian Church traditions, and this made it clear that there was going lo be an immediate explosion at the level oi" the Church. It was against this background that the Pope of Alexandria sent the Patriarch Mar Ignatius Ahathalla here in response to the request for help made by Thomas Archadiyaakkon, entrusting him with the responsibilitv for both India

.111,11 'limn (Deacon P.T.Gheevarghese, 'Were the Syrian Christians i\r,iorians'.page85, 19(17). (In spite of the fact that a research student I MI 'pared such a clear treatise about the arrival of Mar Ahathalla. and ili.ii it was officially published fromthe Kottayam Old Seminary, that it ".11 ignored by h.M.Philip's Church History which was published in I'' ''I at a time when the great scholar of the generation Archbishop M.u Iv a n i o s e was a Deacon in the undivided Church and when the I'.in iai eh party or the Wreath movement had not yet originated, must II.IM' been an oversight on his part because of his Antiochean zest. And In modern Church historians blindly followed li.M.Philip. It was iiiiiorlunate that even Fr. Dr. V.C.Samuel, who was a great scholar and ilu Head of the Department of Church History at the Theological Seminary, in his excessive efforts to establish that IheMalankara Church wis Nestorian. ignored the research treatise that was published earlier In the institution that he was working in. At least the modern young hisiorians should they not show an enthusiasm to correct this mistake ilui was made knowingly or unknowingly by their predecessors?). Historians are agreed about the fact that Mar Ignatius who w,i^ brought to Mylapore as a captive from Sural was met by two i In gy men who went to Mylapore in order to visit St. Thomas's tomb, ,nkl that the Patriarch sent with them two letters to Thomas \ichadiyaakkon, (One of these letters which reached the Vatican with il if testimony of VengoorGheevargheseKathanaar is one of the records mentioned earlier.) There were two messages contained in the letters w Inch were sent with Chengannoor Kallisseri AanjiJimoottillttythommen k:ilhanaarand Kuravilangaadu Kizhakkedalhu Deaon Kurien. One: Kelease him who was captivated by the Portuguese. Two: If his coming here proves to be impossible, consecrate Thomas Archadiyaakkon as bishop with the laying on of hands by twelve priests. The events that In I lowed arc described in this manner by the Church Encyclopedia i j c i g e 252): "When this information reached Mahinkara, Thomas Archadiyaakkon called a meeting at Aalangaadu and requested the Kimum Church authorities (Archbishop Garcia) and the Portuguese -----------------------------------FB3----------------------------------------

Military authorities to release Mar Ahalhaila. This request was not acceptable to them. And the King of Kochi was not prepared to help the local Christians hy displeasing the Portuguese. Mar Ahalhaila who reached Kochi under these circumstances was not released. Moreover, there spread a story that he was killed by immersion at the Kochi sea mouth." 'The King, for monetary benefit, agreed to the atrocities committed by the Portuguese against the Syrians and stood hy the killing of the holy man. and because of this, was punished at the same hour by the Almighty Ciod who sits in heaven and is the King of all the Kings. This is because, at the same time when the Portuguese were making preparations in the fort for the immersion, the King inside his court fell on the staircase, broke his head and died immediately"' (Iltoop Writer, page 115). "The King had first requested the Portuguese to release the Patriarch in accordance with the petition of his subjects. Later, because of the fascination of their money, he became silent. This King of Kochi, as soon as he got the information that the Patriarch was immersed in the sea. died suddenly. Therefore, there was mourning from both sides of the Kochi backwaters at (he same time. The Syrians who considered the death of the King as the revelation of the reflection of God's anger, became more enthusiastic about their fight against the Romans" (Philip, page 144). In this crisis, the Malankara Christians were enraged against the Jesuit authorities and started preparing for a break-away from the relationship that they had with them. The Mar Ahalhaila incident got transformed into the freedom struggle of a free community. The thousands of Christians who assembled at Kochi arranged themselves in front of the Maltaancheri church, held on to a rope which was tied to different directions from a stone cross there, and took a revolutionary oath: "As long as we have children, we. the St. Thomas Christians, will never accept the Roman faith, or submit ourselves to the authority of the Pope." What history records is that the people repeated this oath after Ittythommcn Kalhanaar. Historians have recorded lhata 'padiyola' was also prepared this way. From among the two lakh Christians,

vcept for just about four hundred people, all the rest accepted this l">sition is what historians say. "It is calculated that this event took place on the third of January, 1653" (Encyclopedia, page 252). Later Roman historians, with a shock, have been trying to i eeord that this incident was a protest against only the Latin Catholics. I Ins can be seen only as the refusal of the conscious mind to accept the I Hcture of the complete crashing of the big glass castle of victory which 11.id been built at Udayamperur. According to the order from Patriarch Ahalhaila and the ancient I n d i a n practices, and also according to the operational style of the I ni versa! Chris! ian Churches in the first century, twelve priests-They must have been Peredyulha position holders-met at the Aalangaadu i hurch on 22nd May, 1653 and consecrated Thomas Archadiyaakkon .is Bishop in the positional name MarThomma 1. Fr. Dr. V.C.Samuel writes: "Instances of Bishops being consecrated jointly by priests alone have happened in the early centuries of the Christian Church. For example, in Alexandria which was the famous centre of the Church in iliosc days. Bishops were consecrated by their Council of priests. I ndcniahlc proofs for this are available to us. It was the Synod that melalNiccain 325 that formulated the regulations concerning the consecration of Bishops. It was the Council of the priests over there iliat consecrated as Episcopa even Alexander who attended the Synod .is the Head of the Alexandrian Church" {The Church Is Growing', page 143). When looked at in this light, this noble act done by the Malankara Church in accordance with the general decision of the Malankara Church and also the order from Mar Ignatius Ahathalla, under unavoidable circumstances, according to the tradition of the ('hurch. has become valid, lawful and also a declaration of the inherent lieedom of the Malankara Church. The Roman supremacy that lasted for fifty-four years was finally ended with the election and appointment of the prominent priests Aanjilimoottil Ittythommen Kathanaar, Kuravilangaadu Parambil ------------------_ --------M W --------------------------------------Si

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Chaandy Kathanaar. Vengoor Gheevarghese Kathanaar and Kaduthuruthy Kadavil Chaandy Kathanaar as advisers of the new Bishop by the Malankara Church. The first division of lhe Malankara Church that originated at Udayamperur was eoniplelcd with this. During the time of the Portuguese, from 1498 to 1653, the Christian Church had unprecedented growth in Kerala. The existing religious conditions, which were in a state of decay, provided a congenial climate for this. The Aryan supremacy started in the 6th century A.D. By the 9th century, it became a forceful currenl. and the Shaiva-Vaishnava-Brahmana movements got dissolved partially in this great How. The AcKaiiha movement of the 9th century under the leadership of Shankaiaachaarya in Kerala led the Hinduism of India to grow as one unified Hindu religion. Having received a national name, this new religious movement, which was mainly caste-based, took on a national colour and appearance, and il helped the origin and growth of the feudal system of land! ownership. The large majority communities which did not accept the caste system, were branded as low caste, and were driven out of the mainstream social life. The Nair community of Kerala got accepted as Shudras. Most of the social positions and honours went to the first three castes. This caste division made the low-caste races feel equal to animals, and the first three high-caste races - the Brahmana. Kshatriya. Vaishya divisions - were made lovers of worldly pleasures. The high-caste races fell into immoral ways of living and the low-caste races fell into the blindness of ignorance. The Middle Ages - mainly the period from the 12th century-were the centuries of this ruin in Kerala. It was during this period that (he gospel preachers of the Christian religion, the Franciscans, the Dominicans, the Jesuits and the Carmelites and their movements started their operations in Kerala. The Christian religion which rejected social inequalities became a means of salvation for the low-caste people. The low-caste people, group after group of them, got converted to Christianity. Even from the high-caste races, those people who had got fed up with their immoral ways of living, accepted the Christian religion. This was a blow to those people who had a zeal for the unification of religions. The Christian community, which accepted into its fold the new Christians also, was seen to be growing to greater strength through the Synod at Udayamperur. This is ---------------------------------------IEEI----------------------------------------

ii.ii other religious movements saw in Christianity. Contemporary ! i.da noticed the prayers in the homes, the fasting, the code of social > 'in li ict. the fellowship and the worship in the churches and the preaching "ill ic religion; the people noticed the presence of the Christian religion >ii .ill the different facets of lite. This caused the origin of all the revival ii i. >\ ements of Kerala. The high-caste people themselves were ready i....lei prel life by presenting stories based on the life-stories of their in. niiai e heroes through visual art-forms such as Chaakyaarkoolhu MI. ! Koodiyaattiim performed at the temples in front of the crowds that jMikTcd there for festivals. The low-caste people, including the Shudras i" ".horn temple entry was denied, created the poetic life-stories of tin II incarnate heroes in their local languages, and started the practice <i| using these as chants for prayers in their homes. This is the background til the origin of the devotional movements which started powerfully in Hie I 6th and 17th centuries and of the art-forms like Kathakali and lluillal. Il was with Thunjathu Ezhulhacchen that the efforts that got M.II led with Cheeraamarf s Raamacharilham and the RaamaayanaMli;i;iratha. Bhaagavalha. Bhagavathgeetha creations of the Niranam [iiicis. Raamapanicker. Shankarapanicker and Maadhavapanicker who llml become famous as "Kannashanmaar," saw success. His devotional t'HMiion, the Aadhyaathma Raamaayanam Kilippaattu and his heroic ileal ion. the Bhaaralharn Kilippaattu were adequate to wield a big Inl liiencc in the Kcralite life. Raamaayana reading and preaching were uii'.antsed in homes and in temples. The art form Chaakyaarkoothu w ,is used for powerfully criticising ethical degeneration. Thullal made these critical programmes popular. Even in the present century these ll il li i c n ee s arc continuing. The proposition passed by the Eazhava 11 immunity that en hloc they would embrace Christianity if temple entry Wiis not granted to them, paved the way for their acceptance in the Irmples. The influence of the Udayamperur Synod and the Kimankurisu Oath-taking are visible in matters like the single wifcliusband condition, the public nature of the marriage bond and its temple [Hesence. the ending of the matriarchal family set-up, the rejection of iii-ii nages without ceremony and discussions regarding the equality of wi iinen; at all different levels of life, even in the national freedom struggle in. u ements, these influences were visible.

IEJ

Chapter HI

The Pakalomattom Bishops A. Mar Thomma I, Mar Gregoriose, Mar Thomma II

Bishop (iarcia sought the help of the Portuguese and the local Kings in order to resist the progress being made with the agitation following (he Oath-taking at Koonankurisu. The ("Joan authorities sent, first John Rangale and then John Dilese, in order to start discussions possibly leading to a peace treaty. When both these failed, Bisho Garcia adopted two other means. One of them was to take nssistanc from the material wealth available. This proved to be fruitful. Paralle to this, he experimented with another means. The second means w the wide publicity that was organised for falsehoods like, forexample. a statement to the effect that the position held by Mar Thomma I i, invalid and that the sacraments conducted by him are of no consequence The publicity operations earned out by the Catholic leadership, w hie' was known to be adept at it. were well-organised, deliberate an expansive, and il bore much fruit. If the chief among the four adviser ofMarThomma I, ParambilChaandy Kathanaar himself- the Bishop' own father's brother's son - took refuge in the Catholic camp, wha should we say about the ordinary man? In 1653 itself. Mar Thomma through a priest, Peter, informed the Alexandrian Patriarch about th problems. Fr. Kunakose O.I.C. in his book describing his travel detail writes: "When I was talking to the Bgyptian leaders about these hislori' events, a historical scholar from among them brought an ancient Arabi book and ... It is said in this book that in 1653. a priest by name Pete came from India requesting for help from the Alexandrian throne, an that the Alexandrian throne consecrated a special bishop for India" (' Journey Abroad and Many Scattered Thoughts'. 1976. page 280).

This Bishop, who was consecrated in 1653. did not reach Kerala. In the meantime, Rome sent some Carmelite monks to meet 1 lie crisis. The newcomers, who were from the De Propaganda Fide i he Church for the Propagation of the Faith), were led by the priests, I Kacinth and Joseph Sebastiani. These new ventures were supported In the Portuguese authorities and the King of Kochi. As a result of the i ii.niy-pronged efforts of all these people, many of the parishes that 11.id participated in the Koonankurisu Oath-taking, now rejected the 1 \ikalomallom Bishop and changed lo become the obedient litle lambs >! Bishop Garcia. Archbishop Garcia died on 3rd September. 1659. I lie Kochi- Vadakkumkoor Kings sent out an order prohibiting Bishop Mai I houinia from entering their territory. Joseph Sebastiani, who got consecrated as the Archbishop of Mulankara in December, 1659. reached Kochi on 14th May, 1661. 1 he propaganda that Mar Thomma was a 'Bishop of no consequence' got strengthened through this. Following Parambil Chaandy Kathanaar. KadavilChaandy Kathanaar and VengoorGheevarghese Kathanaar also reached Catholic camps. James Hough, in his Church History, lias discussed the issue whether Mar Thomma I was really a 'Bishop of no consequence':".... ancient Canon of the Syrian Churches sanctioned such an action in case of necessity and that it was not without precedent in their Churches, as instances of such a consecration having, it is said, occurred in the Churches of Alexandria in the lOlh century" (page 306). This is how Bishop Devaanand gives an explanation in this matter: "If I he dire need arises, is it possible for the clergymen at the lower levels lo consecrate a Bishop? This is my reply: According to the tradition of the Apostolic Church, consecrations arc done by Bishops. In an established Church if a priest gives a consecration, it is not only unlawful, hut also meaningless and invalid. But, in a Church without a firm establishment, if all the Bishops go against the Canons or start worshiping idols or refuse to ordain priests who hold the orthodox faith_____if the presbyters feel convinced that it is essential to ordain presbyters in order to save the Church from ruin. I must not show the courage to

declare such an ordination as meaningless and invalid" (the same hook, page 307). Even though matters were this way, the rulers and a good majority of the people believed in the Roman propaganda- The Bishop \ and his faithful companion Aanjilimooltil Illy Thommen Kathanaar were \ surrounded by dangers. They had to live in hiding for quite some time. The King of Kochi entrusted the task of capturing him, with the people; of the Mulanthuruthy, Kandanaadu churches. A prince of Kochi, as soon as a rumour came out that the Bishop had sought refuge in a . church, arranged a guard all around that church. Soon the Archbishop,. with armed soldiers, came to help the prince. In the end. Mar Thomma I and his faithful friend ami adviser Itty Thommen Kathanaar were captured! and were kept in captivity in one of the palaces belonging to the King of Kochi, to be handed over lo (he Portuguese. Fortunately, two very j old laymen from Mulanthuruthy happened to come there in orderto| visit and say good-bye to the Bishop and his adviser in captivity. These people showed the willingness even to give up their own lives in order] to free the (wo noble men from captivity. Therefore, according to thes opinion of the clever Itty Thommen Kathannar, lliey exchanged their clothes. The two laymen, wearing the clothes ol'lhe Bishop and the Kathanaar, stayed there, and the real Bishop and Kathanaar, wearing j the clothes of the laymen, escaped from there, unnoticed by the Hindu j watchmen. A few days later, the two laymen in disguise were handed] over to the Portuguese governor. The governor, when he realised the j fact that he was fooled, heat them up badly and sent them to their homes. Mar Thomma and Itty Thommen Kathanaar. as soon as they j were freed, took refuge in the hilly interior regions, being scared of the 1 autocratic ways of the Portuguese and the wicked ways of Bishop, Joseph. Being enraged by the unexpected escape of the enemies, Bishop Joseph came to Mulanthuruthy and confiscated all the belongings of Mar Thomma. From these he gifted certain gold ornaments to his friend the King of Kochi and burnt up the things like books, the holy oil, robes and palanquin. It is said that, while burning these, he felt sad

s hai he w as not able to do the same to the body oI'Mar Thomma. This incident is the reason for ihe origin of the old saying: "If this is what is i lone lo the palanquin of the Bishop, what about the Bishop himself?" .I . M . P h i l i p , pages 148-150). Mar Thomma and his companion, who kept changing their h i di n g places, in the end look refuge in the Paaloor-Chaattukulangara parish (the present Aarthaal). This parish wilh a Mar Thomma heritage. u Inch had violently thrown out Archbishop Menessis, did nol have . \en a touch of Catholicism in those days. Paaloor which, in those 'lj\ v was under the rule of the Saamoolhiri, was nol within the reach <f the King of Kochi. The Paaloor Christians used to enjoy the protection of the Punnalhoor King who was the most powerful among the Thalappally Kings who were subordinate to the Saamoothiries. It was this circumstance that gave the Paaloor-Chaattukulangara Christians i he courage to stand against the Portuguese. Even though the importance ol'lhe Ponnaani seaport polarized in Kodungallur, KoMamand Kochi, in connection with the trade in the Chaattukulangara- Aalathoor( heniuiannooi markets, foreigners used to carry on foreign trade on a M I U I I I scale wilh I he Christians at their suh-seaport Chaavakkaadu through the Ponnaani seaport. Until the time these markets were ruined as a result of Tippu's attack in 17S9, foreigners from regions such as \rmenia and Bcsra used to v i s i t these regions as traders. Through these people Bishop Mar Thomma sent letters of request for help to the Church centres at Armenia and Alexandria, asking for a Bishop. As was clone many limes in the past, the Catholicosc of Armenia prepared himself to help the Church at Malankara. In the meantime, in 1663, the Dutch captured the fort of Kochi Irom the Portuguese. At last God heard the cries of the Syrians. The authority ol'lhe Portuguese who were literally hunting the Malankara ('hurch for a century and a half thus came lo an end in Kerala. Along with ihe Jesuit, Carmelite missionaries, in response lo (he orders from the Dutch. Bishop Joseph Sebastiani also was forced to leave India. When there was no other go, after consecrating Parambil Chaandy

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Kathanaar as his successor - He came to be known as Archbishop AlexanderdeCampo-, Bishop Joseph Scbastiani left Kerala. Under these favourable circumstances, Bishop Mar Thomma came back to his own headquarters at Ankamaaly. This Pakalomattom Bishop was frightened oul of his wits by the changes that had happened in the Church during the ten years. He was badly hurt to see how quickly the Malankara Church, which had always attached high priority to the validity of the sacraments, because of the exploitation in the name of the laying on of hands, forgot its identity and its heritage. The Carmelites propagated yet another battling lactic which described those who stood by the Udayamperur Synod as ihose belonging to the old order, and those who participated in the Koonankurisu revolution as those belonging to (he new order. This tactic really worked well in the minds of the ordinary people where no knowledge of history existed. The money thai poured into the general treasury of the Church from Portugal-Rome for the building of new churches where necessary became useful in helping to build new churches. As money was spent, not only in establishing houses of worship but also in paying the salaries of the clergymen, religious life became much less expensive. This resulted in attracting more people into the Roman camps. When Pararnbil Chaandy Kathanaar became a Bishop, with a local Head of the Church from the Pakalomattom family, the Catholic Church acquiied a local status, and this favoured the expansion of the Church here. It was under these circumstances that Abdul Jaleel Mar Grcgoriose disembarked at the Ponnaani seaport (North Paravoor. Mar Gregoriose Souvenir, the article written by Roy Kochaattu. page 10). From there the Bishop was received first to the Chaavakkaadu sub seaport, and then to the church at Paaloor-Chaattukulangara seaport which was described as 'the town of the Christians by Hyder Ali, Tippu Sultan, Shakthan Thamburaan and Francis Buchanon. This Grcgoriose who came in 1665 and the two monk clergymen who came with him were sent first to Paravoor from the Chaavakkaadu seaport which belonged to the Kunnamkulam Christians, and then from there to Ankamaaly

\ Inch was the headquarters of Mar Thomma I. All historians, including I i I >r. V, C. Samuel, who wrote a history lasl of all, have expressed i lie opinion 1 hai this Grcgoriose was the fifth Patriarch of Jerusalem i .K cording lo lh'.- Hudaayaa Canon), that it was the Anliochean Patriarch ^ ho appointed and sent him lo Malankara, and that with his coming ili< Antio- nva i link started in Malankara. There are no records in this u-;_\ird. The following facts were obtained from a Souvenir published ln>m the North Paravoor church in 1991 - It was in this church that Mai Gregoriose was buried. When that church was visited in 1991 for HI enquiry about some of the det ails read in that Mar Gregoriose s< m\ cnir, the following facts were gathered during a conversation with ihc Vicar Rev. Fr. Mulayirikkal Gheevarghcsc Korepiscopa and a personal detailed examination.
1. His Holiness Bishop Abdul Jaleel was buried in the chance! of ilie church. As a Bishop who came from abroad destroyed this tomb in the chancel, his mortal remains were taken out of the chancel and buried again just outside it. towards Ih c north, and the new tomb that \vas then built there, is what is seen now. (He did not know who the I tishop from abroad was, who undid the first tomb.) 2. I'he old tomb was adjacent to the southern wall of the chancel. *

lose to it. on the southern wall, there was a portrait which was said to have been his. As his facial features and his attire in the portrait had laded so badly, nothing could be made out from them. Taking him to be the Anliochean Bishop, the portrait that was redrawn with Antiochcan i loihing, oul of imagination, is what has been publicised as his picture. I'hat picture was born less than a quarter century ago.
3. There is no record in the North Paravoor church about anything

used by Patriarch Jaleel (orders, books, etc.). As it was seen in the Souvenir that 'the Syriac books which the Holy Father brought with linn when became to Malankara arc slill kept by the church.' with the pei mission of the respected Vicar, the present author carefully examined .ill the books in Syriac kept in the almirah standing close to the eastern

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wall of the chancel, -The authorities had claimed that all those books were kept in that cupboard. - but was convinced there was no record related to Mar Gregoriose in that cupboard. 4. The practice of celebrating the festival in memory of the Holy Father on the 27th of every month was started only in November. 1983. Before that, the festival used to be celebrated only once in a year. The following are the conclusions arrived at by the present author, ai the end of an extensive research programme conducted by him on the Malankaa Churchduring the period of the Pakalumattotn Bishops, against this background, with the aid of a research scholarship granted by the United Board ofChrislian Higher Hducation in Asia (UBCI1EA) in the 1990's. There were three records which were found to have been MarGrcgoriose's.
1. Abdul Jaleei Mar Gregoriose VSusthaathikkon' written in Arabic

Garsuni. 2. The 'Qurbaana Thaksaa' that was brought by Patriarch Abdul Jaleei. 3. The handwritten copy of a lengthy order that was written by him (in Chaldean Syriac). The first part and the last part of the 'Siisthaathikkon' that was found from the Thozhiyoor archives, were in a dilapidated condition. Therefore, the name of the person who gave him the position, its place, its date, etc., are not available. In many parts of the 'Susthaathikkon' he has been described as the Bishop of Jerusalem. As the Hudaayaa Canon explains, the fifth Patriarch is a Patriarch by position, an Episcopa by consecration, and in administration, subject to the authority of the Metropolitan of Cacsarea. 1 le is not a Metropolitan. But, Abdul Jaleei Gregoriose, in the 'Susthaathikkon' that is his letter of appointment, has been described using the positional name 'Metropolitan/ Therefore, it is certain that he had no links with the Syrian Church or its Head. The 'Qurbaana Thaksaa' that he used was printed in Rome in 1660. In the two columns in each page, prayers are written in Arabic Garsuni

in one column, and in western Syriac in the other column (just as in the Taampaakkuda Thaksaa" in which it is Syriac in one column and Vlalayalam in the other). It may he remembered here that L. W. Brown. in his Church History, has recorded that the people murmured because of the unfamiliarity of the worship, when Mar Gregoriose celebrated i he Holy Eucharisi first, after he disembarked at Ponnaani and reached i he church in the seaport town of Paaloor- Chaaitukulangara. One Nenlence from the Creed in Mar Gregoriose's 'Thaksaa' has to be specially taken note of. "Imhv Zv ta~ptemkm3 __v\mbv l\mlim \vslkv sa3 i\amtbmshkvKmiu)wsa3dqtlmlmZotim DsaJadnbniw_vkpAt~m hlilim_At\mtim.. ."St. Mary is called 'Virgin Mary,'but is not described .is the "Molherof God". (Does this not hint at the Nestorian leanings of i he Creed?) Towards the end of the Creed, the coming of the Holy (Ihost is described as "Imhv Zv sa3Bt_m h_vtdm l\msAjv." That the Holy Ghost comes from the Father and the Son is the Creed in the ('alholic way. This 'Thaksaa' explains Gregoriose's Chaldean-Catholic background. The third record that was unearthed from the Thozhiyoor archives was the lengthy order that Mar Gregoriose sent to the priests in the I'aravoor. Mulanthumthy and Kandanaadu churches on the 5"' of kLimbhom in 166K. E.M.Philip happened to see a copy of this order, iincl he has translated and quoted from it at length. He says this:'... Again, in our prayer book, in the evening prayer for Thursday, where it mentions martyrs, this is what is written in the book about what the martyrs say: "We do not reject Him or His Son. We are of the race of Abraham, arid the heirs of Isaac. We die for the sake of the God of our lathers, and we become the heirs of eternal life." " A prayer of this kind is not seen in the prayers of the Syrian Church. I'herefore it is certain that Mar Gregoriose had no connections with the Syrian Church. Mar Ivaniosc who reached Malankara twenty years later in 1685. .klmonished the Malankara Church against its practice of using

----------------------------[jg ----------------------------

unleavened bread for the Holy Eucharist, and corrected it by an order. This means that Mar Gregoriosc did not correct the practice of the Archbishop using unleavened bread for the Eucharist, which had been propagated here according to the Latin tradition. Does this not prove that Abdul Jalccl Gregoriose had the tradition of using unleavened bread for the Holy Eucharist? The Bishops' attire that the Malankara Church was using before starting the Antioehean relationship was different from what it is now. The Tho/hiyoor Church and the Mar Thoma Church are still using the same officially. Though it is not used ordinarily, occasionally, the Malankara Metropolitan still uses this old official attire. (Till the time of the Paalakkunnathu Valiya Mcthraachen, it is (his official attire that the Malankara Bishops were using.) It is from Abdul Jaleel Mar Gregoriose that the Malankara Church copied this attire. This attire that is different from the Antioehean Bishops' attire, again makes it clear that Mar Urcgoriose had no links with the Syrian Church. MarThomma 1 himself has mentioned about Mar Gregoriose~s Roman links (Fr. V.C.Samuel, page 158). From the discussion given above, what the present author concludes is that, Mar Abdul Jaleel Gregoriose must have been the Metropolitan of Jerusalem who was functioning under the Sis Calhoiieose of the Armenian Church which used to function in co-operation with the I -alin Church. It must have been because he claimed that his Jerusalem position, hcing under the Catholieose of Fchmiadsen parallel to the Catholicoseof Sis, was parallel to that of a Patriarch, that the title Patriarch docs not appear in the \Susthaalhikkon" that has been proved beyond doubt to have been his, but appears in his order. It must have been because the tomb of a Bishop from an alien Church tradition was found in the chancel that later in 1876, when Patriarch Peter III visited the North Paravoor church, he got the tomb removed from the chancel. (Even though Mulayirikkal Korepiscopa told the present author that it is not known who removed the tomb from the chancel, the contemporary ---------------------------------------gEEl ---------------------------------------

iiMorica! record, the Kandanaadu Chronicle, has recorded as an eye\ uiiess account that it was Patriarch Peter III who got the tomb n moved.) The present successor of Patriarch Peter III, Patriarch Vi.ik ha a 1. declared Mar Gregoriose as a saint in 2(XK), most probably ('realise lie wanted to please the North Paravoor church, a staunch uppnrter. and to ensure a steady income from there. It is not mentioned anywhere that Mar Gregoriose reconsecrated Hi.hop Mar Thomma or rectified the defects of his previous <>i'serration. But gradually, the noise of the propagation of the defects 1 'I his consecration died down. Mar Gregoriose gave three instructions i" ensure the Malankara Church's hosting position: 1. He gives instructions as the spokesman of the Universal Catholic Church, refuting i he claims of the Roman Church. 2. He gives instruction allowing matrimony for the clergymen, 3. The Indian Church is constantly called niil) the Syrian Church - avoiding titles like Jacobite and Antioehean. Mar Thomma I and Mar Gregoriose j o i n t l y consecrated Mar I homma's nephew as MarThomma I I. Abdul Jaleel MarCiregoriose died on 14'hMedam in 1671. and was buried in the North Paravoor church. On Saturday the l2"'Medam in 1673, Mar Thomma I passed .may. and was buried in IheAnkamaaly church. (Different historians have recorded different dales for the death of both these Bishops. This author has taken the dates from the contemporary records which have been kept for a long time in the North Paravoor church -handwritten hook in Chaldean Syriac in which these are recorded in bothKarsoni .indSyriac.) Parambil Chaandy Kalhanaar, the most important one among the advisers of MarThomma I, though he rejected the Koonankurisu Oath and joined I he Catholics, and later was consecrated as Bishop Alexander de Campo. was greatly grieved to see the Church divided. He hoped I hat. after his days, the Church will re-unite, accepting MarThomma II as the successor. Though Bishop Chaandy'sArchadiyaakkonMalhew met and spoke to MarThomma II at Paalaa in this regard, his mission did not succeed. Archbishop Alexander de Campo died in 1687.

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During the time of Mar Thomma 11, in 1678, a foreigner by name Andrew reached Kerala. It is not known where he came from or what his position was. He is recorded as a Patriarch by Ittoop Writer and as a layman by E.M.Philip. Some historians have recorded that he was an alcoholic, and lhal,.while balhing in the Kalladavaar, he slipped and fell and was drowned (on I91'1 Kumbhom in 1892). and that later he came to be known as Kallada Mutliappan. Mar Thomma II. who ruled from the Niranam church as his headquarters, died on 3"1 Medam in 1686. and was buried in the Niranam church. B. Mar Yaldo Maphriaanaa, Mar Ivaniose The Church was dissatisfied under the leadership ofTalriarch Abdul Jaleel Mar Gregoriose as he was different in his faith and practices, though the propaganda about the consccrational defecis that the Portuguese authorities and the Romans pointed out that the Malankara Church had, died down in the wake of his arrival here. The Church representatives entrusted certain Armenian traders who had reached Kochi, with the responsibility of finding a more agreeable Head for the Malankara Church. It was with the two traders by name Arivaas and Constantine that they made a treaty about the travel expenditure. According to the treaty made under the initiative of the Mulanthuruthy parish members, the Armenian traders brought two Chureh-1 leads, namely, Mar Baseliose Yaldo Maphriaanaa and Mar Ivaniose, who disembarked at the Thalasseri seaport. (That it is because they were scared of the Portuguese that they disembarked at Thalasseri, and that from there these fathers travelled by land, lost their way, and finally reached Kothamangalam, passing through forests, are legends which have no historical truth or credibility about them.) By 1663, the Portuguese jxiwer had died out in Kerala, and the Portuguese authorities and missionaries had left the Kerala coast. Twenty-two years after this, to say that the Armenian traders, who were constantly in contact with the Kerala seaports through trade, were still unaware of these matters, has no credibility. Those people who created legends in the

. . .' century did not have enough historical sense is what this story makes clear. In the 'penkeesaa prumion' prepared for use on the festival >>l Patriarch Yaldo also, this lack of historical sense is quite evident, ^iiiie records which were unearthed by the present author from the i* illection of books kept by the Vicar of the Mulanthuruthy church, Fr. M.M. Jacob (later Metropolitan Yaakkob Mar Polycarpus) throw unprecedented light on these matters. The first record is a diary note describing the arrival of these fathers. The Maathrubhoomy daily dated I' \ugust. 1993- Wednesday -(Trichur edition), on its front page, .ii i led a two-column news item, along with a picture of the said diary in )le. under the title 'Record throwing light on Church history found." It vi .is published as given below: Record throwing light on Church history found Staff reporter Trichur: An invaluable historical record has been lonnd which throws light on the real historical background of the Kerala v i s i t of the 'Kothamangalam Baavaa' Yaldo Baseliose Maphriaanaa \\ ho has been acclaimed as a saint and revered by both the Orthodox .ind Jacobite factions of the Malankara Syrian Church. This record i |uestions the validity of the existing legend-based beliefs. What is recorded in the Church history is that the then Patriarch sent Yaldo Baseliose Baavaa and Mar Ivaniose to Kerala along with a ( hurch delegation group that reached Syria from Kerala in the 17th i enlury. It is the validity of this belief which has had an officially approved existence in the Malankara Syrian Church for centuries that the record found by the Church history researcher Fr. Joseph Cheeran is now questioning. This record, which is likely to become invaluable in Church histoiy, is a note written by the Malankara Vicar Kalappurackal Chaakko Kathanaar as a prefatory note on a prayer book that was written in the Syriae language. The record makes it clear that Yaldo Baseliose Maphriaanaa and

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Mar I vamose reached Kerala along with Armenian traders. 1 he record also testifies thai both reached Kerala on Ihe basis of a trade treaty. In a state in which they were unable to meet even their travel expenditure. Along with Ihe Armenian traders both first came to Kothamangalam and later to Mulanthurulhy. Church historians have recorded that Yaldo Maphriaanaa and Mar 1 vaniose reached Kerala with an immense amount oi' wealth, and that many of the prominent churches in Kerala were buill using that money. The new record completely changes the old understanding. It was from the book collection of Ihe Kochi Diocese Assistant Metropolitan Yaakkob Mar I'olycarpus who was the Vicar of the Mulanthurulhy church that Aaluvaa U.C.College faculty member from Pazhanj i and Assistant Vicar of Perunlhuruthy-Koltol ()rthodox Church Fr. Joseph Cheeran found the above-mentioned record. The summary of the record is like this: Oc&oeio n(j}6jrnjyi rareoioJRDOffiOere ffl!_n.n1(Q>3a>3co>io si3(3 go'Dmocnktraomjio ajcmsripu3 raraoiexa tOjOGrrejajcm raroolajsmjjo o&.jrarincraV'lcnjo r$)cm ro&re (tjratSaflcTR'toOiee.iOfll 6>iiPJ<iil 6)c9i0sn3jmrm
aJSmo 26-3o (0l1q^IO)l fflr9i3S;j(06>0<S<s&i Q<9,36TT3, GOCro<#6>3i3 c&plaj cftijol^

Yaldo Baseliose Maphriaanaa, buried in Kothamangalam, and Mar I \,in lose, buried in the Mula.nlhuru.thy church, are the ones being i i u i i i i o n e d in the record. What is said in the Church history is that, as the Kerala Church u as under the Syrian Patriarch in those days, according to the accepted I ii .11 'lice, it was as a part of the custom of sending Bishops from Syria i" i he Kerala Church that Ihese people were sent to Kerala. But the .il u >\ e-mentioned record questions the validity of this conclusion. U is seen from a record thai Mar Ivaniose wrote at the Kadamattom i I I I I K I I in 16X6lhat he hailed from Ninuve in Ihe Persian Empire, and M.iphriaanaa was the official 1 lead of ihe Persian Church. In these t n iiimslaiices. it is not likely that these two people who reached Kerala in 1685, would have had any link s with the Syrian Church authorities. I Ins is the opinion thai Pr. Cheeran has in the matter. It has been clearly mentioned in the Church histories vvritMBk." [icnple like Ittoop Writer. E.M.Philip and Kaniyaamparamhil Kl^Pl Kurepiscopa, and also in the book of Kothamangalam Maphriaanaa"s IHIigraphy written by Nedunthallil Skaria Kathanaar and D. Babu Paul thai these two people were the representatives of the Syrian Patriarch. Fr. Cheeran also points out the fact lhat, about the three foreign I k.ids of Churches who reached Kerala in 1751, their contemporary Kiiriyaatti Joseph Malpaan mentions in his book tilled 'Vedatharkam' lli.il they were Armenian Heads of Churches. No one has so far effectively refuted any of these facts which have Urn published as shown above. (Kaniyaamparambilachan's reaction tu ihis and the reply given to it by the present author, were both published in th eir fuli form under a six-column headline on 8"'September, 1993; ilie same, as cited in the book 'The Indian Orthodox Church: History mid Culture," pages 299-306, may be referred to.) Aboui these foreign Heads of Churches who reached Malankara in 1685. only legends, and no records, were available. Z.M.Paaretl, who wrote the lengthy Malankara Church History {'The Malankara -----------------------------------133----------------------------------------

(OTraniuilca^ola]) csniat&jcmroaioGiroi rusmo cEb1jta,cD>l5>^Jcro raraj <fl>.yoiStflQ0<3 t&>sn3fSnjoo3 i?iigjnmj(Dj<OT3>lfijgg1ajos nJim5roil6)c$ (aJjffijQiwimlQri^) njjofKtflO siaigl no co3ro"3<nilra(o3 ffifflo <&,sn-i\^Q<ipub CSJJSIS (Bnjoraoofflcro OJO6TOTO) axx& grDnjorriltscQiom) <ft>]QS gooeanlerLpeQil. t&,Q^3s<a$)0&&) 6)ot3ea$p (g(ffimtoai3rV)anio d^ogsjoro>) (0)l(oT^j6)c9)Osn3jaiar> mo(3 eo^ru sail (SOTO mil orn nJggloleiloinjKEil
n/lsldfcectnOOJo mSCTO Q<3<3 nJ6nifi_|OS2<&>6JJo rdSmil^o SlfiJSm^aDgijeiS

(Oisaijo culgl. Qi&iE9>(n aflefooal ng)cm c&ejnjlaj (Sojrajo croocumaijo (enilrajocujo cft.ejfija)(Q>jo) OAOSJCJKJ) rugglcfoglfoS QOOBSICDJIO rosan
r&,smc9 Gtfti oJSIDo g 6TT 0 <91 61 (SO 0 S l HJTO) nJ6mCQ)rvjOSJ^,(j3

raraaioaitojcssia) n{j)Sjn-jljij eic&ssjrarff) cfegrtjjraaaJcOonjJ 3_IOG<S6)3

Nasraanees"), has taken the stand that Mar Baseliosc was nol a Maphriaanaa or Calholicose (Volume 3. 1976. pages 21. 22). In the Church History Dictionary published in 1985 by the Theoiogical Literature Society of Thiruvallaa under the chief responsibility of Dr. Mar Aprem, including about two thousand titles and claiming that the Indian Christian Church has been given the consideration that is due to it, whose distribution was taken up by the Christian 1 literature Society (CLS), and which was introduced as having been prepared with the cooperation of all the Christian Churches of Kerala, the name ol Yaltio Baseliose, who was officially declared a saint by the Indian OrthodoxJacobite Churches, is not included as one of tlie entries !! This is how it is written about him in the Church Encyclopedia that the Orthodox Church officially published in 1993: "... It is believed that the two Bishops Mar Baseliose and Mar Ivaniose Hidaayathulla and two priests disembarked at Surat and travelled by land to Matankara. It is strongly believed that he was a Maphriaanaa. But some people also argue that he was a Nestorian Catholicose" (page 559). Fr. Dr. V. C. Samuel, the most prominent one among the modern MalankaraChurch historical scholars, writes: "In the meantime, the Antiochean Syrian Church Bishops Mar Baseliose and Mar Ivaniose arrived in Kerala in 1685." ('The Church Is Growing,' page 162). He, who accepted the information from the ancestors that Mar Baseliose was a Bishop of the Antiochean Syrian Church, rejected, without any reason, the information from the ancestors that he was introduced by them as a Maphriaanaa. As lttoop Writer writes: ""In the meantime, in 1685. in Kollam861, Mar Baseliosc Catholicose, Mar Ivaniose Episcopa. two Armenian priests and one Greek priest... came and disembarked at Tcllichcrry" (page 122), and E.M.Philip writes: "Mar Baseliose was a Maphriaanaa and Mar Ivaniose was a Bishop" (page 162), without any hesitation, it is difficult nol to record that the prejudices and the improprieties that prompted prominent later historians to darken and reject, without the ---------------------------------------IEE1---------------------------------------

Mipporl of any records, the knowledge that two of their prominent predecessors had. should be considered very unfortunate. The handwritten record that the present author discovered and published, perfectly agrees with the declaration made by both lttoop Writer and E.M.Philip that Mar Baseliose was a Maphriaanaa. The Malemenl thai there were two Armenian priests with the Maphriaanaa, i ] lakes the content of the record which mentions that it was the Armenian naders who brought the Maphriaanaa. more authoritative. The present author has discovered the books of church worship orders which Mar Baseliose Maphriaanaa was using when he was at I he 'dayaraa' of Mar Mathai which was his headquarters in Moosal, .ii id which Mar Ivaniose who came with him used in Malankara as long .is he lived. These are orders to lie used for the consecration of churches .ind different kinds of ordinations, different Eucharist Thaksaas' and orders for the blessing of oil. icons, etc., which are copy written in western Nyriac - some parts also in Garsuni. There is also a note like this, in the Arabic language, about this copy of the orders. This note, in the form in which it was translated by the Arabic language department scholar I )i\ Vceraan Moitheen of the Calicut University on 2-2-1989, is given below: tooisoculioosmjo graoomjfflocQ) e>e>3Qinmi\s)a^ crunDoco)<3KS)0<53
>|icn)H)lri>,o aJ2'3(OT(J)lcQ)acQ)l OSTipad fi3156TilGj3 fiOOe3l6)C$ (i_lc9>(3rij

iidlcrajinj aioi3 ffl1suoeco)(o3 njoi^lral EmVlfirilfflqj} n_k9>(3(T_jl53 colonr). mo aJ3di6)a_|onaJl. 210(3 (uilecmol csQ3(rul6>o|j nJc&riifijlKiS micro .1 itfluojojb njje<ao<ir>'l(!a3 torero > c&dealco^ffis nJca><3TJl{Q3 micro. nlcuocrKtmoaa> arroTno oenjoaS (maenloj^ Gjra(o3(9>nfjeil6)c$ ii)6icOjQ3)c9iiiKaro>li3 (rsraerjaoo i(J)6)o$ nitooculsKi^ - GIOI acrnm mo cm Cf&oo'to^os - nJltoivo.ijjmosro) QQOojssrcnlsKijj ictitSiQuamio tSiCojoneijo iiiocgfjtirKOTOilexDCTojo gsrreocoSlolceeiQjg. mcSniio 1973 - (coromoco)) (If the Younaaya era is converted to Christian era, it is 1662 A.D. I'he Abdal Faraj mentioned in this is Gregoriose Bar Abraaya who was < 'atholicoseofthe East from 1264 to 1286 A.D.. and the Michael Mar

Paalhreeri mentioned here is (he famous Patriarch Michael Raaho who lived from 1126 to I IWA.L). These were two prominent figures from the Syrian Church history. According to this note, the copier of the book is the Maphriaanaa's father's brother Abdul AI Kafal Rambaan, and his father is a Korepiscopa.) Some of the details given by these church worship orders are noteworthy and deserve to be studied. 1, He has recorded his own name as Basehose Catholicose who also has (he name Maphriaanaa. The official Church history has been teaching thai the Episeopa o the Persian town called Sclucia was approved as the Church-head of the East, being equal to the Patriarch with the authority lo consecrate Bishops under the name of Catholicose. and (hat a minority continued under the authority of the Antiochean Patriarch and, with Tegris as headquarters, appointed Moruso under the positional name o Maphriaanaa, when, towards the end ol'the 5llh century, the Catholicate officially accepted the Nestorian faith. Bui the history ol the official union of the two positions of Catholicose and Maphriaanaa in the same person is unknown lo us. Because of (his il is possible lo arrive at certain conclusions with the backing of the other realistic evidences revealed by this book. The Maphriaanaa of Tegris declared himself liberated from (he supremacy of (he Antiochean Patriarch. The Alexandrian Patriarch approved (he Church-head of Tegris in the positional name of Catholicose and Maphriaanaa as the Persian Churchhead, holding a position equal to thai of" a Patriarch. The Church-head of Tegris severed his links with the Antiochean Church-head, and he accepted contacts with the Alexandrian Church-head. Even then, under Tegris, there were some who were dissatisfied with this. 2. Though il is recorded in the lexl of the order of worship for the Eucharist of Patriarch Baseliose. in the Thaksaa' of Yaakkob, at the timeofthe'Thubden.' that the name of the Antiochean Patriarch should be remembered, on the margin there is the instruction that the Alexandrian Patriarch should be remembered instead.

This makes il clear that, in 1662, when the book was being copied, 11 ic throne of Tegris was in contact with Antioch, but that, after that and i v l o r e 1685.the Alexandrian link started. 1 The Patriarch's order of worship for the consecration of the oil ii Kolhamangalam is extremely short, and is different from (he Syrian
nulei 4. This book has the order for the consecration of the icon, which i. not there in the Syrian tradition, but is there in the Coptic-Alexandrian II ii lit ion and also in the eastern Orthodox traditions. 5. In the order for the ordination of priests, as symbols of the |

Hisiiitin, ii is instructed that the cross, the icon, the casket of the Holy Kdics and the cap should be given. These instructions are not there in (lie* Syrian tradition. 6. In the order lor (he ordination of the complete deacon, it is instructed that he should be given the chain bearing the cross and the ' luspel as symbols of his position. (Even though these positional symbols are not seen in the Antiochean unler lor ordination, these explain ihe principles underlying ordination .is practised in general by the Church. The priest is given two talents. I he instruction given to the candidate for priesthood is to kneel down nn both his knees, which is symbolic of this -the talents to enlighten ,ind to sanctify. This has been made clear in the order for ordination Inllowedhy the Catholic-Chaldean-Orthodox traditions. As a mark of ilicse two talents, the Gospel and the Cross are given. The priest enlightens through ihe interpretation of the Gospel, and sanctifies by the use of the Cross. The deacon receives one talent-the talent for service. The Churches mentioned above require him to kneel down on Ins right knee lo receive the one talent, as is seen in their orders for ordination. The deacon is entrusted with the responsibility of reading ihe Gospel during worship. Thai is why he is given the Gospel as his positional symbol. In most of the Orthodox Churches, it is the deacon who reads the Gospel during public worship.) --------------------------------------FCT---------------------------------------

1EJ

7. In Kothamangalam Baavaa s ordination worship order book, there is no order of worship given for the investiture of a Korepiscopa. All the ordinations and investitures done al the St. Mary's church of Moosal from 1668 onwards have been recorded in this book. The only Episcopal investiture recorded in this book is thai of Ivaniose Episcopa who came to Malankara w i t h him. The year in which this investiture was done is 1685. This is also a matter of research importance. As this book was being used by Mar Ivaniose. there will be some further references (o this hook later also. The two travellers were worn out by the time they reached Kothamangalam, before they reached Mulanthuruthy. The Maphriaanaa became sick also. The Maphriaanaa reached the Kothamangalam church on 7"'Kanni in 1685, wrote out the 'Susthaathikkon' appointing Ivaniose F.piscopa as Metropolitan, and entrusted it with him. Worn out, he died on I9,h Kanni, and was buried on the south side of the chancel in the Kothamangalam Cheriyapally on 20"' Kanni, The Malankara Church has considered hi m a sai nt. Rut the Syrian fathers had not thought of him that way. Patriarch Peter III. who was the first to come as a visitor to Malankara, though he stayed for weeks in the nearby Kuruppampady church, did not pay a visit to the saint's tomb in Kothamangalam. Following the unanimous request from the next generation Episcopal Synod of the Patriarchal faction of Malankara to declare him a saint, Patriarch Elias III, who had come to (he Kothamangalam church to attend the saint's festival, without giving any reasons, refused to agree to the proposal to declare him a saint. Following the decision of the Orthodox Church to declare him a saint, and its declaration to this effect, it was the then Malankara Metropolitan of the Patriarch party, Kuttikkaattil Poulosc Mar Athanasius, who later made the declaration (The Biography of Kothamangalam Mar Bascliose Calholicose Baavaa,' Nedunthallil Poulose Skaria Kathanaar, pages 2327). In the end Patriarch Saakhaa I declared Yaldo Baavaa a saint on 20'" October, 1987 (Maathrubhoomi news. Thursday., 30,K September. 1993, page 8).

After the death of Mar Baseliose, it was when Mar Ivaniose was laving at the Mulanlhuruthy church which had made arrangements with i he Armenians to bring them here, that there arose a dispute between i lie Armenian traders and the members of the parish, and the problem was solved through the hard efforts of Kalappurackal Chaakko Kalhanaar. Perhaps whai led to the dispute was the additional travelling expenditure incurred for bringing at least five people while the agreement made was only for bringing one person. Ittoop Writer's statement that i here was also a Creek priest in the Maphriaanaa's group, makes the link with the Coptic Church (Alexandria) that the group had, clearer. Mar Ivaniose was a Bishop from Malhai's "dayaraa' who had leanings towards the Syrian link, and a great Syriac scholar. He had an uncommon knowledge of the Canon, and it was he who advised the Malankara Church to become a Church that had links with the Syrian ( hureh. and through it. with the Antiochcan Patriarch. It is doubtful whether there was a meeting between Mar Thomma II and Mar Ivaniose, though the latter had reached Malankara during the last days f the former, as he had made his headquarters in the Niranam regions, ;ind due to political reasons, as there was a constant threat of war, circumstances were such that made a journey to the Kochi region very dangerous. This was the time when, because of the hardships that eamc in the wake of the war, ihe Syrian Christians were spreading out I rom Paakxir to the Ankamaaly regions, from there to the Kuravilangaad icgion, and later to regions such as Niranam. This spreading out brought many ancient families, including the Pakalomaltom family, to the southern i egions. Mar Ivaniose observed the changing face of the country very carefully. It is evidently seen how he made all the necessary changes in all Yaldo Baavaa's books of orders of worship, in order to establish I hat it was he who had copied them out. Mar Ivaniose, who owned a mind that had the power to rechannellise the honest flow of history in such a way that it took a different course that suited his desires and rave him the central position, created the legends necessary to justify i he importance he gave to Antioch. and thus gave the history of the

Malankara Church a new discourse of his own choice and liking, that he so eloquently created for it. According to this, he divided the Malankara Church history into three periods. The period of the Antiochean contacts before the arrival of the Portuguese, the period of the Portuguese from 1498 to 1665. and then from 1665 onwards, the Antiochean period again. This was his division of the periods. This very simple Church history was easily propagated in the same way as the simple Kerala history in books such as 'Keralolpalthy' and 'Kcralamaahaatmyam' bearing the Parasuraamaa story. This story gave a simple answer to any questions thai were raised ahoul the history of the Church. \ le propagated this history in all the churches he went to for ordinations or festivals. He taught all the priests this history. With his putting up of the Antiochean Patriarch as a Church-head parallel to the Pope of Rome who was the enemy ofthc Malankara Church, there dawned in Malankara the protected feeling thai ihcy had a Church-head as powerful as the Pope of Rome himself. Mar Ivaniose who was an imaginative poel and Malpaan. was also very hard-working and enterprising. It was not only the \ ludaayaa Canon and the new Malankara Church history that he taught lo the priests in Malankara, but also the Syriac language and to some extent, Arabic and Garsuni as well. He had learnt to use Malayalam at least in a limited way. The present author was able to find evidences which clearly prove all this, from the Thozhiyoor book collection: he has thoroughly examined them and has been convinced about all this. Historians have understood that his teachings had six main faces: !. The one Catholic and Apostolic Church mentioned in the Nicene Creed is not the Roman Church as some people have wrongly understood, but the one common Church which is based on the true faith established by the three Holy Synods of Nicea. Constantinople and Ephesus. 2. In our Lord Jesus Christ, there is only one person and one character. That is, without any mixing up or confusion, and without any

I.image done to the perlectness or the virtue of either, in an indivisible manner, the divinity and the humanity have joined in him.
3. The Holy Spirit comes from the father, and is worshipped and

-: lonfied along with ihc Father and the Son. 4. It is wrong louse idols for worship. 5. The celibate life of priests is neither Catholic nor Canonical. 6. It is Ihc unleavened bread that has to he used for celebrating the I loly Eucharist. The third, fourth and si x t h statements from above reject the \nhochean link of MarGregoriose who came in 1665, and strengthen ilie conclusion that, apparently or otherwise, he had at least a partial link with (he Latin traditions. Very cleverly he devised ways to make sure that the propaganda lie had given lo the Malankara-Anlioch link which, according lo him, had started from pre-historie times, would not die down after his days. What he devised was the use of t h e Pakalornatlom Bishops for propaganda work. In return, he took up the propagation of the story that the priesthood ofthc Pakalornatlom family had started at the lime ol St. Thomas himself. This duality that was taking shape during the last leg of the 17"1 eentuiy. gave enthusiastic leadership to the propagation ol'tiie above stories which were both equally utter falsifications of history. And, the effort became somewhat successful too. MarThomma III and MarThomma IV Even though F. M. Philip (page 163). Church Encyclopedia (page 658) and Fr. Dr. V. C. Samuel (page 163) have recorded that Mar fhomma IPs nephew was consecrated in 1686 as MarThomma 111 to be the successor of MarThomma II, my young friend Sri. M. Kurien Thomas has rejected it without the support of any document. This imbased statement is found in the Niranam Chronicle published by the Kotiayam Sophia Centre in 2000. This kind of losing the way and falling into baseless conclusions happens because of the tendency to ---------------------------------------gfjfl----------------------------------------

blindly follow without any basis or sense of responsibility, the ignorance, poisoned by prejudices, of Catholic Church historians like Placid, and the Niranam Chronicle which, by now, had become notorious as the Pakalomaltom family diary, and also because of maintaining utterly foolish notions of the kind that doing research in Church history is as simple has doing research on tea cultivation solely on the basis of the experience of having had one cup of tea. Sri. Kurien Thomas writes: "We have no evidence about who consecrated Mar Thomma 111. According to what is mentioned in 'Naalaagamam,' it was Patriarch Andrew who consecrated both Mar Thomma M and Mar Thomma MI. The 'ignorance'of P-.M. Philip who favoured Antioeh, and the silence in the Chronicle that got written after the Anliochcan link was established, both point to the fact that he was the Chaldean Bishop (Andrew)... It is not mentioned in the Chronicle when or by whom Mar Thomma HI was consecrated. There is a tradition which says that Mar Thomma III was consecrated at the Manarkaattu church. Patriarch Andrew's Manarkaattu link also agrees w i t h this. Though some historians say that Mar Thomma was consecrated by Mar Ivaniose I lidaayathulla. all thatissccninMarlvaniose's 'memra' which lias been included in (he Niranam Chronicle is that he consecrated Mar Thomma IV at Patlamana, Paravoor. From all this, we arrive at the conclusion that it was the Chaldean (Nestorian) Bishop Andrew who consecrated Mar Thomma III" (M. Kurien Thomas (Editor). Niranam Chronicle. 2(HK), pages 200-201). The present author published two history books in I94. namely. 'The Malankara Church and Kerala Culture' and 'The Indian Orthodox Church.' In both these, he has clearly mentioned that he had discovered the book of the order of worship for ordination which was being used by the Kothamangalam Maphriaanaa. and after his days, by Mar Ivaniose loo, and that the details about the consecration of Mar Thomma III as Bishop were recorded in it. He has also given a photocopy of the page on which it was recorded, as an appendix. (Sec page 36 and also page 12 of the appendix.) There is no escaping from the

observation that it was unfortunate that a group of brilliant researchers who held the promise of the ability to lead the Malakara Church History Literary Creations of tomorrow by giving them a right sense of direction, should have succumbed to the urge to ceremoniously shut out all discretion between what is to be accepted and what is to be rejected, after the discovery and the publication of the record which was nothing less than the document stating that it was Mar Ivaniose who consecrated Mar Thomma III, which was written and signed inside the chancel in which the event happened. We have not obtained any records detailing the operations of Mar I h o m m a l l l . fie died on 9"' Medam in 1688, and was buried in the Kadambanaadu church. There are one or two things which merit a special mention, while talking about Mar Thomma III. There are circumstances which support the conclusion that Mar Thomma MI continued with the efforts in i ti a te d by Mar Thomma II to shift the heaquarters of the Malankara Church from the Paaloor. Ankamaaly, Kandanaadu regions to the Niranam region. Those who have a keen vision can make out in the Church history, vague hints about the Church being led to yet another dispute because of these efforts. Mar Ivaniose did not conduct any consecrations between the time that Mar Thomma III got consecrated as a Bishop and the time that he passed away two years later. Did Mar Thomma I I I adopt the policy that there was no need for Mar Ivaniose to conduct any consecrations in the territory that was his? Did he think that he would make the presence of a foreign Bishop irrelevant in Malankara by himself consecrating a successor to follow him, thus creating a new episcopal tradition in Malankara? Was it his refusal to appoint those priests who got ordained by Mar Ivaniose to the various churches under his jurisdiction that forced Mar Ivaniose to stop the process of ordination from his part? These conclusions deserve extensive study. Mar Ivaniose was not pleased by the policies adopted by Mar Thomma III and those who favoured him. Even before he thought of

consecrating a successor for himself. Mar Thomma III passed away. With this, all his territorial dreams crashed like a castle made of cards. Mar Ivaniose. who had to suffer the effects of the bitter lessons learnt from the consecration of Mar Thomma III. decided thai there was no need to have a Bishop as the successor of Mar Thomma HI. Immediately after the death of Mar Thomma III. Marl vamose started ordinations again. I lis book of ordinations bears testimony to this, fly then Mar Ivaniose had the time needed to study the past history of the Indian Church. He understood that the Malankara Church did not have any local Bishops, and that it was the priests who had the Aichadiyaakkon position who did the administration of the Church. Did Mar Ivaniose decide that he should teach die Malankara Church a lesson by leading it backwards to a slate when the foreign Bishops, when they were prescnl here, d i d the ordinations, and (he Archadiyaakkon carried out the rest of the administrative duties? He must have imagined the Malankara Church becoming a colony of the Syrian Church al least in having to depend on its limited authority to do the ordinations. This was the (gospel) work designed by a Bishop with an Arabic culture for the expansion of the boundaries of his parent Church. In any case, anybody will be surprised to see that the consecration of Mar Thomma IV was recorded in a manner so different from the way the consecration of Mar Thomma 111 was recorded. Mar Ivaniose who recorded that Mar Thomma III was consecrated by the Holy Spirit as the Episcopa of India, in the case of Mar Thomma IV, recorded that the Holy Spirit ordained Thomas as the pries! for all the churches in India. This recording does not have the positional number IV or the title Episcopa in it. (A photocopy of this recording signed by the candidate in the 'language of the cross', has been published in the appendix of the book titled 'The Malankara Church and the Kerala Culture'.) In the Catholic and Apostolic understanding that there is only one ordination, that there is only one laying on of hands, and that the talents received by the priest and the episcopa are the same, the

priest Thomma. having been entrusted with the responsibility of the u hole of India, staited functioning as Mar Thomma IV. the successor o\~ Mar Thomma III. After thi s ordination that was conducted at Manarkaadu in 1689. only three other ordinations are seen to have been conducted by Mar Ivaniose. Did Mar Thomma IV like his predecessor, prevent Mar Ivaniose from giving ordinations? Or, was it the case that, in the last four years, because of his illness due to old age. Mar Ivaniose abstained from the long ordination services? In any case. the continuation of Mar Thomma IV as an Hpiscopa caused oppositions to ri^e from different parts of the Church. When there was a lot of unrest in the Malankara Church, the foundation stones of a history and a tnidilion. favouring the Syrian Church traditions, were firmly laid and established in Malankara. This was the satisfaction with which Mar Ivaniose passed away on 3"'Chingam in 1693, and was buried in the Mulanthuruthy church. Mar Gabriel During the time of Mar Thomma IV. in 1708, a Nestorian Bishop h\ name Gabriel disembarked at Kochi. Though he kept changing the masks which he was wearing, in order to make use of the wicked luetics he hail planned to deploy in a clever manoeuvre for effecting a smooth relationship w ith both the Roman faction and the ancient Syrians in Malankara, he did not meet with sufficient success in his efforts. When the letter that he sent to the Pope along with his departure for Kerala declaring his acceptance of the Roman faith and requesting the Pope lo accept him as the Bishop of Malankara did not prove effective, he made an effort to enlist the support and to earn the love and respect of the ancient Syrians of Kerala, by imitating the Jacobite practices in his worships. In the book of ordinations that Mar Ivaniose was using. a few of the ordinations that Mar Gabriel conducted have also been recorded in Chaldean Syriac. (It is in western Syriac that the ordinations conducted by Mar Yaldo Maphriaanaa in regions like Moosal and by Mar Ivaniose in Malankara have been recorded. I

dl

MarThomma IV did not approve of Mar Gabriel. MarThomma IV sent a petition to the Dutch Governor in Kochi raising a complaint against the improper and unadvisahlc operations Mar Gabriel was indulging in, and requesting him to banish Mar Gabriel from his greater parish for his irreligious ways. But many of the parishes that had questioned the positional validity of MarThomma IV, in the name of a valid laying on ol hands, accepted Mar Gabriel. A certain Syrian, who had some displeasure with MarThomma IV. wendo Kochi when he heard the news about the arrival of Mar Gabriel, met him. and is believed to have said ibis: "He is neither a father nor an uncle, but is useful in the present set-up" (Philip, page 163). MarGahriel has staled in a letter that he wrote lolhe Dutch authorities (in 1721) that, from among the churches thai were there in Malankara in Ihose days, 20 belonged to the Carmchies and Ihe remaining 44 were in the hands of the Syrians ('Indian... History and Culture', page 322). In the book 'The Dutch in Malabaar' written by Fischer, he has given a picture like this about MarThomma IV: "He is a black man, dull and slow of understanding. He lives in great state and when he came to the city to vi sit the commandant, he was attended by a number of soldiers, in imitation of the princes of Malabar... .According to his own account he has 45 churches under his own authority." Bishop Brown records that, while 42 parishes supported Mar Gabriel, only 22 of them favoured MarThomma IV (page 116). In an ancient handwritten Church History, it is stated that, even some of the churches under Roman authority had accepted Mar Gabriel, and that they went back to the Roman faith after the death of Mar Gabriel. Later. MarThomma V has written like this: "Bishop Mar Gabriel came from Jerusalem. 1 Ic had brought with him. three letters meant for the three towns of Kollam, ParavoorandKaayamkuIam. In those letters it was recorded that, in the Messaiah. there arc two characters and two 'Knoomaas.' This caused a difference of opinion among the people of India. He made an effort to reconcile Ihe two factions consisting of the Syrians and the Portuguese..."

On I 3lh Meenam in 1728 (24L|' March). MarThomma IV died, .nid was buried in the Marthamariam church at Kandanaadu. And on iy ih February. 1731. Mar Gabriel died and was buried in the i 'hcriyapally at Kottayam. Later, the people of the Chenyapally parish opened his tomb and ruined it. They used those stones for building a ladder in the room adjacent to the church (Whitehouse. 'Lingerings of Light in a Dark Land.' pages 45.46). I). Mar Thomma V and Foreign Heads of Churches In the middle of the dispute in the Church regarding the validity of iHe position of Mai Thomma IV. in 1728, he consecrated his own nephew Irom the Pakalomattom Pallippurathu family as MarThomma V and thus increased the dissatisfaction that prevailed in the Church. The understanding that one's relationship with the Pakalomattom family, in whichever way. gave one the eligibility to become a Bishop, caused a great deal of concern in the Church. Even his supporters started crit icisi ng Mar Thomma I V ' s single-handed consecration of his successor in the middle of the dispute concerning his own positional v a l i d i t y . This consecration, which is said to have happened in 1728, sowed the seeds of dissent even in the Paaloor-Chaattukulungara parish that had rejected the Canons oi the Udayampcrur Synod and had banished Archbishop Menessis. Those who had embraced the Christian religion as a result of the efforts of the Carmelite missionaries in the Chaa vakkaadu region under the Paaloor parish, had built a church at Kollappady near the Punnathoor Fort close to Paaloor, and were leading a religious life there under the Catholic Church. Syrians who had been there earlier in Chaa vakkaadu, got their religious needs met at the church in the name of Kuriakose Sahadaa which stood near the Chaavakkaadu canal under the Paaloor parish. When the dispute about the positional v a l i d i t y of MarThomma V arose, the disputes in Ihe Paaloor church became worse. Those who opposed Mar Thomma V continued their efforts to bring Catholic priests into their church with greater enthusiasm. When the opposing party tried to prevent this,

silence the various regional groups that had formed in various parts in the Syrian Church. Mar Gregoriose, with the co-operation of Mar Ivaniosc, consecreated MarThomma VI as a Bishop with the positional name Mar Dionysius at the Niranam church on 29"' Mithunam in 1770. With this he got reconciled with the foreign Bishops and with the local groups in the Syrian Church. This marked the end oflhe disputes concerning his positional validity. Even though no historian to date has claimed to have seen or examined the 'Suslhaathikkon' that was given to Mar Dionysius by (he foreign Bishops, many of the historians have put two and two togelher to support the legend that it was the same as the one sent by the Antiochean Patriarch to be given to MarThomma V. But, as earlier discussion has already established that the Antiochean Patriarch had no connections whatsoever with the Church-Heads who arrived in 1751, it becomes clear that the legend about the "Susthaalhikkon" was a later creation. (Nobody has said anything about where that 'Susthaalhikkon' is.) There is no such 'Suslhaathikkon' in the book store at Thozhiyoor which has kept many 'Susthaathikkons' from the one that was given to Gregoriose in 1665. (More facts regarding this may be gathered from the discussions on pages 352-355 oflhe book tilled 'The Indian Orthodox Church: History and Culture' written by the present author.) After achieving an amicable settlement of the dispute regarding his positional validity in 1770. MarThomma VI was also able to earn the support and pleasure of the government. Iltoop Writer has mentioned this in his book (page 130). This is how he obtained the orders from Ihe government and the minister. (Sec the previous paragraph.) At last there was peace in the Syrian Church. And there was also the pleasure of the government. The next step was the reunion with the Catholic group. This was very necessary for the realization of his dream to be the Metropolitan of the undivided Malankara Church. He hoped that this reunion would help h i m to counter the dissensions arising in different places on account of the displeasure with the continuance of the Pakalomattom family tradition. As he had the paternal heritage

from the Kuravilangaadu Catholic parish, the Koonankurisu Oath was no problem to him. 'lb the first petition that he sent to Rome (the one that he sent with the Varaappuzha Metropolitan), Rome gave a reply on 31 'August. 1771. He rejected the offer that gave him the position of a Pronotary and the worldly authority over the Church. lie made the second effort in 1772. In the reply to this that Rome sent through the Varaappuzha Metropolitan, there was the promise of un annual allowance for his sustenance, apart from the worldly authority over' the Church. This also was not acceptable lo Mar Thomma VI. The t h i r d attempt was through Kariyaalli Joseph Malpaan. raraTjtr3 (fjoo moai(2<vi3Yj22)Q) ajlc06mrtii3)1{tilc96)jemj3u3 m&injomjo aalrfli^mjo <9)j6)s 953 liUfJOo socn mem (soo&now<as> n^fpjraitnjo
r

H0&Hi]6}SQD6n^l GaJO<Q)(3)l6>Cl3 GOOrflJO gDSQl 0)0 (TO (01011(03 (9i(0lQ3)aOlra3

QitiitiJOrOjo rJOGOQffiOc&fflCjS (ECJIOfflBO cft> (315) (T> 3(0 Jo fiTOepeXTD Offmj

t0)<3T0i6ST36)^o a!3Qito<95)0(oio c&jjffls nooQcioOTcSff) (Sajocoil. (Niranam Chronicle) This letter that he sent through the Malpaan is included in Mecken/ic's book t it le d 'Christianity in Travancore" and in T.K. Voluppilla's compilation tilled The Travancore Stale Manual'in its second edition, and its translation is included in the book 'The Indian Orthodox Church: History and Culture' (pages 357-59) and also in Fr. Injakkalody's book tilled 'Mar Ivaniose' (pages 220-22). In the enquiry report submitted to Rome by the (Joan Bishop as per instructions received from Rome, it was recommended that Mar Thomma be acknowledged wilh authorities befitting a Bishop. Rome authorised Ihc Kariyaalti Metropolitan to lake the necessary steps in accordance wilh this. (By this lime Kariyaatti Malpaan had taken charge as a Metropolitan.) The Catholic Bishop at Kochi and his companions did not approve of Kariyaatti Metropolitan's efforts in this direction. In 1786, on his way. in Goa, the Kariyaalli Bishop died under suspicious circumstances. The only gain from this journey was that Malayalam got its first book in travel literature CVailhamaanaPuslhakom') which resulted from this journey.

IE3

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even to lend a helping hand to them, during limes ol trials and tribulations, in the later life of the Malankara Church. Alvaricc Methraaehcn. who became a prey to the revenge and vengeance of the. Catholic Church, died on 23ld September, 1929, This Metropolitan of the Malankara Church was buried like an orphan in the Municipal cemetery of Goa. even without the attendance of an officiating priest. MarThimolhiose did missionary work in continents l i k e America, luirope and Africa. He passed away on 29"' July. 1929. The fact that the operations of these two bishops were not enquired about or supported under the control of the Malankara Church- this i na bi li t y on Ihe pari ol the later leaders of the Malankara Church - will remain forever as a scar on their fame, as a question of negligence seeking for an answer tor ever. Even though all the cases were won, the litigation, ihe establishment of schools and the building and repairs of the Parumala Seminary chapel and the churches at places l i k e Karuvaallaa. ChaalasserL Thiruvaankulam, Kaattoor, Ayroor, Manjapra, Thiruvananlhapuram, Allapra. Vengoor. Kodassanaadu, Puthenkaavu. Kanyaaltunirappel, Kundara, MaaraaUikOnakkoor, Nellikkal.Chelaadu. Ma/huvannoor and Kunnainkulam, and engagement with other such matters caused the debts of the Malankara Metropolitan to remain. Those who had given the loans managed to obtain certain favourable court verdicts. With the permission of the Mahaaraajaa. the Malankara Metropolitan ran a big lottery. The draw was held on 14th March, 1901. The profit of Rs. 350,000/- earned by this, enabled the Metropolitan to pay off his debts and to find money for all the remaining construction work. He expressed his desire to retire from his position because of his weakness due to old age, at the meeting of the Association held in 1895 (M.PVarkey. page 42). Though he was 63 years old, the Association requested himtocontinue, and he agreed. The first Patriarch who visited the Malankara Church died in the month of Kanni in the year 1896, at the age of 96. Abdullaa tiregoriosc, who protested against the election of Abdul Messaiah as the new Patriarch and failed in his candidature, joined the Catholic Church.

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Mar Dionysius paid a lot of attention to increasing the working efficiency of the Kottayam Old Seminary. He appointed the two Malpaans. Vaitasseril Gheevarghese and Konaatlu Maathen, as teachers and Kochuparambil Rambaan as manager. He completed the construction of die Seminary chapel. Mar Dionysius conducted its consecration in 1 897. The St. Thomas Press, which was at Kochi. was moved to Kottayam Seminary. Internal disputes at the level oi'the ('lunch as a whole were avoided because the Metropolitan took care to resobe local disputes arising from time to time in the local churches, \\ illioul any delay, eilhenhrough his representatives or by himself in person. He never allowed problems to be ignored and to grow into group lug of wars and into court cases and finally into the renunciation oi Church membership. The history of ihe Kuruppampady church has summed up and recorded the operations of Mar Dionysius in the lol lowing manner: "... It has been mentioned before, that the attention of Mar Dionysius was mainly in strengthening operations related to gospel work in the churches in Malankara. As a result of this. Sunday Schools in parishes, work among non-Christians, Malayalam and b.nglish schools, prayer meetings, the Mar Gregoriose Student Movement, the Gospel preaching organisation, the Mar Dionysius l i t e r a c y promotion organisation, Idavakapathrika and Suriyaani Suvisheshakan were started and strengthened. In 1898, a Sunday gettogether was organised in this parish. With that, each locality in the parish goi a Sunday get-together organised... A school was established in Nedungapra in 1903 ... In 1908 a Sunday School building was constructed in Pu/.hakkaatiukara. In 1906. a preacher from the south was appointed on a salary of Rs,7/- per month for gospel work. The Sunday gel-together in each locality was under the charge of a priest. A Sunday School was established in th i s church in 1908." Similar to this description given hy Aathunkal Gheevarghese Korcpiscopa (pages 201. 202). all the main parishes in Malankara have remembered the efficiency of the parishes during those times. (PC.Kunjaathu, 'Kunnamkulam Aarlhaat Church History", pages 16-22,24,31 may he referred to.)

On 12,h Vrischikom in 1901, the golden jubilee of Mar Dionysius's priesthood was celebrated at the Kotlayam Old Seminary on an allMalankara basis, according to the decision of the Malankara Association. The President of the Celebrations Committee was Kadavil Mar Athanasius. and the Treasurer was Kaaruchira Ciheevarghese Rambaan (the second Catholicose). (The details can be seen in M.P.Varkey, page 143; 'Navathi Smaranika', 1999, pages 48. 49; "The Treasure of me Oatholicate', pages 130-131.) Immediately alter these Jubilee celebrations. Mookkancheri M.P.Varkey, under die title 'Mar Dionysius'. and the b l i n d man Chingavanathu PultHhuruthil Chaakko Chaakko. under (lie t i t l e 'Mar Dionysius History Song', published the two biographies, one in prose and the other in poetry, in 1901 itself, without each knowing anything about the work of the other. The first work was published by Malayala Manoraina, and the second work was published by the St. Thomas Press at the Old Seminary. As hinted at in the letter of felicitation. Konaaltu Maalhen Malpaan and some others corresponded with the Patriarch to get him consecrated as "Maphriaanaa'. This was the unanimous decision taken by the bishops and the prominent representatives of both the clergy and the laity of the Church. A hard blow It was when matters were in a happy state like this that the most unexpected death of Parumala Mar Gregoriose happened. The disappearance of that light at Parumala on 2'"' November, 1902 immobilised the Malankara Church and the Malankara Metropolitan, as though struck by a thunderbolt. The young bishop whom he had selected with great care and groomed by making him a hermit, given opportunities to be trained as 'reesdayaroyo' andaSeminary Malpaan. and nurtured to be his successor, to be taken away suddenly at the age of 54-It was like the earth drifting away from under his feet. The 'Valiyathirumeni' went running lo Parumala when he heard about the illness of his dear disciple. Kaaruchira Ghcevarghese Rambaan has

recorded in his diary an eye-witness account of how he cried out in agony on getting the false information that 'Koehuthi rumen i" had passed away: "On the 22"1' the I Ioly Eucharist was celebrated by Ghcevarghese Rambaachen. and Paampaakkuda Malpaanachen spoke about Thirumeni's illness, and everybody specially prayed for him. And everybody thought that Thirumeni had passed away, and reported this matter to Mar Dionysius Metropolitan. He was greatly upset about diis, and he cried out" ("The Treasure of the Catholieate', Vallikkaattu Dayaraa, Kollayam, 2006, page 138). At midnight on 2'"' November I 'arumala Thirumeni passed away. Unable to withstand (he agony. Mar Dionysius sat in the room and sobbed. He came for the burial, worn out and trembling. Though he came out of the room and reached the chapel several times, every time when he looked al the face of his younger brother sitting on the throne wearing his official attire, his sobs choked him. and unable to utter a single word, he came back to the room and fell helplessly on his bed (V.C.Mathew Vezhapparambil. 'Charainanavathy Smaranika", 1999, page 47). The Malankara Metropolitan, always a man of action who loved to be so, felt as though all his strength had drained out; he was completely worn out. His dear disciple, who had accompanied h i m in all his disasters like a shadow, had now become a memory and a sob. He remembered with a throbbing throat how Parumala Methraachen had given his witness account al the "The previous Patriarch had consecrated the complainant (Mar Dionysius) as the Metropolitan for the whole of Malankara. This complainant has other positions also. He is the President of the Common (ommittee for the entire Syrians in Malankara. Using that authority as President, he has divided the Syrian churches in Malankara into seven parishes. He has authority overall those parishes and overall the common property of the Malankara Church. I le is the one who built the Parumala Seminary. He is the one who collected and spent the money for the same. As he has consecrated me and several others like me. he is not going to be harmed in any way by this dispute and litigation. Whenever he is not travelling, he stays at Parumala. There are many

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things owned by him like his cot and mattress, table and chairs, slone press, box. boat, etc. at Parumala. He was given his position as President by the Patriarch Baavaa and by the Church. He has the common authority overall the parishes in the entire Malankara. What this means is that he has authority over all the property thai belongs to all the seven parishes put together, over any money that the ('omniillee decides to collect, all the construction work, all the litigations with the government, all the hospitals and such things which gel newly established, all the Seminaries for commonly training people for priesthood and all the schools. All the parishes which are under the authority ol^eparale bishops are under the common charge ol the complainant. The common charge would mean spiritual authority and also authority overall the property. Even hospitals come under his spiritual charge. . . .After I was given my Episcopal position, I have not come to know about any order from the Patriarch Baavaa regarding the powers of the complainant... The letters of appointment given to me and the other bishops like me do not mention anything about the earlier letter of appointment given to the complainant as having been made invalid. .. .The Koltayam Seminary which is under litigation and all ihe litigation that is going on in connection with it. all these come under his authority. No other bishop has any authority over any properly at Kottayam or elsewhere" (1O.'o Kanni 21"1 - 1879 - Witness statements / declarations, collected by the Commission that went to Parumala). When the other bishops avoided responding to the summons from the court, it was Parumala Methraachen alone who gave the above witness statements /declarations so clearly in favour of the Malankara Metropolitan. That holy man acted as the tongue and the hand of the Malankara Metropolitan in establishing new schools and churches and in conducting the disputes in the churches. When the other bishops showed liberties ad unjust leanings towards the Patriarch, the Kochumelhraachen played the role of an adviser to show them the

light path. In short, Kochumethraaehen was the outgoing spirit of the Malankara Metropolitan. Ordinations and church-consecrations at which Kochumelhraachen officiated and the Malankara Metropolitan assisted were not uncommon. When that light got put out. Ihe Malankara Metropolitan felt all of a sudden that he was a lonely traveller. The Malankara Metropolitan gave Kochumethraaehen's name to the Student Movement that he had given leadership to start during those days. When he was a priest, the 'Jacobite Church Ahhivardhini Sangham' that he hail established at Kunnamkulam was renamed as 'Mar (iregoriose Memorial Association". (In fact this 'Sangham'was Ihe Malankara Syrian Christian Association that he later founded, in miniature. That was the time when (he litigation was going on with the reformists, regarding the Aarthaat church. It was to unify under one trust the five parishes which were scattered in different parts of Kunnamkulam and to gather strength from there that he organised this Jacobite Church Ahhivardhini Sangham' in the 1850's. The five parishes at Aarthaat, Chiralayam, Pa/.hayapally, Thekkc Angaady and Ki/hakke Puthenpally joined together and later formed the greater force that was this greater parish.) Valiya Methraachen was 70 years old. The man who was a companion to him and ihe Church in happiness and in sorrow, in fears and in doubts, and in all anxieties, and whom he had kept to be his successor, left him. His aged eyes searched the entire Malankara Church for another successor. Those eyes finally reached Vatlasseril Malpaan who was foremost in capability, efficiency, commanding power, spiritual courage, scholarship and love for the Church. As a stickler for episcopacy, the self esteem and the self confidence in him supported a kind of pride which, in the face of all the other qualities he had, could he ignored. On 21"1 November, 1903. Mar Dionysius gave ihe Rambaan position to Vatlasseril Malpaan. It became public gradually lhal there were two groups becoming strong in the Church, one group favouring Ihe Episcopal administrative style, and the other favouring the democratic administrative style, and that the two Malpaans in the Seminary were

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giving leadership to the two different groups. The foreigner. Deacon Slcebaa, even after the death of Athanasius whom he had brought from abroad, seemed to stay on in Malankara, and this caused certain unpleasant suspicions in the Church. While diabetes and rheumatism weakened Valia Melhraachen physically, the polarizations forming in the Church made him feel desperate in mind. Valia Methraachen. aged 15 now. called a meeting of the Malankara Association at the Old Seminary on 15"' Kumbhom. I08;W 19(13). at which Vattasseril Rambaan and Kochuparambil Poulosc Rambaan were elected as two Episcopal candidates. According to the instruction thai Pulikkotlil Melhraachen gave through KonaulUi Malpaan, it was as the assistant and successor of the Malankara Metropolitan that Vattasseril Rambaan was elected. On 21"1 November 1907, Kadavil Mar Athanasius passed away, and was laid to rest at AakivauThrikkunnallri i Seminary. Though all the five bishops in the five parishes at Kochi. Ankamaaly.Thumpamon. Kottayam and Niranam had passed away, and the remaining two bishops had become very old, the Malankara Church decided that in future two bishops would be sufficient, rejecting Peter Ill's division of Malankara into seven parishes. During these days, the Turkey Government withdrew Abdul Messaiali Baavaa's "Furnian'(AAam3)and Abdullaa MarCiregoriose. who had joined the Catholic Church, came back, and with the backing of the election, was throned as the Patriarch. In the hope that he would get permission to consecrate also the new bishops here, like in the case of Alvaricc Yuliose and Kini Vilathy Thimothiose, the Patriarch di d not express his favourable opinion. According to his instruction, the Rambaachens were sent to Jerusalem. As soon as the Episcopal election was over. Deacon Slcebaa went to his country in a hurry. On 12"'Mcdam in the year 1908. the bishop designates reached Jerusalem. On 13"' Medam, seven people including Deacon Sleebaa were consecrated as Bishops at Mardene. Slcebaa who became Methraan under the name Osthathiose was given a 'Susthaathikkon' appointing h i m as the Malankara Metropolitan with

the a u t h o r i t y 10 conduct the administration in Malankara. On IS"' l d a \ o n i . Kocluiparainbil Poulosc Rambaachen and Vattasseril Rambaaclien were consecrated as Bishops under the positional names Konnlose and D i o i n s i u s respective!v. Augen Rambaan who was studying theology abroad. Punnoose Rambaan who had accompanied die Rambaans from here ( t h e t h i r d Calhoiieosc). Karotmveettil \ i i \ a a k k e c m kathanaar (Mar I v a ni o s e who was laid to rest at Paruniala). Paarellu Deacon Mathews (Marlvuniose), Ipe, Yohannaan ,uu\ others allended the consecration ceremony {'The Malankara Na/arciics'. Volume 4. page 112}. When lie heard about the 'Sustliaalhikkoii' thai had been given loOsthalhiose. the experienced and sharp-witted P u l i k k o t l i l Melhraachen became uneasy. Soon the i h re c Bishops reached Malankara. The Bishops who reached t h e i r country on I 7" July 1908 were given a number of reeepl ions. f he Managing Committee met on 11"1 Vrischikom in 1908. They appointed Mar I )ion_vsius as the assistant of the Malankara Metropolitan. His predecessor u role to the British Resident on 28"' May 1909. from Kottavani Chcriyapallv, that MarGheevarghese Dionysius slioukl be appio\cd as his successor, and that the interest on the 'VatlippananT should be given lo him as per receipt. According lo the letter that had i ec on led the Malankara Association's election, the Patriarch's laying on of hands, and his predecessor's approval and blessings, the Resident sen I a favourable repl\ lo the joint trustees, and required of them that lhe> atiesi ihe signature ol llie successor. On 19"'July, ihe joint trustees sent a reply a l l e s l i n g Vattasseril Methraacliens signature, as was required ol'lhent by the Resilient. In the meantime, the official resilience and the headquarters ol the Malankara Metropolitan had been handed owrlo the successor, and the predecessor had moved his residence lo kottayam Chcriyapally. The predecessor's insight in thus installing his successor in his administrative position, as witnessed by the general public and the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e authorities, can only be described as piopheiic. Al lei he wrole the letter lo Ihe British Resident on 28"'May 1909. the predecessor li\ed only for44 days.

There remained one unfulfilled desire in his aged mind: to bring hack into the Malankara Church, the reformist division that had gone away. He left this to the responsibility of his successor, as per his last order. (Seethe last order which was written on 2Xllh Idavom in 1909. "Charamanavathy Souvenir",Triehur, 1999. pages 92-95). He had desired that the Malankara Church should have an ambassador in London. Mar Dionysius accepted Rev. S.D.Baabaa. who was a priest in the Presbyterian Church, as a member of the Malankara Church. By birth he was a Parsee from Pune. Mar Dionysius sent him to Jerusalem and got h i m ordained as a priest there b\ Mar Ivaniose. He was appointed as the Ambassador for the Malankara Church in London. He translated Mar YaakkoIVs 'lltaksaa' into English, and he used to celebrate the Holy Kucharisl there in English, He used to write articles about our Church in the English newspapers and magazines. At hinperor Hdward's funeral he was i n v i t e d as ihe representative of (he Syrian Church, and was received in the same way as the Ambassadors from the other countries. Through him the fame of the Malankara Church happened to spread in the British Empire on which the sun never set. Through the three people Alvarice Mar Yuliose, Rini Vilalhy Mar'l'himothiose and Rev. IT. Baabaa. the fame of the Malankara Church happened to spread all over the world. The Malankara Church has never had such widespread fame either before or after this period. As he was Hearing his death, he was able to hear a challenge which created an anxiety in his mind about the future of the Church. The Goliath who raised the voice of that challenge was Slecbaa Oslhathiosc. This modern Goliath used to publicly declare that he would ruin the fort i Red organisation of the Church. Here are his words: "Let mc wait till Joseph Dionysius's days are over; then I'll show you how to rule the Church" (Paarctl. Volume 3, page 291). Oslhathiosc Methraachen knew from experience that, as long as Valia Methraachen was alive, it won Id not be possible for any seeds of dissension to grow in the soil of Malankara. It was at that lime that Valia Methraachen gol the information

that Mar Abdullaa Patriarch was on his way to Malankara. That information immersed him in anxious thoughts. It caused a sudden deterioration in his rheumatic condition. In ihe end he decided that he would reveal the secret of his strength and his success to his successor. He i n v i t e d the Bishops and the joint trustees to come to Kottayam Cheriyapally. Very emotionally he revealed to them that the secret of his success was the brotherliness that existed among the Bishops, which was based on their mutual respect, and the unity that c listed among the j o i n t trustees. Valia Methraachen gave his parting advice to the Kochiimetliraachensand the joint trustees that the arrival of Abdullaa Baavaa would create many scenes of dissension, and that, on all such occasions, they should keep their unity intact at whatever cost, as safely as they would keep the pupil of their eye. Valtasseril Methraachen and kochuparanibil Methraachen embraced Vuliya Methraachen: Konaattu Mauthen Malpaan and C.J.Kurien alternatively kept kissing the right hand of the weeping Valia Methraachen. Thus they all gave their promises to this great soul at' Malankara. t h e i r teacher and guide, Pulikkotlil Mar Dionysius, that they would certainly go by his last advice. That sun thus burnt out at last at the end of a long and eventful day. On 29'" Midhunam in 1909 when that man of action passed away at the age of 76. the b r i l l i a n t golden age and Ihe era of peace came to an end in the history of the Malankara Church, fie was laid to his lustiest in the tomh-room on the northern side of the Kottayam Old Seminary chapel that was founded by h i s predecessor and completed and consecrated by this great soul himself. The testimony that Paarett wrote in 1976 about P u l i k k o t l i l Mar Dionysius after carefully observing Valtasseril Mar Dionysius. Gheevarghese Mar Baseliose. Augen Mar Baseliose, Mathews I. Mathews Mar Koorilose. Thomas MarThimolhiose-all these later Malankara Metropolitans goes like this: "As far as Ihe Malankara Na/.arenes are concerned, it was during an extremely dangerous period that the star Mar Joseph Dionysius rose ... it was Joseph Dionysius himself who fixed the skeleton for the

hopeful kind of situation that we have today ... I le was not prepared to sell his birth right for one cup of pudding, Peter III and Mar Dionysius wrestled with each other... That battle was fought without shedding blood, and without raising voices. It was so, as it was fought between two Chaanakyaas. .. The device that was used for weakening the strength of Malankara, turned into a UK>1 for enhancing the strength of Malankarain the hands of a just and tactful scholar.. .The six new bishops who were created by the Patriarch were got to dance to his lunes . . . Just for that one victory Mar Joseph Dionysius can be legitimately called a worker of miracles. I le won a complete victory by fighting a battle for ten years and four months. The judgement that Mar Gheevarghese Dionysius collected from thcTravancore i ligh Court in 1926, and the verdict that the third Cathohcose during later years collected from the Supreme Court - if we remember that both these were fixed on the foundation that was fearfully and hesitantly laid by Joseph Dionysius, we will be able to understand how specially great the results of his toils really are. Suffering or ignoring threats, hardships and tortures, the Nazarencs continued in the faith of their fathers. If they could be proud of this, at the same time they had no freedom to organise themselves for unity and strength, for I K00 years. It was Joseph Dionysius who solved this problem for them. He went forward without wavering in his mind, without trembling in his heart and without faltering in his steps. It is this great man who won for the Christians their positions in Synods and in administration ... He was the great sculptor of the Mulanthuruthy Synod and of the well-established administrative system of the Malankara Church. Let us remember Pulikkottil Mar Dionysius also as the one who organised our community" (Paarett. The Canons of the Mulanthuruthy Synod', the concluding sentence). 'The Nazarcnes have never had another Bishop who has done so many different kinds of things for them like him. and it is not likely that they will ever have another like him' (Paarett. Volume 3. page 302).

Chapter VI

The Fort of Malankara: The Catholicate

A. Vattasseril Mar Dionysius Vallasseril Mar Dionysius, who entered the administration of the Malankara Church in the capacity of the assistant and successor of Pulikkottil Joseph Mar Dionysius II Malankara Metropolitan during his last days, as the disciple o( the saint of Parumala, a Malpaan oi Kottayam Old Seminary, a striking orator, a great scholar of theology and the Canon, the writer who produced 'Mathopadesa-saaram', the keeper of Valia Methraaehen's conscience, a lover of the Church without blemish and as a man brimming over with spirituality, but not making a show of it, became the beloved of the whole community, and became we I l-known in {he community from the time he was given the'msamrono' position by Peter III Baavaa at Puthuppally on 12"'October, 1876. This man, who had travelled the length and breadth of Malankara many limes with his teacher, the saint of Parumala, as his secretary, and with Abdul laa Mar Gregoriose, who had come as the companion of Peter III Baavaa, as his interpreter, was born on 31'' October 1858. as the son of Mallappally Vattasseril Ouseph and Aley. and from then, grew up in the midst of hectic reformist activities. Though he was unable to formally complete secondary education, through his hard work, he got himself to be able to understand English without anybody's help. From Parumala Mar Gregoriose and Murimattathil Mar Ivaniose he learnt the Syriac language, grammar, theology and the Canon. With his honesty, efficiency and intelligence he became the main backstage worker in all the endeavours led by P u l i k k o t t i l Methraachen such as the Mahaajanasabha, the Student Movement, the lottery and the

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Vaidikasangham. The Malankara Metropolitan gave special attention to making use of this efficient priest in the important positions in all his important areas of operation. During his last years ihe Malankara Metropolitan completely dq>etided on the service and help of this very intelligent man, in the hope that the future of his community would he safe in his hands. Valiya Methraachen never used to do anything without consulting the Malpaan or without his participation. Therefore, when Kocliuniethraachencame to the position of the Head, he was new to the position, but he wav familiar w i t h all his areas of operation. Vattasseril Methraachen felt worried about three things: (I) The two of them whom the Malankara Association had chosen as the Hpiscopal candidates of the Church were sent to Jerusalem to gel consecrated. Rut, before they reached Jerusalem, Abdullaa Raavaa had already consecrated Deacon Sleebaa who had been staying in Malankara without any clear mandate. (2) He was given a Susthaathikkon' which gave him authority over the whole of Malankara. (3) In his own "Susthaathikkon' there was no mention of his being appointed, as was decided, as t h e successor of the Malankara Metropolitan. These three factors caused a n x i e t y in Vattasseril Methraachen's mind. He decided that he should set matters right in Malankara before the Patriarch arrived. After he took charge, the first meeting of the Managing Committee was held on 15Ih Chingam in 1909. The 'besgaasaa' room had three locks, and the practice followed was that the three keys should be kept, one with each of the three j o i n t trustees; but. according to an agreed decision, they had left all the three keys with Pulikkottil Methraachen himself. When Kochumethraachen assumed office, the joint trustees asked for t h e i r separate keys. But the Committee decided against it. It decided that it would be belter to continue the practice of keeping the keys with the Malankara Metropolitan himself, because otherwise it might look as though the new Metropolitan was not being trusted, and that if any difference of opinion arose among the joint trustees, they should go according to the opinion of the bishop-trustee. The clergyman trustee and Ihe layman

trustee were displeased by the above decision of the Committee. The first separation in the Church stalled here. There was made a division into parishes, giving the Kochi and Kottayam parishes tothe charge of Kochuparambil Koorilose, and the Kandanaad and Ankamaaly parishes to the charge of] vamose. As Osthathiose was a foreigner, he was not given charge of any parish, though he asked for it. This displeased Osthathiose. In this manner, problems arose in the verv first meeting of the Managing Committee. Before the arrival ol'lhe Patriarch, interested parties started working for the widening and the strengthening of the nfts. Abdullaa Baavaa was bent on gelling back the authority on world]v matters that he hail lost by the verdict of the Royal Court. As he needed the support necessary for achieving this. Abdullaa Raavaa started making efforts through Osthathiose. even before he arrived in Malankara. to find and organise those leaders of the clergy and the laity who had become dissatisfied. At Bombay, he asked Fr. PT.Gheevarghese. who had gone there to receive him, whether he would support him iflhere had to he a legal battle between h i m and the Malankara Metropolitan. One dissal islied person had informed the Baavaa through a letter that, iflhere had to be litigation between him and the Malankara Metropolitan, he would give him Rs. 10,000/- towards the expenditure. It was when the atmosphere was tense like this that Abdullaa Baavaa came uninvited, to v i s i t Malankara, and for that purpose, reached Kunnamkulam on 23"' Kannj in 1909. He entered into certain disputes over there in an unauthorised manner, and on 30"' Kanni he called a meeting of the parish. I leappointed a 13-memhercommittee, and passed a 17-ilem c o n s t i t u t i o n lobe followed there CAarlhaal Church History'. P.C. Kunjaalhu. pages 118-120). Mar Abdullaa's greed for money was notorious from 1876. When he came to the Kunnamkulam church. Mr. Paathappan showed the Patriarch, the gold pendant that Rev, Dr. Claudius Ruchanon had submitted in I808 on the altar of the Paakxir-Ohaattukuiansjara church

E 3

E. Kaattumangaattu Koonlose It was during the time ol' Mar Thomma VI that Kaattumangaattu Koorilose entered Ihe Church history with a noisy controversy. Of the two brothers of ihc Andrew who got drunk and tell into the Kallada river and died and came to be known as Kalladamuthan. one went to Piravom and the other went to Mulanthurulhy and became sextons in (he respective churches and earned their l i v i n g ihat way. The one al Miilanlhuruthy married from the Paalalhinkal family over there. Two sons were horn to him. Of these two the elder one lived at Kandanaadu and the younger one lived al Kaattumangaattu. This is Ihe history of the Kaattumangaallu family. Of the ten children thai a certain Abraham from this family had (eight sons and two daughters), the fifth one Kurien is the one who later came to be known as Kaattumangaattu Koonlose. (The genealogy given in t h e family history handwritten by Kaattumangaattu Yohannaan was later copied by hand by Fr. K.C.Varghese who wrote the 'Tho/hiynor(.'hurch History", and in the copy he has added within brackets the name Abraham after the name Kurien.) Kurien and his brothcrGheevarghesc, both being helpers al the church, were well known to the students at the theological .school at the Mulanthuruthy church. When Mar Ivaniose was a teacher al this school (He is the one who was sent back by the government from Kochi to his home country.), these two boys were appointed in his service, and thus they learnt a bit of Arabic, a bit of Syriac and also some church practices. Kurien became the helper of Shaakrallaa Maphriaanaa who lived al Mattaancheri, and Gheevarghcse became the helper of Gregoriose who lived al Mulanthuruthy. They acted as their interpreters, and soon were ordained as deacons and then as priests. From this family that included brothers with the names Benjamin and Jacob, four were given the Kaseesaa position by Shaakrallaa Baavaa. In those days, those who got ordained without the official sanction of the parish and the appointment oflhe Malankara Bishop, were not allowed entry into the churches. The priests from very noble family backgrounds serving in the ancient parishes al Mulanthuruthy and the

nearby churches refused to grant equality to the two new priests from a sexton family background, and so there was no one who was prepared to help them. When Shaakrallaa Baavaa died in the year 1763, the position of these two new priests became very precarious. In 1767. they established a 'dayaraa' in the name of Mar Bahanaam Sahadaa and buill a church in the unpopulated Thevanal hilly region near Mulanthuruthy and started l i v i n g there. Those two celibate priests, being grieved by the stance taken by the parish priests in the ancient parishes, were forced to accept a jungle-life, and they sat in their 'dayaraa' and spent time doing things like copying by hand, handwritten Svnae rxxiks. making contacts with the aboriginal physicians, collecting information aboul the medicines they used and Ihe practices they I ollowed, getting trained in using magical cures fordiscases and rendering little services to parish priests in the region who asked for help. They carefully watched events such as the passing away of Mar Thomma V and the coming into power of Mar Thomma VI under the positional name Dionysius. When they gave up the effort to enter the parish at Mulanthuruthy, built the 'dayaraa' and the church al Thevanal and started living there, the married priests in the nearby parishes gradually forgol Iheir anxieties and displeasures. Many people from the regions of Mulanthuruthy and Kandanaadu started going to the Thevanal Aashram seeking treatment for various illnesses. The Kaattumangaattu priests gradually became famous for iheir treatment of certain difficult manias. Mar Thomma VI ruled from Niranam as his headquarters. Mar Ivaniose stayed at Chengannoor. Mar Grcgoriose who stayed at Mallaaneheri gradually became blind. Kaattumangaattu Koorilose Kathanaar. with the permission of Mar Dionysius, brought Mar Grcgoriose to the Mulanthuruthy church for the treatment of his eyes. To the old and blind Mar Gregoriose, Koorilose Kathanaar, who knew a little Arabic and a little Syriac, and who was also a physician and an interesting person, proved to be a blessing. That friendship grew

irsa

stronger day by day. Everybody liked the idea of Koorilose Kalhanaar staying at the Mulanthuruthy church in the service of Mar Gregoriosc. Over there, on the 17"1 of Vrischikom. in 1772, Mar Gregoriosc gave Koorilose Kaseesaa the position of a 'dayaroyuso.' AsMarGregoriose was blind, it was Kaattaadi Kuruvilla Kalhanaar who conducted the service, and Mar Gregoriose clothed him with the positional attire. This service, which was conducted in great secrecy, was wrongly understood to be an Episcopal consecration by many people. Some people have even mentioned that Shaakrallaa Maphriaanaa. before his death, had made Koorilose Kascesaa a Rambaan. After the death of Shaakrallaa Baavaa in 1764, in the liiurgical 'lhaksaa' that Kaaltumangaattu Koorilose completed writing in the Chaldean Syriac script at the Thevanal Aashram on 19,h December, 1769, he has recorded his own name as Koorilose Kaseesaa. This "lhaksaa' written in 374 pages which has recorded the name 'Koorilose Kascesaa' in three different places on the three different parts such as Mar Ivaniose's order (page 296). Yuhaanon Patriarch's order (page 3 15) and Xosthose's order (page 332), is kept at the library ol' 'Sceri' at Kottayam, (A photocopy of this book is being kept by the present author.) The writer, in his concluding note, records that his teacher is a very knowledgeable and skilful Korepiscopa. It is as the name Koorilose is understood to be an Episcopal name, and as he later claimed to be a bishop, and also because of the faith that no one would falsely claim to be a bishop, that historians have described him as a bishop. Nowhere in Mar Gregoriosc's Will has he been described as 'Aaboon' or "Mar' or using any other term describing a bishop. The present author has examined the note written in very neat Maaraanaaya Syriac script on a pail of the Syriac New Testament copied in hand by Koorilose II at Thevanal. This is how it goes: "This book full oflife was written and finished at the 'dayaraa' of Mar Bahanaam Sahadaa on the Thevanal hill on Saturday the 16"'of April, 1771 A.D______The person who toiled for this holy task ... by ihe grace of our Lord ... is one named Gheevarghese. This writer is adisciplc of the knowledgeable and skilful

Mar Baseiiose Catholicose, and also one who has been ordained by him... Therefore my brethren. 1 implore you by the love of Christ, that you should make a wish of redemption from sin for the soul of this sinful man. and lor the souls ol two of my brothers who are priests, Benjamin and Jacob, and also for the soul of Koorilose. On the 10,hof May, 1767 A.EX. they left this outside world and ran away into the hills and built a 'dayaraa' therein the name of Mar Bahanaam. This book was written over there, and by the help of Mar Bahanaam, il stayed there itself. May his prayers be with us and with them" (page 37). In this declaration. Kaattumangaattu Gheevarghese Kalhanaar, who later became famous as the Ilaya Baavaa. has not described the person who was his teacher and elder brother as "Mar'or'Aaboon'or as 'Episcopa' in the sense of'bishop' or as "Metropolitan", bul has used the general description 'sons of priesthood' for all the clergymen alike. Malabaar Syrian Church historian Fr. K.C. Varghese, and M.P.Kochumon who wrote the biographies of the Kaattumangaattu Baavaas, have mentioned in their books that he got consecrated as a bishop 'in 1767 or before' (page 37} and 'in 1766 itself (page 26) respectively. This Koorilose, who is described by these authors as having been consecrated as a bishop in 1767 or in 1766 itself, in the liturgical 'thaksaa' that he himself copied in hand in the year 1769, writes his own name as 'Koorilose Kascesaa.' This piece of information urges us to see that a re-reading is required about Kaattumangaattu Koorilose. The cause of the problem seems to be the name 'Koorilose.' The practice of giving such names not just to bishops but to all clergymen is prevalent in many of the worldwide Churches. In the ordination list of Yaldo Baavaa, Ihe ordinations of Deacon Dionysius (ordination 1671) and Koorilose Kaseesaa (ordination 1676) have been recorded. According to this practice, Shaakrallaa Baavaa, at the time of either the ordination as deacon or the ordiantion as priest, must have declared the name 'Kurien' as 'Koorilose.' At the time of writing the 'thaksaa,'if he had already become a Rambaan, he should have recorded his own name as "Dayaroyo Koorilose'. Therefore, the story that Shaakrallaa had made

hiinaRambaan, can only be part of a cooked up story. As there are contemporary witnesses who have testified lo Koorilose being a priest in 1769 and 177 I, the position that he received in 1772 can only be that of a Rambaan. The Rambaan position has no additional spiritual talent. There is not even a Eucharist fee charged for the giving of this position. Even if a Eucharist is conducted, the presence of a bishop is not required either for the service or for the giving ot the position. Therefore, the mention that Kaatlaadi Kumvilla Rambaan celebrated the Holy Eucharist at the position giving service of 1772 can be true.. One 'dayaraaperson' has the canonical authority to ordain another as a 'dayaraaperson.' At the end of the service. Mar Ciregoriose may have just blessed and handed him the positional atlirc and adorned him with the same. Somebody who mistook the headgear known as 'masnapsaa' to be part of a bishop's positional attire, may have happened to describe this service as a service for giving the position of a bishop. This is the way this Church history secret appears in the Church history written by respected Kaniyaamparamhilachen: "It is seen in the Church History written by Paalappillilachen that it was Mar Ciregoriose who ordained both Kaatlaadi Kuruvilla Kathanaar and Kaattumangaatlu Kurien Kathanaar as Rambaans" (page 171). In the declaration found in the contemporary historical writing, the Niranam Chronicle also, this matter is very clear: . . . tjrjceQOfl^ejBQgoOcflQOGijo 2)3(3 Gloicmocrro^ocru ooLffDOffiri-ioeilffsraoaDjo mo(3 ^Dojorolciasomj ^T-jloiJecOjO'i-pcQijo Q<tha3i0S)6icft.0ere, aijmileiQraioi ta^iTjerrjai} anlfSfliW) mscm ojojcraioo3 nj1e>rmoa)jo ^(ff)1n3ojsr^o ^sreaOToilm n^auijaaieTi^ a{j)rro fflsrejesojojo iftijsl arilrasmrarcJi niggitoltaS OnjarJ ciilajoolaj russces)3 (nouoieicojorS aflaaJcoil^ ffioalaoaa>3eio 177201 o<e>3&jo 947omo6n3 sf\<D moavio 12m t&erecnag nigglioJlffiJl airmlojoDfinlsia^ woniio 6Dce3ffM,o QC&OSTR
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store, the Syriac New Testament that the Ilaya Baavaa copied in hand, and the Church History written by Paalappiililachen; these records helped him to correct his earlier understanding.) Koorilose was at least temporarily enabled to spread his roots in l he northern parishes against the support provided by a background that resulted from the feeling of neglect experienced by the northern parishes when MarThomma VI established his headquarters at the Niranam church and also from their feeling of being distanced from him on account ol his constant efforts to get reconciled with Rome. As per Mai (iregoriose's recommendation, Kaattumangaattu Koorilose had received many precious gifts and a great deal of money - worth about 72.1 UK) rupees according to the rales prevalent in 1774, which many he considered equivalent to about 7 crores of rupees according to rates prevalent now. Willi this unlimited wealth Koorilose approached the Catholic Bishop ofVaraappu/hafor help to overcome the court verdict. "One night when he readied Ponjikkara with the intenlion of going to Mattaanchcri and proceeding from there to Varaappuzha with the help of the Roman Bishop, he got caught. He was presented before Kandanaattu Mar Dionysius. He was forced to give up his staff, his headgear, his cross, etc.. It was also decided that, being a Rambaan, he should celebrate the Holy Eucharist the next morning. But he, very cleverly covered his head with a wet piece of cloth in the night, managed to get a lever, and thus escaped from having to celebrate the Holy nucharlst" (Kaniyaamparambilaehcn, page 172). Among those who favoured Kaatlumangaatlu Koorilose against the background of Mar Thomma VTs regime, the most important ones were the members ofthc Paaloor parish. As they were at the northern end of the Koehi State. Ihey had no cxaci information about the happenings and developments taking place in the Mulanthuruthy Kandanaadu regions. The youth leader of the Paaloor parish, Pulikkottil Iltoop Malpaan (the founder of the Kottayam Orthodox Seminary)

s^vnai^oa i|D^3<i5i3K3io<e>ff)<e>36rii <eiDjffi6arso|

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(Effi&flfflS gD|.nJc&>0(D[Z)Jg G^i.nJO!l(iT)Cno SaJ^OJSKtDOTljo Onl0BiJai>1a]

o<ejOa1ra3 micro C&>S}GO<TDJQ aiej^foiorujoaon^ roilgjooj^o ojoejlCTcOTtnijori^ mlgjo cuosgralnj 6)ce>o^io 949m3Gnl oil njmaorruo ?2co omioomtQijo ,flijl caraOT^ c&erRroog rjgglaDlcoS oKTraoo (fnaa^ano (,fijfiJ(3(Qroiljy(!j)l(r) aua^aiacailQ^orrnjo eioJcdittnl^j. (i-ijoo 92) It is of special interest that the Chronicle, which is a coniemporary historical record, calls Koorilose a Rambaan after the hearing of the case. It was because there were no witnesses for the ceremony that Koorilose claimed it to have been a ceremony for granting him the position of a bishop, or any 'Susthaathikkon' that granted him the position, and also because there were witnesses for Mar Grcgoriose's rejection of the claim, thai at the hearing of the case, it was decided thai he was only a Rambaan. Later historians have given a twist to the event and recorded that the case was actually against his having got consecrated without the permission of the Malankara Bishop. This propaganda is not right. The complaint that reached the court was that Koorilose did not have the position of a bishop. The Dutch administrators pronounced the verdict that this complaint was right. This author has examined a diary note that was written at Thozhiyoor in Karsoni by Kaattumangaattu Koorilose. What he has recorded about the event is that Dionysius gave a complaint to the authorities that he was not really consecrated as a bishop. (The understanding and the writings of the present author were supportive of Koorilose's stance before he got the opportunity to examine records such as the Niranam Chronicle, the liturgical 'lhaksaa' of Kaattumangaattu Koorilose, the diary notes at the Thozhiyoor book

came forward to help Koorilosc, on the basis of his revolt against the tradition of the Pakalomattom family supremacy, and also because of his roots being in the Kochi country. Tttoop Malpaan very daringly brought to Kunnamkulam the very dangerous person Koorilosc who had received orders prohibiting him from working as a bishop in the Travaneore-Kochi regions. Koorilose and his companions, under the supervision of the Malpaan, very safely stayed in a two-storeyed building that belonged to the Panaekal family. "As Kuiinumkiilangara was within the Kochi borders, it was not possible for him to live there in secret for very long. Therefore, a decision was taken to build a church foi him in the British Malabaar region where he could stay safely, as he in any case had no people to rule over. They went and met Ouserkully Moopan who was living like a Lord in those days near Anjoor, influenced him, and bought from him land to build a church at Tho/hiyoor in the Chaavakkaadu Taluk. A small church and a room were built in 949 (1774), and Mar Koorilose started livi ng there permanently" (M.P. Varkey, 'Mar Dionysius,' page 13). nJjrrrKOTC^ri} (ooejooJiroS crflcm nJ(T>c9SKoS (tnorojoJlonj} (Sojrols3 oil&i 6)
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(;. Paaloor (Kunnamkulam) to Churvh History again I hough technically (he headquarters of Kaattumangaattu Koorilose w as at Tho/hiyoor in British Malabaar, its custody was with the PaakxirKunnamkulam parish. M.P.Varkey writes: 'This Tho/hiyoorchurch was not built in response 10 either the need or the petition of its present administrators or their ancestors, but it has been kept as a refuge for [he Kaattumangaattu Bishop - t h i s matter has already been described ... flic protection and the progress of th i s church have resulted mainly I mm the e f f o r t s of those people from the Ku 11 nam kulangara regions who attended the meeting at Aarlhaal. From tfie time the Tho/hiyoor church was established, it was customary to send a casket from this church to the Kunnamkulam Angaad) even' Saturday for the collection of the offertory of the people from there. From this collection, the Tho/hiyoor church used to get four or five rupees every week. The treat merits learnt from the Tlievanal forest region for dog bites, snake bites and various types of mania, and the preparation of Ayurvedic fats and oils, gradually built up a fame for this refugee family. As the holy relics of the s a i n t , (iheevarghese Sahadaa. gifted by the teacher Shaakrallaa Maphriaanaa were interred here, the Tho/hiyoor church gradually grew into a pilgrimage centre. In those days, in the Paaloor region, there were the Paaloor-Chaattukulangara church established by Si, Thomas himself, and under it. the three small churches at Chaavakkaadu (the Paaloor of today). Kunnamkulam and Pa/hanji. Piilhe/hallui Raamanienon. in his biographical book titled 'Shakthan Thamburaan'. has mentioned that Kaattumangaattu Koorilose made a IK'tition to Shakthan Thamburaan in a letter that he sent him. requesting him to grant him authority over these churches (pages 286,287). This request was not granted. The Mysore Sultan llyxler Ali. who came to invade Kerala in the year 1775. entered Kunnamkulam. Following the disputes that arose during the lime of MarThomma V. the Paaloor-Chaattukulangara church had to be locked up. After this, the ancient Christians in the Paaloor

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region built a market place in the shape of the cross and were l i v i n g there under the protection of the Thalappally Kings when I lyder Ali came lo attack. The beautiful urban organization with buildings lined up on both sides of the roads, with shops in the front parts and residential facilities in the rear parts, greatly attracted Hydcr Ali. There were only Syrian Christians, and no others, living in those streets. I lyder Ah was filled with amazement about this. He called that residential centre 'Nasraani Gur' (the Village of the Nazarenesl with respect, and this fact has been recorded by many historians. To fulfil I lyder Ali's wish, his famous son fippu Sultan attacked Travancore. With the declared intention of subduing Travancore. he reached Kunnamkulam in the year 1789. Tippif s operations were prompted by an attitude that was a mixture of diplomacy and religious animosity. Tippu who understood that it was the MarThomma (St. Thomas) heritage that earned Kunnamkulam, which was the heart of the Paaloor region, the description oi' 'the Village of the Nazarcnes," burnt the Paaloor-Chaattukulangara church which was the basic reason for that heritage. No one had the courage lo resist the attack that was launched against this church that had been lying locked up due to internal dispuies. Francis Buchanon who visited Kunnamkulam in 1800 has narrated in his travel description, details about Kunnamkulam and the church standing there with the burnt-down roof. His diary note for 8''1 December. 1800. under the title ' Kakkaadif: "Opposite the place where we pitched our tent, there is a village of the Nazarcnes - the Christians. It is called Kunnamkulangara Angaady. This place, which stands upon an elevated region in the midst of beautiful beetle leaf gardens, is very scenic to look at. The "Paappaa" or the priest from there came and met me. There was also a disciple with him. The respect shown by the disciple to the teacher is unforgettable. The 'Paappaa' had worn a beautiful blue robe. Though his predecessors had lived here for many generations, his Jewish origins are clearly visible in his physical features. He does not know any other language except

Syriac and MalayaJam. I le delivers his religious sermons in Malayalam But he conducts all the religious services in the church in the Syriac language. There arc no idols or pictures in t h e i r churches. The Nazarenes worship the cross. Their priests are allowed to marry. But the priest who came and met me was unmarried - a person who was proud o\' being a celibate - and a perfect vegetarian . . . What the 'Paappaa' tells me is that it was following the efforts of a saint by name Thomas who had come here 1740 years ago that the Nazarcnes originated in this region . The Nazarenes are vciy hard-working and disciplined people... I hey live mainly by agriculture and trade. In the evening we visit ed the \ illage where these Nazarenes live. A large number of houses have been built here in a well-organized and modest manner. People live crowded m these houses. When compared to the standards of other Indian towns, th i s place looked very beautifully organized and a lot cleaner than the other places. In a slightly elevated and beautiful place is seen an old church. It has no roof now. Though the walls have been built with a mixture of mud and clay and are quite old. even now they look strong and new. The top ofthe altar has also been made that way. But its architecture looks grand. The cemetery has been arranged against the main doorof the church. As this cemetery is very small, it becomes necessary to open and remove the bones before they are decayed. When new dead bodies arrive, the custom is lo open the old tombs in the cemetery, collect all the bones and throw them into an open pit on the side of the church. This pit is made in such a way that anybody who passes that way can see it ('Buchanon's Kerala,' translated by E)r. C. K. Kareem. pages 43-62). The Chaavakkaadu seaport in this region is under the jurisdiction of the Nazarcne town called ' Kunnamkulangara' " (page 64). It was the church that was rendered rootless because it was burnt down by the commanders of the Mysore tiger Tippu Sultan in 1789 that Francis Buchanon was able to see eleven years later in 1800. Because it was a disputed church, no one was willing to get it repaired. Fven though there were other Christian churches in the Kunnamkulam

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region itself, it may be because it had the St. Thomas heritage that the Mysore army burnt down only the Paaloor-Chaattukulangara church in Kunnarnkulam. It can be specially remembered here that this army burnt down also the Kottakkaavu church al Paravoor which had the Si. Thomas heritage. The poet lkkaakku Kuriappan has recorded an eye-witness account of this incident in the Aarlhaat church song which was composed in 1825: mjnDcmo (SOJG QIUQ-MOIDDO mrvnja3 ojntisad <vioa6<n1 liari This war-march thai took place in the month of Dhaiui in 178'). burnt down not only the Paaloor-Chaattukulangara church, but also the Paaloor market. The trailers from the Chaallukulangara Chemmannoor regions tied lor dear life into the southern regions of Kerala. Many people from llic Thalappally parish in Chaatlukulangara were forced to change their religion.
(oJOgjcftjssesBfflCDilw&J (0">eifi_|G)@l (njlgl,s6)0P-iSTDi rooioilysjl ti^n-n sj I^3(&6TD 6^6>ni.J ^BAiGrn^Q mrnii(pn
63SJOJ1(03 g6Tl33CQ) gbTrjlaBOsl 3 Iffilflno i(])fTT) [ZliiinlL'i IC1IIJS} _i |<Tll}ailraO

Syrians in 1789. The people over there pointed out to me the branches of trees on which t h e i r Christian companions had been hanged" ('Memoirs of Buchanon.'pages 154. 155). We have no information about this historical event beyond what Buchanon has recorded. Even though the area i n c l u d i n g the Paaloor region was declared to be a separate diocese under the name Kunnarnkulam diocese from 1985 and a bishop who also h a i l e d from the same region was sent there specially for this diocese alone, having been appointed with many hopes, the fact that no effort has been made to date lo find and examine and conduct research on the books and records which are being eaicu up by termites and maggots in the dark rooms ol the ancient churches ot these regions where history lias gone lo sleep and also in those houses where generations of priestly families lived-docs this not proclaim loudly, though in mute language, the suicidal indifference and inertia of the Church? There is a record which says thai after the Paaloor church was locked up and following its later burning down, the Malpaan school that was operating there was moved to the St. Lazarus church where il continued lo operate. There is a handwritten New Testament written in Chaldean Syriac which is being kept at the Kottayam "Seeri'. In a note appended to it at its end il is recorded that its writer is Kuthoor Deacon (iheevarghese. that he is a disciple of Pulikkottil Joseph Kaseesaa (later I he founder of (he Kottayam Orthodox Theological Seminary Mar Dionysius the Malankara Metropolitan), and that the book was written al the Kunnarnkulam St. Lazarus church in 1794 A.I). (A photocopy of this note has been published in the Appendix, on ils H)l! page, of the book titled '"Hie Malankara Church and the Kerala Culture'.) The teacher and the disciple who visited Francis Buchanon were the same teacher and disciple of this note. The teacher Joseph Mar Dionysius later became the Malankara Metropolitan under the name Pulikkottil I. and the disciple under the name Kuthoor Koorilose. later became the Tho/.hiyoor Bishop, and he took part in the Synod

(OTGiaJggsl 'Hj)<TO cff)S>nT)'B)OfaTn gtiiisc0):ju"jlyl5jgg((5) . I^IOCD^ mlaianrnffltrucftpoatoTaioeiliyiTilcQia^ ra>rin_|:32l <&l&a (PI) n^rrnl 6iiBSi(X) rnaJerr^lies^cm i93o trx^vo eai'JtBsijofti) Those who refused to change their religion were hanged from the branches of the tall trees in Aarthaat. Even though the Malankara Church historians forgot the story of these brave Nazarencs who died as the only martyrs for Christian witness in the history of the Indian ('hristian Church to date. Dr. Claudius Buchanon has recorded this unique and unmatched incident in golden letters in his memoirs. This is how it goes: "This town falls under the jurisdiction ol'the Kingol'Kochi. I had visited him two weeks ago. Tippu attacked this strong-hold of the

---------------------------wua---------------------------

that met at Maavclikkara. The Aarthaat church song has described this leachcr as the administrator of the Kunnamkulam Na/.arenes and as'KahanaaYouseph.' The mainparticipantofihe Bible translation of 1811 and the chief advisor of Mar Thonima Vlll-Pulikkoltil lttoop Malpaan - Rambaan - it was the same person. Following the death of Bishop Joseph Kariyaaui under suspicious circumstances in (ioa on I"1 May. 1786. the Roman Syrians became very agitated. It was when i( became certain thai their desire thai all the Christians with the Si. Thomas heritage should he unified was at last being realized with blessings from Rome that the leader and spokesman of the unification movement Bishop Kariyaatli passed away. They had a meeting at Ankamaaly at which they look the decision thai they would not stay under the authority of the Latin bishops at Varaappu/ha and Kadungallur, and that Ihey would accept the decision thai the Vicar General would continue to be their leader until he got consecrated as a bishop by the Chaldean Patriarch of Babylon. These decisions which became famous as the 'Ankamaaly Padiyola' have been published in full by lttoop Writer (pages 135-13-). The leader of this movement was Maathu Tharakan. His agreement that he would appoint Mar Dionysius as the administrator of the unified Church if he approved oi the Chaldean faith and practices which had been accepted in Rome, gave a new impetus to the unification movement. Discussions in this regard continued to be held. Parallel to this, there was also an effort to unify the customs and practices of the Malankara Church, it is seen in the Niranam Chronicle (page97) that a "Padiyola' was prepared by the meeting of the representatives of churches that was called at the Puthiyakaavu church in 178- under the leadership of Mar Dionysius and Mar Ivaniose: '\ .. .In the year 964, a 'Padiyola' was written at the Puthiyakaavu church that prayers and ordinations should be conducted in the new order, and that the Kaappaa should be worn while celebrating the Holy Eucharist, and that the services for the 1 loly Matrimony and the Holy Baptism could be conducted in the old order, and these decisions are being practised." This was the important stage

of the leaning of the Malankara Church towards the Antioehean orders. On die 6"' of Medam in the year 1794, Mar Ivaniose who was s t a y i n g at Chengannoor ordained as Ramhaans Mar Dionysius's Nephew Maathen Kalhanaar and Philipose Kathanaar from Kaa\ amkulam. The day after that, on Medam 7"1. Mar Ivaniose passed away. He was buried at the Chengannoor church. During these days, on Friday the 17"' Vrischikom in the year 1793. the building of the Pulhcnkaavu church was started under the leadership of Mar Dionysius. was completed on the 21"' of Kumhhom in the year 1795. was consecrated and the Holy Fucharist was celebrated there. In April I 796 (24"'Medam). Mar Dionysius consecrated Maathen Rambaan as a bishop under the positional name MarThomma VII and appointed him as his own assistant. The reconciliation discussions thai look place at Kaayamkulam in 179! and at Niranam in 1796 under the leadership of Maathu Tharakan did not succeed. The discussions failed because MarThomma VI insisted on the continuance o\' the Pakalomattom family tradition (The Truvancore Stale Manual. T.K.Veluppilla, page 719). In the end, in 1 799. he signed on the 'Reconciliation Padiyola' at the Mar Sleebaa church at Aalappu/ha. . . . uojiiueian") DID(3njOfijoexB) t&>r1<poj'p63ra1 g6CO)o<3n_ioi<3 (Xb^cmorxsrsDrrokai) d^flnilijimlnSniGr^o c&^snpcrnisio cnmcroeejoraryio tsmoaujo (JUDfiHo a.oio^emigjo Ct*fflSJR@jo cr>3o caens (Sjig^crujo arcn^fi>>oo^o 6)cmo<B>"l rararojeroffdaj roson sic&ijgjgt^dsoajcroo
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ouuMilaj a(D0T)3srn 1799 gosoi ffioouo 203 r<rilcg>(oil L^loiiniomoroil^

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ogjoD i_tofnno n_ij. 226) Ittoop Writer writes: ... sis^aitoS cru(3te6)Of3 ai^iomyfirao g) row) to m co) aj
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>j..'5)3c,^|3&!'l(OT0)36)(D) mil^raliSffijcftiCQii!) 6)3jcffl(0)j. (Ittoop Writer I'.ILIC 245) He realized (hat his six months" life in the Roman Church H.AV.Brown. page 124| did not take him anywhere. He was no! u'spixted in the Roman C 'hurch. No parish went with him to the Roman ( hurch or sLipjxiiled him. Many Church histories, including the Niranam ( lironicic, have blacked out this incident, perhaps lo hide the humiliation dial lie sulTered on returnin" lohis parent Church after a precarious r\ is k'i ice lor su months. The picture (hut we sec here is one of a I 'ukaiomaltom Bishop who came to the bishop's position just because nl his family background, succumbing lo the influence ot the Catholic lii'nUigeoi'lhe Kuravilangaadu church under favourable circumstances. On 18"' Kanni. in the year 1805, a certain Diyaskorose came to Koclii from abroad, along with Deacon Anlhoniese. At a lime w hen 1 here were two bishops l i v i n g in the Malankara Church, Mar I )iyaskorose had no mission lo fulfil here. He was greedy for money, ;nul he had an unstable mind. The Niranam Chronicle gives detailed . i c c o u n t s o f a l l l h e nonsensical things he did (pages 110-118). A few months later he was shipped back lo his own country.

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-----------------------------------EHT1--------------------------------------------

worships in the first church founded by St. Thomas were disrupted. It became a battle ground. Those who favoured Catholicism got polarised in chaavakkaadu, and the ancient Christians in the churches in the Chiralayam region. "dooaiao rLiarijo sjcnrroof^ejo, crojolcoiocnltBooto^QfflocrnocQi emjocmooaS maflnooj ffnoa^ ajgeilaslseioT tfcGJtinroimaraS GOOOHO ai^mo <a>ejriri1jijj ajsl^oaioedJ
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(3ra(rm.6><3)og (rnlraiuooQj sKcJiglcojlryocoatajml^) ml03co)ocoil mjcOiPinijo aigglnajjo ^JOBJICQ^O eei3c&>rajo nJlralsraaij COCTTOCO) (&>JOJ (06rr^lts3 ^an^j airmoraS (DtaeotiniafiJlsoKnlrad c&iGODSScSffl^CTTXfnglOQffl), CQ)O6)GJ)3<0J
(SjOffl^cujialejOQtai tej^lsroKncoonado"

airaraiorijlcojio axolrolajj . . .

Even though the above description is only about (he Paaloor Church, it was a time when disputes in many of the churches in Mulankara were coming out into the open. Ittoop Writer writes: (tsiasmjoo aoti
G(a2Cl3CQ)c9ff)) 6)c&.3SJcQS>aJ <TUD3Cr>0 OJ0flTJ<!ail36)^JCTri Ol^nin.000

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(itTOGnicMflaJj) gOT) aSaOJB tfbaJaiS (96)3(06)0$ OOJoJOC&aO (TilffilOTOlo

sniLcruocDJl(o3 mlrrr^o sod ^rDcuoailGcoiocro 2i(_<irilcQ)3cr>s)CQ> airo^ratoil. i)D(srj(ir>o i748-cr> emo^io 92z-ra3 d3j^|Qis<05i3oa3 (araecunoerrilGcoiocro 6)uoaffl3U56)a^ gmjnildSEi ffi&iGa>ogOTim15S ojcm^. (njjo. 124). SOT) QIOCS ^omoailGCQisau sK/jDlcQioro (n^olooml ojgglc&igli3 crosKaj<ol^|06>o njgglce.glraS (0jnJ63na3 aiijlcil<es)jrmfij)j <&sni uoomil<flojc&iCQ>jo ra^nJo

This is how H.M.Philip writes: "... Mar Thoinma continued to send letters to Anlioch. A Jewish trader by name Hezekiel brought a BishopbynameIvanio.se to Kerala in 1739. As he was hot-tempered and tactless, he soon incurred the displeasure of the local community. Moreover, as he did not have (he authority to consecrate a local bishop. Mar Thomma, in order to affirm his own position, later sent a request 10 the Patriarch to send someone who had the authority for local ordinations" {page 167). Here we see both Ittoop Writer's partiality and Philip's leanings towards Antioch. In matters such as Mar Ivaniose's position, the year in which he came, his operations and the person who sent him, the above writers hold different views. This is how the Niranam Chronicle testifies to these facts: "Kollam923 or 1748 is the year in which Mar Ivaniosc came" (page 86). Fr. Thomma Bernard writes in the book tilled 'The Mar Thomma Christians': "With the permission of the Dutch authorities, a Bishop by name Yohannaan (It was Ivaniosc himself.) was brought to Kochi in a Dutch ship. Some authors say that this Yohannaan was just a Jew. and not a man with the position of a bishop. Though he was really a bishop, he was not a virtuous person, as is seen from the descriptions given below. Mar Yohannaan crushed and burnt the crosses and the sculpted images in the churches at places such as Mulanthuruthy. Kandanaadu. Piravom and Kaayamkuktm. He was very fond of liquor. 1 le stole all the silver things from one church, and gave them to the Jews in Kochi instead of the money he owed

JKE1

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Iii the year 1806. Rev. Dr. Claudius Buchanon visit ed the MalankaraChurch. He had two intentions: L to make the hislors and the literature or die Syrian Christians oflndia a subject of study; collect] the handwritten copies of the Bible. 2. to make use of these ancient Syrian Christians in the efforts to enlighten the people of southern India, by translating their Bible into the regional languages. On 23 rd and 24"' November, Buchanon met MarThomma VI at the Kandanaadu church and spoke to him. The Metropolitan told him that he was visiting a decaying Church. This was die sclf-crilicising1 view and the .statement of Ihe icalily. coming fioin the most capable Metropolitan from the Pakalomaltom chain that ruled Ihe Malankara. Church in forty years of autocracy. The lopics of their conversation were the translation of the Bible and Ihe union with the Anglican Church. The Metropolitan evinced interest in both. Reappointed two capable Malpaans of the Church, one from the south and one from the mirth, for continued discussions. These were known lobe Kaayamkuiam Philipose Rambaan and Puiikkottil llloop Malpaan. Two weeks later Buchanon visited MarThomma VI again, along with Col. Wellesley. The Metropolitan gifted to Buchanon the Syriae handwritten Bible that the Malankara Church had kept carefully for over a thousand years. This is now being kept in the library of the Cambridge University. It was against this background thai the translation was started for the first Malayalam Bible which has come to lie known as ihe Rambaan Bible or the Buchanon Bible. In a letter that Buclianon wrote from Kochi on 29"'January. 1807. he has made it clear that three people, employed on a monthly salary, were engaged in the translation work, and that, in his absence. Col. Macaulay was supervising the translation work {Memoirs of Dr. Buchanon, page 97). Thimuiayyaappilla, Kaayamkuiam Philipose Rambaan and Puiikkottil llloop Malpaan were the three people. This has been teslilled to by Rev. T. V.'I'nomas (The Church Weekly, Bible Special Issue. 1983, May 29). by Sri RT.Kuruvillaf'ITie Bible through the Centuries'. Theological Literature

'^>ciely. 1971. page 1(18], by Rev. Malhew Daniel CKerala Christian i iilture", page 88) and Path rose MarOsfhathiose Metropolitan (The Malankara Church Magazine, 1948, Kumbhom issue). This is what mold piece of writing about the 1 8 1 1 translation, found in the book < Election al the Serampur College, says: The Malayalam Bible, the l< Hir gospels translated byThimmayyaappillaandthcRambaans, From ilie Tamil translation of Ribrilius owned by the Malayaalee Syrian i bristians. Bombay. 1811 ... (Philipose Rambaan was a member of I'II."Manangana/hiyam family of Kaayamkuiam. Puiikkottil Ittoop k.iihanaar who kiler became a Metropolitan and another Kalhanaar .i Msted the Rambaan in the translation work.) All these testimonies uppurl Buchanon's contemporary record. In the book thai came punled out from the Bombay Courier Press in 1811. no one's (either ihe translators' or the publisher's) name has been included. Shakthan Thamhuraan's Kunnamkulam visit also merits a mention line. I Icon his way Iromthe Kunnamkulam old church to the Aarthaal < lunch, reached 'Nadiippanlhy' in the Valiya Angaady. Me looked at ,nul saw the Angaady that llyder Ah Khan had called Visraanikkambolam." This King of Kochi. who, on enquiry, found ilul tins place was the heritage of IheThalappally Kings, pointed to the .mullein Angaady and declared that, from then on, il would be his liriiiage I mm there. I le released IhcAnlhimaalankaavu over there for ilie use of Ihe Syrians who lived in that Angaady ("Shakthan I hamhiiraan', pages 293, 294). Anthimaalankaavu was dedicated in ilie name of Mar Kuriakose Sahadaa, and worships were started there. I hough a church was later built next to it. even now, Anthimaalankaavu r-. being protected in the same shape, and festival worships are being i (inducted there. Il should also he mentioned here that, following a request from I'lilikkoltil llloop Malpaan. Shakthan Thamburaan intervened and usolved ihe disputes that had gone on for decades in the Paaloor( liaattLikulangara church at Aarthaal. He decided to solve the problem imicahly through a mutual agreement by calling both parties and casting

Ei3

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lots. According to the order oflhe King, Paahyalhachen came tothfl place and cast lots in the presence of both panics. The lot fell in lavoulf of the Syrians, and following this, the Catholics gave it in w riling ai relinquished Iheir right over the church that was founded by St. Thot and it thus went to the Syrians. And the Syrians, in turn, released piece of land next lo it and the Chaavakkaadu Kurisupally for their u; The Romans, on losing the Mar Thomma (St. Thomas) heritage l'aaloor, in an organised manner, called the place where t Chaavakkaadu church stood, by the name Paalayoor. made up lege! and Sicilies and called the Chaavakkaadu Mar Koorilose church the name Paalayoor St. Thomas church and created records lo suppo this name. All this effort proved successful to a great e x t e n t . Tt l'aaloor church which was freed from dispute on the 7"'ol Thulaam the year 1X05. was quickly repaired under the leadership o\ Pulikkotl Ittoop Malpaan. The members oflhe Paaloor parish wrote out an oal on 'chopped' and submitted it to Mar I ) ionysius who visited the rcbui churchin 1806. Its complete text written out in 'Vatte/huthu' is give here in translation:
61<fti0lo 981J01(3> (2lrf))(0o &"T0)3(O>ol<7>3 nlJfOTCJinaA^ (TUJOlCQIOC

B)ajniairaroi2(3 rf*.iSTTSTDI3fDtcnI
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to rip

2. njro<,%)(33 TOOOJ

to<J)

I .|>-^0TO1J<3 3j)i220t3 (blrip 4. fficftO&lOSl D<TJ {Sirq) 5. cfi>0c96)G00(01 il)EO.(3T01 SDC^OQJl (ffl<ip 7. eiSlOeiffiTOlj oJ0(3I3)J

'iip 8. Tirana ioisjrji

" it'D'Otetii)

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9. o.J^eilatB&ijgl(03 (Oioraj (einj) 10. d^lsesBcrS )

fbinp n. fflerr^imioraJ .fljjsiaToioronsii (einj) 12. SK3>63o;&Jn(o3

(svijl

! il is Fr. Dr. Joseph Cheerau who found the 'padiyola' and translated 'i 1'he mistakes that occurred in the translation that was publicised a 11 \ ears ago have been corrected in this new translation. The language ii ^ also been modernised.) This is the actual content of the Aarlhaat 'padiyola.' Kvcn though ii ! called a 'padiyola', it is actually a 'chepped' written in ihe \ .UUvhulhu' script on a thick copper sheet. The modern Malayalam ' 1 ijit had come into use by then. But. modelled on royal orders meant in last for long periods, this record was written 011 'chepped' in the \a[ie/.hulhu' script. Fven though this record written in 'Vatte/huthu' w.is entrusted with Mar Dionysius. it was not included even in the MM attain Chronicle which \\ as written in those days with blessings from ilici'akalomallom Bishops. The copy that was entrusted with the King <\ Kochi was under Ihe custody of his minister Paaliathachen. Now IIIK 'chepped' lias been discovered from the Paaliyam book collection. I veil though it is ihe oath of only one parish that has been recorded in ilie 'chepped.' ils representative nature cannot be ignored. Til! then in ilie Aarthaat parish disputes had occurred only about the relationship ^ nh Koine. But in the 'chepped.' along with Rome. Babylon. Antioch .mil other countries have been recorded. Therefore it is clear that this 1 hepped' contained the entire history of the Malankara Church. In ilie Koonankurisu Oath, the Malankara Church tried to reject only Uome. Acentuiy and a half later, this Aarthaat 'chepped'-'padiyola.' which mentions by name all the foreign eolonisalional efforts which tried in fciter the Indian Church of St. Thomas from the beginning and which 1 IccUires an oath of rejection against each one of them, was actually the

cfl30O(O) (3W|(3(QKJ)0O n(J)SOIc&>t06)0(3 'i(|)^l301'DJO rfhisl <T>J)2\}fil^ fiTllOQ

nlojODOGdru^omj {aflrajoijaulrtsl n^'pjrailni^ n isltscroocijcoionjlcoi.

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(Sta>(/3t96) coioroS (soomzio oilaoioa\x3i3ilcni<e6) (3Tl(ol(7roTf^njoTl.

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mdsniQDoS)dhOsm rugsKO riMjOAjejrarffilrr) ajj)sr)icm reunion*}, (?meiot srra6ti!J6)cr) ojraoroilolajoaSGriiftrKl, GoozmocoilraS crflcsrrno snjo(E6T)ieili crilean-o (graeatn^asu^a^raS mlccrno mo Qi^inicxsratorero ailGOi
(0)061(01002 612i_(010(mOOJ6)SCQ)iO gnJ&BOOOIJO (D&njloJjgJJo 6JOJ (TlOg

(S<0> rufsarjl ens <fl6i06>(3> moia^os aotteraroioiaziouglriOocQ^Gis ni;(3ryl ail5joi3>mjo ^igsangjo (aramjcruailaj aisan sic&oggjoioo croizmfoil (31 (Til l (DOS) CD SlnJO, (3Tfl (22 CO) ] G> S (STS) (3 (313) 10 n I S) sf| 01S CQ)'l (03 Ol ng)
J (3)1(0) (01.

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-------------------------------Ejjl-----------------------------

4ECT3 -

'Magna Carta' of declaration of freedom which Malankara'| 'Thalappally'consciously made. The Aailhaal "padiyola" has aimedi not only Mar Thorn ma VI who. in those days, had gone lo Rome fq six months seeking refuge there but came hack lo the Malankara ('hur with hard-earned realisations, but also all those future bishops trying I sell the St. Thomas heritage oflhe Malankara Church for money, free itself from the clutches of foreign Churches and to grow in the! Thomas heritage with pride and with a national consciousness - this i the message of the Aarthaat 'padiyola' which lias a relevance fori time. It was anothei live decades later that India first reacted agair foreign eolonisational efforts through the Sepoy Mutiny. When uethir of this, we cannot hut look upon the manliness and the prophetfi foresight exhibited by the Aailhaal 'padiyola' with awe and respect, noble statement made by Yuhaanon Mar Severiose. who has earne acceptance as the modern prophet of the Malankara Church, come up in memory at this juncture: '*... it is a matter of pride for everyor thai an Apostle-founded Church came about in Kuniiamkulam atsl during the same period as when Churches were founded in Jerusaler Antioch and Rome. When the history oflhe Kerala ol those day^ especially of Kunnamkulam, comes out clear from where it is lyir covered with dust and without any sunlight, no one will be able lo ignc Kunnamkulam" (FT. PM.Jo.sc, 'KaalamCheylhaAchen'. page 2). The architect behind the Aarthaat'padiyola'. which roars likej lion, was Pulikkollil llloop Malpaan who was the administrator for til Kunnamkulam Christians of that generation. The 'padiyola'was signd by the then 'Mooppachen' and the twelve members of the eommitte The same organisation for church administration is seen also in tt 'Kandanaadu padiyola' thaltook shape in the same decade. It wd the contemporary Church history events which made the Aarlhad 'padiyola' inevitable. It was the Episcopal pride that no Church rul was binding upon a bishop, and that they were beyond all rules, thd governed the Pakalomattom bishops in general, and MarThomma V the cleverest among them, in particular.

It is this Episcopal pride thai Pulikkollil Joseph Mar Dionysius II. Malankara Metropolitan, who founded the Parumala Seminary and 11 ic Koltayam M.D.Seminary, described in the 'Parumala Padiyola' of l ^ \ as the 'one-leader power of the bishops.' Becoming bishops w illioul the knowledge or permission oflhe Church in general, making pH'pjratiuiisloi re- ordinations without conducting any enquiries with .in\one, rejecting the tradition of the Episcopal positional name 'Mar I liomma." holding Church amalgamation discussions with Rome, sending II preservatives lo Rome unilaterally by spending money lo achieve the .i!'o% e-said purpose, writing 'padiyolas' rejecting ihe parent Church, .pending six-seven months in Rome comfortaoly under its patronage -.iL\iinsl all these ihat a Malankara Bishop, bearing the name and address < il the Malankara Church, can do quile unilaterally, without seeking the opinion of the people, if a reaction o r a revolt has to be raised, the Aarthaat parish will be able lo give lo the Malankara Church the leadership needed for the same - a foretaste of this message is what is ;' i ven out by the lone in which the 'Aarthaat Padiyola' has been written. I his message of the 'padiyola'. prepared by the Pulikkottil Malpaan. \i..i". acceptable also to the representative of the southern parishes and .1 co-worker in the Bible translation, Kaayamkulam Philipose Rambaan. I hey cooperated in heralding a new dawn. H is this heralding role thai has given the 'Aailhaal Padiyola' its Church history value. It was because i he noble message of this 'padiyola' became acceptable to the whole Malankara Church thai it was possible lo put an end to the I'.ikaloruatlom family rule forever, and to throw it oul completely from [he \ isible history oflhe Church in a matter of just six years. In January. 180S, Y)v. Claudius Buchanon visited the completely lebuill Aarthaat Chaattukuiangara church oflhe Paaloor region which had become tamous as the town of martyrs and the 'padiyola.' In the letter that he wrote on 14"' January from Tellicherry lie wrote thus about that visit: "Col. Macaulay had accompanied me up lo now. Wc who got started from Kochi, first visited the famous Sanskrit College at I'riclmr. After this we went lo a place that I had not visited earlier, a

-------------------------------Ejg--------------------------

---------------------------Esa---------------------------

place that could be described as the district of the Syrian Christians. HyderAli has called this place by the name 'Nasraani Our'-the towns of the Nazarenes. This is a thickly populated, fertile and beautiful place. % There were four entrances for this square-shaped town. These were-i! built in the valley of a hill. From streets to streets steps were carved out % on rocks. On all four sides there were palm trees and other trees with'i lush leaves. There were meadows surrounding the valley. The town was full of hills and valleys. The priests and the people from there knew me very well. They gave me a very warm welcome. They accompanied me up to the main church. As they knew about mj intention lo present a big golden medal to that church in the name of al the churches in Malankara. a large crowd had gathered there. There was no one who was not a Christian in this town. It was the pendant that Mrs. J. had given me before 1 left Calcutta that I gifted to that church. On one side of that medal which was three times as big as an ordinary college medal, the baptism of Jesus in River Jordan was grandly engraved, and on the other side t h e figure of a baby prepared and being led for baptism. In front of a l l the people, with great awe and respect I submitted that in the chancel. 1 also gave a gift parcel for the poor people. This town falls under the jurisdiction of t he KingofKoehi, 1 had visited him two weeks before that. Tippu invaded this stronghold of the Syrians in 1789. The branches oflrees on which Christians were hanged to death were pointed out and shown lo me" (Memoirs, pages 154, 155).

' >

that his main mission was to offer guidance to the Church. This weakened the Church day by day. It also gave nourishment to the Roman camps. It is this weakening thai happens during the lime of any bishop who succumbs to familial interests, regional interests and Episcopal interests: these are snares which the bishops get pulled into. H. MarThomma VII MarThomma VII was a person who had realized these truths. He reached Niranam on 23"' Medam in 1808. got MarThomma VI's room opened, and started ruling the Church from there. He encouraged the continuance oflhe Niranam Chronicle of which the compilation had started in the year 1S06. He gave a monetary loan to the British East India Company on an 8% interest and thus, for the first lime, created a general nieansofineomefortheChurch the Vattippanappalisa. Among all ihePakalomatlom Bishops, it was MarThomma VII who tried to guide the Church in the wisest manner. He was prepared to read the writings on the vvalls of the times. He realised that the most suitable mode of administration for Malankara would he a healthy mixture of episcopacy and democracy in the right proportions. (It was during this time that Col. Macaulay shipped back on 3,d Medam in 1809 Diyaskorose who had become a regular nuisance in the Malankara Church.) Mar Thomnia VII seriously considered making his advisors two of the really competent priest representatives whom his predecessor had taken great pains to consciously keep out of Church administration-KunnamkulaniPulikkottil IttoopMalpaanand Kaayamkulam Philipose Rambaan. The Chronicle has mentioned certain instances of differences ol opinion between the Bishop and the advisors. The advisors had the freedom to disagree with the Bishop, and if necessary, even to admonish him: this reflects the magnanimity of the Bishop. MarThomma VII was the owner of a mind thai had humility, democratic consciousness and refinement. His administration was generally of a peaceful kind.

When the illness uf MarThomma VI became worse. Kaayam kulam Rambaan conducted the Holy Anointing service for him. H( died on 27th Meenam in the year 1 808. on the fortieth Hriday. His body was brought from Niranam to the Puthenkaavu church that ha< been established by him, and was buried thereon Palm Sunday. He lived as a bishop for forty long years. As he was running after mirages like the fight with the foreign bishops who arrived in 1751, the race to encounter Kaattumangaattu Koorilose and the great urge to embrace the Roman Church, he forgot, in the same way as all his predecessors,I

---------------------------Esa ---------------------------\

But he was short-lived. Later Church history proved that the peace of his; times was the calm that preceded the stormy limes ahead. On 4th July, 1809 he passed away. He was buried in the Kolenchery church. The era of the Pakalomattom Bishops who became bishops through the valid laying on of hands, and who ruled the Church with the proper authority It) do so. came to an end with this. People hail started thirsting for changes. Some people pretended that llicy had gone to sleep. Some others needed some more time to wake up from their sleep Fven then. I lie changes that the Church as a whole proposed in the interests of the Church and put forward with these in mind, got acceptance, first at the level of principles, and then at the level of practices: these materialised, became a reality, and formed a lesson in history.

Chapter IV

The Breathlessness of the Family and the Racing Ahead of the Church
A. MurTlioninui \ 111 "flie Church desired that the Pakalomattom family tradition of being chosen for the position of the Bishop be ended. This family tradition prevented the Church from finding shepherds with a vision for the Church. Many of the Pakalomattom Bishops were adopted sons of the family. All other considerations were being forgotten in front of the magical word 'Pakalomattom.' The appearance o( a certain new Bishop Thomas, clai mi ng that, during the last moments of Mar ThommaVH's life, he had placed his dying hands upon his head, caused a great deal uf confusion of thoughts in the Church. In the complaint that was submitted to Col. Monroe jointly by the two advisors of Mar Thomma VII. Kunnamkulam Pulikkollil Iltoop Kathanaarand Kaayamkularn Philipose Rambaan. matters have been explained this way: . .. ro(3 GlmaiWffmjpmj finilnHrLJloog rataaxraoojoi} od<%<m)Daaa
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t>l(0)OObK5r5)S)ri|Oa3 (SfO/JO^mPJ ifj)0T) t&p'idJiteQJdi.COtJio S)iiJ(ra(9i'32)3ffl3 f3)GJc903P10 gO") !3rd)(SP.J03jmc9n)0(3 65*l6TOTOTj(230l ColQJo9QQ)Jo nilSXlT)

(Djpierai nflmmjo c&>'p'lsrcsroi GX2[_<rs)0cr) olaio t&ijsjraiejoaafi aemooi GcOffls^m)] c9i1sc&s))cgri!ioo3 igia(B>aiopJl jj<esxoco'ca1<oT!j)] @2jj iftsjimroofl)
&DCT)'I fOffijaSl 63<0< (EOir3(OT5)PjaJa3 GOlfaTTiaXIPJO. 6p_<<a>36)<0 gDGriJ303

Gi6>r>\raim^o fDQGre<rv) njoeiaimtoiloa> raid) ec/Dajtararayieiiggji^jfiJ (3T3mjau(o1c9oj<ft>cQijjo (irra(!5i1ccuc9fl (irusn^rm OJO ta.^jcmj> cfcens Kc933mo oeinjocnjo mo <9i(aro)6angjo a.je>s, gDi) .,0(0,1,0 sraj
LnJcftOranjJo 6).TJCQ)RDj,ft>iS0 affiftO i.aJmjf(J)OOjT^JS)c9)06n^ffl1cB61jeail3U3

mJl(iD30!j}l cfogjos cft>T)aopiroifj)ora3 (3ra)gjr9iu3 ojmx ajrae<$o eruln'Mnj molteoooocuJl. Gojcnffiioi1io3 ^Pjoajraio aiojryln3 njjan oj^mjcn (U^(! J)1(ICQ>06)S .ijocffijrm CTUJOO cEc9= PijolcsraKsgaSmlari ^apoimiri i ifflCQif^jfflcoilraS e>ii^emrj<j'3 3252^] <J&><T3T0)(T>0(3 eijrairtsS csn ic3 6V5>3(27sa3 c9,rai3KT)36i(o Qi2i.(Oio6in^ ajffliu6"3riu3 grjs>oJlij e)di(_c7ioS)a^ rulpil(sa2<o3 tfclsrm raotpjjjsfflDanlroo g^GJlexaisjrartn (OTdcroogiQs ojlrapjksrcxaji
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position as bishop (though he had received his position as priest in the proper way), and because a large majority of people considered him unfit for the position, a background was prepared for an agitation. In these circumstances which made it clear that the spiritual and worldly future of the Church would be dark in the hands of (he new bishop. Kunnamkulain Pulikkottil Irtoop Kathanaarand Kaayamkulam Philipose Rambaan. who had acted as the advisors of MarThomma VII, took care not to give a personal colouring to the agitated atmosphere, but gave a very wise kind of leadership to turn the circumstances into an opportunity lor improving the future of the Church. When their farsightedness and their v i s i o n for the Church met. a formula for i c c o n c i l i a t i o n look shape. That is what became the 'Kandanaadu padiyola." The Niranam Chronicle compressed the 'padiyola' into just one sentence. Itloop Writer, according to his ideas for renovation, modernised the 'padiyola' and included it in his history of the Church. The actual text of the 'padiyola,' which was discovered first from an ancient handwritten Church history, and later from the Kandanaadu Chronicle, is given below. It can be justifiably described as the prototypical form of the Constitution of the Malankara Church. B. The Kandanaadu Padiyola At the meeting of the representatives from the fifty-five parishes of the Church which was held at the Kandanaadu church on l'1 Chingam in the year 1809 in connection with the celebration of the 40"'day after the death of MarThomma VII. the stance against MarThomma VIII was clarified. MarThomma VIII realized that his position had become rather precarious. The meeting decided that MarThomma VIII could be approved as the administrator of the Church only on condition that he be subject to a set of clearly defined rules and regulations. The meeting elected Kunnamkulam Pulikkottil htoop Malpaan as the priest representative of the northern parishes and Kaayamkulam Philipose Rambaan as the representative of the southern parishes. The meeting also elected Itloop Malpaan for (he Rambaan position. The meeting

^ J "fl)^ i ilEulsajomj ocmon? mjra"Ko"3saJGoos tSjjsto ssmesngloS

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ncrDlrt9dsmocDil (AjojHSfflraJlcaojcrnj r$)<rn imaum moj^isl n-ioGroraxm. rruracDo mctsS^jtOjcmjo QioylrfMjan &&ov\^>tjH onja^jl go^ cnirjomo snliaiccnjenianjffiocoilffllrfjojefnjcius (gracnlrn <TOOUXO>1 ruraosxin sago'l<efi)j(m mjoaa>1ra8 ^HD rarajgloajj crunDmo a]j<TO(fj)<0>oJla51co)Dsi aoralcoipjaroroioiio reraarilmaroi <3ii)oU)l<&,ffflc9s) OrijsoojjaTKOijai&j ngjrm inJm3J>aajo rnlog nJOiBsijcmj. (Ittoop Writer, page 168). When MarThomma VII got buried in the Kolcnchery church on 4"' July, 1809, the new Pakatomattom adopted Bishop, with the support of certain parishes which consisted of those who favoured him and some family members, entered the administration of the Church. Because of the uncanonical style in which MarThomma Vlll got his ------------------------------------HH ---------------------------------------

------------------------------QQ-------------------------------

entrusted the responsibility of carrying out tlie administration of the Malankara Church with MarThomma VIII, on condition that he abide by the rules and regulations laid down by the meeting and also by the advice given by the Rambaans. Given below in its full form is the Kandanaadu Padiyola which merits the description of even the ( anon of the Malankara Church: The Padiyola that was written in the 1809"' year after the birth of theMessaiah, lhal is, on the l s l of Chingam in the year 985 (MR). i. gsrnlc&o^ nJlrxrmraS 90 olojcruraiailmdaio momairYlTuD c^rflSvj.o.Tsjo
n

mirm S)nJ6rni5)-0)>tft,o(3 nigglcoJlraS (UoloaiCQija n,i<Too<Qo 6)c9ig1ripnd (3ijs63T3ieaii3(/3 ffijnujo njloc&jjo (0")(3rfjsi1ce6>jnr) <&>o<x>^o
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Instead, it is the word 'Yajamaanan' (Master), which can he used for all the people holding positions such as those of Archadiyaakkon, Peredyutha, President and Methraan that is used in the Padiyola.
3. The Padiyola has not even hinted at a doubt about the validity of the consecration of MarThomma VIII. Even though subject to conditions, the Church allowed him to continue as a Bishop. What this means is that the understanding about the organisation of the clergy that the Malankara Church received from the Alexandrian Church in the early centuries was so strongly ingrained in the subconscious mind of the Malankara Church that it was enabled to think even in the first leg of the 1 y"' century that a person who has received a valid priesthood and laying on of hands in his ordination as a priest once and for all. when he is chosen to receive the position of a bishop, needs only an election by the people and, as a mark of this, only an official investiture and an official laying on of hands. The Kandanaadu meeting did not debar MarThomma VIII from conducting any of the Episcopal services. 4. It is the Trustee who carries out the daily administration of the

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(The hook titled 'The Indian Orthodox Church: History and Culture' discusses in detail, all the modifications that Ilioop Writer made on the 'padiyola' and also the reformation leanings behind them.) (pages 42S438). Before 1909, no other Church in the world is known to have created an administrative organisation that has touched all the different facets of life the way the Kandanaadu Padiyola has done. Evcn among the world nations, only the unwritten British Constitution and the American Constitution were widely known. Some of the visions of the Church clearly seen in the Kandanaadu Padiyola are noteworthy: 1. The Padiyola has kept a very meaningful silence about the administrative tradition of the Pakalomattom family. 2. Even though the word 'Melhraan' (Bishop) was familiar in Malankara in those days, that word has not been used in the Padiyola.

parish. If there are any special items of expenditure, these have (o be brought to the notice of the Vicar and the meeting. When fixed deposits are spent or properly is handled, the holder of the Yajamaanan position should be informed about it. (The holder of the Yajamaanan position can also be a Bishop.) 5. The Padiyola visualises both religious and non-religious education for the laity: it requires that the expenditure in this regard be shared among all the parishes. 6. The organisation of the services and salaries of the priests is very closely examined and talked about. 7. The Padiyola evinces a deep concern about the personal, social and spiritual lives of the people. H. The Padiyola has not hinted that this Church has or has had any relations with any foreign Church-Heads.
l

J. A unification of the orders of worship has been urged for.

10.The Padiyola seriously took into account the two different regional cultures which often could not he reconciled in the Church. The decision to have two separate schools of training, one lor the south and one for the north, hints at this. Mar Thomma Vlll, who gave the promise at the meeting that he would carry out the administration of the Church as per the directives given in the Kandanaadu Padiyola. was declared approved by the Church, and as a mark of this, the meeting adorned him with a ring. See the irresponsible mention in the Niranam Chronicle which tries to explain that Mar Thomma VIII did not lake the Kandanaadu Padiyola seriously: . . . oijpi<a,jslrQ)io c9=f1^ fuoplninnoo 'ilnirruo rfhsracooEj oinj c&'plc&QQTOrm vd\<m}w\^ n jg<al<96>06)ffl eiOtSsxtMjo njreailos airajflnoil, c&>j(Tr>0(9,jg6ar3 0 go2nj' cOiCoroimod a cat o OTTI n3 5i2iLooTjGmos 6>enicujoiajjo n$g oratDiagjjos OTrsma3>oaia3 gJ^o-flm nJgmjo 6)<e>osj
ITJI^J

CQ) 0 G c9S) 0 6111 OOTrfKl 3(316)5 ffiO^Ofi CnlOGIPJ QQifiQCOJ^o CDSCTT) n|J)PJO c&,3<Mh6tm(J'3,0Q|}o 63101 ni;)^l(ICQ)OPJCQ^<l

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ng)pi(0)1ai3J' 8b3ffl35ri3 a_i1 son m 3 mi o aisncoS si raj fruoryronxoo bifo>nila)OT5)lff)3 ens " (page 12(11. Two decisions taken by the Kandanaadu Synod should be remembered here: One: Kunnamkuiam Pulikkottil Mloop Kathanaar was elected for the position of Rambaan. Two: ". . . Then, all the people who had assembled, put their signatures on the Padiyola and put a ring on the Bishop's finger. I t t o o p Kathanaar from Kurinamkulangara was given a Rambaan's position, and it was decided that from then on, he and Philipose Rambaan from Kaayamkulam would cany out the administration of the Church along with the Bishop, and with this the meeting came to an end" (Ittoop Writer, page 157). C. Pulikkottil Ittoop Rambaan As per the decision of the Kandanaadu Synod, Pulikkottil Ittoop Malpaan received the Rambaan position from Mar Thomma Vlll at the Aarlhaat St. Thomas church on 15 L h Chingam in the year I 809,

\nolher Ittoop Kathanaar from the Pulikkottil family, who was later huned in the northern veranda of the Aarthaal church, also received the iust ordination as deacon on the same day. There is no need for an election to the Rambaan position, and there is also no such practice. Missionaries later described this election, which is the declaration of 'he general approval of the people, as an election to the position of a Bishop. (See the letters given as appendices to the Church History written by Justice P. Cheriyaan.l Later Church history makes it clear that Mar Thomma VIII had uken the decision that he would resist at any cost the clear move on tin? pail of the Kandanaadu Synod to put a complete end to the tradition of holding the ruling Bishop's position which the I'akalomallom family had enjoyed as a familial right for a century and a half. He overstepped ihe Kandanaadu Padiyola and tried to impose his direct supervision on Ihe daily administration of the churches. When the advisors tried to discourage this, he gave a complaint to Col. Monroe against one of the advisors. P u l i k k o t t i l Ittoop Rambaan. as a part of the procedure he initialed against it. Ittoop Writer writes: "... As the Metropolitan did not lake any interest in the contents of the Padiyola, or in sending things so Antioch in lime, and as he l is t e n e d to the evil advice of Chakkarayakathoottu Ittoop Kathanaar. and accordingly started taking >ome new steps, Pulikkottil Ittoop Rambaan. Philipose Rambaan and certain other member's of the Church together started making statements so the effect that the Bishop's actions were not right, and therefore there came about two opposing parlies." As Mar Thomma VIII unilaterally went against the decisions taken through mutual agreement at the Kandanaadu meeting. Ihe Kandanaadu, Mulanlhurulhy, Karingaachira. Thrippoonilhura and Nadamel parishes and people like Paalaa Kochittan from the Kolenchery parish joined the Rambaans and went against the Bishop, who complained first to Macaulay and then to Monroe that they did not pay any heed either to him or to the meeting: these complaints and disputes went on continuously from 886 to 922.

ffTT l

The Theological Seminary On the V of Dhann in 1809, according to the order of Col. Macaulay, Mar Thomma VIII signed and took 240 Varaahans which was the interest earned by the Vattippanam for that year. The Rambaans advised him to use that money for the building of the training schools. That was the desire of the Church in general. Though the Bishop first agreed to this, saying some reason or other, he kept postponing the use of the money for the puqiose, and this displeased the Rambaans badly. Though the Bishop and the members of the Church held a meeting al Maavelikkara in I he month of Mil hunam in 1811 and discussed mailers, they were unable to lake any decisions, and therefore the meeting was adjourned. As the Kandanaadu conditions were broken, there arose complaints also about the Bishop's positional validity. In (he meantime, a hundred copies of the Malayalam Bible, that had been translated by the Rambaans from the original Syriae version, arrived in Kochi for distribution, from the Bombay Courier Press where it had been printed. The names of the translators and the publishers were not included in the hook. The visionary vacuum that was being experienced on the cultural front of Kerala for centuries ihusslarted melting away. The main background of the revival that came about in Kerala, or in India itself, during the 19th and 20lh centuries, was the translation of the Bible into Malayalam. partially in 1811 and completely in 1829. The English language and literature added more space and light to this background. The secret of Srinaaraayanaguru's statement and the claim that it was the British who gave us hermits and their way of life, is inherent in the ac! of the making available of the Bible. The impetus for the revival movements started by Raja Ram Mohan Roy and others in Bengal, and for the social refinement revolutions started by Chancki Menon, Naaraayanagnru and others in Kerala, came from the Bible literature in translation that was made available during the 19th century in English, Malayalam and other Indian languages. Many research dissertations have proved that, even today it is the myths, characters and messages from the Bible that imparl density to the regional literatures of India. Kaayamkulam Philiposc Rambaan passed away on the 28"' of rhulaaminlheyear 1811. He was buried at the Adoor Kannankote church. The mixed feelings and memories evoked in Pulikkottil Ittoop Rambaan by the death of Kaayamkulam Philipose Rambaan who had been his co-worker in doing many things like translating the Bible, leaching in the training schools, planning the form of the Kandanaadu Padiyola and playing an advisory role for both Mar Thomma VII and Mar Thomma VIII. materialised in the shape of an elegiac poem. This poem, composed in the Syriae language in the 'kukkoyo' tune, was the very first elegy to be created in Kerala. As it is in the Syriae language, it has not attracted the attention of any literary historian so far. This elegiac poem is included in many of the historical records that this author discovered from the Thozhiyoor book store in the 1980's. As a part of considering (he complaints submitted by the Syrian community and Mar Thomma VIII against each other, the British Resident sent a questionnaire consisting of 17 questions to the Bishop. Mar Thomma VIII gave answers to the questions on the basis of the understanding and the legends that existed in Malankara in those days. (See the complete form of the questions and the answers in the book tilled 'The Malankara Church: History and Culture', pages 457-465.) As the complaints and the disputes were still continuing, the Englishman called representatives from 55 churches. A hearing was conducted by gelling those who favoured the Bishop and those who favoured the Ramhaan to speak after an oath-taking done by touching the cross and the gospel.
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---------------------------------ptyi----------------------------------

them. But, the people of the church, when they got information about it, brought all their things back. As he stole money from several churches, the King imprisoned Mar Yohannaan. and because of his waywardness and all the troubles he caused, the Dutch authority in Kochi sent him off toBesrain 1751" (page 176). Mar Thomma V became restless when he saw the people's anger rising against him. In the same way as his predecessor, he also thought of a reconciliation with the Roman authority. (Mar Thomma IV sent a petition to the Pope in December 1704. signed by people from 29 churches and 12 clergymen. In this letter thai he sent through a Carmelite priest by name Augustine, he made five things clear. One: Ihe reason why the people of the new order rejected the Catholic Church was all the troubles caused by the Jesuits who were Portuguese people. Two: He is grateful to the Pope for sending the Carmelite priests to Kerala. Three: permission should be given lo follow the Syrian order all over Malankara. Four: He should get a letter of authority empowering him to rule over the Catholics in Malankara along with Bishop Anjelos Francis of Varaappuzha. Five: Permission should be given to use leavened bread, as well as unleavened bread, in the Holy Eucharist. Mar Thomma IV made it clear in his petition that, subject lo the five conditions cited above, he was willing to effect a reconciliation of the two orders in Malankara under the authority of the Pope (Fr. Injakkalodi, "Marlvaniose,' page214).) Mar Thomma V also sent a similar petition to Rome in 1748 in the following way: "I implore you in the name of St. Peter who has been described in Peter's order of worship for the Eucharist as the Head of the Apostles. My petition is that we also should be allowed the liberty to use "leavened bread" as the Greeks have been allowed ... If you accept our petition, all of us will immediately become obedient to your throne" (Injakkalodi, page 216). When this petition was also rejected, he wrote with his own hands, petitions to other Church centres. Copies of three letters that he wrote

li.nc been discovered from the books belonging to the Heads of < In irehes who came lo Kerala in 1751. and have been published by i In' present author in their full form. These can be seen in his books, I he Indian Orthodox Church: History and culture', pages 328-338. .iinl The Malankara Church and the Kerala Culture,' pages 41-47 i indebtedness to respected Malankara Malpaan, Koruthu Malpaan for ili>' translation). The first letter was written at the Kandanaadu St. M.uy's church on Friday the 2nd December. 1738 A.D. This letter presents certain pictures about Mar Thomma V:
1. Baseliose who came in 16X5 is being called a Patriarch: the i.it.'iie notions of a Church-Head !! 2. A Church that is limited lo Kerala is being referred to as an

I m l i a n Church: his notions about the nationality of the Church ! 3. I lis anxieties about the gospelisation in India are evident in the
Idler.

4. He introduces his own Church as being equal in character to ihe foreign Church, without any sense of modesty. 5. He does not explain in Ihe letter the disputes concerning the delects of the position he is holding; this shows his presence of mind .iml maturity. 6. I Ic exhibits his understanding that books are essential for the healthy nourishment of the Church. 7. He has close contacts with the naval officers of Kochi. 8. The letter gives evidence of his ability to earn the respect of his liMenerby quoting with appropriateness from the Bible.
9. The letter is enriched by a blessed style of writing and a literary
il.ii- .

10. The letter reveals a writer who has a facial stamp of dexterity wiih the use of words. The second letter was written in 1745. We saw this letter at the Uesra seaport. This letter also makes certain observations possible:

JMTCOWS,

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(sram^ojriltBOjc&jCoijo ajassoj. <DS6)CT> sxayoiaemos cniracndaaspjomjjo eianwoaaoto^s m^raxaS oflfuraconnloa^ c&sbrDtQojo -i0&jri_jlaj S)t&>D6ri3j ajojcrocgilm graroioajjo Q^jsiffitm crolnjocositftos) cm&cQijyj. raiaai<3 m) (06ni<oroi airrn gcMnraai .aoaml^pexi (Tunom.mnsrjcxru iiroipjD m:aij (OjOSjrEJfij^aiStDjdSJjrai (OIDOJIS gimLtauong ui^ol T_II1 mjL(j ai^ &-> Q-oil.

(Illoop Writer, pages 186-187).

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in Kerala, the official headquarters of the Malankara Metropolitan, the Central Secretariat of the Church and a first rale hermitage. In order to change the situation that each Malankara Metropolitan was controlled by his own headquarters, it was essential that there was a common headquarters. When the plan was prepared for the house of learning, all these purposes were given due consideration. The Queen of Travancore who desired lo encourage English education, gave a piece of land free of cost, for the purpose. On 3rd Kumbhom, 989 (15th February, 1814). Tuesday, the foundation stone for the Seminary was laid and the construction was started. This new venture created a new revival in the Church. Churches contributed liberally and generously for the work, The Government also helped. Ittoop Writer writes:
mjocDflrij (3i3aia}c&>o3 mjejiomnlrao cnxiidM) oralis mlrmjemoco) OTuucBiocojo gDrolteojaf) roicenaisr^ojjo ayD<zmoOTaaoc3<a0>o nil(igg(3(05)jo QOKsqjQO mioltfcjajo aanceo^ocusoBojo bioeoo OTIPJCQ^O teil^tao^o n islfTtmtnoojo raerre (Dl&ianjo a>oej6)ca>jffioa))l ocnjoswri a_i inj&iocoo 990 Qi1mffi3(Tu(arff)lro"5 (1815) n.\sni\dh<j& mlrfwiaiooio roltdarxsuor&io . . . .. (page 188).

nieml bi^jOBtoi i809fflo<>Ti3 (7ij(3)(o3 i&uoiaerte ciioo roopjoerr^csftn 960<fl6> rmpiminj mjg(TO)^ajroro)l aisearaS, ratalesBOajlo, aio^j d). iguana grra
rtJg^lcOOOefflOSJo oJDPJ3 {J)c&j3ijl(Ttl 0_5l ffiOraTO)! OKOc&oS gDOIG-IOOS^O

nio^ualg ng)9;cEril 0J36gr)K^oS)<0.0(,rT'j

(ITranjnJffiJlo gDSJri-] OCIUOOCT) nyjGJnJlji^

O;J

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oauorr)

Gswoufi^ auo p i (tjRn

rare) o

n famjj

au n cu o rare <B rm

6)<9i0SJ(O6))T0)tflfi)CUSrr>o CO)nOCT\)1fl)3f3J<3fB6) g<Ul3">Or)I 6)cft>DSlG)T01J. gfJ]riJ OCTUO6ICPCO1J0 ffTO) (WOSIIOOT LDIPI^SJ nJgglfEKJOflrOCQiJO 9 89 ( 1814) <3raj<3to1(l)3 (TOl5>
TJO

GTOTfSXXDiJJ.

(Illoop Writer).

Because of the death of Kaayanikulam Rambaau who was the undeniable leader of the southern parishes, and because of the lack of co-operation of the dissatisfied Mar Thomma VIII who had a great deal of influence over the southern regions, the two schools of training stipulated in the Kandanaadu Padiyola got reduced to one at the central place. Kotlayam, in practice. Though the institution was called a house of learning, the Ramban visualised this place as a forum for different purposes. There were many dreams behind this house of learning such as the training ground for students of Theology, the first school for English

The Government gave 2000 rupees and timber, apart from the piece of land. The Ramban got convinced that he was being led by the tender care of a divine power in the materialisation of a grand dream that he hail borne in his heart for a life-time. Aalhunkal Gheevarghese Korepiscopa wrote in the Kuruppampady church history: "In those days this church used to send money to Pulikkottil Rambaachen to meet all his daily needs ... This church was also giving the necessary co-operation for the building of the Seminary" (page 111). In the same way as the Kuruppampady church supported the building of the Seminary, most of the churches that the Malankara Church had in those days co-operated as best they could in this great effort. This cooperation proved that the Theological Seminary was a dream of the whole Malankara Church. In 1815 the Kurisupally that was built in Thiruvallaa was burnt down and the priest of the church was attacked
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and injured. A verdict was given against the criminals who had done this, and accordingly, a fine was collected from them. The British Resident gave half this money for the building of the Seminary. The government gave the other half of the money for the rebuilding of the church that had been burnt down (lltoop, page 190). In this manner, on the sixteen acres of land on the banks of Meenachilaar. a first rate Theological training school was b u i l t . The idea that Kidangan Gheevarghese Mar Philexinose from Thozhiyoor should be made to stay at the Kottayam Seminary- and thus theological training should be started there, had to be given up on account of the opposition from Mar Thomma VIII. In (he month of Meenam in 1815 (March-April), the Seminary started working by admitting 25 students. The seventy-five year old Rambaachen, who had worked as a Malpaan all his life, himself became the Principal and the main teacher. The Thozhiyoor Bishop used to visit the Seminary (Ittoop. pages 188. 193). The founder of the Seminary had great expeetaiions about those who left the Seminary after training. The Malpaan who had got trained only in church services, had understood well the limitations of training schools from his own experience. He visualised a generation of priests who had gone beyond those limitations to imbibe modern (rends and acquire visionary strength. He appointed (he English missionary Rev. Thomas Norton to give training in Hnglish and theological interpretations. He wanted the priests of his Church to be scholarly. At the same time, he was not prepared for any compromises, in the matter of maintaining love and faithfulness towards the creed, the faith, the worship, the customs and the practices of the Syrian Church. He never allowed these missionaries who had helped and co-operated considerably in the building and the maintenance of the Seminary to either criticise or modify the cultural traditions of the Syrian Church. When Col. Monroe directly suggested the idea of Rev. Thomas Norton staying and working at the Seminar}' along with his family, the Seminary founder who rejected the idea without any hesitation saying that 'the differences between his faith and our faith may give rise to religious disputes and unpleasant

hap|x:nms'(RM. Philip, page 195). exhibited the kind of moral courage and farsightedness and innocent love of the Church which have to resound in the Seminary as long as the world lives. During later times, when people who got trained in Protestant Seminaries abroad and came back to become teachers and speakers at the Seminary and attracted everybody's a t t e n t i o n , betrayed t h e i r superficial training and iinderslandingby trying to criticise and mock at aspects and parts of our worship and to reform them, one felt that the Seminary founder should experience a tickle on his hands and his tongue. The Government considered Mar Thomma VI11' s complaint that it was unlawful on the part of Ittoop Rambaan, who was not a Bishop, to receive the four years' interest earned by the ' Vattippanam.' There were only two ways before the Church to solve (his problem: One: to give (be money back. Two; to make the Rambaan a Bishop. All the money received had been spent in the building of the Seminary. So it was not possible to give the money back. So it was decided thai lltoop Rambaan should become a Bishop. Did any election take place in this connection? There arc no favourable or unfavourable mentions about this in any oi the Church histories. But. Col. Monroe, who was British Resident in Travancore-Cochin from i 810 to 1819, in a l e t t e r that he sent to the Church Missionary Society, has recorded clearly about this: "... I am sorry to say that the internal dissensions among the Syrians have increased since Ramban Joseph has been elected to the office of Bishop'1 (P. Cheriyaan. 'The Malabaar Syrians and the Church Missionary Society.' 1816-1846. Appendix A, I .etter no. 1. pages 340341). The technical problem about having received the interest of the 'Vattippanam' was finally solved when Ittoop (Joseph) Ramhaan was consecrated as Bishop under the name Joseph Mar Dionysius by Kidangan Mar Philexinose, who was the successor of Kaattumangaatlu Koorilose, at his Alma Mater, the Pa/hanji church, on 21" March.

EH

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1815. Kaattumangaattu Koorilose was not allowed to conduct any Kpiseopal level worship or service in the Travancore-Cochin region. There was some apprehension thai such prohibition orders may he extended to his successors as well. It was because of this anxiety that the Episcopal consecration service was organised at the I'a/.hanji church which was under the jurisdiction of the Saamoothiri. Ihe record in the handwritten copy of the Niranam Chronicle (pages 16b, 167) thai, after getting consecrated as Bishop. I he Pulikkotiil Bishop met Col. Monroe, received the interest of the " Vatlippnnam.' and started building the Seminary, is not true. The Chronicle record that ttie consecration was held alTlio/.hiyoor is also not true, lltoop Writer's lime calculation which places the consecration on 4"'Meenam, 991 (1816) is also not right. The Niranam Chronicle also wrongly records')"1 Meeuam.991 as the date of the consecration. The Pa/hanji church has the false date given by lltoop Writer inscribed on a stone slab. Bui ihe inscription on the slonc slab al the tomb of the founder of the Old Seminary has recorded the date rightly. Historical records are available to help us find the right year of the consecration. 991 Meenam is A.IX 1816 March. Mar Thomma VIII died on 10"' January, 1816. lltoop Writer writes: "... went to Anjoor, gol the name Dionysius and the Episcopal position from Bishop Philexinose al ihe Pa/hanji church, came back and stayed at Kollayam. Bishop MarThoinma was greatly grieved when he heard this. He fell ill because of this ... These people have never had any heads of the Church oilier than our ancestors. He complained to the Englishman in this regard and requested him to have somebody from his own family consecrated. But the Englishman did not respond to his petitions. When he complained again about It loop Rambaan having taken up the administrative position, there did not seem lo be any response forthcoming. This worsened his condition. So finally he got his uncle Kadamattalhu Ipe Kaseesaa to come lo him and to gel consecrated by him as Bishop. Then he died al Niranam in 1816. and was buried in the new church" (pages 190.191). Bishop

Brown, in his Church History, has recorded thus: "In 1815 Ittoop Rambaan took further steps of receiving consecration with the title of Mar Dionysius II at the hands of Mar Philexinose. Mar Thomma natural ly complained lo Ihe Resident but no action was taken. He died on 10"' Jan. 1816" (p. 129). According to records, this is the chronology of events. 1. I Hoop Rambaan receives the Episcopal consecration al Pazhanji on 21" March, 1815. 2. Mar Thomma VIII sends complaints against this after 21" March. 1815, and wails in vain for a response. 3. After waiting fruitlessly for several months, lie consecrates his own uncle Ipe Kaseesaa as Mar Thomma IX. 4. His condition worsens and he dies on 10"' January, 1816. When matters were naturally this way, the recording that the consecration was in March 1816 is actually a falsification. This falsification has been repeated in another article which was written without any proper bases: "After the time of Mar Thomma VIII, in a situation when Ihe Malankara Church had no proper leader, the saintly Joseph Mar Dionysius, who took up (he leadership of the Church, and who started ihe building of Ihe Theological Seminar)' or the Old Seminary which has brought so much of fame that we can be proud of it even today, was ihe first Metropolitan from the Pulikkottil Tharavaadu" (the foreword written by Joseph Mar Pakkomiose to the book titled 'Pulikkottil Joseph Mar Dionysius II' written by Fr. P.M. Jose, 1985). This sentence clearly exhibits the history-ignorant laziness of a Metropolitan who took a Master's Degree with History as his elective subject. There was a royal decree, which was published, lo ihe effect that Pulikkottil Joseph Mar Dionysius I should be obeyed as the Malankara Metropolitan. This was the first lime that there was a government order favouring a Bishop from the Malankara Church. It was perhaps as a precaution against initialing any further disputes that this order was

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published only after the death ot Mar Thomma VIII. The Kuruppampady church history mentions this event this way; "As Mar Thomma VIII was weak, in order lo take the interest on the 'Vattippanam' for the training at the Seminary. Pulikkollil Joseph Rambaachen. during the last days of Mar Thomma VIII. took consecration as Bishop under the positional name Dionysius from Mar Philcxinose of the Thozhiyoor parish. The Travancore-Cochin Government published an order to the effect that (his Bishop should be obeyed. The order was put into practice. All the churches in Malankara were happy about Mar Dionvsius II coining into position and taking charge. As was the practice, members of the Committee from this church had gone to present the new Bishop with a ring" (page 118). A tradition that has spread in his native place regarding the circumstances under which lltoop Rambaan was made lo take up the Episcopal position has been recorded by his biographer this way: "Resident Monroe the F.nglishman met the Rambaachen and requested him that he should lake up the position of the Metropolitan. But he rejected the Englishman's request. 'I don't have any of the q u a li ti e s required lor a Metropolitan. I desire that 1 should continue lobe a hermit till the end of my life.' The Englishman was surprised by this reply from the Rambaachen. That Englishman bowed his head in Ironl of the Rambaachen who gave a reply to the effect that he did not need such a high position when all circuinsfances were favourable lo his reception of the highest position of honour in the Malankara Church.. . The meeting unanimously decided that they should request Pulikkollil Joseph Rambaachen himself again to accept the position of the Malankara Metropolitan. The same day Ihey all came together to the Seminary and met the Rambaachen: 'We cannot find any person other than you to be consecrated for this position. Please don't reject our request.'they requested the Rambaachen in all h u m i l i t y . Resident Monroe was also present on the occasion. After l i s t e n i n g lo t h e i r repeated request, the Rambaachen told them: T shall meet you again al the same lime tomorrow. I shall let vou know at that lime what the

order of the Almighty Ciod is'. So they all went back. The Rambaachen opened the door of the chapel only in die afternoon on the next day. When the Rambaachen opened the door and came out, the Resident and others were present there. Rambaachen smilingly said: "Let it be according loyour wish." " ('Kaalam Cheytha Achcn" - "The Priest who passed away.' Er. P.M. Jose, pages 27, 28). E'..M.Philip also has recorded matlers in a manner in which he agrees w ilh Ibis legend:"... It is not only that he did not desire for the Episcopal position ... unless a need of this kind had arisen, he would certainly have happily continued as a Rambaan till the enii of his life. It has to be remembered in his favour that he had a keen interest in the progress of die Church and the community, and thai for the fulfilment of these purposes he used lo work hard untiringly. This devout Christian, who had an innocent mind and a pure conscience, was impartial and fearless; moreover, it has to be specially mentioned that he also lived a very pure life. He was a helper in education, a scholar in the Syriac language and a well-known orator. In short, not only for the Syrian community, but also for the countries of Travancore and Cochin, he was an initial worker in the field of education: this is an indisputable fact. This is because it can be slated without any doubt that, apart from the Portuguese-owned Seminaries at Kodungallur and Vaipikolla, both of which had got wound uplong before.it was this Seminary of Dionysius II that was the first among the i n st it u t i o ns founded in our country for the purpose of spreading education (page 195). In the Royal Court judgement (1889), there is seen a statement, not supported by any document, as part of a majority judgement given by two judges from Travancore: "... This Pulikkot Dionysius. pretending to have had proper consecration . .."(Published 1977, page 40). This statement has proved that the regional revolt against the defeat suffered by Mar Thomma VIII and Mar Thomma IX who belonged to Travancore. al the hands of the Pulikkotlil Bishop who belonged to Cochin, was strong enough to blind even judges. Il was lltoop Writer ami the author of the Niranam Chronicle both of whom belonged to FECI

Travancorc. who prompted the above undocumented expression of opinion. The tradition in Kunnamkulam about the developments that followed the consecration goes this way: "... From the I'a/hanji church lolhe Aarthaat ehureh it was a royal reception that Thirumeni was given with the accompaniment of a very grand procession. All the Christians from Kunnamkulam came walking or by bullock-carts (nun Kunnamkulam to Pazhanji which is about live kilometres away ... When the procession reached the front of the Manakkulam palace at Kunnamkulam, the King, along with his entire family was standing there waiting, with lighted oil lamps. Thirumeni got down from the palanquin. The King received him with a garland. Remembering the old 'Kaaranavar'Chummaarirom the Piilikkollil 'tharavaadii,' who was the chief of the Manakkulam army, the Manakkulam King put a golden ring with a green diamond set in it on Thirumeni's finger". (Fr. P.M.Jose, pages 3(1, 31. It is said that, even today, one of the items in the positional allire of the Malankara Metropolitan is this ring.) This old Bishop became everybody's favourite, like the modern Prince Abhimanyu who broke the 'padmavyooham' of the Pakalomallom family administrative tradition. This seventy-five year old man. who got consecrated as bishop in his old age, had to fulfil certain bitter missions also. One mission was. taking stringent steps against MarThomma IX who had been consecrated as the successor of Mar Thomma VIII, who was enraged by the failure of the complaint he had submitted against the consecration of Pulikkottil Ramhaan as Bishop. Illoop Writer writes: (Tuofflriifliio^arjo erjepoco) OJ<OKTTJI 6i T xrrxffflfiKi sraj mioaj^oTQio^oronS orr$<ail(0>aT)j. ffDcnlcOQ fflffii.^36^ CTUDQCDO rfhlglcoxrolexr^ eufmno s>mlce6>s3 eoj ^(olao ojaoao QiiajJraffD^pQtoi (<e>jffllu5 ojc/omo O(2(.ffnorr>s^otoi L<->i<iJ^ra'i3'>lc&><j3 raroujliamoail Qcmjo Tiseora^cmcDlrojo m><i<aQlo nJo QcftosjtSsijaiiffjVlcDjo cruouxml QKO^cmflnliT) jijaiikoS . . orufjomo e>A3SjiM5)iai aoojl raiaei^yrrr^o coion-3 ararrf) f^s^cO^eiriigtoflraS

^j3fdcroj(T3Knlfui6)2 ^i^cmrxi (sooaaooj'PcesxiKtJTaws SajakmnioocoJl OJPJ

aV,o(f>tiji]ah6i-JC:ilo cfti:KiTT)6)(\|Slrf)jtQ)lo 6l3jCQ)<&,6>cfc06"m HJT&jCQlfffi <3T3<PlfiJl

<fiAsros>0irmjo cizieiei'Pj^lcQ] nJjcJlGrfKwglraS olnifmoenrupcru CTBurooniJ QjOiTlajj. menflcsoo cruocoflivj raTBajfJoEhogoa^o e6njotLjlnjliji, rar^

liiaicm c9.irtjoT))niio QJCOMIIIJ;. rarajtwanjo eKftijOYJctnom^s cu<fhwy$>\

cffc)!.f+)'Tio fliKxjiwjoitmj.

(pages 190, 191)

This is how the Niranam Chronicle observes matters: . . . n.io(3<fl6)jccrijou6 (tfroc^fiOfijroiIrn cTDracnmtorjcmio OIJAJKOS
OltOiX^rO-S a^ejrLl1r9S)6TI")6l!2ar)^o CfU O C0>1 a jl 61CTJJ gWXOOJ Qjrm>.

ai^sxDSttboroyiantrf n(j)sja_jl^ tarao^nnsiroKB ec9>o(3TiD 6><a,06Tre>enJoct1 <f)i^n jo^jjojio tD^olaj^j ce)Sffloc<orti>" (Sn looiirfjicoiio Q-)Jcojroi^. (pages 167. 1681. The majority judges ofTravancore. who had written the Royal Court judgement, criticise the steps taken by Mar Dionysius here also, without any documentation: *. . . Mar Thomma VIII died in 1X16 after consecrating Mar Thomma IX. MarThomma IX was an old man. As he was old. and as he had no support cither from the people or from the authorities, Ittoop Ramhaan took the name Mar Dionysius from Mar Philexinose. went to Kadamaltom where Mar Thomma IX was slaying, used his strength to forcefully take from MarThomma IX his staff, his headgear, his cross and all his positional garments, and with these and all the belongings of MarThomma IX. returned lolhe .Seminary. It is because he had the support of Col. Monroe lhat Mar Dionysius was able lo do all this. Otherwise people would not have favoured all these steps (1.40. para. 134. 135).

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The starting of the Seminary was also indicative of Keralas readiness to contain the national awareness. That was the time when the golden light of English education was giving the whole of India the start for a leap into a new vigour. As a result of Macaulay's educational reformation, those who had received English education had a greater possibility of getting into government jobs. The English language became essential for getting acquainted with and for acquiring proficiency in science and other areas of knowledge. Everybody felt that Bengal, which had started the learning of the English language, was being resurrected into a new life with the support of a new language culture. The propaganda that Oyvaarathu Chandumenon started through 'Indulekha' that learning of English was most essential for the reawakening of Kerala, came a whole three-quarter century later. When we think of this, the farsightedness that was exhibited in preparing a forum for convenient English language education at the Kottayam Old Seminary, fills us with amazement. This may be viewed as the first step towards Kerala's ac qui si t i on of complete literacy and Kottayam's acquisition of the title of honour "the educalional capilal of Kerala'. With Pulikkoltil Thirumeni's leadership and with Col. Monroe's backing, it was the eternal dream of Kerala that the Malankara Church turned into a reality, was the understanding with which the Queen of Travancore heartily encouraged this venture. The first prophet of the Indian revival movement Raja Ram Mohan Roy's support of English educalion encouraged the Queen. Resident Monroe, who also bore the position of (he Queen's advisor, had given t h e necessary awarenesses in this regard to the Queen. No agency in those days would dare propagate English education. The people of Kerala, who are lovers of traditions, feared that English education might cause damages to their traditional faiths, positions, expectations and values. 'Indulekha' clearly shows this dilemma of the Namboothiries and the Prabhus who were owned completely by the Kerala c u l t u r e . Panchumenon and Soorinamboothirippaadu, who appear in this novel as representatives of the conservative attitudes, portrav the English-educated Indulekha

and Maadhavanas kille rs ot traditional practices: they withdraw the earlier decision to marry Indulekha off to Maadhavan who insisted on g ellin g Chin nan educated in English, and they make a futile effort to punish him. Kerala used to be a land of superstitions. This was a land where castes, subcasles. unlouchability and human sacrifices had their way. Those belonging to the upper castes feared that English education might create a situation in which they would be forced to share with others all the special privileges that they enjoyed by themselves in private, feudal Kerala imagined with a start, the evil days when people from i lie lower casles would have gol educated in English, secured government jobs and started r u l i n g them. For the people of the upper castes, circumstances in which new values such as women's educalion, monogamy or the single wife practice, new styles oi dressing and faith in a single god attracted the common people, and the new generation of young people started questioning the old nonsensical practices, was unthinkable. IHeudal Kerala, which had earned the description of'mad house", even during die days of Vivekaananda. could not have been icady to welcome a situation in which its people were being uplifted ihrough slogans such as entry into temples, freedom of clothing and freedom from slavery. Therefore, it was into an arena that even the very owners of education feared to lake up that the Malankara Church entered with high hopes through the founding of the Seminary. Naaraayanaguru's well-considered statement that it is the British who gave us the hermit's way of life, should be looked at against this environment. That was the lime when there was only one Bishop in Malankara. Even then. Ihe Malankara Metropolitan did not have a permanent residence till then. In Ihe early Church, if it was the Paaloor church, which was the 'thalappally' of the Church in general, which took the place of'lhe administrative headquarters, during later times, due to p o l i t i c a l reasons, il has been moved to Kodungallur and Chcndamangalam. Whenever the churches at Ankamaaly. Paravoor, Mulanlhuruthy, Kadamaltom. Kandanaadu or Niranam have given

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refuge to the Metropolitan of the lime, at that time, that place has played the role of the administrative headquarters. This s i t u a t i o n forced I he Metropolitan lo remain under (he control of the particular centre lie was attached to. The Kandanaadu, Mulaiilhuruthy parishes in the north, and the Niranam, Chengannoor parishes in the south, having acted as headquarters, have often raised unwritten and unlawful claims. The Pakalomatlom Bishops did not take this lack of freedom very seriously. As the first Bishop to have been freed from the Pakalomatlom ties, Pulikkollil Thirumeni was bound by an oalh to free the person holding the Metropolitan position from these unwelcome influences. Thai was the reason why he organised the Kottayam Seminar}' as (he permanent headquarters of the Maiankara Bishop. This modification which enabled the different parishes lo have direct access to the Maiankara Bishop, without having to depend on (he mercy of the parishes controlling the headquarters, was agreeable and acceptable lo the Church in general. The Seminary thus got ready to soon grow into the scene of operations for a centralised Secretarial. Till then the Maiankara Church only had separate big parishes, and no organisation dial bound them to work together as a Church. As soon as a priest was ordained and appointed to a parish, the Metropolitan relinquished his responsibility and supervision of that parish. As priests were lifetime Vicai's. they con tinned to be the servants of Iheir particular parishes until t h e i r death. It was customary for them to completely lose (he i r visions about the Church as a whole, under the pressures oflhe controls exerted on them by their parish administrators. Inertia was the most prominent feature of the parishes in those days. As acti vitie s would cause problems, all parishes used to have only spiritual services, and no other activity. The Maiankara Church had big trees, but there was no forest. When Kottayam Old Seminary became the headquarters of the Bishop and took on the shape of a centralised Secretariat, (he parishes acquired an organised character. This is when the leap started for the trees to join together lo make a forest. This is when the practice of the Bishop examining the annual accounts of all the churches came into being. The

hi stor ian oflhe Kuruppampadv church explains the matter this way: "During his time (Pulikkottil I), the annual accounts of this church were submitted to the Bishop at the Kottayam Seminary by the church committee. It was from this lime that the Maiankara Bishops had their headquarters al Kottayam (page 1 I8). This declaration is the silver line of approval given to a centralised administration in the Church, and to the presence and relevance of a Bishop in the form of supervision at the level oflhe parish. A Church v i s i o n that got started with the 'Aarthaat Padiyola' and got developed ill rough the 'Kandanaadu Padiyola" was becoming practical. This is I he br i ll i a nt picture oflhe founder of the Theological Seminary laying the foundation in 18 IS for the basic principles oflhe Canons which were formulated by the meetings of the church-representatives which were held al Parumala in 1873 and al Mulanlhuruthy in 1876, and also lor (he modern Constitution oflhe Church which was formulated in P'34. Being the scene o( dissemination o{' knowledge while the Kollayam Seminary look up the place of the brain of the Maiankara Church, housing the Secretarial for the united administration oflhe Church, il also fulfill ed the duly ol the heart that was responsible for the circulation o[~ its blood. It marked the end of the authority of a night that lasted for a century and a half, and the Church started experiencing the presence ol a dawn. The unmatched position that this Maiankara Metropolitan, who came to authority with the backing of the election, and who freed the Church from the Pakalomatlom family administration, earned for himself in the Maiankara Church history was that of a royal architect who created the brain and the heart oflhe modern Maiankara Church. He can be described as the father of the modern Maiankara Church, i'he beginnings for a l l the later progress achieved by ihc Maiankara Church, which later honoured him by conferring on him llie title 'Sabhaajyothis' or 'the li g h t of the Church.' were made by this leap. Il may be slated here thai the first public institution that came up in the Maiankara Church under its general responsibility was the Kottayam Old Seminary. This Old Seminary became the main scene and witness forall the later historical moments of the Maiankara Church.

Towards the end of the founder's life, the working of the Seminary became the cause for many internal disputes. He was more than ordinaiily grieved hy the gradual development of the authoritarian altitude in the behaviour of people like Col. Monroe who had been his chief helper in llie founding and the nurturing of the Seminary, and the missionaries who had been appointed as teachers al the Seminary. Sec how E.M.Philip describes an incident of that kind: "One day Dionysius II got a letter of invitation from Col. Monroe inviting him to go to Kollam. In his journey he had as companion'-two priests and two deacons including the Vicar (icneral I'unnalhani (ieorge Kathanaar who later became Mar Dionysius III. Oncol Ihc deacons was Ihe grandfather of the author of lliis book. (Idava/hikkai Valiachen -Philipose Kathanaar- was the grandfather mentioned by E.M.Philip. He was a student in the first batch at the Seminary.) They spent the first day in a lot of pleasure and enjoyment, 'fhe next day the Metropolitan was invited to go to the Residency. The next day Col. Monroe told the Metropolitan about his intention lo help him and the community more and to the best of his a bility, and to have a European lo slay at the Seminary with the Metropolitan tube a mediator in all the dealings between them. With this statement he introduced lo the Metropolitan, Rev. Norton along with his wife and child. From the ensuing conversation the Metropolitan realised thai the new Englishman was a priest in the Anglican Church, and that he had come with the intention of staying at the Seminary for working for the social and religious development of the Syrian community. Though the Metropolitan, who had an innocent mind, immediately thanked the Resident for his good intentions, told him that it would not be possible lo allow this missionary to work in the Church. The Metropolitan's reply to Col. Monroe was this way: "... He belongs to a different faith. His stay al the Seminary may cause many unpleasant developments." The Colonel was shocked hy the Metropolitan's reply. The Colonel who had got used to the thinking that the Seminary was his institution and that the Metropolitan was his paid employee there, listened with shock to the reply which ---------------------------------------EEE1 ---------------------------------------

pulsated with the shepherd-sense of aChurch-head. Now (Philip means by this "now" the period in the latter half of the 19"'century when we s u l l e r e d the reformations and t h e dissensions caused by the missionaries.) [he Church is going through a lot of hardship. The Metropolitan who had foreseen all this, decided thai it would be better lo incur the displeasure of Col. Monroe than to allow the ruin of the Church. "In that case, let the missionary stay at Aalappuzha and visit I he Seminary from lime lo time" was the later opinion expressed by Co!. Monroe to which Mar Dionysius agreed very reluctantly" (Philip, page IW). The Metropolitan felt that the words and the deeds of the missionaries were such thai made h i m suspect thai the love and Iriendship that they had shown in Ihc founding of the Seminary was now growing into their interference in the administration of the Seminary. A daring altitude which believed that the Seminary was their own. that they were ils owners, imd thai they had the right to decide who should stay Ihere and who should be appointed there, was quite evident in Col. Monroe's words. With the reply given by the Metropolitan this understanding seemed to stand corrected at least for the time being. Ihc Seminary belongs to the Malankara Church; its owner is the Malankara Metropolitan of the lime; who should stay there and what should be taught there could not be Monroe's decision, but the Metropolitan's: Monroe seemed to understand these matters, and that is all that the Metropolitan intended. Some of the letters which were written by Monroe and others, which revealed the understanding that the missionaries kepi in their minds regarding the Seminary, arc given below: "Major Monroe, the Resident of the East India Company, founded a college at Kottayain in Travancore for training the clergy and the laity of.the Syrian community. This college intends to operate under the supervision of Joseph Rambaan.., He is the new Bishop" (letter written in 1815 August). The letlerconlinues:

ESI

"In the meantime the working of the college is continuing under the supervision of Bishop Joseph. My intention is to adopt the best means under my authority for its efficient working." "As soon as the construction of the college was completed, it was given to the responsibility of the Bishop: but ihe Resident soon realized that it was necessary to exert more control" (W.S.Hunt. 'The Anglican Churches in Travancore and Cochin". 1816-19)9. Vol. 1, I920,p.l I). Mar Dionysius received the interest of the 'Vallippuiiaiii'oncc more after he became ihe Metropolitan, and tie spent i( for the working of the Seminary. PulikkollilThirumeni fmit fully made use ol hisrelalioiiship and friendship with Col. Monroe for raising Ihe standards of Ihe general life of the Christians. As a result of I lie influence he exerted on the Resident for raising the economical, cultural and social status and esteem of the community, he was able to gel abolished by (he passing of a new rule, the existing rule which required the Christians to engage in free menial labour during Hindu temple festival days. This influence was evident also behind the declaration of Sunday as a holiday, and behind Ihe exemption given to ihe Christians from working on dial holy day It was during those days that Ihe Christians got their llrst appointments in government offices. The Metropolitan's prompting also influenced the decision in 1816 to appoint one Christian judge in each civil court. More details regarding this have been described by Z.M.I'aaretl in his book 'The Malankara Christians - Positions and Communal Practices' (pages 247-257). In 1813, a commission was appointed to study the status of the Christians. It was on the basis of ihe recommendations submitted by that commission for organising educational facilities that there came about an order thai required the starling of 52 schools attached to (he then-existing 52 churches. In this way, behind each administrative reform that was introduced during the lime of Col. Monroe, the Seminary founder's prompting and encouragement and guidance were present. The first Anglican Bishop of Calcutta. Dr. Middleton Thomas, presented him with a New Testament in the Syriac --------------------------------------------EEE1- .......................

language. It was scribbled on it; "(presented) to Mar Dionysius in K< ) chi by the first Bishop of Calcutta, Mar Thomas during his first v isit" i "The Anglican Churches in Travancore and Cochin'. 1816-1919. vol. I,p.40). hven after becoming a Metropolitan, he did not slop any of the pi act ices ot a hermit's life. Ihe Malankara Church which had got used io seeing Bishops who. on becoming Bishops, insisted on changing ! heir styles of iravelling. talking and approach by adding an artificial jiandeur and extravagance, were pleasantly surprised to see the new Bishop keeping his headquarters in the style of a hermitage, and not turning ii into a palace. The missionaries, who had become familiar wilh ihe Western Bishops, were filled with wonder to see this Bishop A hose ways were like those of a hermit in mailers like diet and religious observances. Many people have testified to the Metropolitan (who iiacl enriched his life with discipline and penance) having had several spiritual powers including the power to heal the sick. It seems that Monroe used to say that, if he prayed with his hand placed on the head of a sick man, that sick man would recover from his illness. In the Old .seminal y. at the lime of the daily evening prayers, it used to lie customary to present sick people before him for his prayers and his healing touch. He did not live for very long after becoming a Bishop. He had another three wishes to fulfil. 1. The founding of a 'dayaraa.' I Ic wished that the Church should have an established 'dayaraa' movement. One of his dreams was the prevention of married missionaries from entering the Seminary. He believed thai a safe 'dayaraa' was absolutely essential as a place for prayer, lor copying out books of orders of worship, and for providing the Bishops needed for the Church. But that dream did not blossom. ! A en though there were a handful of celibate priests in the Church, they were reluctant to give up the conveniences of rilling over a parish. Just a lew like the I'unnalhra Kathanaar andCheppaattu I'hilipose Kathanaar created the atmosphere of a hermitage in the Seminary and lived there.

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But if was not possible during his lime to continue a formal 'dayaraa movement. It was only when Pulikkottil Joseph Mar Dionysius II Malankara Metropolitan came as one of his successors and founded the Vettikkal Dayaraa and the Parumala Seminary that the dream of that ancestor was fulfilled. 2. The construction of a chapel. He was not able to fulfil his second wish to have a permanent chapel lor the Theological Seminary. In a letter that Col. Monroe wrote on 13.3.1817. this matter is revealed this way: 'The Metropolitan who passed away inlormed me thai he had started b ui l d i n g a chapel at the college. 1 do not know til! what stage its construction progressed' (P. Cheriyaan, Appendix). Later, it was during the lime of Benjamin Bailey that its construction was completed. 3. The translation of the Bible. In the Rambaan Bible thai was published from Bombay in 18! I due to the enthusiasm of Dr. Buchanon. there were only the four gospels. Kaayamkulam Rambaan. who was a partner in the earlier translation, had passed away. Monroe asked Pulikkottil Thirumeni to translate the remaining parts of the Bible loo. What Col. Monroe has recorded in his letter of the"?"1 August. 1815. is this: "... When I left for Madras, the Metropolitan of the Syrians gave me his word that he would work without any remuneration for translating the Holy Book completely into Malayalam." But. he was not able to fulfil this dream also. As he had to be engaged in a number of operations in a single life-time such as leaching at the Seminary- completion of the construction of the buildings, supervision of die administration of the churches, fulfilling the duties at a Secretariat and making a library by collecting all the books and records which were remaining in the various churches and homes of priests, that effort also remained incomplete. The book of Psalms anil most of the books of die Old Testament, translated by him, have been discovered in the handwritten form. On 19"'July. 1816, Col. Monroe wrote again: "I am repeatedly reminding the Bishop to speed up the translation of the Holy Book."
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As has been hinted earlier, the scattered Syriac books were collected, a l i b r a r y was made, and also a catalogue for the collected books. Manv ot the invaluable books which had been collected with a great deal of imagination were lost after the founder's death. Monroe writes on I.*" March. 1817: ".. . fiom I lie booklist that you sent, mail) of the Syriac books are i nosing, especially lbc( )ld Testament books of the Bible. Please instruct I he Metropolitan { Kidangan Mar Phi lex muse) to collect the missing hooks. The Metropolitan who passed away ( P u l i k k o t t i l Bishop) had sent a list of the books. When the l i s t that you ha\e sent now was examined, many of the books from the earlier list were seen to be missing. ." A Iter Pulikkottil Methraachen passed aw ay and Kidangan Melhraachen was appointed, w i t h i n four months, many of the books disappeared. Monroe's statement to t h i s effect makes way for manv coii|eelui"cs. A Successor is found Kven when he was engaged in the busy work at the Seminar>. he was .searching I or a successor, l'here were two unmarried priests: his biotliei s son P u l i k k o t t i l It loop Kalhanaar from the Aarlhaat parish. di)dlhsMsler'ssonOiaakkunm(Kolaadi) Kalhanaar. And there were pressures on him to recommend one of them as his successor. From the Aarlhaat parish itself, his own dear disciple KuthoorGhcevarghese Malpaan was his co-worker, and he was unmarried too. Having fought all his life against the earlier tendencies ol familial administrative traditions and regional interests spoiling the appointments of bishops, he decided thai he would set a new example. In this effort also, his personality, sincent). honesty and Church vision are seen burning bright. As a successor, he made Punnathra George Kalhanaar from Kollayam ('heriyapalli his constant companion. This is how this matter is mentioned in llie Punnathra family history: ".. .As this Kurien (George) Kalhanaar showed great interest in matters of not just his parish but the community in general. Pulikkottil

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i. The writer knows only the positional name of the Matriarch ol Antioch, and not his personal name. 2. He has understood Mar Bascliose as the Catholicose ol Jerusalem. ] 3. By the timeofMarThomma V, the Peredyutha position had come to an end in the Church. J 4. He had not considered his Episcopal position as being defective! 5. He considers Mar Gregoriose (not Ahathalia) as the first amoni the Syrian fathers. 6. His salutation reveals the dignity and the style of a Church Head. 7. He hints that the only contribution from Mar Gregoriose waj his presence here.
8. It is Mar Ivaniose, who came in 1685, who gave a linn basis t^l the Church in advisory matters. j 9. He has not shown any precision or discipline in presenting till biographies of his predecessors.

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1. The letters of Mar Thomma V are filled with the rhetoric in w i n c h Mar Ivaniose who came in 1685 gave the history of the M.ilankara Church. This history was built on two bases: One, it is the \niiochean Church that kept protecting the tradition of the laying on of 11.1 nds and thus the crcdibi I it y of the Malankara Church after the time of M lliomas. Two. from the time of St. Thomas, the administration of the Malankara Church was being done by (he Pakaiomattom family i ncmbers. 2. All the existing legends concerning the arrival of the three ChurchHeads who came in 1751 are b u i l t on imagination. As the letter of 1746 clarifies, 'it was on the basis of the treaty that Mar Thomma V 11 lade with the priest Skaria. the son of the priest Yaakkub who sits in i he famous Babel that these people came here.' About the travelling evpenditure also there is a clear prior understanding in (he letter. See ihe relevant part: "Again, dear friend Skaria Kaseesaa, we are telling \ uu about the money. None of us have (ravelled on the sea in a ship. Therefore. I did not like to give (he money to the people of the ship \\ ho approached us, as desired by you. We do not know them either: Hie respecled Commodore, who is now ruling over the Kochi Fort in Malabaar. is a person who is helping the Syrian Christians of India in many ways in their needs. Therefore, we are entrusting the money that von asked for in your letter with the respected Commodore of the Kochi Fori, so that it may be given to the Episcopa when he comes to visit us. You will then gel the money that you asked for... If you think lhal you will not get any money from us. we will give more money when ihe Patriarch comes ..."
3. When these letters were being written, the iconoclast Mar

10. He is aware of the fact (hat the Malankara Church il deteriorating, and he is sorrowful about it. The third letter was written at the church in the name of Ma Ghcevarghese Sahadaa situated at (he place that is the door of th whole of India, on 7"1 December in 1746. Along with this, a note in th Arabic language written as an introduction to these letters, has alsi been obtained. This is how its translation goes: i "This is the form of the letter that came from India. Moosa, (hJ sonofBaathashkaa, brought this letter from Kochi. This was obtained from Ihe Bcsra seaport." In the first pages of one of the books thai were brought by the foreign bishops in 1751, these three letters written in western Syriac (or their copies?) were found. Given below arc certain* observations:

Ivaniose was here in Malankara. There is complete silence in the letters about his presence here and about his being so unacceptable. 4. His understanding seems to be that the Patriarchal throne was there in Aniioch from the lime of Si. Thomas. The Syriac language being used in Ihe letter is not of good standard.
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Illoop Rambaan who lived in ihose days kept bun wilh him as a companion (o discuss mailers. In those days die head ol our Church happened tube one of the lasl Bishops from the Pakalomalloni family. In those days there was some problem about the position ol the Metropolitan. Some people accepted ltloop Rambaan. and the others accepted the Pakalomaitom Bishop. The Metropolitan's practices were of a low standard, while people were greatly pleased about the practices of Illoop Ramhaan. Because of the people's approval, the old Iltoop Rambaan ... was appointed as the Metropolitan, and PunnathraC leorge Kalhanaai was appointed as his ass i slant Vicar* ieneraf' 11'mack a I Mainew. Punnathra Family Ihsiory. 1966. pu<.- 76). I'. Cheriyaan has recorded thai at the Conference of Ihe priesls lhat met in Ocloher. 1X16, al Ihe Karingaaehira church. Pulikkollil Methraachen appointed Punnathra Kathanaarlo speak lo Bishop Middlelon, representing him (page 102). P. Cheriyaan has doubtlessly recorded thai, because of such exemplary and guileless operations. "Iroin all the noble heads of Ihe Church that ihe 'Puthenkoor'community has so far had. the llrsl in Ihe order ol greatness is Pulikkollil Dionysius ]" (' I he Malabaar Syrians aiidlhcC.M.S ', 1935.page 1(12). On 24"' November, IS16, Ihe final curtain fell on lhat even!fill life. Thai epoch-maker was buried in ihe Seminary chapel thai he had skilled building, on the 25lh. Who will not be grieved by the blows later suffered by the dreams that this Methraachen had about not allowing any discordant note in the mallerol ihe true faith of the Church lo enter the Seminary? A priest who has been a member of the Theological Seminary faculty for many years writes; "Today the Seminary has lost ils freedom to tormuUile the Seminary training according lo the traditions, failh and practices, interests and needs ol' Ihe Church. It was with fond hopes that in ihe year I %5 our Seminary got affiliated lothe Serampur University which mainlainsaProleslanl view of mailers. But loday the staff and students of Ihe Seminary are facing a situation in which the Orthodox failh is noi only being opposed hut even treated with

konjentpl. II we continue wilh Ihe Serampur relationship, ihe priesls ol oui ( hurch will become ignorant of the Orthodox faith and praclices. and ihey will slarl opposing them (Fr. C.C. Cheriyaan. from ihe article writ t en in the book 'Sabhaajyolhis' Jubilee Smaaraka Seminar Prahandhangal. 1991, page 41). It is lime now for the entire Church lo raise its voice in protest against the moves which, instead of real i si IIL; Ihe dreams ol ihe Seminary founder, are helping lo materialise his doubts. Against the background of the dissensions in the Church, many of our priesls have had lo depend upon Protestant Seminaries. Many of them who have had their higher level (mining in Protestant Seminaries inside and oulside India are now occupying Fpiscopal positions. They often evaluate (he theology and practices oflhe Syrian Church as meaningless rituals, flow can we appreciate the leaders oflhe Church whose enthusiasm is all about gospel work outside the Church, when there are many killer-diseases inside, which they do not try lo cure? Who will nol be grieved by the short-cut cures they prescribe out of their very shallow understanding of matters? We should not allow anyone to sit onourshoulderandealourear. 'Just because we have a Seminary. we are being loreed to give up our identity.' This is an observation made by Yuhaanon Mar Severiose who may be described as the prophet of the Malaukara Church. Should this not become a subject for Ihe immediate considenn ion of our Church leadership9 All his life the Seminary founder was guided by the principle that all the income thai came to him addressed lo the Church, represented the part ieipaiion of the members of Ihe Church in the common trust of the C 'hurch, thai all such money should be perfectly accounted for and that no such money should be used for any of his personal needs or the needs ol any ol his relatives or for making trusts for personal benefits or for celebrations. There is an incident which shows his unselfish, unbiased and unmatched stvle of spending trust monev, that has to he cited: "Once some close relations from his own family came to the SeminaiA. I hey informed him about their financial and other difficulties.

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He gave them food lor one meal-time. He hoped thai ihev would go away very soon. Rut. as they did not go. with great difficult v. he gave them one more meal. As they still stayed on. realising that this was not proper, he told them without any hesitation: 'Please go back home. Problems have to be solved from above. This wealth is not Yours to enjoy. This is fire.' Saying, this, he sent Ihem away with a little money to meet their travel I ing expenditure" (Paai el t. Volume 3. page 11 ft). There is an incident ol an unmarried priest trustee resigning his position because of the shock lie felt on realising how a Malankara Metropolitan deposited all the money thai was gifted to him. in private personal accounts out of which he lavishly used money for personal needs. Should this not cause painful thoughts to arise in our minds'.' Nowadays there is a growing tendency among bishops and some priests to travel far and wide collecting money in Ihc name of real and imagined projects, depositing the lacks and crores they thus gel. in personal accounts and then using it all for personal investments. Should we not beama/ed by the unselfish and absolutely responsible money-spending style of the Seminary founder? In his Will, he bequeathed to his familv only a few of the small items he had brought with hi in I mm home for personal use (Seminary 175"'Annual Souvenir, page 23). In his native Paaloor-Cliaallukulangara parish, people call him 'the Achen who passed away." In those days it was customary to refer to priests as Kathanaarsand lo bishops as Achens. as testified to by the Niranam Chronicle, for tins Achen who passed away, at the old church in Kunnanikulam they built a memorial tomb. Gradually this has become a pilgrimage centre. Later when a foreign baavaa undid this tomb, in order to have a place for lhe cross on the lomh they built a church - the eastern new church at Kunnamkulam. The date of the Aehen's passing away - Vriscliikom 12 -- has become the date for the annual festival of this church, and this is being celebrated as the regional festival of Kunnamkulam every year. KollayamMT). Seminary. Kunnamkulam M.J.I), High School and Pa/dianji M.D. College are his memorials.

Inside the Kotlayani Old Seminary chapel, on the south-western side, there stands his tomb, having been rebuilt many limes. After recording certain observations made about him later, this exposition can be concluded. I lis Holiness Gheevarghese II Catholicose: "The Kunnamkulam (own is ihc mother who gave birth to two Malankara Metropolitans who initiated the development of the Malankara Church. If the Old Seminary and the sixteen acres of land resulted from the efforts of the lirsi Metropolitan, the M.l).Seminary (Kotlayani). all its land and the Pammala Seminary were earned f o r the Church by the second Metropolitan. 1 he first Metropolitan successfully survived the threat from the ( atholic Church, while the second successfully prevented the threats of the Reformists. Before the 'Devalokam Aramana'was built. 1 have lived at the Old Seminary for long periods. During all those times, on many occasions, I have felt the impact of the holiness of your "Achen who passed away' at the Seminary and inside the Seminary chapel. I believe that the prayers of the I loly Father arc si ill a protection for one" (from the Kunnamkulam speech). M.C.Kuriakose Rambaachen. who was a scholarly writer of the Malankara Church and the Editor of the 'Malankara Sabha' maga/ine. writes: "If the most important institution in the Malankara Church is (he Kotlayani Old Seminary, the greatest man who has risen from the Malankara Church is its founder Pulikkoltil llloop Rambaan. lie had a vision that English education was essential for the progress of the country and that the theological training of the deacons was essential for the progress of the Church. He was a great hermit. The powerful lasting and the incessant prayers of the Metropolitan created anew spiritual revival in the atmosphere of the Church. The support of the foreigner Col. Monroe who was Resident and Divaan. the assistance of the Queen, the co-operation of the people and the efficiency of the Metropolitan all these together created a peaceful golden era for the Malankara Church which has never been preceded or succeeded by anything like it" (FT. P.M.Jose, pages 40-44).

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YuhaanonMarSeveriose Metropolitan: "He is gencr.ilK understood to be the developer of the Aartbaat Kunnanikulani church and tbe founder of the KottayamOld Seminary. I Jul, many people today have not understood him in have been a leader who, vvilhoul any bias either for the south or fur the north, and with a general vision, toiled hard and suffered day and night. Moreover, he ha.s not been understood as the superman who courageously battled dav and night through pravers and rigorous fasting, either His eternal w i s h that there should be a group ol service-minded priests lor the Church has still not been properlv lealised. This slill remains standing high as a question mark before us i die foreword of the book mentioned above). He reminds us of the Greek legendary hero Promelheus who enabled the Greeks to survive testing times bv g i v i n g their decaying community the heal and light as from a firebrand and by inslilling selfconfidence into them. Yes. Pul i kkol lt ! Joseph Mar Dionvsius I. Malankara Metropolitan, was certainly 'the Prometheus, ol the modem MalankaraCluirch.' The t i t l e of honour 'Sabliaajyothis' lhal was conferred on him respectfully by the Church on Sunday, L1 December. I99 I. as a pail of the concluding ceremony conducted at Kunnainkulam for his 175"'annual jubilee, came in partial recognilionof the vigorous advancements that the Malankara Church made into the later centuries under his unselfish leadership. This title ol honour was conferred on him by His Holiness Mathews N Baavaa, Catholieoseofthe Lasl and Malankara Metropolitan, who repeatedly declared it three times during the Holy Rueharistal the Paaloor-Chaatlukulangara St. Mary's church that was founded by St. Thomas and rebuilt by him, and thus created history. I). Successors in Thozhiyoor The Kidangan Bishop who consecrated Pulikkottil Joseph Mar Dionvsius I as Bishop has been mentioned. If has also been mentioned that KaattLimangaattu Koorilose and his brother Ghcevarghese Kalhanaar were exiled, that thev stayed first at Kunnamkulam and later

at I'ho/hivoor. and that ihev built a church in 1774. In the Thozhiyoor records it has been mentioned that these were ordained as priests bv Shaakrallaa Baavaa who came in 1751, and lhal they also received the holv relies of St Ghcevarghese Sahadaa from the Baavaa. hi 1794 Kaaltumangaattu Koorilose consecrated his own hi other as Bishop under I he name Koorilose 11. Pulikkottil Itloop Kalhanaar was indeed grieved to see that another f a m i l ) rtiling tradition was getting started in Tho/hivoorthal had sought refuge under him. In (hose days Koorilose II was respected h\ everyone LIS a pious and scholarly man. The wellshaped handwriting ol the New lestamenl Bible lhal he had written out in MaaraanaayaSyriac. presents us with the picture of a mature day araa man Kaattnmangaattu Koorilose died on lll"Muly, 1X1)2. He was buried on I he northern side of the chancel in the Tho/hiyoor church. Koorilose 11, who did not wish to be part of a chain of bishops, and who a l w a y s remained submissive to his elder brother, consecrated Kollaynm Joseph Rambaan as Bishop under the name Ivaniose and gave him charge of Tho/hiyoor. This Joseph Rambaan was a member of I he Panavehl family, and was a companion of Koorilose 1 and had been driven awav by the Pakalomatlom Bishops. This Bishop who was eonseerafed by Koorilose II passed away in 1 802 itself. There is a legend which says lhal he was buried in that part of the church where the women stood. Later. Koorilose II eonseerafed as Bishop. Chccran Skaria Kalhanaar from the Pa/hanji parish. He was called Mar i'hilexinose. Later, Koorilose II and his nephew and disciple Abraham Rambaan went back from Tho/hiyoor lo their native country. There are records which say that they used lo Irain students of theology at the Karingaachiia.Mulanlhurulhv.Thrippoonithurnand Vettikkal parishes. This Koorilose II died on 29'" May. ISO0. As there was a difference of opinion about burying him at Mulanthuruthy. he was buried in the Vettikkal Kii risu pall y. In those days, the Vettikkal dayaraa had not been founded. The Niranam Chronicle writes: 'In the year 889. when Cheeran Mar Philexinose fell ill. he consecrated the Kidangan Kalhanaar as Bishop, and then he died' (page 1661. ll was this Ghcevarghese

Mar Pliilexinose, who was one of the Vicars ol I he Aarlhaal church, who successively consecrated three ofthe Malankara Metropolitans in the Malankara Church, liven though those who Ihink superficially can say that the consecrations done bv Kaalturnangaatlu Koorilosc are meaningless as he himself did not get consecrated in the modern circumstances, nothing defective can he pointed out about (hem if we consider ihem against ihe background ol ihe consecrations conducted in ihe universal Church before the Synod at Nicea in general, and in Ihe Alexandrian-Indian ("Ilurches in particular. The "kahanoosaa' of the kaseesaa is complete. As Kaattuinangaallu Koorilosc had a valid kaseesaa position, according to the priesthood traditions followed in the early Church, the consccral ions given by liim should certainly be considered \alid. Even when we reject bis claim thai he had become a Bishop, it is on this basis that the consecrations given by him are considered to be valid. If this basis is accepted, we will he able to put an end to the disputes concerning the validity of the priesthood in the Tho/hiyoor-Marlhomma Church. Following the death of the Pulikkollil Metropolitan, Kidangan Mar Pliilexinose started living at the Kollayam Seniinarv. This is what we see in the letter written by Thomas Norton in 1817: "... The Resident required thai, if the Kathanaars who enquired with the Bishop for his opinion generally agreed, it could be recommended to them that Pliilexinose be appointed as (Malankara) Methraan. The Kathanaars desired that they should get Pliilexinose as their Bishop as he was a man of praver. I am also convinced that Pliilexinose is the right person for the real good of the Church. As per the instruction of the Resident. I requested him to come to Aalappu/ha. If the Resident and all of us cooperated with him in all matters, he said that he would accept the Malankara Methraan position and that he would consider it his duty to accept all our instructions and opinions unconditionally (Missionary Register IX 18, page 104: P. Cheriyaan. pages 106. 107). On 26"'Dhanu, in 1818, there came out a royal decree favouring Kidangan Methraachen. Missionary interests were quite evidently --------------------------------------------EEE1--------------------------------------------

piL'sent behind the old man Philexinose's appearance on the stage as Malankara Methraan. Pulikkollil Methraachen had resisted and deleaied those steps taken by the missionaries seemingly with the assumption that the Seminary was tiieii own. In a statement that he made si\ months before he passed away, we can see the internal -. (rugglcs in this regard appearing: "1 regret having requested for the l.nglishuian's help lor founding the Seminary. From the time of Biichanon. these Furopeans have been peering over our poor Church in t he same wav as a barn owl peers over chickens. Only the Almighty i md knows how all I Ins is going to end. As long as I live by the grace ol (iod. I shall protect this poor Church. May Ihe Almighty God keep il lor ever." A person who was an eye-w ilness ol this incident lias special I v recorded in his diary that, on that occasion, hot drops of tears were rolling down from the old eyes of that High Priest (E.M.Philip. page 200). As soon as Pulikkollil Methraachen passed away. Col. Monroe lelt thai the time had come for him to realize the dreams that he had nurtured in his mind for months. Kidangan Methraachen. who was submissive bv nature, was appointed as Malankara Methraan. in the hope thai he would agree to all their wishes and desires. As he was enjoying ihe bliss of having got the position which was denied to his ancestor Kaallumangaattu Koorilosc. the Seminary lurried into the residence of the missionaries. '. . . It is necessary for a European missionary to live with Kollayam as his centre of operations and to earnestly supervise the affairs of the Syrians and the Seminary' (P. Cheriyaan. page 342). 'Unless an English priest lives in Kollayam and brings matters concerning the Syrian Church in general and the college (Seniinarv) in particular directly under his keen supervision, il may become impossible to have proper calculations and operations regarding the working of the Seminary and the translation of the Bible" (the letter of 16"' January. I 817. P. Cheriyaan. page 348). We can sec here ihe picture of ihe missionaries developing a stranglehold over the Church and the Seminary. Monroe writes on I3"1 March. 1817: 'All the belongings of Ihe Bishop who passed away, in whatever form and

manner, should he handed over lo iiis successor. All his hooks, his sceptre and all such positional belongings should be handed over to ihe new Bishop" (page 356). Seethe letter of 6"' August. 1817' "Control should be exerted in all matters concerning the discipline of (lie ( hurch. and instiuctions have to be given. The Bishop should certainly be made a co-worker, and alertness should be maintained in all mailers ol administration. The first thing is to create an altitude ol obedience towards all yaurorders. Along with the Metropolitan a circular should he-sent to all the churches. Through that circular all the people should be informed about the steps vou intend taking in maintaining discipline in the Church and in punishing in a proper manner all those who err. I f there is any tendency for ignoring mallei's or for taking things lightly on the part of any priest, he should be suspended, and the Resident should be informed about it. I le will make the necessary enquiries and adopt steps for proper punishments. You must interview in detail all the trainees for priesthood before the Metropolitan ordains them. If you find any one unsuitable, he should be dropped out ol the list of those selected. Yon must insist on getting a report on all matters concerning internal administration including punishments given for wrong-doing. Those must come to vou for consideration and for taking necessary decisions" (letter sent to missionary Benjamin Bailey by Monroe. P. Cheriyaan. page 363). K. Punnathrsi Mar Dionysius After the missionaries started staying at the Seminary and made sure that the administration of the Seminary was going in the direction in which they wanted it to go. on 1\>"' October. 1817, the Vicar (Seneral was consecrated as Bishop under the name Punnathra Mar Dionysius by MarPhilexinoseallhe Kottayam C'heriyapally. Before Kidangan Metbraachen moved loThozhiyoor, the missionaries look from him the list of books in the library. The new list did not contain many of Ihe Syriac handwritten books and records which had been included in ihe list given earlier by Pulikkotlil Methraachen. (Examine Monroe's letter

of 16 March. 1817.) As the missionaries were staying with their families al the Seminary, there arose a situation in which ihe new Malankara Metropolitan was unable to slay at his headquarters. As there was not enough space for all of them to stay together at the Seminarv. ii was decided lhal a room should be built on the eastern side of the ('iieiiv.ipally m accommodate the Metropolitan. From then on. he was living in that loom attached lo the church and going daily lothe Seinin,ir\ during the day lo consult the Englishmen on several mailers and llmsconduclmg the adminislmlioii of Ihe Chuivh(PunnalliraEaimly I lisloi \. pajjes 7S-7U). I Hiring this lime when die Malankara Metropolitan had to o out il libimii headquarters, property such as 'Monroe Thurulliii' and "Mankolta' weie annexed. These were registered in the joint names of Ihe Methraachen and the hnglishmen. Joseph b'enn. Henry Baker and Benjamin Bailey concentrated their attention on Seminarv education, gospel preaching in parishes and founding of schools, and publication of books and Bible translation respectively. A press that Bailey bad designed in 182(1 got established ntthe Seminary. The Gospel According to St. Matthew which was translated by Bailey was printed at this press in 1825 and was published. In the press lhal was brought from England m 1821. ihe New testament was printed in 182- and the Psalms were primed in 1839. In 1842 the Old Testament was also printed in Malayalain. In 1859 Bailey published a modified issue of ihe complete Bible. The Seminarv earned the honour of having housed in 1820 the \ery first printing centre ol" southern India. Apart from the English and Syriac languages which had earlier been started al ihe Old Seminary. I lehrew. Sanskrit. (ireek and Latin were now included in the curriculum. In the same way as ihe Seminary became the first scene of English education in Travaneore Cochin, it also became the blessed first scene o! women's education during ihose days. Not nianv people made use i'I Ibis facility because ol the fear lhal it might become difficult for an educated woman to find a proper match in marriage. In the end when the Seminary authorities took up the responsibility of also ettiugthcm

IHil*

married, the problem was solved. The Lnglish and Malayalam translations of the Bible. himUish education and w omen's education, the three basic traditions which made t he Kerala r e v i v a l possible- the Kollayam Seminary became the I n s t scene lor all ol them. Associated with Syrian churches and otherwise, more F.nglish schools were (bunded. Kverybody, without caste, creed and gender differences, was offered admission in these schools. Backward communities made use of this facility. Through these schools. Bible messages conquered the hearts of people in village alter village '['here were two reactions for these. Man\ people I mm the backward communities embraced the ('hristian religion. Those backward people who embraced Christianhy under the British rule could not be troubled with laws I ike untouchabilily made bv the forward classes. New thoughts about humanity sprouted here and there. Those gradually grew into revolutionary movements for the purification of the community. It was from the Bible flame that the first generation of cultural leaders of Kerala lighted the torch of the revolutionary spirit thai kindled the Kerala revival. The politic al agitations and the revolutionary movements based on humanitarian principles, which happened after the cultural awakening and which brought both Bengal and Kerala out into the arena, were triggered againslIhe historical background formed by the thought-waves created by the Bible. About six to sexen decades were needed to turn into a mega movement the spark that was kindled in the first lego I Ihe 19"' century. Against this special background, the Seminary founder can he called the Raja Ram Mohan Roy of Kerala. PunnalhraMarDionysiushad leanings towards the missionary operations which were leading Kerala into awareness and Ihe Syrian community into a purification movement. At ihe same time he had doubts and anxieties whether the purification movement would overslep its boundaries. liM.Philip has thus recorded from what he has heard and understood about the mental reactions that the Melhraachen had when he was travelling to Maavelikkara to attend the meeting convened

there under the chairmanship of the Malankara Methraan on 3"1 December. IS IX. to welcome the missionaries: ".., Before he left for the meeting, he went into the Cheriyapaili and prayed for a long time. When he lias getting into the country boat, he told those who were standing nearby: LI am now standing on a veranda. Tomorrow J will have to either quarrel and pari company with the Hnglishmen or betray im Church. 1 heir intention is to change our faith, liven iff am forced to lose my honour. I will not become a traitor'" (page 201). The reformist projects presented at Ihe meeting by Fenn can be sui iinua iscd in the following wav: 1. Discipline and unity should grow in submission to just rules and regulations. 2. These laws should be attuned to ihe 1 foly Word and the priestly judgements. 3. l'he clergy should keep away from worldly cares and spend all their lime in prayer and in preaching. 4. Many practices in the Church have lost their purity. Some of them are shameful to Ihe name of'Cod and disagreeable to the Canons;
very often they are communal.

5. Between (iod and man ihe only mediator is Christ. Therefore, any other intercession in any form is idol worship. n. Worship is also the medium for instruction; Ihe worship in Syriae does not fulfil this instructional duly. 7. According to the Word of (iod. priests should be married. 1*!. SIK competent priests appointed by the Metropolitan should discuss these mailers and prepare a report. 9. Breaking oflheSaahalh should be avoided. (P. Cheriyaan. pages 370-374). These recommendations were widely discussed in the Church. This is Ihe summary ofthe letter that was sent from die Kottayam Seminary to the chain nan of ihe Missionary Society in Fnglandon 3"'December.

fSJ

1821, by Punnalhra Methraachen who. without hinting at matters diieelly reflected the firm sland of the Church: "... 1 Iniil die a rn \ a l of the Portuguese, we the children of Si. Thomas, were the undivided.I aeohitc Syrian Church living peacefully in the Malabaar region. When the Portuguese prevented the arrival of theAiuioehenn Bishops, we became sheep without a shepherd. We were united under Rome. In 165 V Patriarch Ignatiuscame to Malabaar from Ant loch. Alter he was killed we took an oath in the name ol'the Trinity. The lailh ot the Roman Pope is not acceptable to us. In I753C.'] fathers came from Antioch(V) and put us back in older Now we h a v e 5r> el lurches in Malabaai. Poi our redemption Cod sent us Macaulay and Buchanon. And now. Monroe has been sent like Moses. At Kotlavam a Seminary has been established for us. Again, the priests Benjamin. Joseph and Henry whom you sent, are teaching in our Seminary. We have distributed the Bibles that you sent, in all the churches. May (rod bless you. 1 .el me be reminded of an old saying: Those who are wise, understand matters in one glance. MavCod bless you" (Missionary Register 1X22, pages 431.43 2). James Hugh bail a long conversation with Punnalhra Mar Diouysins regarding the matters that the missionaries intended to introduce m Malankara: "The Bishop bv himself is not either agreeing to anything or taking up any responsibility. Though he has accepted whatever has been done so tar, he does not show any interest in going against the Canons ol'the Church" ('Collins. 'Missionary Hnlerprises in the bast", page 1(18: Philip, page 206). In the middle of this cold war. at the age of 40. on 5"' Idavoin in 1X25, Punnalhra Methraachen died of Cholera. He was buried m KoUayamCheriyapally. I Hoop Writer has made this observation about the timeo\ his administration; "During this time teaching was being done very well at the Seminary. There were a number of deacons and children. There were two F.nghsh missionaries and two Svrine scholars who taught them Faiglish. Malayalam. Sanskrit and Syriac, a teacher who taught them the I lehrew language, and also two natives who helped

Mth lite leaching of Malayalam and Sanskrit. Punnalhra Melhraan MVI very handsome person. In the same way he was also very efficient in getting things dime. And. as he was becoming very friendly with the Resident and people in high positions like the Divaan and others, he w as able to get capable and meritorious Syrians into influential positions iii lliegovernmen! and to get things done through them. In those days die Muslims were making a lot of trouble by attacking and looting everybody flic Syrians who got inlo influential positions were able to iibdue llienielt'ectivel). and the government used to be pleased with i he it elficiency. But. Monroe had logo away in 1819 (Kollain 994), and in Ins place, another foreigner by name Col. Medugal arrived Here. 1 le had never lived with Syrians before, and he was not able to understand properly their uprightness. Therefore, he did not give many Syrians positions in the government. Only very few Syrians were punished in criminal cases" (page 194). Punnalhra Methraachen had requested for an Antioehean Bishop's help for his strengthening in the fight against the missionaries, but this was n< it gi anted i llloop. pages 195, 196; 'I I i story of Christianity in India' Volume 2; Hough, page 389). It was during this time that the Roman ownership rights over the Kotlayam Valiyapally and the Piravom Valiyapalliknl. where we were sharing ownership rights with them, were removed with the backing of a royal decree that was issued under the initiative of Joseph f enn. liven though such a removal of rights with the backing ol the army was tried in the case of the Chcnganaasscry church and the Aalappu/ha church which were under the Niranam church, because of stiff resistance from the people, this effort did not succeed. I Hiring Ibis lime, an arrangement was made for the steady income of the priests. As the remuneration that they received for conducting the various services was not fixed, the new arrangement of a steady income instead was well-received, and the missionary leadership in this regard w as greatly appreciated. --------------------------------------------EEE1--------------------------------------------

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V. Clieppaattu Mar Dionysius From the four candidates for t h e position ol the Metropolitan. MiuimmalasserilKonaami Abraham Malpaan. CheppaattuAanjilmiooUii Philipose Malpaan, Kallooppaara Adangaprathu Yousepli Kasecsaa and KoUayathu Hruthikknl Markose Kasecsaa, Cheppaattu Philipose Malpaan was confirmed as the Metropolitan designate through a second round of'casting of lots. Mar Philexinose consecrated hint as Bishop under the name Mar Dionysius on l5"'Chingamin 1X25 at the Koitayam Chcnvapallv. Mar Philexinose and Mar I lion v si us jointly received Mar Alhauasius Methraan and Isaac Rambaan who came horn lite Syrian Church on 3"1 Vrischikom in 1X25. According to the information received from Philexinose, the church representatives met at Kotiayam Cheriyapally on 29"'Dhanu. in 1825. listened to Mar Athanasius's 'Suslhaathikkon' being read out, and formally welcomed him. The missionaries suspected that the new developments might stand in the way of their reformist efforts. At the lime when the Bishops in Malankara and Mar Alhauasius were gelling ready to meet the reformist movement, there arose circumstances which triggered a new dispute. II ic situation was that Isaac Rambaan happened to read at the Seminary lib rar y a book in which Mar Ivaniose (who was buried at Chengannoor in 1X511 had written i n t h e Arabic language that KaailumangaaUu Koorilose had not received the Episcopal consecration. As the local bishops had received their consecration Irom his successors. Alhauasius insisted that they get consecrated again, and many priests were favourable to ihis. Many prominent priests like Idava/hikkal Philipose Kalhanaar and Konaattu Abraham Kalhanaar got consecrated again. This luriher strengthened the dispute. When re-consecration became a universal phenomenon with priests such as Paalakkunnalhu Abraham Malpaan, Kadamallathu Cheriya Thekkiiakkaaran Kalhanaar, Vadakara Ouassenl Kalhanaar, Piravathu Kaaraamayil Kalhanaar, Karingaaltil Kalhanaar, Koehitti Kuruvilla Kathanaar. Thekkelhala Kalhanaar and KolhamangalathuPilaamoottil Kathanaar getting re-consecrated, the local Bishops, in consultation with the Resident, submitted a complaint

before the kings. Alhauasius and the Rambaan, w ho had opposed the Malankara Methraan who was carrying out the administration of the (.'lunch with the support of a royal order, were sent back by ship, and all those priests who had got re-consecrated were put into the prison at Kollamforsix months. In the end all those priests were made lo pay penalties, and they were strictly instructed to go according to directions received from the local Bishops, and were sent away' (Niranam Chronicle handwritten copy, page 174; Ittoop, page 203). Ittoop Writer gives certain letters connected to Mar Athanasius (pages 21)4. 21(i). t These letters can be looked at in t h e i r full form in the book '. I lislory and Culture,' pages 507 -526.) Kidangan (iheevarghese Philexinosedied on 25th Makarom in 1829. He was buried in the Thozhiyoorchurch. With that, a royal decree went out appointing Cheppaattu Mar Dionysius as the new Malankara Methraan. With the death of Kidangan Methraachen, the headquarters at Tho/hiyoor was locked up and sealed, and the keys, according to accepted practice, were entrusted with the Paaloor-Chaattukulangara Vicar. The famous disciple of Pulikkottil Methraachen. Kuthoor ( i h e e v a r g h e s e Malpaan, according to the decision of the Chaallukulangara parish, \vas consecrated as Bishop by Cheppaattu Mar D i o n y s i u s on I5"1 Meenam in 1829, and was given a Suslhaathikkon.' In this .Suslhaathikkon,' the Malankara Metropolitan who conferred the position has been described as (he one in charge of the throne of St. Thomas. There is no mention in the 'Susthaathikkoii' about either the Am iochean Church or its Head, the Patriarch. These two particularities have increased the historical value of this 'Suslhaathikkon.' The name ol the new Bishop was Koorilose. The reformist tendency of the missionaries was steadily increasing. As per the instruction of Daniel Wilson, the Bishop of Calcutta, the Bishops, the Malpaans and some of the prominent members of the Church, from both clergy and laity, met in Vrisehikom in 1835 at

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Koitayam. in order to think about ways and means to carry out the sanctification of thcC.'hurch meaningfully. Bishop Wilson presented certain recommendations: 1. In future, the Metropolitan should ordain only those who have completed their studies in the Seminary and have received their certificates from there. 2. Churches should present their accounts and should send a copy of the same to the Resident for his scrutiny. .V Instead of paying the priests lor the services they conduct- there should be an arrangement by which they get a regular income. 4. Wherever there are Syrian churches, there should also be schools attached to them. 5. The priests should interpret the Bible for tiie peop!c in Malavalam. 6. Those who do not know Syriac should also be helped with the meanings of the prayers. During later limes the Church put into practice most ol these recommendations. But in the circumstances of those times many of these reforms were not acceptable. The first recommendation may appearto be harmless. But, as the Principal who issued the certificate was a missionary, this recommendation was interpreted to impose a limitation on the right of the Metropolitan to ordain. The second recommendation in its tone implied that the Resident had authority over all the parishes in Malankara. The (bird recommendation looked attractive, and the fourth one looked desirable. Nobody had any doubts about the progressive nature oflhe fifth and sixth recommendations. All these have already been accepted in the Church. It has been observed thai it was Rev. Peet. who was appointed as Principal of the Seminary in those days, who spoilt matters. That Englishman believed that God had sent him to reform the Malankara Church. During days of fasting when meat was not allowed in the Seminary's diet, according

to his reforms, the students oflhe Seminary would only get meat to eat. The English missionaries used to condemn the faith, the principles, the customs and the practices of the Syrian Church in their speeches and t h e i r classes. Bishop Wilson, in h i s public speeches, used to present many recommendations Air reforms which were different from the ones he presented at the Koitayam meeting. E.M.Philip writes: "During the time of a secret meeting which was attended also by his (Bishop Wilson's) Chaplain and the Resident's Assistant, he spoke to the Metropolitan about the need to make certain changes in the worships and sacraments of the Church, and he also made the promise of donating a thousand rupees for the implementation of those recommendations. Even though the Metropolitan accepted the Bishop's recommendations very politely and without showing any disagreement, he did not either express his opinion or make any promises. In his speeches made in the churches at Koitayam and Kandanaadu, Bishop Wilson made statements about the reforms in principles that he intended to introduce in the Church. These included stopping the practice of praying for and conducting certain rituals lor the faithful dead, and the modification of the ancient " l h a k s u a ' ol the Church by removing parts from it which were not acceptable to the Protestant division of the Anglican Church - (pages 21 X2 14 ). The missionaries had planned to implement the reforms in several stages. The later generations of reformists implemented reforms which had not even been dreamt of by the first generation of reformists. The leaderof the first reformist generation, Thaazhathaehen (Thaazhathu Punnathra Chaandappilla Kalhanaar), has recorded with sorrow, in his book ' Vilaapangal," about these reforms. G. The Maavelikkara Synod Bishop Wilson was pressing Cheppaattu Mar Dionysius to declare his clear decisions about the recommendations that he had presented at the Kottayam meeting, had required of the Metropolitan to implement, and had justified in his speeches made at Kottayam and Kandanaadu. The missionaries, who had established their authority in the Seminary, ---------------------------------------EEB1---------------------------------------

---------------------------------p?l ---------------------------------

had sent out copies of the reformist recommendations to all the churches, in orderlo formulate opinions. It was against this background that the Malankara Metropolitan called his great Synod to meet at Maavelikkara on 5th Makarom in 1846. There were only two paths before the Synod. One, to reform the Malankara Church as a Protestant Church, and two, to reject Bishop Wilson's recommendations and lo discontinue the relationship with the missionaries. The Synod accepted the second path- In order lo reduce the pain that missionaries might experience while pulling an end lo a friendly relationship, and toavoid the displeasure that they might feel towards the Malankara Chinch, the Synod thought of a plan, which was lo use the Anliochean Patriarch as a shield. The Maavelikkara Synod rejected even those reformist recommendations which could have been accepted, Bailey, Fenn and Baker were patient and tactful. When they left, others like Woodcock and Peeteame. These newcomers were impatient and intolerant, and this worsened mailers fast. Bishop Brown writes: "Without publicly condemning the wrong practices thai the Syrians continued lo follow, (he missionaries, in their private discussions al the Seminary, had clarified their points of view. Some l a t e r missionaries fell that certain more effective steps were required. They stance! publicly criticising the wrong practices followed by the Syrians. People like Joseph Peel adopted measures which were not conducive to reconciliation . . . Al ihe Manarkaadu church, on a festival day. when lots o\~ people had assembled. Peel made a big noise by calli ng il blind faith and di r t y practice in his speech. He escaped just because he had a white skin. There were many such incidents" (Brown L.W., page 138). The missionaries themselves have recorded another incident: "This was ihe time when Peet was the Principal of Ihc Seminary. After his class, Peet had gone out. When he came back unexpectedly, he saw something thai made him very angry. He saw Muammalasscri Abraham Maipaan advising some students who had gathered around him lo make certain corrections in some of the details that Peet had just taught in a Church history lesson. The Maipaan advised the students thai they should

liste n loan; statements made by the missionaries with a critical frame of mind. On hearing this. Peet exploded" (W.S.Hunt, "The Anglican Churches of Travancore and Cochin' 1816-1916 Vol. 1.. 1920, p.82). Mar Barnabas evaluated that explosive atmosphere in this manner: "The Meiropolitan did not pay any heed to the missionaries' call for action to strengthen missionary operations and to hasten gospel work in the Church. Thcv had the indwelling ofthc spirit oi rebellion and haired which they had felt towards Ihe Oxford Movement back home. Ihe symbolic rituals performed during worships and the customs and practices maintained in daily life by the Syrians were intolerable to them. They considered these as the mistakes made by the Creek Church. Their l i k i n g fordisputcs made matters worse. They started preaching vehemently against our intercessions with the saints, our prayers for the dead and our orders of worship. On a St. Mary's festival day. Rev. Peel made a veritable quarrel amongst the people by making a firy speech. Al Manarkaadu, a statue of St. Mary was beaten up to pieces. I hey served lishand meat to the students in the Seminary during days of lasting. One Sunday after they had preached in the church that St. Mary had oilier children and gone away, Konaallu Maipaan spoke againsl il. The Englishman roared al him that from the two of them only one should be there al ihe Seminary, and Konaattachcn left for Paampaakkuda. When this separation reached its climax, Rev.Pcet look away the 'cheppeds' and other records from the Seminary..." (Orthodox Seminary I751'1 Annual Souvenir, 1990. page 37). About the last incident, this is the description given by Fr. K. David: "One Palm Sunday, when (he Metropolitan was conducting the service at Koduyam Cheriyapally. Peel the Englishman broke open the 'besgaasaa' room in the Old Seminary which was under Ihe joint custody of Ihe Meiropolitan and the Hnglishman, look records, books, "cheppeds.' etc. and got away" (page 85). incidents of this kind happened lo spoil ihc image ofthc purity of purpose that was shared by all Ihe missionaries who came here from Claudius Buchanon onwards, with ihc seeming intention of helping the Svrians in reforming

5. The problem here is not the lack of an episcopa. His analyst

that the problem here is that some people, under the influence of th Portuguese, refuse to accept his position as episcopa. reveals hi misplaced self-esteem, confidence and immodesty. 6. The Malankara Church-Head contacts the eastern Church centres through letters with the help of the traders who have come t Kochi from the Ninuve, Surat, Besra regions (the letter of 1738). When we look at the contents of the letters, we gel the hint th there are other letters which have been sent by the Malankara Churc The Skaria Kaseesaa of Babel did whatever was desired in the lette Where one bishop was asked for, it was a group not less than half dozen in number that Skaria Kaseesaa sent. One group reache Malankara in 1751. It may be because the trade potentials of Keral were well-known and because of the assurance given by MarThomm V that the travelling expenditure, however much it might come to, w:' be borne by him, that it became possible to get a group to come he without any problem. The imaginary stories such as that a certain Deacon Anthonios gave Mar Thomma's letter to the Antiochean Patriarch in the month o Meenam in 1748, and that accordingly, the Patriarch consecrate Shaakrallaa Rambaan in the month of Chingam in 1749, and that th Patriarch wrote a reply on 15"1 Chingam in 1750 for the letter he got i 17497 written by Aprem Poulosc Rambaan, the author of 'Our Father from Seema," and his faithful follower respected Fr. Kaniyaamparambi have been proved false in the light of the new findings. (The order which said that Mar Thomma V should be consecrat under the name Mar Dionysius, and all the things that had to be given t him on the day of the consecration such as the "Susthaathikkon," th staff, the head gear, the cross, the Holy Oil and several books - th story that the Patriarch sent bishops here with the things mentione above in 1751, as written by historians like Ittoop Writer and E.M.Philip, is based on the cooked up records made during the time of the Seminary

dispute when the argument that only the Patriarch had the authority to consecrate bishops and to conduct the Mooron consecration service was being formed in Malankara. According to the Hudaayaa Canon, which has been in use in the Syrian Church at all times, people like the Maphriaanaa and the Metropolitan can hold the Mooron consecration service, and also consecrate bishops. (Those who are in doubt may examine the Hudaayaa Canon in the Syriac language which was printed and published from Holland by Bishop Scesak. the Syrian Bishop who died recently. The I ludaayaa Canon which was published in Malayalam h\ Konaatiu Abraham Malpaan and the Syriac version published in Holland by Bishop Secsak. both arc the same.) Those letters which have been publicised as having come from the Patriarch on this topic, are false records created by the interested parties for use in the dispute. Il is not difficult to understand that it was to strengthen the unholy relationship between Antioch and Pakalomattom that the authors of the Niranam Chronicle, which is really the Pakalomattom family diary, also look the same stand. The Pakalomattom family diary visualised Malankara as a colony of the Antiochean Patriarch. The submissive and servile attitude towards foreign supremacy that influenced the authors of the Niranam Chronicle was indeed far inferior to the national ignorance of Mar Thomma V. Records have been obtained to say that the foreign group that reached Kochi on 24"' Medam in 1751 by a Dutch ship included the three bishops Shaakrallaa Mar Bascliose, Mar Grcgoriosc and Mar [vamose, a certain Gheevarghese Korepiscopa (Kaattumangaattu Koorilose 1 has remembered him as a teacher.), Basaw Rambaan (He was given the 'dayaroyuso' position here in Malankara. He died at the age of 30 at the Kottaarakkara church on 29'1' Vrischikom in 1758.) and Deacon Hidaayalhulla (He died at the age of 73 at Kochi on 11,h Mithunam in 1792, and was buried in the Kandanaadu church.). In the 181'1 century, for a person to reach Kochi from the Besra seaport by ship, it would not need even a hundred rupees, including boarding charges

the Malankara Church and its leadership, if such reformation was needed. With this the Malankara Church reached a mental state in which it was unable to consider even the just and relevant matters suggested by the Englishmen. This is how the missionaries reached the decision that they would reform the Malankara Church at whatever cost, and the Malankara Church leadership reached the decision that they would oust the missionaries at whatever cost. There are two parties underthe Canterbury Archbishop who is the Head of the Protestant Church, the High Church and the Low Church. To the High Church, the prayers to the saints and the prayers lot the dead both are acceptable. Those people from the Low Church who came to Kerala, if the v had shown a parallel of the willingness with which they approved of the High Church in their motherland in considering the faith and practices of the Malankara Church, the problems could have been avoided. The High Church still has not rejected these beliefs and practices. The 'prumions' and the 'sedraas' which arc part of every service conducted by the Syrian Church are really sermons preached facing the east. 'Hie missionaries were not able to understand this. The tradition of mixing preaching and instructing like milk and water in the worship was not properly explained to the missionaries; the Church leadership failed to do this. Even though the ability to conduct services properly in Syriae was gradually diminishing in the priests, their false pride would not allow them to admit this. Some of them even dared to exhibit the artificial dignity of reading out Malayalam prayers writtenusingtheSyriac script. The practice of writing Malayalam using the Syriae script is known as 'Karsoni." Using this practice to add dignity to church worship was often done in those days. The submissiveness to Syriae was so strong in those days. There were many in those days who used to read out prayers in Malayalam very haltingly by doing an on-the-spot translation from Syriae. Even (hough there were many proposals from Bishop Wilson which could be ironed out by means of an across -the-table discussion, as rhe rapport between the two parries had hcen

completely lost, such efforts were not forthcoming from either side, fhe content and the container should be equally pure. If the container is dirty, even if the content served out in it is clean, it is likely to be unacceptable. This was the main emotion that guided the Synod that metal Maavclikkara.

The Maavelikkra Padiyola

Cheppaattu Mar Philcxinose chaired the sessions, and Kuthoor Koorilose assisted him. The complete Synod that met at Maavclikkara .idopted the follow ing decisions, and that is the Maavclikkara Padiyola. GmooiotDijo nj^raimjo ojamflte>;<3luoocD>i(Soco) nJS,3saBa_] erajataS Ticrijiffloaaj} (trilrajaoofflajrmoQPJ, rd<a@1c&>a3 eiOoSfflOQ^osasjo mo<moajo cgratta^jtoMjCUJjbis n.ic^oiocnjlrnsjffltoi <T\)1oaOOcruaorora)lra3 mjrfl3<e><0 siri_|]ffllces)icm emamomotors sniooioco^o
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3. The regret experienced about the autocratic measures adopted by the

missionaries in handling the incomes and expenditures of the Seminary in their own way by overlooking the Metropolitan, and in dismissing deacons as they pleased, is being recorded here. - - -1133------------------------------------

coi^njcoi^gg nilttJ)3c&6ia206i(V(iJ|06ipj oiiroijsis

-------------------------E ------------------------l

There are contemporary records available about the missionaries overstepping their limits in an unauthorised manner. There are clear hints about the pressure being exerted upon the Metropolitan for punishing a certain Philip Kalhanaar. in a letter that Monroe wrote on 23ld May, 1818 {P. Cheriyaun, page 365). There are hints also about the missionaries trying to influence the selection oflhe Bishop: "... (he missionaries pressed for the selection of a person who seemed to be more in favour of t h e i r purposes . . ." (H.M.Philip, page 207). Bishop Brown has recorded that in 1X18, at ihe Maavehkkara meeting. Fenn and Bailey were seated on either side of Punnatlira Methraachen. dial they required that some priests should be selected for assisting the Metropolitan in evaluating the orders of worship of the Syrian Church on the basis of the I loly scriptures, and that a proposition was presented at the meeting for reforming the Church accordingly (page 136). These arc the defects about the Malankara Church which were pointed out by the missionaries: i. The faith in the seven sacraments, 2. the tradition of praying for the intercession of St. Mary and the saints, 3- prayers for Ihe dead. 4. the use of the sanctified oil, 5. the confession before the priests, 6. die forced celibacy of the priests, 7. the advice that the Holy Eucharist is a sacrifice (P. Cheriyaan, page 117). There were two inadequacies in the Maavehkkara Padiyola: 1. the ignorance about the earlier history of the Malankara Church. 2- the ignorance about the relationships between (he Malankara Church and the foreign Churches, and about the historical background against which the orders of worship were organised in the Church. It has to be observed that the Maavehkkara Padiyola was formulated by the leadership of a generation that was ignorant of the national awareness adopted by the Aarthaat Padiyola (1 806) that

declared a complete breaking away from all the foreign links which had been formed due to historical reasons, and the Kandanaadti Padiyola (I S(W) that did not make a mention about either the Anliochean Church or any other foreign Church. Cheppaattu Methraachen and Kuthoor Methraachen unveiled a picture oflhe lack of interest and lack of alertness thai Ihe Church leadership has shown at all times about training and developing ihe Church in Hie proud stream of consciousness of the basic Church heritage, hut showing interest only in the temporary [Mobietns concerning the continuance of their own seals of authority. It is iniereslinglhatCheppaatiu Methraachen who gave a complaint Ui Ihe government against Mar Aihanasius who was sent by the Patriarch in 1825 and got him banished, should have said in 1836 that the Malankara Church is under the administration oflhe Patriarch, ll was the time when Ihe Church traditions of Alexandria. Persia and Antioch were commonly being called Jacobite that the Maavehkkara Padiyola failed to take seriously ihe impropriety of branding as Antiochean the Jacobile l radii ion of Malankara. The approach oflhe Maavehkkara Synod was emotional. Competent people like Paalakkunnathu Abraham Malpaan boycotted it. A monk by name Kurialhu. who was a member oflhe Pa/hanji parish, who, without any money in his hands, travelled up to Madras and preached the gospel, and who evinced uncommon courage and spiritual zest, travelled far and reached the Synod at Maavehkkara and gave a strong warning that it would be terrible to close the doors against the gospel ('The Malankara Church and the Reformist Movement', K.N.Daniel, page 37). P h i l i p wrote thus about the Malankara Church oflhe missionary era: "The Proleslanl missionary whom the Malankara Church was flrsl introduced lo was Ihe I )utch Chaplain Fischer who reached here during the early years oflhe 18"' century. The first Anglican missionary whom we received was the Syrian Chaplain in Madras. Dr. Kerr. He was sent by the Madras Covernor Lord William Bentick. He prepared a report in which he has recorded thai in Malabaar there are three sets of

EJ3

E5J

people, namely. Syrians. Catholics and I .aliniles, that the Syrians among them reject the universal authority of the Pope, thai ihcy do not accept the faith that the bread and the wine used in the celebration of the I loly Eucharist materially change into the body and the blood of our 1 ,ord. that they consider the worship of statues as idol worship, and that they consider 'hespurkaanaa' to be a meaningless faith. He has also observed that the Syrians do not consider the anointing of the dying, marriage and confirmation as sacraments, and that, though many people t h i n k that thev arc Nestorians. they use tlic Creed ol Mar At lianas jus i le further observes thai the Syrians keep a high 61298 standard in all mailers related to morality, that they are honest and frank in their behaviour, that ihcy pay attention to religious practices, and thai in all matters concerning the spirilual and material aspects of life they obey the priests and the bishops. He goes on to say that the Nairs respect them greatly, that the Kings of Travancore and Cochin have given ihem a place next to that of the Nairs. and that in number Ihcy are about 80,0(10, The repori also mentions that the Metropolitan showed pleasure when the hope of a union of the i wo Churches was expressed. 'The next person is Dr. Buchanon. He wrote: 'The Chaplain of the Metropolitan told me that they had doubts about the v a l i d i t y of the ordination thai the Englishmen had received. Even though the Englishmen arc great warriors and they are a great nation, their Church, as Ihcy themselves have agreed, is of recent origin. The Syrians asked one where we had received our laying on of hands from. When 1 replied lhat we had got it from Rome, they reacted that it was from a Church which was iheir enemy in the past and a Church they could not accept in any manner. They agreed that every Church founded in the name of Christ would have salvation. But they had remained as a pure Christian Church from ancient times. If there is a priesthood that has the laying on of hands unbroken from the time of the Apostles, it has to be granted that they have it. There is no historical record or legend which refutes this, litis has to be remembered when wc propose a union of the Churches. During the earliest acquaintance with the missionaries itself. Mar

riionitna VI made it cleai, 'please do not ask me to do anything lhat will spoil die respectability or the purity of my Church'." "ll was Rev. 1 'nomas Norton who was the first missionary to be appointed to work out a strategy for the joint functioning of the two Churches. As Pulikkotil Methraachen took a bold stance, Norton had to go and slay in Aalappu/ha. It was during the time of Punnathra Methraachen in ISI7. that Bailey, Eenn and Baker arrived here. Gradually the i n i t i a l purposes and approaches were forgotten. The missionaries dared to move to lough positions. Punnathra Methraachen, w ho was initially supportive to the missionaries, gradually lell that things were s l i p p i n g out of his hands. During the time of Cheppaallu Methraachen. in spite of his not having given permission, a parallel church was buill in Mallappally with the permission of the missionaries'" (Philip, pages 239-254). Soon atterthc Maavelikkara Synod, the missionaries appointed four Syrian Kalhanaars on a salary for the modification of the 'lhaksaa'. That is how a deformed 'lhaksaa*. which was mockingly called Arakurbaana.' was made. These are the delects lhat the missionaries
found in the Orthodox 'thaksaa': 1. The prayers offered for the faithful dead (This does not include

'hespurkaanaa.').
2. The faith that the presence of God is there in the celebration of i he Holy Euclnirisl. (It is just that the change of matter in the bread and the wine is not literally accepted.) 3. The request made to St. Mary and the saints for their intercession.

4. The faith that the Holy Fuicharist is a sacrifice without blood. 5. The practice of dipping the blessed bread in the blessed wine during the Eucharist and giving the same to the laity.
6. The practice of the priests anointing the body of sick people

with the holy oil and praying for their spiritual and physical well-being, as advised by Apostle MarYaakkob.
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It is not certain whether the Eucharist was celebrated using the modified 'thaksaa'. In any case, a division ol' (he Church became inevitable. On 19"' January, 1836, the missionaries held a meeting at which Ihey declared having broken away from the Malankara Church. "Years are passing. Nothing is happening. Even after 20 years ol hard work, the Syrian Church is still not prepared to make even the smallest changes in its rituals, practices or disciplinary matters. There has not appeared any missionary spirit in the Church so far..." This is the perception of the missionaries (Hunt, pages 86-88). Without much dcla). a committee was formed wnh three Europeans. Baron de al Bedim. John Sipeo Vernida and William I lenry Hurseley as its members, in order to divide het ween the t\\ o Churches the property that was jointly owned by diem. The decision of this committee is known as the Cochin Award of 1841). This is how it can be summed up. (Its full form can be seen in the book 'The Malankara Church: History and Culture.' pages 556-570.): 1. The Syrian community has a claim on the interest ot three thousand poovaraahans; the Metropolitan and an elected priest and layman can come together and lake n. 2. In 1816, the Travancorc government gave 8000 rupees as a gift towards expenditure on the publication oflhe Bible translation, scripture interpretations, etc., which amount was kept by the Metropolitan and the two trustees, for which the annual account has now got to be submitted to the government. 3. The 20.000 rupees that the Travaneore government gave as gift in 1818 will he under the responsibility oflhe Church Mission Society. 4. The 14035 rupees and change received from Europe will be given to the Mission Society. 5. The Kadamatlom property and its earnings are being given to the Metropolitan.

6. The Seminary property will remain with the Metropolitan and the two trustees. 7. The Kottayam Seminary is with the Metropolitan and the two trustees. 8. The church attached to the Seminary is being given to the Syrians, and the 500 rupees spent on it will be returned to the missionaries, 9. The dining room and the paddy-storing room attached to the Seminary will remain with the Metropolitan and the two trustees. 10. The 4139 rupees and 3 paise earned from the sale of ornaments will remain under the custody of the Metropolitan. I l.The 'Monroe Thuruthu' (the Kallada property) will go to the Church Mission Society. 12. The interest on ' VallippanarrT for the years 1835, 36 and 37, 2520 rupees should be added to the Seminary accounts. 13. After the government commissioner conies, the interest on the 'VattippananT should be added to the Seminary accounts. IT.Thegiflof i 000 rupees that Fenn gave to the Seminary was used tor the construction oflhe church; it will remain with those who own it. 15.The salary of the workers should be given from the Seminary (2279 rupees, 3 annas and 11 paise). 16.The gift given by the government, 1000 rupees should remain with the Seminary. From the money remaining in the Treasury, 6088 rupees, 15 annas and 5 paise should be given to the Metropolitan and 9156 rupees and 7 paise should be given to the Society. 17. The 'cheppeds' and other official documents should remain with ihe Metropolitan.

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Agreement made on 4'1'April, 1840 at Koehi. This record can he seen also in Ittoop Writer's hook (pages 232-245). In the property-dividing committee there was not even one Malayaalee. In order to limit the authority of the Metropolitan, the Cochin Award imagined the existence of the two trustees one from the clergy and one from the laity. The Malankara Metropolitan who was dissatisfied by the decision of the committee gave an appeal lo the Panchaayat which did not receive any attention. Mar Barnabas Metropolitan has made a survev of the good and the evil that resulted from the contacts we have had with the 'missionaries (Seminary Souvenir, 1990. pages 43-48): "the good results: 1. We got a Bible in Malayalam. 2, Our worship got changed lo the medium of Malayalam. 3. Sermons became common. 4. The Theological Seminary was founded. 5. Schools and Sunday Schools got started. 6. Gospel work received an impetus. 7. We became conscious of the need to examine accounts. The bad results: I. There were speeches made against the faith and the practices of the Church. 2. Our Church life which was centred in worship got changed lo a centredness in the Bible. 3. The people became divided. 4. Il caused the creation of an indirect record which made the Patriarch the spiritual 1 lead of our Church. In several ancient parishes, people who fell likemindedness with the missionaries formed parallel parishes. Philip mentions about ecitain indirect steps taken by the missionaries against Mar Dionysius. It is said that the missionaries tried to inlluenee the Resident to gel him lo arresl the Head of the Church by u s i n g political pressure on the government, because he had lo take some decisions in certain matters related to the administration of the Malankara Church {Philip, pages 216-219). "Because of the fear of the missionaries, he was unable to feel free lo do things about the administration of the Church the way he wished to.. If anybody was displeased with him in some way. it was possible for that person to goto the powerful missionaries and to get

help from them lo give him trouble. Training at the Seminary had to be stopped ;is there was no money. The Resident had agreed to give the small amount of money w h i c h had been declared by the Panchaayat court as being the Syrians* share from the trust money. But. as he fell I hat the court decision was unfair, he did not want to touch that money; instead, he kept sending appeals in vain, to the Madras government and lo the Court ol Directors in Ivngland" (Philip, page 218). The only way lo evaluate Ihese developments in one sentence is to say that this was ihe inevitable failure that met the successors on cither side who were unable lo understand in deplh and to follow the noble 'Sabhaajyoliiis' Pulikotlil Mar Dionysius Malankara Metropolitan on Ihe one hand and the competent Rev. Dr. Claudius on the other hand. Mar Barnabas and others who have t a l k e d about the indirect agreement lo Ihe Antiochean supremacy that is seen in the Maavelikkara Padiyola, have done so without a proper examination of history. In a recorded reply given to Col. Monroe bv MarThomma VIII from ihe Niranain church on 20,l; Medam in 1812, it has been written: ' Mar Thomma Melhraan of the Malankara parish, under the supremacy of Patriarch Mar Ignatius.' and thai ' I t is under ihe supremacy of the Antiochean Patriarch Mai Ignatius thai the administration in Malankara has always been conducted. (Ittoop, page 195; The Malankara Church: History and C u l t u r e . * pages 457465). Everybody was using ihe Antiochean shield only as a strategy for temporary protection. In 1812, Mar 1'homma VIII had used the same strategy in order to ensure the continuance of the Metropolitan position in the Pakalomaltom family. In the Maavelikkara Synod, in 1836. the same shield was used in order to reject the authority of the missionaries. Il was again the same shield that the Malankara Church used in 1876 in order to take ihe decision al Mulanthurulhy lo oust the reformists. There is no evidence in history lo show if anybody made use ol Ihe historical importance of that relationship, beyond all these. In the same way as the sister-communities of Kerala mustered up energy and gave a strong encouragement to the dev otional movements

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for the reformation of their religions when the Udavamperur Synod caused the first rift in the Malankara Church, the influence of the missionaries has tried to create a new face for humanitarian reforms by effecting desirable changes in the environments of iow-castc communities and of backward groups within high-caste communities. This was the time when Kerala witnessed the resurrection of the people belonging to the backward communities and scheduled castes, and the growth and expansion ol the notion of the phenomenon ol liberation against the background of religion. It was certainly the missionary operations which played the role of one of the main aspects in ihe creation of this healthy climate in Kerala which grew and spread itself into the national liberation movements. The Bible and the Christian Churches which were its custodians were the nuclei of these operations. Its advancement was visible in two directions. One was the strong influx of people into the Christian religion. The other face was that of the reconstruction of the religions, communities and cultures of Kerala using the parts that went into Ihe making of the Christian religion. That process of reconstruction is still going on in an unhindered manner through the length and breadth of Kerala.

Chapter V

Pulikkottil Mar Dionysius the Great

A. Paalakkunnathu Abraham Malpaan Those who imagined that the Maavelikkara Synod would he a linal solution to problems like the reformist movements which troubled (he Malankara Church, were mistaken. Days of another complex and farreaching confusion and division were the ones awaiting the Church. Though the problems were growing under the cover oflhe reformist movements, there were several other factors which strengthened them. I. the reformist ideas 2. the doubts about the validity of the ordinations 3. the protest that the formal leadership of the Church faced in Ihe banishment of Mar Athanasius 4. the protest against ( heppaattu Melhraaehen who took disciplinary action against the pi on linent clergymen who accepted a re-ordmalion 5. the dissatisfaction ol Ihe rejected candidates for Lpiscopal positions 6. the haired and the vcngeftilness that many missionaries suppressed in their minds against the Malankara Church which had brought to nought their efforts for decades. The Maavelikkara Synod became a line of division. The missionaries visited the Syrian parishes and organised those who came under their influence into a separate division of the Church. T hose who thus got separated became the Protestant division of the Malankara Church under the name Church Mission Society (C.M.S.). But there was another group lhat had got formed within the Church, which did not waul to break away from the Church, but vowed to reform the Malankara Church from within, through the use of reformist ideas. The leader of this group was Paalakkunnathu Abraham Malpaan who had slaved away from the Maavelikkara Synod. They desired that

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Cheppaattu Mar I Jionysius should gi ve up his posilion and that there should be another Bishop who favoured reformist ideas and \\ ho had no problems about his positional validity, to lake up the position. 'I hey prepared a list of corruption charges against the Melhraachen and submitted it to the Resident (Brown, page 140). Tin's is how it can be presented in a summary form: 1. He is causing divisions in parishes by ordaining people who do not deserve 10 be ordained but covet the positions; in doing this he goes against Canons and accepted practices, and he lakes rewards for doing this. 2. In hearing cases and in keeping discipline, bribes plav a decisive role. 3. He intervenes in disputes which lie outside the jurisdiction of the Church, lakes bribes, and gives biased judgements. 4.! le fails in his shephcrdly duties, gives priority lo money, and causes dispuies by being a slave lo the rich people. 5. The Metro|x>litan favours worldly celebrations in the churches, 6. The Metropolitan is ruining Ihe centralised style of Church administration which was arranged from 1816 toexami ne accounts, etc. 7. The Methraan is causing internal dissensions in the Church by going against established administrative practices existent in churches and by doing things in an autocratic way. 8. He makes use of his spiritual position for amassing wealth and gives away his possessions lo family members. 9. He turns the legally constituted advisory committee i nt o an inconsequential one. It). He ignores Ihe covenant he made w i t h the Church and the vows he took before the Church, and he has gone against most of the conditions he had agreed lo (Uloop Writer, page 245: "f lie Malankara Church: I lislory and culture", pages 584-5861. (It was the malpractices commonly found among hpiscopal |xisition holders at all limes that a certain group attacked in the name of reformist arguments. It is a fact thai there is a steady increase in the number of people in the Church who t h i n k thai it is Ihe long-term presence of these malpractices that results in ihe anti-Church opposition that Bishops put up to proposals such as their transfers, retirement mid salary scheme in the same way as priests from high income churches selfishly oppose

proposals lor centralised salary-schemes, transfer and retirement, and the k i l l i n g of many people's love for the Church by wearing masks of seeming justice made from the unlawful practice of Bishops using their veto-powers to shoot down such proposals when they are unanimously presented at the meetings of the Managing Committee of the Church which has ihe same authority as thai of a complete Synod. One is leminded of the prophetic words repeatedly pronounced by people like father Yuhaanon Mar Severiose that the outward glory that we see in the Church these days is like the glory of a garden organised at Ihe lop of a volcano.) No steps were taken in response to the corruption charges submitted against Cheppaattu Melhraachen. In March 1837. ('heppaallu Methraan sent out a circular ordering that the missionaries should not be allowed to enter our churches, and thai anybody who went against this order would he excommunicated (P. Cheriyaan. page 285). Those who favoured the reformists ignored this circular. In the meantime, the committee that had been appointed for the modification of ihe 'lhaksaa' completed its work. Paalukkunnalhu Abraham Malpaan, who was a reformist leader and a prominent member of the 'lhaksaa' modification committee, celebrated the Holy Kuchanst according lo the modified 'thaksaa.' The parishes at Ko/hancheri. AyiroorandMaaraamon welcomed it. The general opinion is that nine corrections were made in the 'lhaksaa.' 1. "Hie prayer lo Ihe saints was removed. 2. The prayers for the dead were removed. 3. Prayers starling with phrases like 'Thou who art Ihe ruler over ihe ends of the earth .. .'. 'Thou who rulesl over the depths . ..' and 'Thou who art God . ..' were rejected. 4. The phrase 'bloodless sacrifice' was changed lo 'prayers.' 5. The phrase 'the living sacrifice' was changed to 'sacrifice thai is grace, praise and peace." b. The proclamation thai 'This Liueharist... is sacrifice and praise' was removed. 7. The proclamation thai 'The Holy Spirit is the purifier of

the burning incense' was removed. K. The statement 'You arc the burning rock placed on the tomb of the saviour' was removed, and 'You arc the burning rock tested many limes by the builders and arc precious' was added instead. 9. It was decided to give the Holy Communion in two parts. 10. The practice of making a confession of one's sins to the priest was stopped, ll.lt was decided that there is no need to celebrate the Holy Communion when there is no one to receive il (K.N.Daniel. The Malankara Church and the Reformation." pages 45-47). These changes have only an oral tradition, bven Abraham Malpaan did no! use these changes in the w r i t t e n form. His disciples have recorded this ami also that, without making anv written changes in the old 'thaksaa.' it was customary just to read it out with the neecssar\ changes and tonmil the unnecessary parts while reading. Later when the reformists recorded these changes in the 'thaksaa', the leaders in the lirsl generation of reformists opposeii it vehemently. Kottayam Chcriyapally Vicar PunnalhraThaa/halhii Chaandappilla Kalhanaar (Thaa/hathachen), who got ordained by the reformist leader P a a l a k k u n n a l h u Va li ya Methraaehen. who joined both the Paalakkunnalhu Bishops to gi v e leadership to the Reformation Movement, who served as I lie clergyman t r u s t e e of the undivided Church, and who, on behalfo f l h e Church (as trustee), played the required role in the disputes conducted ai both Aalappu/ha and riiiruvananthapuram. in the small book tilled 'VilaapangalThat he wrole and published in his XL1 year, reveals the actual facts in ail the mailers. He writes: "Let me say boldly that this hig community will nevei agree to this kind of decisions taken hy a committee or by the majority of a committee: il we feel that our Church needs some kind of a reformation, all our orders of worship will have to be translated into a language that is understood, a meeting oflhe great complete Svnod will have to be called, die agreement oflhe entire Church will have to lie legal I v sought, and thus the necessary changes w i l l have to be made upon the ancient and main creeds and practices and orders of worship; this will be the only way to do it: no other short-cut methods will he acceptable to this big community."

(There are available in the Church, unauthorised reformed versions of ancient orders of worship and practices, done with the help of ideas dictated b\ persona! inlerest and imagination, by several Malpaans including Paalakkunnalhu Abraham Malpaan. Some examples are given he low.
1. The song that is sung at the time of anointing wiih the 1 loty Oil the person being baptised, is an addition that was made by Pathrose Baavaa in 1X76 with an evil intention. 2. There was no practice of taking the baptised babies into the

chancel. Palhrose I iaavaa started the practice of taking the male babies inside. In order to ensure equality of sexes, all babies are being taken inside now.
3. Water was never used in blessing a house. Later water entered

the scene unofficially. Now water has officially become part of has per the order of worship published officially by the Church, A prayer has also appeared for the occasion of using the water. In the future, new prayers and blessings may appear for the occasions of using water and the holy oil during Pentecost. Orthodox reformation ot orders of worship is often like a garland in the hands of a monkey. 4. There has appeared a new song for use while the bride is being donned w ilh the 'mantluakodi' during the wedding service. For the blessing ol the crown there used lobe sepai ale response-songs for I he bridegroom and the bride, which have now disappeared, and the songs are being repealed.
5. There never used to be any sprinkling of water for the Pentecost service formerly. 6. hi Yaakkob's 'bovooso.' the concluding part ol Christ's passion in a pari where the Jews are cursed. As some people criticised this, il was removed, and another song has been added in its place. In the sung that was removed, there was actually no curse al all; il was just a statement. 7. After the priest enters the 'dariia' lor the Holv Uucharisl, til! he

comes out. there are no songs al all. The poelisation ol'lhe prose piece 'moulhokmoraan,' the songs sung during the sharing ol '|ieaee and during the time ol' the breaking of the bread, die 'lioolhomnio' songs -all these were added later at different limes quite unauthorised!}' by different Malpaans. X. The 'roosmaa' given whenever the priest wished peace lor the congregation during the Hucharist was stopped. Thus tile priest's showing of his hand to the west at that lime has heen made quite a meaningless ritual. 9. The practice ol saying 'The Son died on Ihe Cross' while inkling Hie corner of l he 'sosnppaa'and of saying 'I le has risen from the tomb' while unfolding the corner of the 'sosappaa' has got stopped. Some people have even slopped the practice ol folding and unfolding Ihe corner of the 'sosappaa'. 10. Ihe practice of the priest turning lo the people and doing 'roosmaa' while chanting the Trinity verse of "subalio" has also got stopped. Formerly it was to do this 'roosmaa' I hat the priest used to lurn to the |rople whenever he was singing a song. Hut now this practice is seen only in ordinations, baptisms and weddings. During prayers andtheRucharisl, even while singing the 'kukilions', the priest should he turning to the west. 11. for the Tonsmuas" during Ihe Rticharisl. the principle ol'lhe officiating; clergyman pulling his left hand on the altar has also been forgotten because ol'lhe practice of holding Ihe 'amshavadi' in ihe left hand while doing the 'roosmaa'. 12. In the consecration of a church, there used to he the practice of placing with a dedication, twelve small stones marked with the sign of the cross, around the spot where the corner stone sal. The symbolism behind this practice became deformed and meaningless when the practice ol'placing inside Ihe casket in ihe corner-stone, tweK e arli licial precious slones without the mark of the cross, became prevalent. 13. Nowadays many people do not write on the blessed tablet the
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verse that the Canon instructs should be written on it. Hven those who write it, have unauthorisedly changed its wording. 14. During the ordination service, those who receive the earliest of the deacon positions are being made lo stand on their knees these days. 15. '! he practice of culling some hair off from the head used to be there only for'dayaraa' entrants; nowadays it has become universal. 16. During ordinal ion services, ihe singing of the song 'neeseroolio kaadeeso." ihe secret prayer of 'kroilhodrooho kaadeeso' and Ihe \\a\ ingol hands on the mysteries and the candidates all these have to be done simultaneously. Nowadays its meaning, relevance and propriety have been lost. 17. Recently, there has come into circulation a special order of service under the name 'intercessory prayer'; nowadays there is also in circulation an intercessory prayer in the name of the saints. IS. The 'subkono' service at the beginning of I .ent is an addition that was made by Pathrose Baavaa. I'). The celebration of the cross on the days of Yaldo. the festival of the cross and the ascension arc also later additions. 20. The practice of giving the Communion, coming out to the west from a hall-removed curtain, before it is brought out to the west in celebration from a fully removed curtain, is a new introduction. 21, The Kuchurisl on New Year's day. altera night's vigil, and the services for self-dedication and the burial of those who commit suicide and those who live in 'dayaraas' are also new creations. Paalakkunnalhu Abraham Malpaan introduced reforms in orders of worship, as per the dictates of his conscience. Those who arc using the same justification today in order to introduce reforms in the orders of worship are repeating the mistakes committed by Paalukkunnathu Malpaan. Chaining verses and prayers which are not litere in the "thaksaa.' with the 'thaksaa' open in front of them, is a cleverness and
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and transportation charges. That being the case, the expenditure incurred by Mar Thomma V on account of their visit was a sum of 12,000 rupees. The Syriac letter that explained the travel expenditure has been translated and included in his book by E.M.Philip, as having come from these Church-Heads (pages 169-173). It is mentioned in this letter that the Dutch people asked for 429 rupees as boarding and lodging charges for about ten people who stayed for seventy-two days. That means that it cost only 60pai.se per person per day. Perhaps it was on the basis of such calculations that Mar Thomma V agreed to meet all the expenditure. This letter is certainly a false record prepared m order to justify the Church-1 leads, using untrue stories created later, because the letter contains details such as that the Church-Heads started their journey in 1748 (whereas they actually started only in 1750, after the agreements were made), that they were robbed during the journey, and that they were made to pay huge sums of money by way of ransom. When ten people came in the place of one person asked for, it was clearly mainly for trade purposes, and not because they wanted to help the Church. There are records which tell us that some of them, when the trade deals were finished, went back to their native country. The sum of about 12,000 rupees - Rs. 11,454/- to be exact - claimed hy the Dutch authorities on the basis of the huge debt incurred solely by the foreign Church-Heads, as far as the Malankara Church was concerned, was a sum that was impossible to be repaid. Bishop Mar Thomma's displeasure with the foreign Church-Heads increased when they went ahead and ordained Nellimattalhu Kathanaar at Kothamangalam before meeting h i m on their arrival at Kochi. Mar Thomma was forced to go into hiding when the Dutch government prepared to initiate proceedings against him for breaking the agreement. And the foreign Church-Heads were imprisoned. Under these circumstances which brought disgrace to the entire Church, everybody's love for the Church was awakened. What can be surmised is that, as the three foreign Church-Heads - one of them. Shaakrallaa Maphriaanaa in Paaloor, Mar Gregoriose in Mulanthuruthy. and Mar

I vamose in Chengannoor- later surfaced, these three strong parishes divided Mar Thomma V's huge debt into three and shared the burden of repaying it, and thus the three of them got polarised in the three places. That was the time when these three parishes were suffering the bitter effects of the disputes concerning the positional validity of Mar Thomma V. Therefore the presence of Church-Heads holding valid positions was more necessary tor them, and this quickened the process of t h e i r j o i n i n g them. (Details regarding the divisions at PaaloorChaaUukulangara church have been obtained. During the time of Mar fhonima V, when the party disputes arose. theCalholicose party was getting formed with its centre at the present Paalayur church, which was actually the Chaavakkaadu St. Kuriakosc church operating under the Paaloor church as its chapel. Even as late as 1800, that church was still under the jurisdiction of Bishop Mar Thomma. and was under the Paaloor-Chaattukulangara parish. In (he petition that Kaattumangaattu Koorilose sent to Shakthan Thamburaan in the 1770's. the ('haa\akkaadu church is being considered as one of the 'Kurisupallies' connected to the Paaloor-Chaallukulangara church. Dr. Buchanon has recorded that in 1 800 the Chaavakkaadu church was under the ju r is d i ct i o n of the Mar Thomma Bishop ('Buchanon's Kerala,' translated by Dr. K.C.Kareem). In the Aarthaat church-song it is clearly recorded that, even when the priests of Chaattukulangara were conducting the worships at the Chaavakkaadu St. Kuriakosc chapel, t h e i r cemetery was still at the Chaattukulangara church. When the dispute arose, the Catholicosc party tried in vain to oppose this practice. Though that chapel was newly constructed as a very spacious church in 1607 with the help of the Italian missionary Feniechio. the people of this church continued to consider the church at Chaattukulangara as the head-church, and the priests from there continued to take turns to conduct the services here as before. "This Chaavakkaadu-Paalayur church, built in the name of the 4lh century A.D. saint. 'Kuriakose Sahadaa." is the most ancient among the churches in Malabaar. As many blessings are received through the intercession of this saint, a

boldness that some people exhibit in the same manner as Abraham Malpaan. It is a kind of sickness that makes one see as being trivial those styles of practices which were formed out of centuries of innumerable changes on regional, temporal and linguistic fronts, just because one cannot justify them using one's limited brains. That sickness had affected the reformist leaders also in a big wav. The Metropolitan banned unauthorised scr\ ices being conducted using the corrected 'thaksaa'; the Malpaan was excommunicated. It WHS publicised that ilie Malpaan's disciples would not be given any ordinations in the future. The deacons George Maalhen and Paalakkunnathu Mathews who joined the Malpaanachen in defying the Metropolitan were also excommunicated. George Mualhen later became the first local 'paadri' ofThiruvilhaamcote. Deacon Mathews joined Bishop Kori's Grammar School in Madras, but, as he was found unsuitable to be ordained, he was sent out before he could complete the course. Later he reached Mardene. He had with him Abraham Malpaan's letters of recommendation. B. Paalakkunnathu Mar Atliiiinisius That was the time when Cheppaaltu Melhraachen's glorv was beginning to diminish in the Church. Because of the enmity of the missionaries, the administration of the Church became a headache to him. Internal disputes strengthened. There was no forum at which the meaningiessnessofthe reformation could he discussed, ll was when the need for a leader to lead the battle was fell that Deacon Paalakkunnathu Mathews went off to Mardene. We do not know what dramas were staged over there hv this clever man w ho went off without the knowledge or permission of the Church. However, this man whose trip was financed by his own family, came back in 1SU3. and reached Kochi with the claim that he had become a bishop. I he thirst for revenge in many of those priests whom Cheppaaltu Methraachen had got the gov eminent to punish, now k'came verv aclive in the hope thai they would gel the leadership of the new bishop in llieir

effort to leach Cheppaatiu Methraachen the lesson that they thought he deserved to be taught. The young bishop who reached Kochi celebrated the Holy Eucharist in the old fashion, without any reforms, and this enabled him to get a great deal of support. The old Malankara Metropolitan helplessly watched the young bishop visiting the churches and the churches receiving him. without his having visited the Malankara Melropolilanorhavingshownhiinhis 'Susthaathikkon.' But his mind did nol have the willingness to start a battle. He was prepared for a reconciliation with die young bishop. So, according to the ancient practice in Malankara, he called a meeting of the church representatives on y ' Chingam in 1843 at Kandanaadu, where he thought he could lisicn to I he new bishop's "Susthaathikkon' being readout and where he thought he could offer him a formal welcome. What was expected was that the 'Susthaathikkon' would be handed to the Malankara Metropolitan who would appoint one of the Malpaaiistoreadiloullo the meeting, and at Iheend of the reading the formal welcome planned would be extended to the new bishop. But under the cover of certain disputes that arose in the meeting, the new1 bishop did not hand over his Susthaathikkon.' The meeting of the church representatives ended in ;i quarrel, without achieving the purpose for which it was called. With tins, word spread dial the 'Susthaathikkon' was a false one. The conlempoiarv record in the Niranam Chronicle goes this way: . . .
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(iahriel. reached Koehi on 26"'Chingam in 1845. He observed ihe > unditions

.11 96).

in Malankara very carefully. Mar Koorilose became worried about the influence that Athanasius had with the government that was under British control, because of his bias for the reformist movement, and about the dissatisfaction that people generally had towards the old, weak and dejected Mar Dionvsius. Mar Dionysius, who saw a long legal bailie ahead, sent out an order for handing over his position and i expansibility lo Mar Koorilose; he also gave a copy of the same to the .iiiilionlies. Athanasius had given a petition to the government requesting ihal a royal order be sent out. appointing him as the Malankara Metropolitan in the place of Marl )ionysi us after re moving him. as he had been consecrated by the Patriarch of Anlioeh himself. Koorilose, who came to know about this, sent out two orders on behalf oflhe Patriarch, one lo ihe effect thai Alhanasius be excommunicated, and the other to Ihe effect that Koorilose be appointed as Malankara Metropolitan in Ihe place of Mar Dionysius. It was perhaps because ol his conviction thai 'Vhanasius's claim lo have been consecrated as a bishop was false, Ihal Koorilose look courage to send out an excommunication order against Alhanasius without atrial. When Mar Dionysius gave up his position, the government called a meeting at Ihe Kollam court, in order lo decide who. from ihe two applicants, should he appointed as the Malankara Metropolitan. cojoeiac croorQiW], SIQQIO mjOiiaJIry. eiaoGJTjRmn raracDrroxiSaJlgg, c'nijo/lmj uDlfQtru iQirjord, ei!UBil(!)Daia3 ng)trrlaj<3 rarasesRlcQ) cfooiaol L>! (;cnrjbMi, SI<O">OT'1;D.'I<3 ^okp.iorro Qud6M.j6)s O~IQP.II eimcnraaaoojo
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(As in ihe ease of Kaattumangaattu Koorilose, was the Rpiscopai claim of Paalakkunnathu Athanasius Methraan also a false one'.' F.xcept for his own statement that he had got consecrated by the Patriarch of Anrioch. there are no records or witnesses to confirm it. Later when the need arose to submit the 'Susthauthikkon' in the court ol law. a story was cooked up that its original had been lost, and therefore it was an unattested copy that was finally presented in the court. The judges who heard the case, unanimously declaicd I hat Ihe false Morv was an unbelievable one. ISishop Yuyaakkcem Koorilosc who came from Mardene and lived here lor the rest ol his life, and Patriarch Peter III who came later, have never called Alhanasius a bishop. Those who had got ordained by Alhanasius, when they later came lo Ihe mother Church. Koorilose received them after giving them a re-ordinal ion. Athanasius. who proudly claimed lo have been con>eerated by the Patriarch of Anlioeh. avoided meeting Koorilose who had been sent by the Patriarch. Later he avoided meeting Patriarch Peter 111 also. In spite of repeated requests from the mediators, he continued the evasion. When Palhrose Baavaa reached Ihe Niranam church where Alhanasius was slaying, in order to see him. he closed the door of his room from inside, and stayed inside without coming out. Lven under the protection of government employees and the King's soldiers, why was Alhanasius so scared of meeting Patriarch Peter, the seventy-six year old High Priest, who had come lo see him'.' One has yet gol lo find a satisfactory answer lo this question. These circumstances prove thai the doubts thai the Malankara Church has raised from Ihe beginning about the reliability of the clergy-positions of the reformist group are not baseles.) C. Yuyaakkeeni Mar Koorilose A complaint was sent to Patriarch Mar Dionysius from Malankara. explaining Ihe reformist tendencies of Alhanasius. As though in response to this. Bishop Yuyaakkcem Mar Koorilosc, along with his brother

<t>ii;mlolcojlf53 "... Lxcept lor members from one or two southern churches, members from all other churches were in favour of Mar Koorilosc. As ihe members of the committee bad a soft corner for Athanasius. no decision was taken that day" (The Kandanaadu Chronicle, page 98). As an eye-witness account of Kandanaattu Karottuveetlil Simon Korepiscopa, the Kandanaadu Chronicle throws some light on the

-------------------------E9 -------------------------

events that took place; during this period. (Its author is Mar Dionysius. the first Bishop of Koclii, who was later buried at Kadungamangalam.) Athanasius played many tricks to influence the committee; he created many false records. He spread many stories which were spun out of his imagination. See some of those false stories in the copy of the 'Susfhaathikkon' itself: "... In the letters that you had sent, you had complained that you did not have a shepherd, clergy, baptism or an administrator... When I was in a stale of anxiety, not knowing whom to send to Malankara. yourMathai Kaseesaacame lo me in peace . .. and ! ordained him first as deacon, then as kaseesaa, I hen rambaan. and then finally as bishop" (Royal Court judgement, page 471. Athanasius wrote to the Resident: ".. .The Patriarch of "Antioch has excommunicated Bishop Mar Dionysius who does things without his knowledge or permission." Another letter goes this way: GoJna3c9ao(3 6i<e>3^n,c/osh(Qn_ngss mgsxo mji|_(0i2>3(i oJluxcroiltoS c9)aoj)6"3B(j3 6)ff)<mo(mci(^l ail oi pirn cry olroFij oJl6}o6iu8)o ail^oroVlol cOffliemailffi (Soj6Tfii coicffSmo 6)-iicoj(inj. n^inlcon c&lglcnflfDltOoicro nilaoio autsaaaai.j.mocoj taraolmltoS, OT> mlaio LT-ioidforoitii pab oiaiOijitraffl^o rij1g6)iQ) graruortolrijl'ijcffi i^)^1^ mjffn^ffiO'&jo (o^onuaocojio g^g) GtBffioJc9iiiei(D) gffinjrfwul^ 23(3 riloinoofscrupnul^ miajSQ^^Iol <asi}ar> rruno(D6KOKJ) mlpjmloiG^irroflnlwpjiOO 300 rajoiLj e^tftdKajoJl
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abroad at that time was also not able to do anything effective. As the government issued an order forbidding Mar Athanasius and Yuyaakkeem Koorilose from working in Travancore, Koorilose went lo Mahibaar. built a church first at Porkalam, then another at ( naalassery. and lived there. Mar Athanasius. along with his companion Simon Rambaachen. stayed at Paaloor-Chaatlukulangara church and taught students of theology. Though a complaint was given against the forbidding order of 1849. 111 ilie month of Medam of the same year at Madras, it did not fetch any 1 esult. As per the recommendation of the Resident, Kallen, the King of I ravancore published an announcement favouring Athanasius: Lira! n K;S>3im3r3rsr)cru ojsiajl 5iii3PJi3(3rar!J)3faTrvum(32ffl tOjjpjtsc/oeura rf.lro1<=.nj(!ril ssicm rrojraSroiaiociS oifioomosraosH eoeu^orjaj raomraosj
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M)SoitS30)>lfl)3 fiJiraroiao^jj^lraS cmjolcojocoliSsioralraS gu3e)fi)5 ojj)pjoru(02o (Ei2)Qp_itP^(oi1c(3j 310(3 lira(Qioiotooecroj,3mj 6>mt.(3>cifin-p9j'lffitai3 6)a raraa>irru(olaj c9>1|fi20tii33(SnJ36)pj enscro Qiaoo^cft-ODjo eruerno.
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rarajroil 2)0(3 nlmcmerro^QmilGrnos mosm^yi^^ora^hirajomjce^arii. It became certain that a royal announcement would conic out, following the decision of the committee in favour of Athanasius on 9"' Milhunam after the trial which was conducted in the month of Meenam in 1848. A retrial was arranged in order to establish that the decision was unbiased. In this retrial, the records presented by Koorilose were rejected on the grounds that there was a change of ink on them (Itloop Writer, pages 255-266). Athanasius became more acceptable lo the priests, the missionaries and the government, as he favoured the priests and the reformation movement, and also because he was taken to be a scholar in many languages. Stephen Mar Athanasius who came from

Mar Stephanose went to England and expressed his grievance about the forbidding order, at the Court of Directors. Then he went back to Ins own country, in response to the complaint, the Court of Directors issued an order this wav on 13"'May, I 857: '.. . From now on. the claims made by any Bishops who may be sent to that country by (he Patriarch of'Anlioch. may be accepted or rejected as per the decision of the country's people themselves ..." ( The Kandanaattu Chronicle). With this. Yuyaakkeem Koorilose obtained the freedom to travel.

-------------------------ran-------------------------

'The royal order brought peace into the troubled atmosphere of the Church. As soon as he received the approval. Ahanasius slarted his reformatory efforts publicly. This caused anger in the people again. In order to control the unrest, the Divaan of Travancorc issued an order in 1863, 'empowering the lower grade magistrates to punish and to banish from the churches, without any long trials, any clergymen or laymen who defied the lawfully appointed Metropolitan' (Philip, page 224). Alhanasius. who had used the Patriarch ol Anlioch as a shield forgetting his position appro\ed. as soon as he got the approval lor his position, started defying the Patriarch publicly and mliodueing lefoimaiory measures in the Church forcibly. On the 2"'of Kumhhom. in 1X53. Paakikkunnathu Alhanasius called a meeting of the church representatives at the Kottayam Old Seminary. Most oflhe churches from the south and several oflhe churches from the north participated in this meeting. The meeting approved a 103-itcm code of conduct for the administration oflhe churches. (This code of conduct can be seen in its full form in the part from page 613 to page 631 of the hook tilled 'The Malankara Church: History and Culture.') This 'Kottayam Padiyola' has maintained the seriousness of a Constitution and a Canon. But. as the Metropolitan gave prominence to his own personal interests in matters concerning ordinations and appointments of Vicars, even the other conditions stipulated by the code of conduct did not become practicak Cheppaatlu Mar Dionysius passed away on <)"' October. I X55. He was buried in the Chcppaaltu church. He had to undergo a lot ol' suffering in the name oflhe division ol the (lunch that followed the Maavclikkara Synod. He was made to sec a deacon, whom he had excommunicated, claiming to have been consecrated as a bishop and creating new dissensions in the Church, liven alter he willingly gave his own position to Yuyaakkeem Koorilose. he did not receive the kind of consideration that he really deserved. Ignored by everyone, he came to a sad etui.

Most of the southern parishes supported Alhanasius who had the backing of the royal order. Though Koorilose was allowed to conduct spiritual services, he had no administrative powers. Even then, the ancient parishes from the northern regions became veritable goldmines for him. When his brother Makkudisaa Gabriel through trade, and he himself through spiritual services, became engrossed in money-making, there happened to be no one to resist the reformist movements. Those parishes which did not welcome reformation, came into a stale of being like sheep w ilhotit a shepherd. Yuyaakkeem Koorilose, who was busy travelling in the northern regions conducting weddings, baptisms, leslivals and ceremonies, did not have the lime or the inclination to pay attention toother matters. [). The Thozhiyoor Disputes The Metropolitan at Thozhiyoor in those days was Kuthoor (iheevarghese Mar Koorilose. the disciple of the founder of the Koltayam Old Seminary. Like his predecessors he was also one of the Vicars oflhe Pualoor-Chaatlukiilangara parish, and a person who had lived tinder the protection of that parish. In those days, the church at Thozhiyoor was not even a parish-church. Like his predecessors, he siood firmly in the position held by the Chaattukulangara church, in all the celebrations and in all the crises that the Malankara Church went through. As the Chaattukulangara parish supported Yuyaakkeem Koorilose. Koorilose of Thozhiyoor also accepted Yuyaakkeem Koorilose. Kulhoor Koorilose passed away on 16"'June, 1856. lie was buried at Thozhiyoor. As was the custom, all his belongings were locked up and sealed, and the keys were handed over to Panackal YouscjihKaseesaa from Aalathoor. the Vicar at Chaattukulangara (M. P. Varkey. 'Mar Dionysius,' page 14). The parish decided that the maternal relative of the founder of the Kottayam Old Seminary. Kolaadi Chaakkunni Kalhanaar should be consecrated as the successor of the Thozhiyoor Metropolitan. Another strong group in the parish, the members of the Paaremmal (Kuthoor) family, were in favour of

Panackal Youseph Kathanaarl'or the position of Ihc Metropolitan. In order to defeat the members of the Panackal family who led the majority group in the parish, and also their candidate for the Metropolitan's position, the parish people approached for help the Paalakkunnathu Bishop who was unacceptable to the Chaattukulangara parish. It was perhaps on the condition that they would capture for him theTho/.hiyoor headquarters that he joined them. When the official party in the parish came to know about this, they immediately contacted Yuyaakkecm Koorilose, but he was spending a lew days in Mulanlhuruthy in connection with his brother's wedding, in the meantime, the clever man Paalakkunnathu Melhraachen reached Tho/hiyoor. Perhaps according to an earlier agreement, he unauthorised!}' gave the keys, which were entrusted with h i m in good faith by Aalathur Kaseesaa, to the reformist Bishop. He broke the seal of the headquarters at Thozhiyoor, opened the door, and took custody of the instilution ("The History of"ihc Malahaar Free Syrian Church." page 74). hi Ihose days, the Munsiff of Chaavakkaadu, Puthenkaavu AalummootliKieorge, was a close friend of Paalakkunnadiu Melhraachen and that was perhaps what emboldened him to do this unauthorised occupation. Though il was only a minority group, the support ol a group from the parish, coupled with recommendations from the Vicar, made the unauthorised occupation drama a complete success. The people ii\' the ChaattukLilangaraPaaloor(Aarthaat) parish got together and came li> Thoz.hiyi.Kir. in order to oust the Bishop who so openly took unauthorised possession of the property that belonged to the parish, and the Vicar of the parish who unauthorisedly gave away the keys which had been entmsted with him as Vicar, and thus broke the trust, from the Tho/hiyoor headquarters. This frightened the Bishop and his people. They went upstairs and locked themselves up in the rooms upstairs. As Adangappurathu Youseph Kaseesaa had closed the door, nobody was able to enter the Metropolitan's room upstairs. The brave young man. Venkatathu Deacon took a letter from the Metropolitan, used a rope to come down in the night, and reached Chaavakkaadu. He gave the

letter to the Munsiff Magistrate Aalummoottil George. The Magistrate and the policemen reached the spot early in the morning (Fr. K. C. Varghese, page 75). With the help of his friend, the man of authority, the Metropolitan won the victory. Perhaps according to an earlier agreement. Paalakkunnathu Melhraachen consecrated Aalathoor Youseph Kaseesaa as the Thozhiyoor Bishop. By (he time Yuyaakkeem Koorilose came back to Kunnamkulam after all the celebrations in connection with his brother's wedding, the curtain had fallen on the Tho/hiyoordrama. As the official Malankara Metropolitan who had ihc backing of ihe royal announcement, he was received by the Tho/hiyoor Church, as was recorded by later Tho/hiyoor Church history, which thus justified Aalathoor Kalhanaar's breach of trust. But this forced the Tho/hiyoor Bishop to accept the name and nature of a tree Church cut away from the mother-Church. He who did not have even one parish as his own formerly, now started looking for ways to make some parishes his own. That is when the first dispute of the Tho/hiyoor Church originated. TheChaattukulangara church stalled a case in the Civil Court of Ko/liikodcon H'^Chingam in 1857, with Yuyaakkecm Koorilose as Ihc Plaintiff. The main arguments of Yuyaakkeem Koorilose were based on the supremacy of Anlioch and on the election ol the Metropolitan. Aalathoor Melhraachen presented in the Court as Record No. 4 ihc Sale-Deed which testified to a person by name Kunnamkulam Panackal Thaaru having bought from the King of Punnathoor in the month of klavom in 1775 for a price the entire property at Thozhiyoor, and he argued thai his parish did not have any connections whatsoever with eithenhe Patriarch of Anlioch or the person Yuyaakkeem Koorilose who was sent by him and that it was a free parish. He also presented in the Court a death certificate on the basis of which he argued that Paalakkunnathu Melhraachen who was consecrated wras the official Malankara Metropolitan who had received the royal announcement, that this person who came into the position had actually been chosen as his successor by his predecessor Kuthoor Mcthraachen of Thozhiyoor
-------------------------------------------ECT1 ---------------------------------------------

in whose death certificate t h i s was mentioned, and that the death certificate that he now presented in the Court was the one that was written by his predecessor for this purpose. The Civil Court rejected the case with the order that the expenditure he borne. The appeal that was given in the Madras High Court in 1862 was also rejected with the order to hear the expenditure. Towards the expenditure, the Chaalasseri church and the Porkalam church which had been built by Yuyaakkeetn Mar Koorilose were given toAalathoorPanackal Melhraachcn. (His positional name was Koorilose.) I'hesc two churches were the first two parishes ol the Tho/hiyoor Church. The person who conducted these disputes on behalfol'Yuyaakkeem Koorilose was Pulikkollil IttoopJ<athanaarfi'om Kunnamkulam who had received his ordination as a priest from Yuyaakkeem Koorilose in 1852 at the Chaalisseri church, celebrated his first Holy Eucharist at the Chiralayam church, and was appointed as Vicar of the Pa/ban ji church. (Wilh this dispute the relationship belween the Malankara Church and the Tho/.hiyoor Bishop ended. It was the edifice of unity that was imaginatively built up jointly by the founder of the Seminary and Kidangun Melhraachcn that was ruined by this episode. Lven though the Tho/.hiyoor Church historian has described this event as a victory for the Tho/hiyoor Church, the present writer has firsthand knowledge that its later leaders sincerely believed that onlv a reconciliation with the Malankara Church would save the Tho/.hiyoor Church and wished for the same.) The double-faced Paalakkunnathu Methraachen conducted worships, introducing reforms wherever possible, and not introducing any wherevercircumstances were not favourable. His paternal uncle Abraham Malpaan did not receive the I loly Communion from the reformist Bishop. He avoided his nephew who. after g i v i n g him communion using the reformed 'thaksaa," would not mind using the unreformed "thaksaa." It was from Kailhayil (iheevarghese Malpaan that Abraham Malpaan received the last I loly Communion. The Malpaan. who removed the statue of Kothamangalam Muthappan from

the Maaraamon church and stopped the festival of YaldoBaavaa h ei ii v conducted in that church, was laid to rest at the Maaraamon church. while d y i n g he had ihe satisfaction that he had laid a very slron;' foundation for reformation in Malankara. The authoritative spokesman of Ihe history of the reformation, K. N. Daniel writes: "Abraham Malpaan, Kailhayil (iheevarghese Malpaan and some other great people, ignoring the haired ol the Metropolitan and persecutions, were using the reformed 'lhaksaa' in t h e i r parishes from 1012 (1837) onwards. Later, when Mathews Mar Athauasius Metropolitan took up the administration of the Malankara Church, reformation started spreading" ("1 he Malankara Church and Ihe Reformation," page 38). Kumbanaadu Mar Thonima Valiyapally's!Souvenir says: "It was during the reign of Ihe above mentioned Mathews Mar Athauasius, who was the follower of ihe reformist Abraham Malpaanachen and who was actually the uncrowned King of the Malankara Syrian Church, thai this spiritual process g e n e r a l l y happened in the Church" (The Bicentenary Celebrations Memorial Book, page 16). When such clear official declarations are there right in front of our eyes. Ihe fact that George Yarghese. Madras, wrote a book explaining in vain thai Mar Athauasius was not in favour of the reformation and that he held the Orthodox faith, ami that this book was published by M. O. C. Publications, the official publications unit of the Church, can only be ascribed to the instigation of an evil mind. We can see examples of reformation in the third edition ol' the translation of Ihe prayer book that Mar Athauasius published in 1865. This bonk "that was printed in the printing press of Mar Alhanasius Metropolitan of the Malankara parish at the Syrian Seminary at Kottayam" is not "the right translation of the prayer book of the Syrian Christians'1 as it claims tobe.TheprayertoSl. Mary has been left out in this translation; so is the prayer for the 9Ih hour in which the dead are remembered. In the 'soothaaraa' prayer some of the lines in the bedlime prayer have been changed from

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In the delight of having got the orders of worship translated from the root language to the local language, many people failed to see the reformatoryefforts made under the cover of translation: some others who saw it. pretended not to have seen it. F. Pulikkottil Ittoop (Joseph) Kathanaar It was the Kunnamkulam P u l i k k o t t i l Ittoop Kathanaar, who was born on 12"' November, 1832, as the son of the KurianpThaandamma couple, who declared an open war against the reformation of Paalakkunnathu Valiya Methraaehen. He had got his theological training from his grandfather Ittoop Kathanaar. his uncle KuthoorKoorilose, and others like Yuyaakkeem Koorilose.Stephanose Athanasius and Simon Rambaan. I le, in order to resist the reformist Methraan's prayer book, started distributing prayer books without any reformation, printed at the press of Kalahaslhiyappaa t helliyaar at Ko/hikode. (At least thirteen editions of this book were published during his life time. This author is keeping si\ or seven ol these.) In Ihe I850's, this Joseph Kathanaar e s t a bl i s h e d a printing press at Kunnamkulam under the name "Pulikkottil Joseph Kathanaar\ Press,' and published from there the liturgical 'thaksaa' in Syriac. (This author has v. ilh him that 'thaksaa' which inchules the orders Tor the Iiueharisl. Baptism and Marriage.) This press, which had its characters made of stone, and which was bought from the German missionaries at Tellicherry. was the first press at Kunnamkulam which is the land of printing presses. This was also the first Syriac press in Kerala. Kven though hewasdefeated by the reformist bishop in the'fho/hiyoor Church ------------__----------_-----j^g__---------------------------------------

case, he was not disappointed. The Mafankara Church watched with interest the young priest who travelled from church to church in Malankara in order to distribute the printed prayer books and orders of worship. During his journeys. Pulikkottil Idoop Kathanaar noticed large numbers of Syrians, who did not favour reformation, but were unable to resist the reformist bishop and so were living under his supremacy, pretending to be submissive. The fame that he had as the Kottayam Old Seminary founder's family member, helped lighten the burden of his efforts. In the northern parishes, many clergymen and laymen became his friends. I le learnt some Hindi from the north Indians who had come lo Kochi and Chaavakkaadu for trade purposes, some Syriac and Arabic from the foreign teachers, and some Hnglish from certain missionary friends. I le got ordained as priest on 6'" Chingam in 1852. and served in the churches at Pa/hanji and Chaalissery. It was during that lime that the reformist bishop received his royal announcement. With the announcement, all the churches in the AarthaatKunnamkulam greater parish came under the supremacy of the reformist bishop. He prepared about four .hundred families lo resist the reformation. Willi the permission oi~ (he King of Kochi he established the Kunnamkulam eastern new chureh and conducted regular worships (here from the 12"' of Vrisehikom in 1852. (That was the day of the leslival commemorating the Old Seminary founder.) In the petition that was given lo Ihe King of Kochi. asking for the permission, it was openly written thai it was because of his inability to accept the reformist bishop on grounds of faith that the need for a new church arose (M.P.Varkey. pages'), 10). When he got the information about the new church, the reformist bishop became very angry. He sent a letter lo Divaan Shankara Vaaricr requesting him lo prevent any divine acts from being done over I here. The Divaan immediately sent out an order to (his effect. Joseph Kathanaar disobeyed Ihe unjust order. At the end ol arguments and counler arguments. Ihe Divaan issued a judgement justifying the action of Joseph Kalhanaar(Varkcy.page 10). The young priest- ihe modern David-who defeated the Goliath in the legal battle, was watched with respect by the Church.

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The Patriarch at last responded to the letters which had been sent to him about the reformist enthusiasm in Malankara and also requesting him to send a new bishop;"... If you send from there two or three kaseesaas here, we w i l l study and test them and send them hack after giving them the bishop position'' (The Kandanaadu Chronicle, page 176). On the basis of Ihis letter, Yuyaakkeem Koorilose called a meeting on ihe 11"' ol~ Dhanu in 1863 at the Koltoor church. He prepared a reply which said. 'As no suitable priests arc w i l l i n g logo from here, please send two Raavaas and ten Rambaans from there with the necessary books and the holy oil." Yuyaakkeem Koorilose was reluctant in this matter as he thought that die presence of another bishop would adversely affect his income. At this time, on 2"'1 Meenam 1038 (1863). Pulikkoltil Joseph Kathanaar reached Koltoor, met Koorilose and informed him that he was prepared to travel by sea. Though the new Episcopal candidate was dear to Koorilose as disciple, spiritual son and as the man who conducted on his behalf the Tho/hiycxir dispute and the defamation case that the Varaappu/ha Archbishop filed against him, as a native of the place, able and popular, if he came lo l he Metropolitan's position, Koorilose the clever man felt that i( would be detrimental lo his own position as Metropolitan. Bui, when the pressure of ihe people mounted, he pretended lo yield to il, and he wrote a lelier to ihe Patriarch this way:"... When the meeting was held at Ihe Kottoor church, this Kascesaa had not eome there, prepared lo go abroad. That is why the people of the church wrote thai way lo you. Therefore, if this man now comes lo you, the people of the church and 1 will be happy to have you do whatever you please with him. 1864, Meenam I l"(The Chronicle, page 180). Koorilose put his signature and seal on the letters written by churches like Aarlhaal and Kuruppampady and sent them with him. Koorilose instructed him not to see or take a letter of recommendation from Idava/hikkal Philipose Kathanaar of Koltayam. I le also sent with him letters lo the Baavaas and the people there, a silver 'amshavadf weighing die same as about 35 rupees, to the Patriarch, and the gold-plated cross that he himself had brought (The Chronicle, page 364).

Joseph (Ittoop) Kathanaar, who got started on hisjourney with the five hundred rupees thai the people of Kunnamkulam collected and gave him. and with contributions given lohini by the parishes of places like Ankamaalv. Akapparambu. Kuruppampady. Kothamangalam. kunnakkurnd). Kadamattomand Kolenehery. was accompanied by KandanaaUu Mamimmel (iheevarghese Kalhanaarand Ihe servant kunnamkulam Kulhoor Thaarappen: they set off from Kunnamkulam on ]4,h Medam in 1 863 lo go lo Mardene. (The description of this interesting, emotional, eventful and daring Irip. as written by him in the lot mot a story tided 'The story of a foreign Irip' was published in l-02 bv M.P. Varkey as a part of his biography, and in 2003. by this author. as an independent book. It was bv l a k i n g Ihe inspiration from Ihe model ol'this second erealion in ihe Malayalamiravcl literature branch lliat his disciple I'ammala Mar ("iregoriose wrote his book describing his Jerusalem Irip.) Though Koorilose Methraan. who was very particular that a local man should not gel consecrated as a bishop, in the Idlers that he sent iodic Palriarchon his own and through churches and individuals, had made many nicnlions which were unlavourahle lo ihe hpiscopal candidate, as the committee thai had got appointed for the purpose gave i!s opinion thai the candidate merited the position beyond all doubts, lie was consecrated as Rambaan on 25"' Medam in 1864 and as Meihraan on the 26"'. Along w i t h the Baavaa. the Armenian Bishop ami the Bishop of Mardene took part in the consecration and also put their signatures on Ihe "Susthaathikkon". (See this'SuslhaathikkoiV which was g i v e n by Yaakkob 11 Baavaa and which was later translated by Kounaallu Deacon Maathen - later MalankaraMalpaan Maathen Kori -in its full form on pages 47-53 of the biography tilled 'Malankara's Mar Dionvsitis ihe deaf writlen hy this author.) The newly consecrated Pulikkoltil Joseph Mar Dionysius reached Kochi on 24"'Chingam in 1865. Karottuveellil Simon Kori. who went lo receive him, writes thus in the Kandanaaltu Chronicle: "As 1 fee! happy, having been able lo see the "Kasavukaappaa'and the

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rest of the things mat the Patriarch had given him. the big cross, ihe small cross, the holy oil. the 'amshavadi' and the relics of Mar Kaumma. Mar Yaakkob Rurdaanaa and Mar Yaakkob Mapasko and also the 'Susthaathikkon' empowering him to rule over Ihe entire Malankara. all of which he showed me, I suggest that, on the 25"' in the evening, some people I ike Panackal Kaakku KalhanaarundPanackal lyyappen from Kunnamkulamcome here in order to give him a reception ,.." Koorilosc who became unhappy on the arrival of the new Bishop, influenced the strong parishes at Ankamaaly. Kandanaadu. Kothainangalamand Mulantliuruihy. The Church, at least tempi nan I v. forgot the common enemy. The Church became a three-faced organisation comprising Ihe Athanasius group, die Koorilosc group and ihe new Bishop Dionysius group. Ihe magician of the art of reconciliation, Pulikkottil Mcthraachen, tried to make peace among the warriors through the use of tact and love. Steps were started to be taken against the reformist Bishop. Appeals were sent. Face to face talks were held with the Divaan. As nothing seemed to work, a long grievance petition was submitted to the Governor through the barrister Mr. Moin in Madras on 3"'February. 186'). (For Ihe full form of Ibis petition, sec pages 644-651) of the book 'The Malankara Church: History and Culture'.) A reply of this kind was received: "The Government will not he entering the matters shown in your pel it ion. It is for your information that in such mailers the orders given by the British Resident are confirmed" (The Kandanaattn C 'hronicle. page 249). When it became known for certain that the opposite parly had gained the support of the Patriarch. Paalakkunnathu Mcthraachen publicly changed his position and his earlier opinions. He started declaring that the Patriarch had no business in Malankara. and that there was no need for I he presence oil he permission of the Patriarch of Antioch for the consecration of bishops here. On 9"' Idavoin in 1868 (the day of Ihe festival of Ascension), he ordained his uncle's son Paalakkunnathu Thomas Kathanaar as Rambaan at the Kottayani Old Seminaiy chapel. On the 19"', Ihe day of the Pentecost, Paalakkunnathu

Mcthraachen and Aalathookkaarcn Methraachen of Thozhiyoor together consecrated the Rambaan as Methraan under the name Thomas Mar Athanasius. After thai, Paalakkunnathu Valiya Mcthraachen called himself the Patriarch. In those days there spread a rumour that Kochu Methraachen and Aalathookkaarcn Methraachen together would enthrone him as the Patriarch (The Chronicle, page 229). Il is seen in ihe Chronicle (hat the Patriarch sent an order admonishing Koorilosc who did not approve of Pulikkottil Methraachen and spent all his lime complaining against him, and that Koorilose was thus subdued (page 236). The interest on the ' Vatfippanain' Rs. 35,000 which had n<il been paid for years, was taken by Paalakkunnathu Methraachen and the joint trustees, ignoring Pulikkottil Methraachen's preventive arguments. In 1870, Pulikkottil Methraachen established a printing press under the name 'St. Thomas Press' at Kochi. 'Apart from engaging in printing o|x;rations in Syriac and in Malayalam and also occasionally in English, ni order to give die general public progress through education and urbanisation, a news magazine under the name 'Kerala Pathaaka' is being published twice a month from T1 Ohingam, Kollam 1048 (1872)' iChroniele). Pulikkottil Methraachen, who, out of his efficiency and farsightedness, made airangements for the printing of w-hatever the Chur^^^ needed !o publish, decided to start the "dayaraa" movement in Malankara. The 'dayaraas' that he had seen during his Mardene trip were l here in his mind as models. Altera lot of searching, he found a priest who he thought would be the right person to head the 'dayaraa" movement. Il was Chaalhurulhy Gheevarghese Kaseesaa. who was hisown disciple and who hailed from Mulanlhurtithy. that he found.
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If you leave out the I:.nglish missionaries, the honour ol having established the first printing press and of sending out the first daily newspaper in Kerala rests with the Syrian community. In the same way, Vellikkal dayaraa. became the first 'aashranf (monastery). Pulikkottil Melhraaehen, after bestowing the position on them, ap|X)inted a group of monks including Mookkancheri Ghcevarghese Rambaan to live in the dayaraa under the leadership ai~ the Chaathuruthy Ranibaan. These operations were unprecedented and inspiring. I le did not blame his predecessors fur the unfortunate happenings in the Church, as he was a man who lived in the wartime climate and who had to tight in the battle as a commander-in-chief. He di d not postpone mailers in order to start creative operations after solving all the problems. I le opened up channels of action with patience and in a spirit of sacrifice, in order to fulfil the missions which were entrusted in him by his shepherd sense.

He gave the leadership to operate the Vettikkal dayaraa as a Seminary. I le made the iunctioning of that centre smooth under the protection of ihcMulanlliuruthy parish. He desired for a similar centre of strength in the southern region also. As a result, he started the Thazhakkara Seminary at Maa\ elikkara. But, as that institution did not get released lor the common responsibility of the Church, it was not possible to continue its operations, and the search for another centre continued. The story ol the search can be summed up from the Kandanaadu Chronicle. In Mcenam 1042 (1867). when the churches south of Kottayam were visited, in several chinches, mistakes were noticed in l he order of customs and practices. It was realised that, under the leadership ot the reformists, the Theological Seminary was travelling towards a dangerous destination. That is when the idea of a new Seminary in the southern region dawned in the mind. Maannaar Arikupurathu Maathen inThiruvallaagaveaplace at Parumala. For the construction of the building, he gave his dismantled barn-house (page 32S1. Certain parishes including Niranam agreed that the construction ol a church for the Seminary should be carried out as and when the permission for the same came from the government. Chaathurulhy Pambaachen was brought from Vettikkal dayaraa. and he was given charge o\~ the Parumala Seminary. It became possible to do the construction of the Seminary and the theological training simultaneously over there. During this journey, Pulikkottil Melhraaehen was also able to find lime fo organise together several of the churches which resented the reformation. Me travelled in the south and north of Mu.lankara.and searched out people who were prepared to resist the reformation and organised them; alter that he moved to other areas of operation. Fortius purpose he called a meeting o( the Synod of the Church at the Parumala Semi nary in 1873. The Parumala Synod of 1873 In the Parumala Synod that met on 27"' Chingam in 1873, representatives from more than 80 churches participated. Yuyaakkeem

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The above lines from G. Shankara Ku.rup honestly describe Pulikkottil Methraachen's duty-tilled life. The regional Seminary that he started in the Sehion Bungalow at the Aarthaal church under the leadership of StcphanoseAlhanasius who came from abroad and Simon Ranibaan had become defunct, and the KottayamOld Seminary got into the hands of the reformists.

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large number of devotees keep coming here. Therefore I gave more attention to the rebuilding of this church. The beautiful new church kept attracting a large number of Hindus, Muslims and Jews' {a letter sent by the Easaw Church Missionary James Fenicchio who gave leadership for rebuilding the Chaavakkaadu-Paalayur church in 1607 and recording it, translated by Prof. C.L.Antony. St. Thomas Souvenir, Paalayur. 1972, pages 13-14). In the Aarthaal church and in the Paalayur church, the Syrians and the Catholics took turns to conduct their worships (the strongly held tradition of Kunnamkulam. Fr. P.M.Jose, 'Pulikkottil Youseph Mar Dionysius," second edition. 1987, page 1!). 'During the time of I he Portuguese, when a large section from the Syrians joined the Roman religion, there were such people in the Aarthaat parish also. Because of the power and the influence of the Romans, it was not possible to drive them out of (he church. But. when the strife between the Romans and the Syrians became very bad, the church had to remain locked up for a long lime without any services' (Idavakapathrika. 1905, Chi ngam. Rook 4). As the Paaloor-Chaattukulangara church was lying locked up, Shaakrallaa Maphriaanaa and others were staying at the Kunnamkulam Chiralayam Mar Lazarus church. They got the protection of the Thalappally King Chiralayam Thamburaan. After some months the Maphriaanaa reached Kochi, got his own church built at Maliaancheri and lived there. MarThomma V became panic-stricken when, many people who had refused to get ordained because of the disputes from the time of MarThomma IV, now showed preparedness to take ordination from the new bishops. As soon as the debt was cleared with the Dutch government, the bishop became free. Following a complaint submitted by Bishop MarThomma regarding the unauthorised ordinations being conducted by the new bishops, through the mediation of the Dutch government, a treaty was formed between Shaakrallaa Maphriaanaa and MarThomma V. "... Mar Baseliose will not ordain any priests or deacons without the permission of MarThomma. Without an ordination ---------------------------------------IEJ1---------------------------------------

paper from Thomas Episeopa nobody should be given ordination ..." (The Seminary Case Diary. Exhibits part 2, pages 258,259. Paaretl. "The Malankara Christians." Volume 3. page 29). This is the main condition that was formed on 18"'Dhanuin 1754. MarThomma Bishop was not satisfied with this treaty. He was isolated from the people because of the disputes concerning his position and because of the efforts made for reconciliation with Rome after ignoring the Koonunkurisu Oath. We have already seen the false records created in order to establish thai the foreign Church-I leads who came in 1751 had been sent hy the Anliochean Patriarch. Who were they in reality? Bishop MarThomma V used to tell the Syrians that these foreign bishops were heretics (Prof. George Menaacheri, 'The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopedia of India.' page 45). We cannot ignore what Kariyaalti Joseph Malpaan has written in his book 'Vedatharkam,' as it is the testimony of a contemporary who had collected minute details about the different Churches oflhe world: "They are people who have come from, not a Muslim country, but a country under Muslim supremacy, the country of Armenia, and this is c e r t a i n from the way they t a l k and behave" (Dr. Samuel Chantlanappally, 'Samples of Missionary Prose Writings.' page 110writingsdonc in Karsoni). This author has examined the lengthy copy of Mar Grcgoriose's orders of worship kept at Thozhiyoor. In the order for the ordination of the priest in that book, immediately after the declaration, the ceremony of handing over the sacred body and blood to the newly ordained priest is recorded. This hook also instructs that the incense should be ceremoniously taken around the head of the newly ordained priest. It also has the instruction that the new priest should be given the Cross, the Gospel, the Icon and the Casket of Relics as marks of his position. Before 1789, in Malankara, the clergy did not wear the 'kaappaa' while conducting the holy worships. It was at a meeting held at ---------------------------------------[Q]-----------------------------------------

Koorilose chaired the sessions. The following decisions were accepted in the direction shown by Pulikkottil Methraachen. Their summary, as summarised from the Kandanaattu Chronicle, is given below. (For its full form, see The Malankara Church: History and Culture1, pages 657 to 669.) 1. A deputation is being appointed in order to get Paalakkunnathu Methraachen to come round; if that effort fails, there should be a joint effort to get the royal announcement for Pulikkottil Methraachen. 2. The autocracy of the bishops is not beneficial lor the ('hurch. For the administration of the Church, a Church administration group consisting of bishops, priests and laymen should be constituted. That Association should have a clearly defined structure and mandate. 3. All the churches should be members of that Association; a fee should be collected from the church and the Vicar should be made a member.
4. A common fund for the community should be developed by

10. This committee should organise houses of learning in all parishes

for the education and training of all the people without any difference of gender.
11. If churches need money for repairs or for establishing new churches or schools, money can be advanced to them from the common fund on suitable security, and the committee should collect it back from them in regular instalments. 12. Lists should be prepared for the movable and immovable property of parishes, and copies signed by the Vicars and the Trustees should be "iven to the Methraachen and the members of (he committee; llie same should be done in the matter of accounts as well.

I 3. The committee, through the Methraachen. should make the Vicars responsible for the maintenance of registers to keep records for educational programmes, abolition of wrong practices like child marriage, baptisms, weddings, burials, etc.
14. Efficient priests should be appointed on payment of salaries for

collecting, apart from the membership fees oflhe members, also an income on the basis of the different classes into which the members are divided. 5. As a group for discussing matters and carrying out decisions, a committee should be elected with four priests and eight laymen as its members. 6. One member, as per the decision of the committee, should be made the secretary, and another the treasurer. The secretary should be in charge of all correspondence, accounts and record-keeping, and the treasurer should be held responsible for all monetary transactions. 7. For all important matters this committee should take permission from the Association. 8. This committee should carry out all the legal procedures connected to the Church. 9. This committee is also responsible for the starting and running of educational institutions and publications.
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carrying out gospel work inside and outside the Church.

15. Books dealing with subjects like the translation of the Canons,

orders for worships and practices, interpretation of the holy scriptures and history, should be produced according to the needs of the times. 16.The Association should elect in advance, candidates for Episcopal positions and arrange for their training. 17. A person whom the Methraachen and the Association agree on. should be chosen as the Arehadiyaakkon to be a helper to the Methraachen. I S.The community should meet the l i v i n g expenditure of the Metropolitans. I le is not allowed to give his income to the members of his family, or to lake money in return for the services he conducts, and if he happens to do the contrary, steps will betaken against him. 19.The report including the accounts of the churches and the community should be published. Contributions collected should be sent to the Antiochean throne once in six months or once every year.

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20. Students of theology should lie ordained only if they are certified by the Vicar, the parish general body, the committee and the Malpaans. 21 .The committee is being authorised to make rules as per die requirements of the times.
22. The Association will have the power to remove any member of

the committee who errs, after a (rial, and to appoint another in his place.
23. The deputation to gel the bishops to join the mainstream should be appointed under the control of this committee. 24. These decisions should be printed in both English anil Malavalam and published, and copies should be sent to the Kings and to the Resident, and an appeal should be made for the confirmation ol die Association.

die parish people of Malankara was held at Parumala, because ol the enthusiasm of the Metropolitan, in order to discuss what was to be done next. In this meeting. Ghee varghese Kambaan (Chaathurulhy} was a great enthusiast, and Mar Dionvsius was a f i t t i n g helper. The meeting look a decision to send a request that the Patriarch should make a move lu a r r i v e here I 'Mar Gregoriose Metropolitan', page 26). The first meeting of the Malankara Sy r i a n Christian Association that was organised at the Synod held at Parumala on 27 ,hChingam in I 873. was held on 26"' Dlianu. As per the instruction ol'Yuyaakkcem Mar Koorilose, his brother Makkudisaa Gabriel chaired the meeting. KonaalliiGhecvarghesc Malpaan. Panackal Yaakkob Kalhanaar, bluiUhuriilhil Phi I i pose Kathanaar, Veliyathu Kurepiscopa- these four clergymen, and Panackal lyppuru. Malki Makkudisaa Gabriel. Kallarakkal Kora. Kimnumpurathu Kora Kurien. Arakkapparambil Yaakkob. Chirakkadavil Kochukorulla. Kalappurakkal Yaakkob. Puthenveetlil Koshi Koclutkoshi. Puthuppaily Gheevarghcse these laymen were elected as the members of the llrsl Managing Committee. I he meeting decided Kora Kurien as the Secretary and Idava/.hikky) Philiposc Korepiscopa as the Syrian Secretary. Yuyaakkeem Mar Koorilose passed away on 20"' Chingam in I 874. Me was buried at Mulanlhurulhy on the 22"". K. Peter HI As per the request of the Parumala Synod of 1X73. Patriarch Peter 111, in his 74"' year, met the Turkey Sultan at Constantinople and then set off for Malankara via London. Giving information about the progress oftli e journey, and also requesting for the refund of the money being spent on the journey, the Patriarch sent letters and telegrams to Malankara. These are seen on the pages from 418 to 440 of the Kandanaadu Chronicle. Varke\ has recorded that an amount of 500 sovereigns in two instalments was sent to London for ibis purpose ('Mai Dionysius". page 121).

2r>. Within six months, all the members should be made to join, the fees should be fixed up. conditions should be laid down, and the necessary rules should be made. 26. A complete list comprising Maathen who gave the place for building the house ollearning at Parumala and all others who made considerable contributions should be drawn up so that they can be thanked in the next meeting. 27. The meeting records its gratitude to the chairman Mar Koorilose. The biographies of Mar Dionysius and MarGregoriosc, written in 1902 and 1903 by M.P.Varkey who attended the meeting, contain records of contemporary witness which are also relevant here: "The Baavaa has realised the reasonableness of the petition submitted by the Malankara Syrians through the hero of our story, requesting that he should arrive here, as (hat is the only way to destabilise die royal announcement which hinders the religious freedom of the Syrians and which unjustly favours Mar Athanasius, and also to bring into effect the order from the Patriarch of Antioch excommunicating Mar Athanasius" ('Mar Dionysius', page 121). "... As these operations did not prove effective, a big meeting of
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Aathunkal (.iheevarghese Kathananr. in his History of Ihe Kuruppampady cluirch tpage 1 7 2) . has recorded that the Kuruppampady church sent a considerable anioiint oi money in response lo the general order that Pnlikkollil Metliraaehen sent to the churches requiring them lo send money tow arils meeting the travelling expenditure. The Baavaa reached Bombay on It)1'1 Idavoin in I K7x and a f t e r visitingiheOovcnior William Robinson in Ooly and gelling the necessary recommendations from him. readied the KunnamkLilam church on 2t)lh (2')"'according lo ihe Chronicle) ldavoin. On Thursday. 5"' Midlumam. at the Kunnanikulatn Chiralayam church, lie ordained Konaatlu (iheevarghese Malpaan as Ramhann. and set oIT for Kochi alter celebrating the Holy hucharisl on llieS1'1. He was given a royal welcome everywhere in Vlalankara. On 24"' Midlumam the Baavaa celchraled the I loly [iueharisl al Niranam. Though he sent messengers requiring to see I'aalakkunnalhu Melhraachen. it was ol no use. He kept postponing the dale of his visit and lluis misleading i he Baavaa. In liie end. even the mediators who tried lor his reconciliation were disappointed. During all this lime, Paalakkunnalliu Melhraachen was engaged in securing his own position and in Irving lo n u ll i f y the efforts of the Patriarch ('The Precursorsof the Reformation in the Malankara Church; Dr. T.CKora, page 42). On 21"1 Karkidakom. Ihe Baavaa met ihe Kesideni at die Thykkaadu Bungalow in'lrivandrum.andon the 511-he met the Kingal the Star Bungalow. On the 7"' the Baavaa gave an appeal requesting lo reject Paalakkunnalhu Mathias's announcemcni. On th e X" ' . al ihe meeting with Ihe Hayaraajaa. at Ihe northern palace, the Baavaa agreed lo Ihe King's request lo give him permission to get the Baavaa's picture drawn. In 16 days" time the picture was completed. The Hayaraajaa presented the Baavaa with a gold cross and chain weighing about IS sovereigns and a picture ofthe King. At the Shankhumukhoni palace, the King, the Baavaa and Pulikknllil Methraacheu bad a meeting. After making sure of ihe help and co-operation of the King and the administrators, the Baavaa and his companions sel out on their return journev.

When the Baavaa heard that Paalakkunnalhu Melhraan. who did not care lo conic and see him in spite of repealed invitations from him. was I here al ihe Niranam church, Ihe Baavaa. ignoring the prohibitive advice given by his companions, reached ihe Niranam church. The B a a v a a and the Rambaachens ( K o n a a t t u Rnmhaachen and Chaathurulhy Ramhaacben) and we, one or two priests. Makkudisaa (i a b ri e l .. . and some people together went lothe Niranam church . . As P n l i k k o l l i l Metropolitan was scared to go lo Niranam. he did not yo along with the Baavaa. lie went to ihe house of Pallivaathukkal Yaakkob near Ihe church and slaved there When Balavaar heard that I The Patriarch always referred to I'aalakkunnalhu Melhraachen either as Balayaaroras Malhias. and never called him using his positional name.) [he Baavaa was coming lo Ihe church with a group of people, he and some priests and some Christians together, as they gol scared, went into the 'Chan layappuramanlika' on the northern side ofthe church and closed Ihe door from inside. ".. .The Baavaa went into Ihe chancel and conducted Ihe "luthinia' service. He angrily asked where Balayaar was, and said thai he wanted lo sec him. When the Baavaa heard that Balayaar was there, and thai lie. being frightened-had closed the door from inside, he became very angry, and asked where the room was, and ordered that ihe door be broken open immediately. Al this, we all wept and fell at his feel and implored him not logo there or break open the door. We requested him lobe sealed outside, and told h i m that if he sent lor him he would come, anil if not. we would certainly get him to present himself before him. At this, by (iod's grace, he calmed down, went out and sal outside. He ordered thai he should come, and il not, he should be brought. Though many people weir sent to call him, Paalakkunnalhu Melhraachen did not open his door. In the end the writer of the Kandanaadu Chronicle was called. He was told: 'You have been his friend from earlier. You muslgo to him anil ask him loeome lo me. I will not do anv harm to him. I will only ask him where he gol this position from. If he does not want loobev my order, let him surrender a! I the items of his positional

EEE1

clothing that I have given him. and then he can go. It he does not surrender his things. I will take them from him forcefully. Let him not allow this to happen. Go and tell him all this." Then I went and knocked on the door and called him. When they knew it was me. some priests I'rom inside asked what 1 wanted. I'hey said that 'it was not possible to open the doorthen, and as I hail come with his enemy, the Baavaa. I could not be trusted then." They said that 'they had wi itlen to the "lahasildaar" about all this, that the "lahasildaar" would come soon, and thai they would open the dour when he came.' The writer ot the Chronicle. Kamlliivccllil Simon Kori told the Baavaa about all this. The Baavaa asked the 'lahasildaar' who came alter dusk ;tlso to bring him out. The Melhraan rejected the request of the "lahasildaar'also. The "lahasildaar" informed the Baavaa about his helplessness. Then the Baavaa left the place" (The Chronicle, pages 4X()-4S_"S). On 23"' Kumbhom in 1876. the following announcement went out from the King: l'ja~'\ nitai aKT>3('"sn:)<Tur>N)~rtf)il bOi J ni A OI'I11<f) ooi <9.JPK coeiio
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23rd Kumbhom. in the year 1051." Both the host and the guest were equally happy. Permission was sought to see Koorilose Baavaa ol'Tho/hiyoor. Permission was given. But, alter seeing Paalakkunnathu Methraachen, he changed his mind. The Baavaa came to know about the Synod that met at Parumala in 1873. about the Association, and about the Managing Committee. The Baavaa insisted that there should be
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another meeting of the Synod under his chairmanship in order to confirm the decisions taken at the Parumala Synod, fhe climate in the Church in those days was such that it was necessary 10 put up with the unwarranted liberties taken by the guest: Pulikkollil Methraachen must have thought that it was necessary to call a meeting of the Association in order to gather the miglilol the Church to conduct the case, and that the big influence enjoyed by the Patriarch in the Church would be beneficial.

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The Baavaa re-ordained many people who had been ordained by C 'hcppaatln Melhraachen and Paalakkunnalhu Melhraachen. I le sen! an order to die churches thai the tithe should be given as 'riseesaa.' The B;ia\aa gave the Rambaan position to Thrippoonilhura Monkkaneheri (iheevarghese Kaseesaa. North Paravoor Kooran (Kadavil)Poulose Kaseesaa and Ankamaaly.Ampaallu (ilieevarghcse Kaseesaa at the Muhinihurulhy church on 15"' Midhunain in 1876. The Miilanthunidiv Synod Ihaldav. l^'MidhuiKimin I K76, was die I'irsi da\ oflheSynod that met as per the order sent out by the Baavaa from 1 he Kanngnaehira church on 221"1 Idavoin in 1X76. On Ihe first day. the representatives from 26 northern churches and 36 southern churches, a total of 62 churches, participated in the Synod. On Ihe next day. representatives hum 150 churches participated. On Ihe last dav. the day ofthesimiiii". only 281 representatives from lO.i churches were tell there to do the signing. (The complete list of Ihe names of those representatives is available on pages 686-6t)7ol the hook tilled The Malankara ('hurch: History and Culture'. On the following pages. 6<)7-704, Ihe Canons are given in their complete form.) This is how the summarised form of the Mulanlhuruthy Canons goes: 1. On 17"' Midhunam, a lter reading out Ihe reply to the order of the liaavaa, it was decided that the document declaring obedience to the Antiochean throne and Ihe failhofthc Church should be registered, and a copy of the same should be given to the liaavaa while copies arc kept in the church. 2. Rach parish should prepare a list of its members and should keep a register for Ihe details regarding its members. One copy of it should be given to the Baavaa. The col lection of the 'riseesaa' will he on Ihe basis of this lisl, and the "riseesaa' is for the throne. T The Canons ami ihe practices will be primed and sealed and given to Ihe churches; those will have to he obeyed promptly.

4. The registers for baptisms, marriages and burials should he prepared and kept under the responsibility of the Vicars. 5. Stability of faith, discipline, people for the common responsibility ol the Church and a common lund should be taken care or. 6. The religious disputes ol the parishes should be conducted from Ihe common fund. 7. Pducalional work should be done: the autocracy of the bishops should he slopped; there should he a common fund: the Syrian Christian \ssocialion should be formed for this purpose; Ihe Patriarchs should be ils patrons and the Metropolitans ruling the Church in those days should lie Ihe presidents. The people should he g iven its membership in lour classes. They should g ive 100 rupees, 50 rupees, 25 rupees and 10 rupees respectively as their fees. The churches should give Irom 500 rupees downwards, according to their ability, as their membership fees. Those who do not have ready cash, may join by giving a promissory note to ihe Secretary. S. 1'he auloeratic powers of the bishops are harmful. There should he a standing committee constituted by eight members of the Association, sixteen In si class laymen and the Metropolitan President. There should be a paid Secretary and a 'Snip' (Treasurer). These people should be held responsible for Ihe affairs of ihe community with clearly defined rules and regulations. The meeting constituted a Managing Committee hv drawing eight priests from the parishes at Maavelikkara. Puthuppally, Vaakathaanam, Kolionr, Nee I a in pernor, Kandanaadu. Mulanihiirulhy and South Paravoor and sixteen laymen from Ihe parishes at Kunnamkulam. Kollayam. Kandanaudu, Mu la nt h u ru lh y. Kuruppampady, Niranam. Kumarakom. Olessa, Kumarakomkari, Pallam, Puthuppally. Maammalasseri, Pulhenkaavu. Paampnakkuda. Muianlhui uthy and Ankamaaly. 9. These people have the liberty to collect money and to appoint subcommittees. Annua! accounts should be printed, and one copy should be <i i ven to the Baavaa and one copy to each church. Ihe committee

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is being given the authority to remove and to appoint and to confirm members. id. A list is being prepared now. of all those first class laymen who have chances of becoming members of 'the Association. The Secretary. through the Committee, should gather these people's opinions in all important matters. 11. Matters like keeping the rules and regulations of the Church safe, re lonning them, approving I Jala nee S heels, con firming parish trustees, establishing schools, printing books, getting repairs done for existing chinches and building new churches are the rcsponsihi lilies of the Committee. I 2. The Committee should also be held responsible for the col lection ol l he 'riseesaa,' the items of income for the Metropolitan, the living expenses of the inmates of dayaraas. the salaries of Vicars anil the salaries of the Secretary and the other paid workers. LVfhe current records of the Ha I a nee Sheet and the complete stock register of the parish and the annual details of the registers for baptisms, weddings and burials should be signed by the Vicar, Ihe Trustee and four representatives of the local Committee and sent to Ihe Central Committee by each parish. 14.The authority for all Ihe above-mentioned matters will chiefly rest with Ihe President MarDionysius Metropolitan. The remaining members of the Committee will be his helpers in these matters. 15.The Metropolitan, while visiting churches, should examine the Balance Sheets and confirm the Trustees. He should take the initiative in establishing schools, re solving disputes and doing such other relevant things, and also keep a diary that records whatever is done and read il out at the meeting of the Committee. 16.Membership fee can be altered according to the majority decision of the Association. I 7. The claims for and the relationship to the Patriarch will be of the same kind and equal for the churches in Svriaand Malankara. The

(. ommittees of both the Churches should maintain contacts. The matters ol'lhe community done with the knowledge and permission of the Committee will be valid. 18- It was decided that the decisions should be signed and confirmed by the Raavaa. the Metropolitan and the members of the community, and il was signed. MarDionysius Metropolitan. Signature and seal. ()n Ihe third day. I 7 Midhunani. the Mulanthuruthy Synod was concluded. Alter Ihe Mulanthuruthy Synod The Malankara Syrian Christian Association that was formed at Parumala in 1873. and was later confirmed at Mulanlhurulhy in 1876. was the first community organisation of Kerala. S.N.D.P., N.S.S.. Yogakshemasabha. M.li.S.. Pulayar Mahaasabha and others which originated later in Kerala drew their inspiration from this, and (his became a model lor all of iheni. With this, the inadequacy that the Malankara Church had in having only giant trees but no forests, was removed. With this, there came lobe an arrangement for amassing the strength of the parishes. The Association became the abstract image, and the Kollayam Old Seminary became the concrete symbol of the Church. All ihe later developments of the Church drew their basic energy from these abstract and concrete symbols of the Church. The first Canon of the Synod was completely, and the second Canon was partially, formulated with the Patriarch's interests in view, and the rest ol'lhe Canons were formulated on the basis of the interests of the Malankara Church as expressed at the Parumala Synod of 1873. The Baavaa intelligently analysed matters when he found that the agreement documents were not being presented even a month or two later. Immediately he sprang into action. On \5'h Chingam, in 1876, he conducted the 'Mooron' sa net i Haiti on service at the Mulanthuruthy church, f le sent out a circular
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ID Ihe churches asking as many people as possible lo attend the scr\ iee. bringing their contributions. See how the Baavaa's greed lor money conies out in the order that he sent out regarding the distribution of the 'Mooron': "... The body of the one who is anointed with the Holy Mooron wilt not be cleansed if he does not pay the price for it. As Jacob the Apostle said that 1 he cry of those who reaped entered the cars of the Lord of Hosts, this is only the wage of the wage-earner, and not a gift or an offering. Soil is important for vou lo collect the 'riseesaas' immediately and to repay the debt thai yon owe to the Patriarch in (he name of God ..." (from the order thai the Baavaa sent out on 3 I"' Karkidakom in 1876). Then he decided to confer the episcopal position on Paampaakkuda Konaallu Ghcevarghesc Ramhaan. North Paravoor Kadavil Poulose Rambaan, Mulanlhurulhy Chaalhurulhil Gheevarghesc Ramhaan and Ankamaaly AmpaaltuGheevarghese Rambaan. An agreement was prepared as per the conditions required by the Baavaa. and the same was registered at Ernakulam. Though the members of the Committee were available, the Baavaa went ahead and did what he pleased without consulting them. Panackal lyppuru and Kurien Writer together wrote a l e t t e r of protest to the Baavaa. The first part of that letter: ". . . If you do t h i n g s without consulting us. we request you to pass an order leaving us out of the Committee. l6"'Chingam in 1876." The Baavaa ignored the letter of proiest which was signed by name by Karotuiveetlil Simon Kori. Maalithara Elias Kathanaar, Etanlhuruthil Philipose Kalhanaar. Chaalappurathu Kori Yaakkob, Thoppi I Lukose Kalhanaar. Panackal lyppuru, Kurien Writer, Chaathuruthi! Varkey. Muripurackal Kuruvilla, Chaalil Cheriya, Puthcnpurackal Thomma. Konaallu BajTen, Thukalan Poulose and Kallarakkal Poulose. The Baavaa ordered that it was his right lo give the Episcopal position lo whom he pleased, and that there was no room for anyone

else to enter that matter He gol the impression that the agreement was not submitted b\ ihe churches because thev were prevented from doing so by P u l i k k o l l i l Melhraachen. What was evidently seen at the consecration was an effort on his part to restrict the powers of the bishops. 1 le divided the Malankara Church that used lo be ruled by one bishop, into seven pails. I le wanted that each Malankara Methraan isoiild only be ruling over one of those seven parts, and that the overall iiiri sdi clio n of the Church would remain with him. These were the purpose^ thai the Baavaa had in mind. On 22'"' Vrisehikom in 1876 ' S u n d a y , ) , the Baavaa single-handedly consecrated Konaattu < Iheevarghese Yu I iose and Kadavil PouloseAthanasiusas bishops, and gave them 'Suslhaalhikkons' for the parishes at Thumpamon and Koltayam respectively. On the next Sunday. 2s>"'Vrischikom, at the sum.' place, he consecrated Ampaattu Gheevarghesc Koorilose and (' ha a ll m ri il h i l (iheevarghese Gregoriose as bishops, and gave them 'Suslhaatbikkons' for the parishes at Ankamaaly and Niranam respectively. Ouring those days. AbdullaaCheevarghese who had come lo Malankara with Peler III Baavaa and the Malankara Metropolitan Mar Dionysius were touring t h e southern parishes, and they were not informed about the developments mentioned above. On 3"' December, 1876. the King of Koehi published a new announcement. This was on the same lines as the Travancore announcement. Willi this, the status of Athanasius as being beyond the jurisdiction ol the courls ol law. gol changed. With the announcements Iron i boili Ihe stales having come out. an almos|?here congenial for the lig hti ng of a ease was formed. From 15"'lo 17'1'Makarom, in I 877. ameeling of the Association vsas held al Ihe Veliyanaaltu church, as an initial step towards getting the reformist bishop out of matters like receiving Ihe interest earned by the 'Valtippanam'and having the ownership rights on Church property like ihe Seminary, etc., before I h e new developments paved the way for a fresh dispute. They estimated that they would need to spend about ten thousand rupees on conducting the ease. So they decided to

EH

raise a fund through personal contributions, each committee member giving 60 rupees and each advisor giving 30 rupees. They decided also to have the foreigner, Walker, as their advocate. At the meeting the Baavaa introduced the 'Hoodaayaa Canon', and the participants approved it by saying 'Amen.' "After that the Baavaa told the meeting that he had divided the Malankara Church into seven parts, that he had already consecrated five bishops, and that he would consecrate two more. The participants of the meeting fell very unhappy about all this. They did not want to have another two bishops consecrated. So. collectively, they wrote an appeal addressed to the Baavaa. in which they said that the five bishops already consecrated should be sufficient. They requested I he Baavaa to make Pulikkoltil Mar Dionysius Metropolitan the Head of the Committee and to give him over-all charge oflhe ('hurch. This leller displeased the Baavaa very badly. He became very angry and tore up the leller and threw it in front of them. He accused themofinterlerence in matters which were his spiritual rights. He said very angrily thai it was the Metropolitan, Panackal lyppuru and Kurien Writer who had jointly instigated the people to write such a lette r to him. Then lie ordered that Dionysius Metropolitan should not enlei these meetings in the future" (The Kandanaattu Chronicle, pages 620-626). As soon as the Metropolitan was banished from the Association, a large majority oflhe people left the meeting. Without revealing the sense of defeat felt, the meeting continued with those who remained. Apart from the 80 people chosen by the Mulauthuruthy Synod. they chose another 355 people, and stipulated a fee of 30 rupees per head. They decided that all the important people would have another meeting at Kottayam on 16"' Kumbhom. Thus the meeting concluded on the 18"'. None oflhe decisions became practical. Hie Baavaa protested against this and threatened to go back. lyppuru ami Kurien Writer together appeased him. So he withdrew the threat. On I5lh Meenam. 1052 (1877), Murimattathil Pouiosc Rambaan and Karottuvcettil Simon Rambaan registered a treaty for the Patriarch at

the Kunnathunaadu Registrar's Office. So the Baavaa conducted all the Passion Week services of that year at the Kuruppampady church. He got the foreigner Pischola. the Head oflhe Revenue Department, to sign and put the government seal on the four "Suslhaathikkons' which had been given to the four bishops whom he had consecrated. On 25Ih Medam. the Baavaa set off tor Kunnamkulam. He stayed at the Cliiralayamdiurchtill 7"-Idavom. Koorilo.se from Anjtxir church came at midnight to sec the Baavaa. The Baavaa said that he would meet hini in the morning. As this was not acceptable to him. he went back in the night use If. The Baavaa sent for Pulikkoltil Melhraachen and got him toconie to him. "Though Ihe Baavaa was very angry about his not having come to see him earlier, and ordered that he would never sec him again, he said that he coukl still register a treaty with him like the other four bishops, thai, out ol Ihe three parishes still remaining. Kandanaadu, Kollamand Kochi. he could ask for one and it would be given to him, and that if he did noi agree lo all this, he would not be given a parish or anything. Willi all ibis, the Metropoliian still did not agree to register a trealv with ihe Baavaa." On 5'" Idavom in 1877. on the 40"' day of the Lent, the Baavaa consecrated Murimattathil Poulose Mar lvaniose and Karotluveetti! Simon Mar Dionysius at the Chiralayam church, and gave them 'Suslhaathikkons' for the parishes at Kandanaadu and Kochi respectively. Mar Dionysius, who was slaying at the old church just a hundred metres away, was not invited; nor did he participate in the evenl. On 7"' Idavom. at Chaalisseri. he did not go to see the Baavaa. Bui the host was there lo see the guest off. On the 9 lh. the bishops, a few priests and a little over a hundred people came to the PatUtainbi Railway Station to see the Baavaa off. Without the Baavaa's knowledge, Pulikkotlil Methraachen also got into another compartment oflhe same train. Bishop Abduliaa Mar Gregoriose, who had come with the Baavaa. was still visiting churches, defying the Baavaa. 'As Pulikkottil Mar Dionysius and Gregoriose Abduliaa arc going against my orders, you should not have any dealings with them' was the strict prohibitive -------------------------------------------ETC1--------------------------------------------

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order thai the Baavaa gave the bishops while leaving. The six bishops reached Kandanaaduon 17"' klavoni. met Abduliaaand gave him the Baavaa's order asking him to return io his country immediately. The same day the six bishops reached Vellikkal and started lasting for40 days. Patriarch Peter III, who came to Kunnamkulamon 2S"' Idavom in 1875 and went back on 9"' Idavom in 1877. was still active in his old age. His Malankara visit for 24 months was eventful. We have already seen his consecrations of bishops. Mooron consecration, the Mulaiithuruthy-Veliyaiiaadu meetings of the Association and the excommunication of Ihc Malankara Metropolitan on account of his refusal to register a treaty with t h e Baavaa. "As Dionysius Joseph Metropolitan came with me up to Bombay and showed great penitence and obedience, I have accepted h i m and have given him charge of Kollam and Maavelikkara:' The Baavaa sent an order io this effect (the order dated In"1 Idavom. in 1877). and with that, the visible part, of his visit ended. Some of the actions he look and some of the reforms he introduced deserve a mention. 1. He established the practice ol'lhc members of the Malankara Church giving their 'risccsaa' money to the Patriarch. 2. The lamp that was placed al the tomb of Yuyaakkcem Mar Koorilosc in Mulanthiiruthy and the candles placed around i( were thrown out. and the plank in front of it was destroyed. 3. The memorial tomb of Shaakrallaa Maphriaanaa at the Chiralayam church was removed. 4. The tomb of Abdul Jaleel MarGregoriose, which had been built on the northern side of the chancel of the North Para voor church, was opened and the relics were removed. 5. The memorial tombs of Yaldo Baseliose ancf Andrews which had been built on the south and the north ol the 'hykalaa' of the Kuruppampady church were removed.
6. Having got scared about this tomb removal programme, (he

people of Koihamangalam decided against inviting the Baavaa to visit iheirCheriyapally where the tomb of Yaldo Baseliose stayed. The Baavaa. who slaved al the Kuruppampady church nearby for days nigelher. adviseil the people of Kothamanglam who came to sec him. to remove the tomb thai they had in their church. 7. As part o\ his effort to convert the Malankara Church into a colony of Ihc Syrian Church, he instructed that the priests should shave their heads, wear a black cap and should wear a black gown while %! omgout. X. He changed all the annual liturgical orders and re-modelled them on Syriae patterns. He stopped all the songs which used to be sung in the part of the service before the reading of the Epistle on the day of the Yaldo' festival. He newly introduced the celebration of the Cross which never used to he there formerly. The 'Yaldo' service, which used to be conducted in two parts, now became a very short one. . Certain parts of ihc 'danahaa' service, which used to remind one of "Mooron' consecration, were stopped. In the old order we did noi have the song that we now sing "konoonoyounoyo" before reading ihc 'prumion'and the blessing of the incense. A person standing carrying a jar filled with water during the procession and the service and, after blessing, as in the "kantheelaa" service, using the blessed water to draw "roosmaa" on the foreheads of the people - all these are reforms which were introduced by [he Baavaa. The practice of singing the praise o( ihe angels, chanting the 'kaummoa' and ending the service thus, and going away aflerdrinking a l it tl e of the blessed water, was stopped. After the 'danahaa'. (he practice of baptising a male baby first, is also a contribution made by the Baavaa. 10. Al the beginning of Lent, the noble practice that we used to have of the priest sealing the people with the blessed oil, as in the 'kantheelaa' service, during the noon prayers, as a mark of repentance, was also slopped by the Baavaa. Instead, he changed as was necessary,
u

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the order of the 'subnkkono' service conducted on Holy Saturday, and shifted it lo the beginning of Lent. '1'hc blessing of the holy oil got restricted as one of the duties of the bishops.
11. The Baavaa introduced a new order of service to be used i'ov

l.i. I le taught that it was enough lo celebrate Ihe Hoi) Fucharist in ilie afternoon (after 22l/2) on Holy Saturday. 16. The veiy short order of service for Faster was changed, l'he f i r s t service in secret and the announcement were introduced. We u s u a l l y say very carelessly and very la/.ily thai our annual liturgical orders have always been conducted in ihe Anlioehean style I mm ancient limes. Nobody even imagines that we mav need to have some serious s t u d i e s in Ihis regard. Indeed, we need lo have some serious s t u d i e s about the orders ol service which were in use in Malaukaia lietore the a r r i v a l ol Pelei M l . 17.The songs lhal we have nowadays for the l e s l i v a l of the I'eniecosl and the s p r i n k l i n g o\' water during the procession were introduced by the Patriarch. IS. The Patriarch tried to spread the false information that the water lobe used for baptism receives the indwelling of ihe Holy Spirit when the Holy "Mooron" is poured into it, in a Church which had the tradition ol ihe deacon formally declaring during Ihe services of ihe Ilolv Pueharisi.the Baptism, ihe Ordination and ihe blessing of ihe 'Ylooron' that Ihe descending of the I !oly Spirit happens when a clergyman with positional validity waves his hands in celebration over the I loly FlemenK chaining llie invocation of'kroilhod roohokaadceso.' Though he did Ihis with the intention of increasing the importance of "Mooron." and r a i s i n g ihe glory of Ihe person who consecrated it. he was actually making an unauthorised change in the basic faith of the Church. Main | X'ople who have no pro|X'r awareness of matters have unwittingly agreed with Ihe false leaching of the Baavaa. If we examine carefully the order of the service for Ihe blessing of 'Mooron'. we will see that ihe Church is intended to symbolise the Messaiah in whom d i v i n i t y and humanity were unified in the most wonderful manner in the unequalled incarnation, and not the Holy Spirit. 'Mooron' is used as a medium in the confirmation service, in Ihe sense thai il completes the l a v i n t z o n of hands and also symbolises it. The

mid-Lent, with the celebration of the Cross. Formerly, there never used lobe any special service for the erection of the Cross. For mid-Lent and the 40"' Friday, the celebration ol the I Inly Fucharist used lo be after the noon-kneelings. The Baavaa slopped Ihe 40 kneelmgs of those days.
12. The procession song of Palm Sunday used to be di Herein. I lie 'kukkilion' and the 'konoono younoyo' songs were not there. Alter "sedraa'. it used to be the song 'thoobol vaaloode.' and not the song 'kukkoyo.' In the ' l ut hi ni a . ' two patriarchal candidates and one episcopal candidate used to be mentioned; that was changed. The Baavaa introduced the practice of giving the palm leaves to be blessed, to be held by a layman during the procession and the service, and Ihis was followed by some people. 13. During the Passion Week, t he kissing oi the priest's hand,

'kukkilion', different responses during the reading of the gospel, different 'kaummaas' for each day. saying the evening prayers al uoou: all these are new reforms. A priest wailing in readiness lo give the Passover communion till the evening of the day. and other similar practices seen these days during the Passion Week, were all introduced newly by the Baavaa. 14. In Malankara the order for (iood Friday used lo be very simple. Many of the songs were not there formerly, l'he practices ol p u l l i n g the candles out while reading the gospel, and of slicking the palm-leafrib crosses on the candles were started. The "lulhinia' alter lhe reading of the gospel was stopped. There was no changing of ihe directions for Ihe processions. The Baavaa's order that people can disperse from church on Good Friday evening after the burial and also Ihe evening prayer for Saturday, was put into practice in certain places.

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large number of devotees keep coming here. Therefore i gave more attention to the rebuilding of this church. The beautiful new church kept attracting a large number of Hindus, Muslims and Jews' (a letter sent by the Easaw Church Missionary James Fenicchio who gave leadership for rebuilding the Chaavakkaadu-Paalayur church in 1607 and recording it, translated by Prof, C.I -Antony. St. Thomas Souvenir, Paalayur, 1972. pages 13-14). In the Aarthaat church and in the Paalayur church, the Syrians and the Catholics took turns to conduct their worships (the strongly held tradition ol' Kunnamkulam. Fr. P.MJose. 'Pulikkottil Youseph Mar Dionysius." second edition. 19K7. page II). "During the time of the Portuguese, when a large section from the Syrians joined the Roman religion, there were such people in the Aarthaat parish also. Because of the power and the influence of the Romans, it was not possible to drive them out of the church. Bui, when the strife between the Romans and the Syrians became very bad. the church had to remain locked up for a long time without any services' (Idavakapalhrika, I905.(.'hingam. Book 4). As the Paaloor-Chaattukulangara church was lying locked up. Shaakrallaa Maphnaanaa and others were slaying at the Kunnamkulam Chiralayam Mar Lazarus church. They got the protection ot the Thalappally King Chiralayam Thamburaan. After some months the Maphriaanaa reached Kochi. got his own church built at Maltaancheri and lived there. MarThomma V became panic-stricken when, many people who had refused to get ordained because of the disputes from the lime of MarThomma IV, now showed preparedness to lake ordination from the new bishops. As soon as the debt was cleared with the Dutch government, the bishop became free. Following a complaint submitted by Bishop MarThomma regarding the unauthorised ordinations being conducted by the new bishops, through the mediation of the Dutch government, a treaty was formed between Shaakrallaa Maphriaanaa and MarThomma V. "... Mar Baseliose will not ordain any priests or deacons without the permission of MarThomma. Without an ordination

paper from Thomas Fpiscopa nobody should be given ordination .. ." ( She Seminary Case Diary. Exhibits part 2. pages 258.259. Paarell. "The Malankara Christians." Volume 3, page 29). This is the main condition that was formed on lKl!'Dhanuin 1754. MarThomma Bishop was not satisfied with this treaty, lie was isolated from the people because of the disputes concerning his position and because of the efforts made for reconciliation with Rome after ignoring (he KoonankurisuOalh. We have already seen the false records created in order to establish that the foreign Church-Heads who came in 1751 had been sent by the Anliochean Patriarch. Who were they in reality? Bishop MarThomma V used to tell the Syrians that these foreign bishops were heretics (Prof. George Menaacheri, 'The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopedia of India.' page 45). We cannot ignore what Kariyaatti Joseph Malpaan has written in his book ' Vedatharkam,' as it is the testimony of a contemporary who had collected minute details about the different Churches of the world: "'They are people who have come from, not a Muslim country, but a country under Muslim supremacy, the country of Armenia, and this is c e r t a i n from the way they t a l k and behave" (Dr. Samuel Chandanappally. "Samples of Missionary Prose Writings,'page 110writings done in Karsoni). This author has examined the lengthy copy of MarGrcgoriose's orders of worship kept at Tho/Jiiyoor. In the order for the ordination of the priest in that book, immediately after the declaration, the ceremony of handing over the sacred hotly and blood to the newly ordained priest is recorded. This book also instructs that the incense should be ceremoniously taken around the head of the newly ordained priest. It also has the instruction that the new priest should be given the Cross, the (iospel, the Icon and the Casket of Relics as marks of his position. Before 17X9, in Malankara, the clergy did not wear the "kaappaa' while conducting (he holy worships. It was at a meeting held at ---------------------------------------FH3---------------------------------------

root word used in the order ol the serv ice for the completion of the gi It of the llolv Spirit is 'meslhamlo'. This is a word used lor position-giving which does not involve any real conducting of the Holy Spirit. This is the word used in services for making a priest a 'kori' or raising a bishop to the higher administrative position of the throne. Therefore, in the confirmation service, in the usage of the word for the completion ol the gill of the Holy Spirit.it is not actually the gill of the Holy Spirit, hut the formalisation of the same that is meant. Though the song hint starts with the invocation 'May your heart he strengthened." sung at the anointing with "Mooron". declarer ihe relevance and the message of the confirmation service, what is sung nowadays in the same place is the song that starts with 'Cod has said.' This song never used to be part of ihe order of the service. This is a song that was later added by Peter III. !t is based on the wrong message given bv this song that the aberrant interpretation that in Baptism the gift of priesthood is given has come into being. The practice of t a k i n g the baptised male child into the chance) is also a reform that was introduced by the Baavaa. If we examine the handwritten orders ol services that existed before the arrival ol the Baavaa. we can see these things. IV).The Baavaa introduced bloated 'thubdens' that reflected a bloated episcopacy, including the names o\~ the lathers of the Anlioehean Church, to be used during the I loly Communion service, instead ol the very short and relevant ones that we used to have formerly. The liturgical order that Pulikkollil Methraachcn published in thirteen editions has in it the old 'thubdens." Though in a reformed shape, Ihe Mar Thomma Church stiil uses the old 'thubdens.' It was through the liturgical order jointly published by VattasserilGheevarghese Kalhanaarand Konaatlu Maathen Kalhanaar. who were Malpaans at the Koltayam Old Seminaiy. that ihe new 'thubdens,' which glaringly exhibit Ihe names of (he Antiochcan fathers and the episcopal interests, got universally publicised.

21). During ihe time of the breaking of the bread in the Holy hucharist. ihe 'thaksaa' had three prayers with an instruction that any one of them could be used; the Baavaa removed this instruction and insisted that till the three be used.
21. During the Holy hucharist only the ' k u k k i l i o n ' starting

' M a k k a l i l a p p a n . . .' was regularly used: the Baavaa increased the 'kukkilion' sets by adding those in the names of St. Mary and the Saints.
22. The prayers clearh show that Ihe Holy Communion is given lo

I hose who are prepared tori Lai the lime when it ishrought lolhewc-t in celebration with three prayers. This was also llie ancient practice in Malankara. If other priests or complete deacons were present, with their help, or using the adorned gospel platform, the Communion used lo be given. This practice stiil continues in the Tho/.hiyoor Church and in the reformed Church. The Baavaa not only slopped it. but also sent an order saying that it would be a curse to continue this Canonical practice, and arranged for (he very important function of the g i v i n g of ihe Communion lobe carried out after the end of the service, and thus made irrelevant Ihe practice of bringing the Communion in celebration lo the west, and the prayers used at that lime.
23. Alter finishing the Holy Communion service, the practice that

we used lo have in Malankara was that of the people saying one "kauinmaa" Ibi a prayer and then dispersing. The liturgical order in use in those days also had this instruction in it. The Baavaa slopped this practice. Instead, he introduced a song in Jacob's tune. The new arrangement of a long song interpreting in flowery language the establishment and the authority of priesthood as having been instituted on earth by our Lord in three different priestly positions, other songs which perhaps could have been sung by the helpers in the chancel alone, and after all this, the Lord's prayer in the end, got publicised through the Malayalam liturgical order mentioned above as having been published by the Malpaans. The ancient practice ol Malankara is being continued at leasl in a few places. The new "malpaans". who do not know any

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history, condemn that practice and curse it with the kindol /calassecn when people correct mistakes. One feels like sadly describing these new 'malpaans' assail that has lost its saltiness. 24. During the wedding service, we used to have the practice of joining the hands of the bride and the bridegroom before the reading of the (iospel. The Tho/hiyoor Church and the re lorn lists still continue this ancient practice. The Baavaa shifted this practice to the end of "the service. r>. As per out ancient practice, in ordinal inn. I here is no cap for those who receive the "korooyo' and 'youpedvakkeeno' positions: they have nogovvnio wearduring services; they do nol have Io kneel during I he ordination; for their ordi nation there is no reading ol 'nmaalogiyaa' either. The Baavaa newly introduced all this. 26. In ordination. I he celebration w i t h the hands, the chaining of the 'kroilhodrooho kaadeeso' prayer, the singing of the 'neeserooho kaadeeso" 'kaalhismaa" song (nol the 'koronsooso' song) and the laying on of hands, all are expected to he done simultaneously, and also instructed to be done so. In Baptism, in P.urhansi and in the blessing of 'Moornn.' similar practices arc still done simultaneously. Rut in ordinal ion. instead of doing I heseal the same time, the Baavaa I rained the bishops to do Ihese one after another, thus causing these practices to lose their emotional intensity, concentration and density ol meaning. A detailed study and an al ys is should he conducted on the clever steps tactfully taken by the old man Peter III with the intent ion of turning the Malankara Church into a colony of the Anliochcan Church by defying and replacing the ancient practices and t radii ions and meaning-rich literary forms of the Malankara Church with the introduction of parallels Irom a foreign Church in their places. Conditions such as the first Patriarch Io have put his foot into the Malankara Church, the atmosphere of disputes and dissensions that prevailed in Malankara in those days, the Baa vaa's commanding power and l act fulness, and the Malayaalee's leelinu of inferiority, all Ihese put loirelher made it easv

lor matters to have taken this kind ot a turn. The inevitable outcome of I actors such as the presence ot six bishops who had enslaved themselves I or absolute submission to the Baavaa through the creal ion of registered treaties w ill i him. and the malpaans who were their disciples and disciples' disciples, the printed book detailing the practices, and the printed orders tor sacramental serviees and annual "thaksaas'eventually became certain and confirmed, ([-'or detailed study, see the book tilled "I he Malankara ('lunch and the Misuse ot 'Authority on the pari of the Syrian Patriarchs.' pages 5\)--l l.i.) A nuinbei of questions remained in front of the new bishops who were spending forty days of fasting at the Veliikkal 'dayaraa'after the depart ure of Peter 111 Baav aa. I. Who will conduct the civil dispute, and how? 2. How do we amass I he strength for conducting the dispute, without reviving the Association and the Managing Committee that the Baavaa dissolved'.' ?> Who has the authority to call them together for a meeting? Will that look like a defiance of the Baavaa? 4. What is lhe approach we should have towards our teacher who is the Malankara Metropolitan? 5. Should we have any contacts w i t h Mar Dionysius who was excommunicated by the Patriarch? If we do so, will the Baavaa excommunicate us also? 6. What is the arrangement for co-ordinating the dioceses for which we have received independent charges? 7. Who will take the responsibility for the expenditure (about 15 thousand rupees) incurred on account of the Patriarch's visit and for conducting the civil dispute? OH23" MidhunamPulikkollil Mar Dionysius reached the Vettikkal dayaraa. They exchanged the 'Susthaathikkons' and read them. So larhe had been given charge ol the entire Malankara Church. But in I he new 'Susthaalhikkon' his jurisdiction was restricted to the Kollam parish. So Mar Dionysius decided to vacate the position. 1 le said that the new bishops should share the responsibilities and the liabilities of the Church. This overpowered the new bishops with anxiety. They said. 'If we write to die churches and start collecting money from the

cluuches.il will become very dill icull. We will nol have any objection to your going to all the churches and collecting money: in fact we will be happv about it.' As they continued to say that they would lie agreeable to following his instructions in whatever remained, it helped in ease the situation. They parted in happiness and unity. Mar Dionysius at the helm again Paatakkiinnathu Mathews Athanasuts died on Monday, the 41" Karkidakom. 1052 (1X771. following poisoning caused by the bite of a mouse on his leg. He was buried al the Maaraamon church. Paalakkunnathu Thomas At hanasius whom he had consecraled became his successor. On 2t>"1 Kanni. 1053. the bishops and the leaders of the cominunily metal Koehi and took certain decisions: 1. A civil dispute should he conducted for the common properly o\' the community, such as the Kottayam Seminary and the 'Vallippanam'. 2. For this purpose, the rest of the bishops must give a letter o( sand ion to Joseph Mar Dionysius and 1 he members of I he Com mi lice. 3. AlPulhuppnlly.MarAlhauasius should give theological (raining to I he deacons (from Vrischikom onwards). 4. For the grants decided bv the govern mem to be given lothe Syrians. Joseph Mar Dionysius should give llie appeal and do the needful. in effect, with these decisions, the Malankara Metropolitan position and its authorities got reinstated. The six new bishops became the suffragans or helpers ofthe Malankara Metropolitan in the general administration ofthe Church. The Patriarch's excommunications and rejections got unconfirmed. The six new bishops jointly wrote thus to the Managing Committee headed by Mar Dionysius (This letter that was written on 27l!h Kanni in I 877 was signed by Yaakkoh Rambaari ofthe Vettikkal DavaraaandChernpil Palliyil Ambalathunkal Palhrosc Kalhanaar as witnesses.): "... Being written to the Syrian Association

Committee: We agree to your bringing under your control all the common possessions ofthe Church like the Kottayam Seminary and all its properly, the 'VattippananT. etc., by conducting the necessary cases, and to your making use of all the common incomes ofthe Church for common activities like educational training, printing, etc.. as per the sanctions given by our Holy Pat her Moraan Mar Ignatius Patriarch Raavaa. In agreement to all this we are putting our signatures in Iron! ofthe witnesses mentioned below." See how these ihings are mentioned again in the reply letter written by the six bishops on Thulaam 7 in 1877: ". . . When we all met at Koehi and had discussions about the Seminary and llie 'Vattippanani'. we fell that it would not be proper for all of us to conduct the disputes together, and therelore, Dionysius Metropolitan should do it on our behalf, and if these things came under our joint control, we would inform the Holy Father about ir and would agree to all common activities being carried out as per the orders then received from him. We wrote a letter jointly agreeing to all this, and then we left l'orTrivandruni"(The Kandanaadu Chronicle, page 683). On I'1 Makarom in 1X76. Joseph Mar Dionysius sent out an order for all the churches in Malankara. I he Metropolitan's official positional name, as universally agreed to. is recorded thus in that order: 'Mar Dionysius Metropolitan, the President ofthe Jacobite Syrian Christian Association Committee1 (page 6%). As per the order mentioned above, on 6lh Kumbhom in 187X. a meeting ofthe Malankara Syrian Christian Association was formally held under the chairmanship of.Joseph Mar Dionysius al Parumala. The decisions: 1. The Association and the Church Managing Committee that the Patriarch had rejected were revived. 2. Mar Dionysius will be the President of both. In future also as in the pasl, he must use his official name which is a clear declaration of his authority over the entire Malankara C "hureh. 3. Creative steps were taken for conducting the case and for establishing and running schools, seminaries, etc.

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4. I he Committee was expanded by adding new members. 5. Pulhuppallv Ghcevarghese was elected as Trustee and Kaarickal Kuruvilla Hapen as Secretary. n. Under the responsibility of the hi simps and the Committee members, an amount of 6000 rupees should be collected through promissory notes, and the hearing of the case should he started at Tri windmill at the earliest possible. In the south, under the responsibility ofMnrCregorioseal I'animala. and in the north, untlcr the responsibility i if Mar Yuliose at the Veilikkal Dawuaa. theological training was started. Simon Dionjsius o! Kochi (the writer of the Kandanaadu Chronicle) was displeased about Pulikkoliil Metropolitan ha\ing come back to his Conner glory. It was perhaps because ol'ihis attitude ol'his that he was not accepted by any parish, not even his own parish. Kandanaadu. The parish did not give him permission even to celebrate the Holy Hucharisl in the church at Kandanaadu. As he did not get a place to stay anywhere, he was given a very unimpoilant room attached to the Kandanaadu church lor his sta\. Until his death, he conducted all his worships there ilsell. When he died, the people of the Kandanaadu church did not give even a copper vessel to bathe the dead body. They did not allow the body to he buried there either. In the end, at the Kadiuigamangalam church that had been built by Pulikkoliil Methraachen. he was buried according to his instruction (information given by Dr. Thaaraa Simon, a member of the Karottuveeltil family and a colleague of the present author). The hearing of I he civil case was started on 24"' Kiimbhnm. 1054 (1S7U) at the Aalappn/ha district court with Joseph Mar Dionysius as plainliCl and Thomas Alhanasius and others as defendants. Altera period oi three-1 our years of indecision, it became clear once again who was at the helm ol the Malaiikara Church. It look three years to finish the preliminary round of hearings. According to a special request made by Pulikkoliil Methraachen at Trivandrum. the Divaan appointed Mr.'I.C. Krishnamcnon as a special

liidge Cor this case. Maahthara Chas Kathanaarand Kaarickal Kuruvilla Capon were responsible for the plaintiff s side, and E. M. Philip acted as the man in charge of the case. Philip had been appointed as the Secretary of the Association by the meeting of the Managing Committee which was held at Aalappu/ha. From Makarom 1057 to Kumbhom 1059, 77 witnesses tor the plaintiff's side and 103 witnesses for the defendant's side were tried and heard. Arguments of the plaintiff in bnel: 1. Che Patriarch had excommunicated MarAthanasius. 2. Because of the announcement of 1051. the hindrance Cor filing a case against him was remo\ed. 3. The first defendant (Thomas Athanasius). as soon as his predecessor was removed from his position, should have handed over all his belongings to the plaintiff. 4. The first defendant and others have no right to keep them with I hem (The Royal Court judgement, page 3). The summary of the 'Pathriku': I. No clear details have been i jivcn about the plaintiff sofllcial positions. 2. There is the technical error ol mis jointer. 3. The claims of the plaintiff have come under 'resjudicata' 4. A\ymb~n\v ImelcWlZmjap-v. 5. The plaintiff has not received his position or ihc approval of the Church. 6, The plaintiff is a debtor, one who delles religious practices, and disabled. 7. The plaintiff has no right to claim the possessions mentioned in the list of injustices. S. The Malankara Church has no connections with the Association. 9. The Patriarch has no authority over the Malankara Church. 10. The Antiochean participation during the reign of Paalakkunnathu Methraachen was only accidental. 11. It is not clear which Antiochean Patriarch the plaintiff received his position from. 12. The Antiochean laying on of hands does not give eligibility to the oontinuanoe in Malankara. 13. The tradition in Malankara is that of the predecessor finding his successor and consecrating him. 14. The first defendant is one who was thus found and consecrated by his predecessor. 15. The Patriarch excommunicated the plaintiff and removed him from his

position. 16. A part of the list, trom the time of the predecessor itself, was with somebody else. 17. The responsibility for ihc recovery of (he possessions mentioned in the list has not been entrusted with the plaintiff by anyone (the full form available in the Kandanaadu Chronicle). There was a judgement from the court on 16"' Midhunam. 1059 (1884) favouring the plaintiff. (For more details, look at pages 'M)-33 of H.M.Philip's autobiography titled 'The Secret Casket of the Malankara Church'.) In the meantime, certain internal disputes were beinti slaved with the blessings of the Patriarch. In many wavs. Kadavil I'oulose Mar Athanasius and Simon Mar Dionysius were opposing the activities of MarDionysiusas the Malankara Metropolitan. At a c e r t a i n stage, Simon Dionysius even filed a court case against Pulikkottil Melhraachen. The Karingaachira church case in fact improved matters. In that ease the people of the church argued that Simon Dionysius had not been chosen by the people. The judgement favouring the church appeased the rest of the bishops also. None of them had been chosen by the people. After this, none of the other dissenting bishops had the courage to come out in public against the Malankara Metropolitan, In the case against the reformists, thai is the Seminary case, Chaathuruthil Mar Grcgoriose was the only person who took receipt of the summons from the court, went to the court in response, and gave his narration in the role of a witness. This Parumala Methraachcn, in his narration as witness at the court, said that the Holy Father Moraan Patriarch Flaavaa, the members of the Committee and the rest of the church members have together decided that Pulikkottil Mar Dionysius Metropolitan would be the President of the Association Committee of the Syrians, that in all spiritual matters, all of them bishops would be equally responsible, and that in all worldly matters he would be above them (The Kandanaadu Chronicle, page 727). As the expected 'riseesaa' did not reach him. the Patriarch became very angry, and sent Simon Mar Alhanasius (He was the Rambaan

\\ ho had come with Slephanose Melhraachen and was the teacher of Pulikkottil Melhraachen.) to conduct the collection. Deacon Sleebaa also came along with (his 64 year old Bishop (the one who later became Sleebaa Oslhathiose). He reached Kochi on 3|J Dhanu in 1880. and it u as when he was staying at Parumala with his disciple the Malankara Metropolitan and his disciple Chaathuruthil Melhraachen that the favourable court verdict came. Paalakkunnalhu Thomas Athanasius and his companions filed an appeal on 2SU Kanni in 1884. R. Raamanaalhataayar for the plaintiff's side ( P i i l i k k o l i i l Melhraachen"s side) and the foreigner Cans for the opposite side presented themselves at the court. On 29Ih Thulaam in 18S5. this court gave its judge mem in favour of Pulikkottil Melhraachen, con firming the lower court's judgement, and sanctioning all expenditure. When the court employee Aammeen came to Kotlayam to execute the court judgement, as he found the Seminary buildings locked, he reported the matter at the court. The court then ordered thai the buildings be broken open, and that the magistrate and the police inspector be ol help lo Aammeen in the matter. Accordingly, the buildings were broken open. Thus, on V Karkidakom in 1886. the Malankara Metropolitan Pulikkouil Mar Dionysius started living in the Seminary that was founded by his own uncle IUM\ where his uncle was laid lores!, along with Mar Athanasius who was to collect the 'riseesaa.' Before the other assets were regained. Paalakkunnalhu Melhraachen gave an appeal at the Royal Court. This case was heard by the Chief Justice Krishnaswaamyraavar, Oremsby and Seethaaraamayyar. The reformist group did not present at the court, many of the Church records that they claimed to have with them, such as the Church history that the I'akalomatlom Bishops claimed was being recorded contemporaneously by the Malankara Metropolitans and the original S u s l h a a t h i k k o n ' of Paalakkunnathu V a l i y a Melhraachen. Paalakkunnalhu Junior Melhraachen informed the court with an oath that those records were stolen at the Pallikkara church. The judges moekiimlv rejected the story of the stealing, saying that it was cooked

up Tor the sake of convenience and thai they would not believe il. In order to strengthen the arguments for the ease, in order to show that those were in keeping with the ancient practices and regulations in Malankara, a small hook titled 'Malankara Canon' was prepared in writing and printed, and they claimed that those Canons were ihe ones collected and translated and prepared by Paalakkunnathu Valiya Methraaehen.and with that claim they presented it in the court. In Malankara, anciently, there were no Canon-books. 'Therefore, the Canon that was presented by Ihe reformists was totally a false one. In order to counter lhis false Canon, the side of Pulikkoitil Melhraaehen presented the Hoodaayaa Canon that was presented at the Yeliyanaatlu meeting of the Association by Pathrose Baavaa and was passed b\ the Association. In order to give the s t a t u s of Canons lo certain practices which used to he followed in the Malanakara Church, some of the Canons of the Mulanlhuruthy Synod were added in writing in Ihe handwritten copy of the Hoodaayaa Canon, as though they were pari of the ancient Canons. These corrections, w Inch came lo about a do/en in number, though technically they should be condemned as [icing false, as they were the Canons of the Mulanlhuruthy Svnod. they can be condemned only on the basis of the fact that the Mulanlhurulhv address on them was concealed. (This is not the IS-ilcm Canon that was presented in the court by the Patriarch party later lor the community ease, with more than two hundred corrections.) (The present author has with him, a badly tampered-w ilh Canon book -a copy with the original rough work done on it, in handwriting that closely resembles lhalofSleebaaOsthalhiosc. All writers have the wrong understanding that this 18-item Canon book is the same as the IK-ilem Canon book that was presented at Ihe Seminary case. This later tampered-with Canon is the one that was recently translated and published by the people of the Udayagiri Seminary.) It is with regret thai il is being recorded here that those who criticise Pulikkoltil Melhraaehen\ Canon by calling il 'Coffee-Canon" in place and out of place, are people who have seen neither the Malankara Canon nor the worked-on false Canon

in (he original form. How terribly pathetic indeed is our Church history literature research scene !! ao'j<v>o6 (E.noS'.silcQ/M (araao-ilmQilujl (.njcrutaioriJlcaojaDroilcTi mjcrii ! oj^\aamn msisraiiojjai oirtfiorooisocii ca>Ja_ilt96iit&,(0)jo rilmonS
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In 18S > the majority judgement of the Royal Court was declared, confirming the lower court judgement, with the change that both parties should bear their own expenditure. Oremsby wrote out also the minority judgement, including the separation note. The King ordered that the majority judgement be executed. The Divaan spoke jointly to both the parlies: According to ihe judgement, there is no other go but to vacate

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the Seminary and the possessions. Hitch church will thus have to he vacated. As a compensation for the hardships which will I hen come [o (he reformists, in whichever church both parlies are there, without anv rights over any of the churches or their possessions or their incomes, the reformists may be allowed to conduct their.services in the churches at fixed times. The Divaan made this request to the Metropolitan on behalf of the reformists. Though this kind of a permission would go against the trust and against justice, as it was a request made bv the Divaan. Mar Dionysius gave a reply lhal the permission was being given. The Divaan ami the other mediators were delighted hy this. Hie Divaan told the reformists thai it was a big thing thai the other parly agreed to so much, and therefore, with a thankful attitude, they must live with them in harmony. As they said that they could not give a reply to this without consulting other leaders who were absent, the meeting was concluded with the decision that a reply should be given by the date that was fixed for the same. When the fixed dale was over as they gave a reply saying that they were not agreeable to that kind of a settlement, the Divaan reported to the palace that such an amicable settlement was not possible. Therefore the majority verdict was confirmed and was sent back to the High Court ('The Secret Casket', page 49). hithemonlhofVrischikomin 1892, Pulikkoltil Joseph Dionvsius took the marks of his position such as the sceptre, the headgear, (he cross, etc., from Paalakkunnathu Thomas Athunasius at the court. The disappointed Thomas Athanasitis passed away in the month of Karkidakom in 1893. Listen to the assessments made hy certain leaders about the victory won in the Seminary case which was of decisive importance in the history of the Malankara Church: "... Though Mar Dionysius Metropolitan was an extraordinarily brilliant man, J believe that the ease was won. not because of his or anybody else's ability. His prayers were very powerful. Though lie was prone to all human weaknesses and sins, he had upon him the spirit of David, which helped him to wield thedivine power through penitence and through the prayers

from a crumbled heart. I am an eye-witness of the fact thai his /eiilotis prayer had the power to wonderfully make possible whatever miiltri lie prayed for. I am fully convinced that the Seminary dispute, I mm beginning to end. was conducted in divine providence because ol the iiovver of his prayer, the grace of God. and because of God's wrath towards the opposing party . . . If the Hindu advocate kaamanaatharaayar also had the same conviction, is that not surprising? He once told me thus about the divine providence that was clearly revealed on each occasion: 'I have never seen such a wonderful ease before. It is not me. you or the Metropolitan who is conducting il. hut (iod himself. The signs of CJod conducting it were revealed to me. not once, hut on many occasions. When I see it my hair stands on end. Never be afraid that (his case will be lost' " (The Secret Casket', page 65). The ease that had been given at the Aalappuzha court in 1069 to icmove Punnathra Chaandappilla KathanaarO'haazhathaehen) from (he Trustee's position, brought a favourable verdict on 21'IMak.arom 11177(1902). The meeting held on 9. 10, II Vrischikom in 1895 elected Konaattu Maalhen Malpaan as the Clergyman Trustee. There was a favourable verdict again in the Kottayam Cherryapally case on 31" Karkidakom in 1899. Thaazhathachen's appeal was rejected by the High Court. Pulikkottil Methraaehen got possession of the church on 27"' Kumbhom in 1901. The churches at Pulhenkaavu, Niranam, Kaayamkulam. Puthuppally and Nilaekal also came under his jurisdiction. Last of all. his own parish church at Aarlhaat('hualtukulangara also came to him with the ultimate verdict from the Kochi Royal Court that came on 3 L1 Karkidakom in 1905. In this way. from the time the royal announcement of Paalakkunnathu Methraaehen was withdrawn, all the disputes that Pulikkottil Metropolitan conducted saw victory one by one. All the legal battles that he fought through the seats of justice helped, not only to regain Church properly, but also to resolve internal strifes and disputes, and to bring the Church under his own umbrella harmoniously.

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From 1872 to 1886 the Paruniala Seminary, and then Irom 1886 onwards the Old Seminary, witnessed all the backstage preparations for these legal battles. In the Malankara Church history, Pulikkotlil Joseph Mar Diom sins II Malankara Metropolitan who deserves the description of being unparallelled. through his operations and relevance, demands an assessment inside as well as outside the Church. This will be possible only through a re-reading of his biography. The Royal Architect of the Keralite Reformation He brought iiuoheiim the slvle of functional" ol an all-pervasive super being whose incarnation was for leading the Malankara Church, the people of Kerala, and through them, the culture of India, into a new century. This was the period in which Kerala, which hail a suppressed existence under Brahmin supremacy, was being subjected to the biggest cultural upheaval that history had ever witnessed. HI indncss based on legends, deterioration of a priestly government, feudal supremacy, the crumbling of familial expectations all these had reached their climax in the I91'1 century. In order to measure the frightening cultural degeneration of those times. Swaamy Vivckaanauda's description of 'mad house' alone will be sufficient. See how P.K.Baalakrishnan assesses the Kerala culture of those times: '".. .The fifty years from the latter half of the I9"' century to the birth of the 2(1"' century brought about the most wonderful and unbelievable kinds of changes in the land of Kerala. If we cross over to the other side of 1850, wc will be reaching a primitive era which may be called ancient or very ancient. In the same way, if we cross over to this side of 1900. we will reach a totally modern era" ('Chanthumenon: a study', pages 62-64), The fertile ground on which the healthy tendencies which made this era-change possible blossomed and bore fruit, was the Malankara Church, and the farmer who grew them was the brilliant man. the Malankara Metropolitan of those days.

politics, community, literature or culture who have not formed an organisation of their loyal followers: '310)1 m<3>6)n^!2i3LaQ")1c9)aTJaj(3aom<OT5)Offs3a-iejmc/OcfbKJ)! mraBcOjln&l^oGrn
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1. The first Community Organisation of Kerala

There have not been any notewoithy prophets in the fields of religion.

This is what he made possible through the community organisation. ihe Malankara Syrian Christian Association, which he formed and confirmed at Paruniala in 1873 and at Mulanthurulhy in 1876. Though no earlier models were available in front of him, anybody will be struck with wonder by the endless stories about the gruelling journeys this hardworking brilliant man made in order to create an awareness towards this goal in the parishes which were scattered in the stales ofTravancore ami Kochi ami to find success, 'flic heroic stories about the v ictory march he made from Kiinnamkulani toTrivandrum sometimes on water and sometimes on foot may he compared to the gruelling work done by the "steel man' Sardar Patel later, in order to organise the more than 600 country-stales oi'India under the Indian Republic. The grand forum of the Association formed by one clergyman representative and two laymen representatives from each church, a working committee i oust i luted by a certain number of clergy men and double that number of lav1 men elected from the members of the Association, a treasurer and a secretary for it. the then Malankara Metropolitan to be its President, membership fees for all parishes, membership fees fur all members according to their class divisions, the common fund thus collected, to define the aims and limits ol'aulhority of the community. and to put these into practice with the approval of the Association if

336

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one looks at all this, the shape and the nature of the organisation and its democratic structuring, one can see that it had in it the administrative structuring and the administrative organisation of a democratic government. In a country where kings ruled in glory. Pulikkoltil Mcthraachen who imagined a democratic arrangement and put it into practice through detailed planning oi'all its aspects, should be described as the first democratic prophet of the Kerala Church and culture. This democratic prophet was able to lead into great dreams and operational aienas the parishes which had till then spent al it heir lime in total inaction like demons lookine down and watching o'. er treasures, bv g i v i n g them an outward vision. He ihrew awav his Episcopal autocracy, glory, love of posit ion and pride, and jumped into his democratic style ol Iunclioning, by going beyond his times. He made use ol that common torum lor fulfilling his innumerable dreams as it had representation from all parishes and it controlled all parishes. What he achieved throughthe formation of the Association was the awakening of the community from its slumber, because one has to get up first in order to start travelling ! The unifying secret and the democratic awareness implied in the si vie of functioning underlying the system of collecting and using funds through the mediation of the j o i n t responsibility ofa Church Trust constituted by Hpiscopal. clerical and lay members symbolically representing the Ppiscopal, clerical and lay, the three fold streams of power in the Church were thev not wonderfully commendable'.'One and three-quarter centuries ago. who taught this man from Kunnamkulam. the leader oi~a community from the southernmost tip of India, to weave the fabric ofthe Association in the same style as thai of the Parliamentary, democratic administrative organ isalion ol later limes that conducts its administration through a ministry, an administrative body, chosen from representatives of the people elected to form a legislative assembly and a parliament from the u n it s or electorates that the country was di vi d e d i nt o ? The fact that, one and three-quarter centuries later, no other Church or community has yet been able to deviseanorsanisalionforChtireh-adminislrationbellerthaiilhcouehe
338

organised -does it not proclaim the farsightedness ol the founder ol this system of administration' The fact that the Supreme Court of free India, in I 958 as well as in 1995. instructed that the highest authority of the Malankara Church should rest w i t h this Association in the future alsodoes it not reveal the perennial newness and the overall beauty of this organisation? Though some black snakes have tried to swallow the transparent brilliance of this organisation, it still shines and scatters light with brightness. During later times, the Ra/hava community, the Nnmboothiri community and the Muslim-Naayar-Pulaya-Saamhava communities grew and acquired strength by depending on and imitating the rays emanating from Pulikkotlil Mclhraacheu's feel, toes and nails. Il cannot be forgotten that, during later limes, community leaders like Naaraayanaguru and Mannathu Padmanaahhau were given guidance by the Malankara Church and P u l i k k o t l i l Joseph Mar Dionysius II Malankara Metropolitan. As a result of the working efficiency of the Association, there was born in the Church a kind of unprecedented novel energy. The secret behind it was that the clergy and the laity both felt happy about being able to participate in the general administration of I he Church. There are many people who think that the basic reason for the unrest and the dissensions in the Church was! hat. during later times, this clergy-laity participation anil adherence to the democratic style of functioning were not properly taken into account. Though il inspired all the other Ketalile communities with ils birth, like the hare in the story of the hare and the tortoise who set out on a running race, it is suspected by some people I hat l he Association, during later limes, slowed down in a shameful manner. There is one thing that is very certain; the first thing lobe done in order to remove the unrest and the dissensions from the Malankara Church is lore-organise the Association in accordance with the purposes for which it was founded and to make its functioning transparent. 2. Kducalional operations In those davs Kerala was being ruled by p o l i t i c a l and cultural 339

traditions which denied literacy to a large ina|oritv of the people with the exception of the small minority constituted by Ihe three sets of coloured people who belonged to the llrahmin, Kshalriyaand Vaishya castes. Challenging the'sruti-smriti' rules \\ hich taught that letters were fire, and that they were meant only tor the coloured castes. Pulikkoltil Methraachcn brought the fire of letters down on to the mud of the ground like what happened to Prometheus in Greek mvthologv. It was through the schools that he founded in theTravnncore Koehi regions that the miracle happened I lis companion Chceran V. Varghcse has recorded that he founded more than 2M) Malavalam school* t 'The Faith ol our fathers'. page I lOi. His secretary KM. Phi lip testifies that, as a result ul his very hard work, more than a hundred of those schools received a government grant (The Indian Church of St. I homas the Apostle'). The love ol letters that was burning inside him for a decade and a half, spread out into an expansive movement, and it was in the Parumala Padiyola that he declared it < 1873 decision no.9. The Malankara Church: History and Culture", page 662). A Church-leader, when lie was being tossed violently by the whirlpool of the internal problems of the Church, nurtured the dream of making possible the resurrection of a country through a cultural resurgence. As he was travelling Irom church to church in Kerala collecting money for running the court eases of the Church and for building churches, he made practical the notion of at least one school per parish. Mar Yousehiose (Thumpamon) writes: 'It is Mar Dionysius Metropolitan who founded the M.I). Seminary School, the fust educational institution ol" the Church. We can say that the beginning of the educational mission of the Malankara Church was there. The Church and the community arc indebted lo the farsighled Mar Dionysius for this' ("The Tarsighled Father' article. Charamanavathi Jubilee Smaranika. Irichur. 1999, page 31). Dr. Samuel Chandanappally describes this wav. the hardships he suffered for running the schools: "... Another direction of operation for Mar Dionysius was the area ol" education. He did not turn away from the founding of schools even when he was going through a great

deal of financial stress. It is by repeatedly pawning and taking back his ring and his sceptre that he founded schools. His aim was not to gather money, but . . . to gather knowledge. I le dreamt ot the birth ot a generation of lovers of knowledge and owners ol wisdom, through educational enrichment - and that way, also the comprehensiv e progress of the community" (The Malankara Church Fathers', page 127). I le discovered that the success of any social change happens inside minds that are enlightened by education. He believed that if a comprehensive resurgence should happen, literacy was indispensable. In those da\v running of schools was not a trade and a means of money making like lodav. and in those days, collecting monev from foreign countries was not possible either. He worked hard to hasten the resurgence ol the country h\ collecting the country's own wealth. The more than 250 schools that he founded are the outward signs of the Metropolitan's ability to interpret Christ's word that lie was the light of the world'in the limei\ and culture-faced manner. It was a generation that had received literacy from these schools that became the early spokesmen lor the cultural resurgence of Kerala. As students were admitted in all these schools without any community-religion-castegender differences, he was able lo kindle the llame of literacy in all communities simultaneously. Cheeran V. Varghcse. whom he had taken from Pa/.hanji and accommodated in Parumala with ihe intention ol" giving him theological training, later wrote: "He took up the burden of administration from 1890. The number of churches rose from 175 to 282. Because of his very hard work. 3 high schools. 8 mission schools and several Fnghsh primary schools were started. He established not less than 250 Malavalam schools also" ("Faith", page 110). Church history researcher Joyce Thotlakkaadu points out that in the Malankara parish calendar that was officially published during the reign of Pulikkoltil Metropolitan from the Old Seminary Mar Thomas Press by Kaaruchira (iheevarghese Rambaan (later the 2'"' Catholicose). il is recorded that at that lime there were 3 Fnghsh High Schools. 9 Fnglish Middle Schools, 200 Malayalam Primary Schools, some with

EH

Puthenkaavu in 1789 thai the decision to wear the 'kaappaa' was taken. The Coptic Church has the tradition of celebrating the Holy Rucharist without wearing the 'kaappaa' (PaaremmaakkalThommaKalhanaai', 'Varthamaana Pusthakom." page 74). When KaattumangaaStu Deacon Kurien was ordained as a priest, Shaakrallaa Maphriaanaa declared the name of the new priest as 'Koorilose.' Following this, he accepted the name "Koorilose' as his official name. In the Rucharist 'thaksaas' that he copied out, in more than three places he has recorded thai the copier is 'Koorilose Kaseesaa.' In the Syrian tradition. 'Koorilose" is an Rpiscopal name: this name is not given to a priest. In the Syrian tradition, it will only be 'Kuriakose.' Therefore, it is clear that Shaakrallaa Maphriaanaa did not have a Syrian tradition. This author has read in a handwritten book, kepi in the Thozhiyoor archives, that Shaakrallaa Maphriaanaa gave Koorilose Kaseesaa the holy relies of GheevargheseSahadaa. and that he established them al Thozhiyoor. It is in the St. George Cathedral of the ('optic Church that the holy relics of Ghcevarghesc Sahadaa are kept. It is possible to make the following guesses on the basis of these evidences. 1. Mar Shaakrallaa was a Persian Maphriaanaa related to the Persian Church. 2. The important member of the group Mar Gregoriose was a Bishop with an Armenian tradition.
3. The junior Mar Ivaniose was a Bishop from the Syrian ('hureh.

under the Rpiscopal name MarThomma VI at Niranam (Ittoop Writer, page 129). ' On9lhThulaam. Kollam 929(1764). Mar Bascliose Shaakrallaa Maphriaanaa passed away at Kandanaadu; and he was huried there. The dissent that stalled during the time of MarThomma IV grew during the time of Mar Thomma V and caused a crisis in the Church during the time of MarThomma VI. MarThomma VI started his eventful rule in 1765. K. Mar Thommii VI (Valiya Mar Dimiysius) hor the 37 years between 1728 and 1765, MarThomma V ruled the Church. He died in 1765. He was buriedat the Niranam Valiyapalli on Klh May. MarThomma VI became sorrowful about the divisions in the ancient Malankara Church. He was not bothered by any of the unrelenting disputes in the Church, as this Pakalomattom Bishop was the owner of the paternal heritage that he received from the Kuravilangaadu Catholic parish in which he was born and brought up. though he got his Rpiscopal position through his maternal heritage. He favoured reconciliation and peace. His first effort was to settle the dispute regarding his positional validity which originated during the time of MarThomma IV. From the three Church-Heads who arrived in 1751. the Maphriaanaa had died, but the other two were still living. I Ic decided lo accept the laying on of hands from (hem.
.... nlggll n{j)SE)nJ5>0 Si 0(0)100^03 aJ|SSIn I^Jo ggig ,8,3(01,631303

After both the senior bishops passed away, he look interest in practising the Syrian traditions in Malankara. MarThomma V became disappointed when the treaty with the foreign bishops proved lo be unacceptable, and the efforts lo get reconciled with Rome failed. He saw only one way in which the Pakalomattom family tradition could be continued; and that was to consecrate his nephew as a bishop, and he did thai. In Kollam 936 (1760), Bishop MarThomma consecrated his own nephew as a bishop

636)<96)OJJO dEblipinrapG (nscrno im}<7y>1o5a)6Yn(o tnscro 6ir9>oggioii3>c9S)aien^o c&ejnJlij en5!5jo mj^srytgxTiJ ogj macacos crooujmrujo aioearaljy SQoaimjnDocfflrata)ora3 a$olas eruIDJmomG5iu>OSJ<&.jsi nJggl <01gjls>oj36')<e6iCQ>3o SiD icm aJlaJDolij aunarrilc&gpcoilEjjo gasLAJSJ &SKS& wifl)(DJljo g>|3i nrrajgicfeCTg (Sisnejo njosryra^o cnstauril aioj(saiioo3 . . . (Niranam Chronicle, pages90.91). It is to be appreciated that he first took the initiative to settle the disputes in his own camp. This effort was very necessary in order to

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and others without government granl. and two Girls' Schools and thai in the calendar that was published in 19(18, it was raised to l O h n g l i s h Middle Schools and 3 Girls' Schools. The Secondary Schools which were started in Kotiayam. Thiruvallaaand Kunnamkukim are s t i l l fiinetiong. D i s t r i b u t i o n of knowledge was not there in I he list ol priorities ot those who later came into Church leadership.
n<&,Q6igs. itrfhj^njio n{j)o.cujl. sxru'ilcmral c^O! DOI fnsn-jloiS rnlrSiroil c96)jai aisroTO'flcoj \n-jd iilajcmoufrb^acnj ncrojilawral G^IJSOIITJJIOS ni\av> i')iii roS 'irr3'ij MoirnijcOijajo ciifla^j :CJOO() ^ni(;'\>;j;3!> PLV-IJII
i;Tr^O'T3'tfn_j.Dij3, -)iinW$ QJ^CSl/QCnloili 17,fin JL)(T><i.|ai J/ilGJiyJnil'iJOT) T)2J cM>k n_|3i/3 (Sdfajyri f3t3)1JiJ'0i_\ial^J aj])iT1)J6TT).

his leadership and wilh his encouragement. It was when the Kotiayam ()ld Seminary came back into his hands that he stopped operating the others. In the participation that the Malankara Church had in the process of trans fori nation in the community, these centres for theological training extended strength and support. He had made arrangements there for the teaching ol the classical languages of the world such as Greek and bnglish. the Indian classical language Sanskrit. Kerala's ancestral language Tamil. Malayalam. the Semitic languages suclias Hebrew and Syriac, apart from arrangements forteaching the traditional curriculum. I Vserv ing mention along with this are the schools which were stalled in each parish as a result of his encouragement, for religious education. In one sense, he can be described as the man behind llie Sunday School education of ihe Malankara Church. There are clear h i n t s in the Parumala Padiyola decisions about Ihe p r i n t i n g of stories and other t h i n g s Iron i the scriptures, in order to make religious education more fruitful. The Malankara parish calendar of 1CH)K records Ihal a hundred Sunday Schools were kinctioning in the Church. Ihe letter ot felicitation that was presented to him on the occasion ol celebrating on an all-Malankara basis, the golden j u b i l e e of his consecration, at Kotiayam in 1901, cites his contributions to the field of education in Ihe following manner:".. .the founding of a High School in ibis important place (Kotiayam) for the sake of the education ol' children from the whole community, the granting of a tjmSXn for one lakh in pecs for its running.. . . ihe organisation of k'nglish Schools attached to certain parish churches in t h e south as well as in Ihe north like, I or example. Kunnamkulangara, running a large number of schools all over Ihe country for the sake of primary education .. ."(M.P.Varkey. 'Mar I )ionysius\ Concluding Chapter). Chingavanamkaaran KurudanChaakkoChaakko. who wrote his biography in ihe form of a song, has also presented this matter:
ri l<2jyl<06)U)l<-iJ!O">l Tjge5lta,u3 n|J)i_(!VKSa)rj

('K.C.Maammen Maappilay and the Malankara Church', page 20). Because of this la/y attitude, many schools later became defunct. Several of Ihcm were takenover by the church-leaders ol ihose places. Several were handed over to the government. Several schools which were entrusted to them by Vatlasseril Methraachen. who came as his successor, were taken by the Wreath Movement people when Archbishop Mar Ivaniose left the Church. The Seminaries While promoting secular education. Pulikkotlil Melhraachen toiled hard dav and night also for the progress of theological education. When the KottayamOld Seminary that was founded by his anceslor went into the hands of the reformists, it was by stalling small seminaries in different parts of the country that he reacted. Attached to the Kunnamkuium Aarthaat church he built the Sehion Bungalow where he started a Seminary, an M.D. Seminary at Kotiayam, one Seminary at Parumala. another Seminary at Vellikkul Dayaraa, iheThrikkunnathu Seminary at Aaluvaa and IheThazhakkara Seminary at Maavelikkara these six minor seminaries were founded during his lime. Hxcepl for the Thrikkunnalhu Seminary, all the others were founded by the Metropolitan himself, and theThrikunnalhu Seminary was founded under

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('MarUionysius Biographical Song". 1901. page 33). ---------------------------------------gggl----------------------------------------

3. His pride for his language The pride fur one's mother-tongue is an undeiachable part of the pride for one's count 17. In those days when Sanskrit on the cultural scene and Syriac on the religious scene were nourishing, one's pride for the mother-tongue was considered to be a low-grade emotion unbecoming of decent people. Hven those who took pride in t h e i r mother-tongue were not prepared In leave Sanskrit in tavourof t h e i r mollier-tongtie. Prom Thunjathe/hulhacchen to Keralavarma Valivakovilhamfnuaan.all those who took pride in their mother-tongue revealed llu\ altit ude in t h e i r writings. hi the ( hinch. everything smacked of Syriac This was the lime when even those who did not know Syriac well enough, wrote out Malayalam prayers using the Syriac script and pretended lo be scholars in Syriac. (The present author has used prayers, speeches and notes of instruction found inside orders of worship writ ten thus in 'Karsoni' as materials for study.) 'fhe practice of starting even Malayalam prayers and i n s t r u c t i o ns lo people w i l h Syriac words and then switching lo Malayalam is still continuing. At a time when Sanskrit and Syriac were thus being respected as the aristocratic languages. Mar Joseph Dionysius Metropolitan translated into Malayalam those parts of the l i t u r g y and the prayers which were to be sail! by the people, and printed and published ill least lliirlccn editions of Ihe same, willi a thousand copies per edition, and got them distributed to the people during the period between 1850 and 1906. In order to show Ihe importance he gave lo the language in ihe translation, a couple of lines are being reproduced here:

n-ijeflcT)} ifDjej^o ownjfDs cDjeji^aS raiatEnno - noj -njiteo^onlctMi ojcQ)9.iko5 njje>=ysl eojoaei This style is neither thai of P/hulhacchen nor thai of Keralavarma; but it was C'herusseri's style of writing that Ihe Malankara Church iried

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to imitate. I lc instructed that (and also encouraged it) the Malayalam translation in the Rambaan Bihle that was translated jointly by his ancestor Pulikkou.il Joseph Mar Dionysius and Kaayamkulam Philipose Kambaan.and printed and published in ISII by the Bombay Korean Press, be used for the gospel reading during worships in churches. It was during this time thai ihe Bible reading notes and the code of conduct were published in Malayalam according to his instruction (the Mulnnlhurulhv Canon) and his permission. It was again according to his instruction that ihe prose translations of texts o\' the orders of worships like the 'prumioif and the 'sedraas' used during the Holy Eucharist. 'Kanl he elaa '. 'Kahanailhaa'. the orders for the sacraments and the annual " l l i a k s a a ' were prepared in Malayalam in the Church. The language usa.\ in these translated texts is pure Malayalam, without the taste of Sanskrit, Tamil or Syriac. Those translations helped in a large measure to add richness, variety and strength to the lexical store of Malayalam as a language by supplying synonyms and derivatives such as 'sleebaa', 'saalhaan'. 'aakalkarusaa'. 'koodaasa' and 'evangclion'. I his kind of endeavours on the part of Pulikkottil Melhraachen, exhibiting his love for ihe language, supplied an incentive and an encouragement lo similar efforts in all other religions to translate their religious literature and literature of worship into their regional languages. Another face of his pride lor the language is the journals he stalled and ran. The news circulation operations of those days were in an extremely dry state. Here was (h e head of a community that blindly believed that the only area of operations for a religious head was the s p i r i t u a l work!, revelling in h i s pride for the mother-tongue, which prompted him lo start and run journals such as 'Kcralapathaaka', 'Idavakapalhrika' and "SuriyaanisuvisheshakatT. 'Keralapathaaka' gave importance lo and published articles and news-items which encouraged the resurgence movements. The creations of enthusiastic w r i t e r s saw light through that. 'Kcralapathaaka' introduced to the Malayaalee, foreign models and movements of resurgence. It was through 'Kcralapathaaka' which was published twice a month from 1"

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Chingam in 1872 that Pulikktitlil Methraachen presented before the audience of cultural Kerala, the flowers of ideas which were to make the resurgence a reality. At a time when he did not have even a headquarters of his own, it was the 'pandakasaala' ofPanackal lyppuru Muthalaali from Kunnamkulam t h a t acted as the office of 'Keralapathaaka' in Kochi. 'ldavakapathrika' 'Idavakapathrika' used to carry oul a mission thai was completely Church-oriented. It was to give hoi replies to the articles thai crilieised the culture of the Malankara Church thai included its faith and traditions, which were published through t hei r media by other Churches, mainly the Anglican Missionary Churches, lhat 'Idavakapalhrika' f r u i t f u l l y worked hard, 'ldavakapathrika' paid attention to interpret deeply and widely, the positions that the Church look and the views ibal the Church held tin important issues. The 'palhrika' prepared a forum for mailers like the unification of parishes, the duties that parishes must fulfil in connection with the execution ot'Church administration, discussions on matters of faith and historical disputes. Through news-iierns Ihe 'pathrika' tried to nurture healthy relationships between parishes and between parishes and their heads. The 'pathrika' raised the Malankara Church to familial expectations characterised by solidarity. Kach issue of Idavakapathrika" went out bearing news-items, assessments and views which provided knowledge, interest and concern about subjects like the formation of the Malankara Association anil Commitlee. the litigation with the reformists, the visits and the actions of the Patriarch, the translalions of the orders that the Baavaa senl from abroad, the parish visits of the Metropolitans and the founding o\~ schools in parishes. 'Idavakapathrika' succeeded in raising writers like Kandalhil Vatghese Maappilay, M.P.Varkcy, Kottaarathil Shankunni, P.,M.P h i l i p . Idavazhikkal Valiya Philipposachen. Idavazhikkal Philipose Korcpiscopa and Kurien Writer, and in proudly introducing Vatlasseril Crhcevarghese Matpaan, Konaattu Maathen Malpaan and Chaathuruthil Mar Gheevarghese Malpaan.

The style ol "Sunyaam Suvisheshakan wus different. This magazine gave importance to the fulfilment of the gospel mission of the Bible. It was to refine and purify against the view-points of a Biblical vision, the contemporary social issues like easle-practiecs, marital expectations and blind s u p e r s t i t i o n s t h a t i h i s magazine paid attention. hlavakupatluika' was published once in two weeks, and 'Suriyaani Suvisheshakan' came oul once in a month. The voice of the Suvisheshakan' that revealed the Biblical vision and guidance in matters Niich as unloiiehabiliiy. caste requirements. Brahmin supremacy, the lack of a t t e n t i o n lo women, the malnarchal family tradition, polygamy, polyandry, worship of demons, idol worship, child marriage and the blind beliefs thai controlled pompous and meaningless celebrations, gave great emotional upsurges lo cultural Kerala. The slogan 'purify or die* became universal in all the communities of Kerala. The pointerv o i c e which said, 'change your customs, or they will remove you completely'.created a stir in the backward communities universally. I his was ihe lime when the Eazhava-Naayar-Namboothiri-Muslim communilics started an organised effort lodo some internal examination and purification. Remember lhat the second community organisation of Kerala, the Sreenaaraayana Dharma Paripaalana Sangham. was formed in lt)()2. This was the time when Chcrusseri Chaalhu Naayar accepted the Christian religion under the name Joseph Fcnn and wrote (lie critical poem tilled "Ajnaana Kudhaarom'. The cinematic version of the novel t i t l e d 'Indulekha*. which made communal reform indispensable and the materialisation of the poem titled 'The fallen flower' w hich, through symbolic imagination, portrayed the fallen culture in the most touching manner, show nothing but the Biblical vision that 'God is love': this was the basic seed underlying all the communal resurgences lhat have happened in Kerala lo this day. It was when all the resurgence leaders lhat Kerala has seen, lik e Naaraayanaguru. Sahodaran Ayvappan and Vaagbhadaanandan, interpreted matters in their communities on the basis of the vision of love that the Bible uncovered, and omanised them accordingly, that the resurgence in Kerala expanded

into a big movement- The main journal that presented all these thoughts, messages and visions powerfully before the common people of cultural Kerala was 'Suriyaani Suvisheshakan'. What Pulikkotlil Metropolitan, the founder of these journals, which were published from Koclii and Kottayam, achieved directly and indirectly, was Ihe strengthening of the Malayalam language, the growth of the wrilcrs and the progress of literature that happened because of these. 4. The printing institutions Those who go about w i t h the fire ol ideas in t h e i r hearts will experience the indispensabihly of the media for the expression of their ideas. Putikkottil Mcthraachen was a prophetic stream thai spurted out ideas. He understood the possibilities of priming much earlier than anybody else. He Uwk upon himself the establishment o\' printing presses as one of his most important missions. Students of theology used to spend a large part of their training lime in copying out the 'thaksaas' for their own use. As generations went by. the handwritten copies became aberrant. This enthusiastic man. when he was still a priest, bought a printing press that had moulds made of stone, from the missionaries at Tellicherry. and established it al Kunnamkulam. This printing press, which was established under the name 'Pulikkottil Joseph KalhanaarV in the 1 850's. helped him to print out and publish liturgical 'thaksaas' and the orders lor the sacraments of baptism and marriage, in their Syriac form. The Syriac language went into printing for the first time in India in this stone mould press. (The present author has in his hook collection, copies of Ihese books which were printed in this press.) This stone mould press, which got established in the early years of the 1850's. gradually started p r i n t i n g books in English and Malayalam as we ll . It was P u l i k k o t t i l Joseph (Ittoop) Kathanaar, the leader of the Syrian Church, who first started printing in Kunnamkulam which later became famous as the land of p r i n t i n g presses. After he became a Metropolitan and moved his scene of operations to Kochi, the press started functioning under- the name 'Si.

I homas Press at the 'pandakasaala' that Panackal Muthalaali had at Kochi. This stone mould press was later moved toParumala when the Seminary gol established there. It was from the St. Thomas press at Kochi that the publication of 'Keralapalhaaka' and 'Idavakapalhrika' Parted. Aparl from orders of prayers and worships. Idavazhikkal Philipose Kathanaar's Church calendar and small books concerning laith. and also hooks in Malayalam, Syriac. English and Tamil were p r i n t e d al I his press. After the Seminary case, from 1889 onwards, circulars, orders of worships in Syriac and in Malayalam and the journals Idavakapalhrika' and 'Suriyaani Suvisheshakan' were printed from Koilayam. Many decades before the R/hulhucchen compositions, Krishnagaatha ami the 'llmHa!' compositions which are the pride of Kerala came into printing, this resurgence leader gave vigour to the religious lileol ihe people of his community hy printing and supplying the necessary books through his priming presses; the universality of his imagination is indeed unmatched. 5. The uplift meiil of the downtrodden ll was through Pulikkotlil Metropolitan's operations that the Malankara Church first started its mission activities in an organised manner. Though religious conversion was not aimed al, an atmosphere was created which led to the conversion of many people into Christianity in those days. In the more than 250 primary schools founded by him, he gave admission to children from backward communities. This was the most important step he look in this direction. The Syrian Christians who proudly considered themselves as a high caste and aristocratic community, did not approve of the Metropolitan's activities. A community that had losl ils Christianity in its aristocratic pride badly enough to ask a question like 'Does a Pulayan have a soul?' (the question asked by a Syrian Christian character in the novel titled 'Khaathakavadhom'), was gradually liinied around by him successfully to participate with him in Ihe noble work he was doing. The forward caste communities used to treal the backward classes l i k e untouchable lepers. What the Metropolitan achieved was to give them the experience of the presence

of Christ who told the leper that he wished that he should he healed, to love them, and to bring them into the mainstream life of the community. Not in secular schools alone, but even in the Sunday Schools, he gave them admission, and taught them values like cleanliness, love off iod and brolherliness among human heings. The awareness that the backward communities developed in mailers like clothing and familial expectations stunned the upper classes. In the ancient Svrian Christian centres like Vettikkal. I'arumala and Kunnamkulam. under their supervision, literacy centres were being run to teach the low caste people to read and write, and to give them awarenesses and t r a i n i n g in cleanliness. When he formed an organisation for clergymen on an allMalankara basis, he remembered to use those clergymen who were specially competent and trained for missionary operations. All this caused two different reactions in the backward communities. Conversion into Christianity was one of the reactions. Underlying the establishment of over a hundred new churches during the reign of Pulikkotlil Metropolitan was the expansion of the Church due to the new religious conversions. He organised a new non-communal mission. This was the first missionary organisation that took its birth in the Indian soil without any participation from any foreign Church. His circulars contained invitations to everyone to come forward and join movements lo turn the downtrodden masses into real human beings. Chaathurulhil Mar Gregoriose was attracted by t hi s invitation, and he expanded the noncommunal missionary movement. On certain occasions, having quarrelled with the Syrians for their communal pride, these I wo bishops even got prepared to arrange separate churches for the newly convened members of the Church. It was the sense of dedication and t r a i n i n g received from this leadership that reached the later missionary movement, the starting of the'Servants of the Cross Community'. 6. The democratic style and transparency The new administrative style, combining episcopacy and democracy in an ideal manner, was the well thought out contribution

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that came from Pulikkottil Methraaehen who had carefully assessed the way the autocracy of the clergy had corrupted the Hindu religion and had made the Catholic Church quite un-Christian. Till then, the administration of the Church rested with the Metropolitan alone. In the I'arumala Synod ai' 1873, it was vehemently argued that episcopal autocracy amounted to monarchy of the Metropolitan which had to be ended at any cost. It was in t hi s manner that the Malankara Syrian (' h r i s t i a n Association as a community forum with a clearly defined mandate and authorities, and its operational body, the Managing Committee, were born for the first lime in the Church. The father of ihese democratic organisations was Pulikkottil Metropolitan. He designed and implemented an administrative arrangement which allowed the participation of all the three parts of the body of the Church, namely, the episcopacy, the clergy and the laity, in the general administration of the Church. Though the arrangement of the tri-level trusteeship in the general administration of the Church was there before him and after him. no Malankara Metropolitan before him or after him has been able in manage the administration of the Church in the manner in which he so successl ully and effectively combined the fair participation of all three parlies alike. Cochin Award which got separated from the Malankara Church after taking its share of the property, tried to implement this kind of three-tier trusteeship, but it did not become practical. Later. Ihe responsibility ofthese trustees often got restricted to putting their signatures for receiving the interest earned by the'Vattippananv. During later times, the property of the Church was divided into several schedules, and the j o i n t trustees were given charge only of ancient property, and thus ihe boundaries of their powers got limited badly. Hut. during ihe lime of Pulikkottil Metropolitan, the joint trustees were participants in all ihe general affairs of the Church, and they were the ones who conducted all operations and kept accounts for everything. And the kind oi'understanding that existed among them was enviable. Thai period was the golden era of transparency. He look interest also in holding transparent discussions through the Tdavakapathrika'. in

order to find out the opinions of the general public on matters and to organize matters accordingly. He made use of decentralisation in Church administration in letter and in spirit- At that time when the tendency for autocracy in the royal rule, the tendency lor priestly supremacy in the sister religions and Churches, and the tendency for entrusting all the powers with the laymen in the reformist Churches were nourishing, he was able to implement the mixed style o( democratic episcopal administrative organisation which ensured the feeling of participation on the part of all Ihc different divisions of the Chinch. It washy surviving the attractions and the pressures of an episcopal ad minist rat ive organisation that he implemented Ihis strange combination in his administration. This is how the democratic era dawned in the Malankara Church long before it dawned in India. In theMulanthurulhy Canons, he laid down the conditions for the presentation of the Metropolitan's operational diary once in a year before the Synod - the Managing Committee that had the representation of the entire Church. lie formulated the codes ol conduct which were necessary for defining the limits of the rights and the mandates of the position-holders and the commit lees so I hat nobody would overstep their boundaries. Nobody had any disagreements with any of the rules and regulations he prepared, as they reflected the unanimous opinion of the Church as a whole, and as lhey ensured the fair participation of all divisions. Neither in the Parumala Synod decisions nor in the Mulanthuruthy Canons were there any approaches either supporting episcopal interests or denying the interests of the clergy or the laity. We have to see the whole-hearted support given to Pulikkottil Metropolitan by the entire Church, without any discordant note anywhere even in the most trying circumstances, even when he was excommunicated by the Patriarch, as the mark of the approval gained by the style of his administration. He had no earlier models before him. But the style of the organisation that evolved out of his imagination became a model for all the constitutions and codes of conduct w Inch were formulated during later times.

7. The one who started and encouraged spiritual organisations He hoped that he would be able to establish spiritual organisations, and through Iheir grassroots level operations, revive and lead to desirable kinds of progress, with people's participation. stae by stage and part by part, the Malankara ('hurch that had been battered by Western Church administration styles and reformist tendencies. His decision to start Sunday Schools in each parish, and to give through them to the growing generation, religious stories and lessons in faith, proved successful, for instruction in faith, he prepared small books in the catcclusntal style, got them printed and distributed them. These calechismal books were organised in a manner mainly to prepare the children to lace the challenges raised by the reformists. Along with these, there was also the instruction that, in the Sunday Schools, the children should be go! lo memorise the prayers for the seven occasions in a day, to be said at two times of prayers in a day. The positions that the Church held in matters related to faith, were ihus made available in Malayalam books, for the first time during these days. Another move men l that Pulikkottil Metropolitan very imaginatively started was an organisation for the priests. 1 le realised that the priests were the blood-vessels of the Church, and he decided that they should be given timely instruction if divine thoughts and life should flow out into the Church through them. He made efforts to hold annual meetings of the priests on an all-Church basis, and lo discuss and to seek lo resolve iheir problems at the grassroots level. This was the first step in the journey towards the realization that priests have duties which lie outside their parishes-in Ihe diocese or atl he level of the Church in general -and that they are the common properly of the Church. His dreams about ihe formation of llie organisation of the priests are clearly seen in the common order thai he sent out to all the churches from the Kadanibanaadu church on the P'of Medam in the year 1900: "I feel very unhappy ahoul having reached my old age without having had the time or the opportunity to implement or try to implement any of the reforms needed for the spiritual growth of the Church, because --------------------------------------------KER1--------------------------------------------

of the unavoidable disputes and litigations which had to be run in order to resist ihe onslaughts upon our Church from outside. Our Church will come to a state of nothingness if I do nut. at least from now on, engage myself in activities geared towards the strengthening of faith and piety in our priests who should hold Ihe responsibility for the progress of our C 'hurch, and towards attracting meritorious young men to enter priesthood by r a i s i ng the dignity oi priesthood" (Mar Dionysius EI Charamanavalhy Souvenir, Trichur. llW9. pages l)5, %). The organisation ol the priests presented opportunities for involving the priests in Ihe a c t i vi t i e s ol the hishops' Council and missionary organisations, and for utilis ing their vision and love of the Church in activities being planned lor the Church as a whole. Another movement that Mar Dionysius started for the s p i r i t u a l reawakening and the resurgence in the Church was the 'day;ira;f movement. Till the latter half of Ihe 19"'century, Ihe "dayaraa' movement had not been formed in the Malankara Church. He was getting impatient about the stalling of the 'dayaraa' movement in the Malankara Church from the time he came back from abroad after the firsthand experience ol the "dayaraas" there, their history anil the gains they made for the Syrian Church and the Christian Church in general. He found the Vcttikkal region under the Mulanthunithy parish suitable for the purpose, and so he took possession of t h i s region. There was a cross and a small building there already. He declared that as a 'dayaraa' the first 'aashram' of Malankara. He conferred the 'dayaroyooso' position on Mulanthunithy Chaalhurulhil Ciheevarghese Kori on 26"' Meenam in 1X72. He appointed Chaalhurulhil Rambaan as the 'rcesh' at the Vetlikkal 'dayaraa'. Gradually the Vcttikkal 'dayaraa'became the hermitage that moulded the saint of the Malankara Church and a centre for the training of priests. Gradually the number of rambaans in the V'ettikkal 'dayaraa' increased. When from 1S73 Chaalhurulhil Rambaachen was appointed to give leadership for the training of priests at Panimala. Mookancheril Gheevarghcse Rambaan was appointed as 'reesh davarovo' at Vcttikkal 'dayaraa'. It was at this 'davaraa' that

i he six bishops who were consecrated by Peter Ul Baavaa fasted ioi Inrlydays. The 'aashrams' that took bhth in the Church lateral Hetliauy. PLithanaapurani.Thaabor, Olhara, Mylapra and Puthuppaady had draw n ihe inspiration for their lormatioii from the working of the Vcttikkal dayaraa". Another s p i r i t u a l organisation that got formed as a result of the leadership abilities of Mar Dionysius was the student movement. He Hied to get students meaningfully involved in the affairs of the Church. I lis hopes were not out of place. In Ih e last one century, most of the people who came to leadership positions in the Church from lay menclergy--episcopacy levels were workers in the student movement When his dear dis cipl e and saint, the hermit at Panimala. passed away unexpectedly, he gave the student movement the name of this saint, and trom then on it came to be known as Mar Gregoriose Student Movement. 8. Ihe Organisation for the Unification of Creeds Several Malankara Metropolitans have tried to bring back the Catholic Church that got separated from the parent Church following theoaih-iakingat Koonankuristi in 1653. Pu li k k o tt il Methraachenalso made small efforts in this direction. 11c founded an organisation for the uniliCLition of creeds in association with Nidhiyirikkal Manikkathanaar of the Catholic Church, in the hope that he would he able to spread operations into other regions by starting to work in co-operation in places where it was possible. \ !e bought the Woodland Bangalow and the properly around it in their joint names. At that time nobody assessed the ecumenical spirit that worked behind it. Long before ecumenical ideas started sprouting at the universal level, this visionary started working with a zeal for the unification of Churches in this small land oi' Kerala. The two leaders jointly staned a school, and were just beginning to expand their operations into other regions when the Pope sent an order saying that the Roman Syrians and the Jacobite Syrians should not jo i n tl y run a school. Asa result of this, Manikkathanaar withdrew

himself from the running of the school. Then Mar Dionysius gave him the share of the property that the Roman Syrians had rights lor. Thus. M.I).Seminary and the property around it came into the possession of the Jacobite Syrian Christians ('The Malankara Nasraanees", Volume 3, page 260). *>. On the Political Scene Thai was the lime when onlv Tamilian Brahmins were given appoinlmenls to high level jobs. The Metropolitan created the awareness ihroughlhe 'Idavakapalhi ika' that it was unfair to ignore the local tax-pravers. At that time. VishaakhomThirunaa! who had just come to the throne ihen. visited Kottayam. '['he Metropolitan, on that occasion, presented a letter of felicitation to the King, which reflected the sentiments of the Syrian Christian community. F'orlhis, the King gave a reply like the following, in his own handwriting: "Priests and people of the Syrian Church, we are pleased hy the beautiful and truthful letter of felicitation that you have just presented before us. Your community is an ancient one. wit h Us own historical literature: and it is an illustrious example ol contentment, peace and devotion to the royalty. Rest assured that you can continue to hold, without any change, whatever positions you have always held. All the government jobs, in mostdep;iJlmenls, irrespective of religion, are open to all. I am assuring you that, without considering religious faith, people will he accepted on the basis of their merit and anil ity" (Paarett, Volume 3, page 299). After the presentation of the letter of felicitation, in the fifth year, the King passed away. He did not get enough lime to implement his promise properly. Therefore the political-communal efforts on the part o\' Mar Dionysius did nol fully succeed. In those days, in the Travancore government, as all the high [H>sitions were being held mainly by Brahmins from elsewhere, and as they often felt jealous towards local people who were competent and efficient, they used to adopt ways of keeping the Nazarenes and the Naayars away. Later when all the low caste people from the Keralite communities were thrown out of government jobs, and when Malayaalces in general were denied access to

government positions, this leader of the resurgence movement came to lite forefront with his voice ot protest. The Na/arenes. the Naayars and the Namboothiries joined together against this injustice, and on I "January 1891, a ' Malay aalee Memorial' was submitted to Sreemoolam Mahaaraajaa. signed by ten thousand twenty eight people. When no replv was obtained for it. meetings of protest were organised in different parts of the country. The very first political agitation of Travancore. though from behind the curtain, was com rolled to a considerable extent by Mar Dionysius as one among the important leaders. In the end. in July 1891.1 he 'Memorial' fetched a favourable reply. This proves beyond doubt that Joseph Dionysius had the larsightedness to be able to participate in the first step towards a democratic government (Paarelt, Volume 3, pages 300. 301). 10. The Mahaajana Sabha The Metropolitan with his alert mind was able to analyse the trends of the limes and realise that the religious and social progress of Kerala was in the hands of ihe educated people who had English education, and therefore, lie formed an organ i sal ion bv name 'Mahaajana Sabha' loi the educated members of the Church. The 'Mahaajana Sabha' worked as the brain of the Malankara Church for a long lime. This organisation that was formed in the month ot Medam in 1897 at the MJ).Seminary, lor the purpose of communal / social progress and refinement, later became more democratic. Paarett writes: 'Joseph Mar Dionysius clearly knew that success would nol be possible in the battle of life without joint effort... He took the initiative for organised etforl even in matters which lay outside the purview of the Church. One of the results of these operations was the organisation, the 'MahaajanasabhaY In the open letter that E.J. John sent to Abdullaa Patriarch in the month of ldavom in 1910. lie wrote: "The history of the origin of the Malankara 'Mahaajanasabha' is famous in the contemporary history of the Syrian community. When the love for the community made il impossible for some of us to keep quiet any longer in the face

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of Ihe neglect suffered by the educational centre oi the Church, the M.D. Seminary, the problems in many of the churches, and manv of the social disasters, as a result of the multiplicity uf the responsibi lilies that had to be borne by Mar Dionysius who had to spend his life battling against the religious problems that cropped up w ithin the Syrian t hureh, we put our minds together and about I 5 years ago. established this 'Mahaajanasabha' " (Paaretl. volume 3. page 3)111, ll was a luminous period when the programmes of action churned out at Ihe annual meetings of the 'Mahaajanasabha' and those of ihe priests were put into practice through the Association and ihe Managing Committee. 11. Operations in Journalism and Literaline It becomes clear from Ihe journals lhal he started and ran that the Mclropolilaii had better awareness than anvhody else about the place lhal the media had in the progress of the community. E. VI. Phi lip writes in his aulobiography: "The Metropolitan was a share-holder in the company that Varghesc Maappilay stalled for the running of the Mahiyala Manorama. r-'ur several years the office of the Malayala Manorama was functioning in the Woodland Rangalow. It was later that the press and the office were moved to the present building ... in another part of the Woodland Kslate. The relationship between Joseph Dionysius and Varghesc Maappilay. which paved the way for many goal things in the community, perhaps stalled from their shared interests in journalistic operalions" (The Secret Casket", page 117). Not many people have understood the Metropolitan as a literarv figure. His work describing his journey - 'The Story of a Foreign Trip' - makes it clear thai he owned a prose slylc of writing which was pleasant, luminous and compelling in nature, it was certainly Ihe second work in Malayalam literature describing a journey. This small work of art which combines the power of observation, the ability for analysis, detailed descriptions, very interesting pictures drawn with words, pleasing self-revelations, very appropriate illustrations, captivating scenes of internal struggles, a personalised slylc of writing and an attractive

ability for description should really be considered the first perfect work in Malayalam literature describing a journey. This book which was written before 'lndulekha' testifies to Malayalam prose slylc having come of age. The prose oI this book is sweeter, more pleasant and more energetic than that of Rev. (ieorge Maathen. The hero's courage, presence of mind in crises, sel('confidence, boldness, very appropriate approaches and decisions based on dependence on God. all these together present the reader w i t h the picture of a very dignified man who was also a courageous leader. The Royal Court verdict was a decisive mile-stone in the history of Ihe Malatikara Church. This verdict, which made the declaration that the Patriarch had only spiritual supremacy in Malankara, rendered the registered treaties that the Patriarch had forcibly taken from the bishops and some of Ihe churches, meaningless and invalid. Those treaties had recorded that the Patriarch had worldly, spiritual and all powers over Malankara. With the Royal Court judgement, the Patriarch felt as though the sand from under his feel was drifting away. As he had i liiret knowledge of Mar Dionysius's incomparable abilities, he assessed that Mar Dionysius had a role to play in this court verdict also. On 7,h November I K92, the Patriarch sent the following order to all the 24 members of the Managing Committee: "... What do you think because the court gave the verdict that the Patriarch has no authority over worldly matters? Are you feeling happy that your wish has been granted by his losing all his powers? Do not have this light feeling in your mind, riven il all the judges should pass such a judgement, the Patriarchal position will never lose its power given to it by the Holy Spirit, either in spiritual mailers or in worldlv matters, because both those powers are linked and related. Did this happen because of one of the bishops, or because of the menihers of the Synod, or because of my son Dionysius? I have considered him as my beloved son. and have given him a position above lhal of'e very body else. ..As it is said in the 41" Psalm that the man who is eating my bread has deceived me, he has now turned against me." --------------------------------------------EHM--------------------------------------------

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Then, after enumerating all thai the Patriarch had achieved in Malankara. he writes: "He lias trampled on the heads (if those bishops, his brothers, who gave their lives into his hands according to my order. As they made obeisance to h i m because of my order, now he has trampled upon not ihem alone, but on me. Therefore.! hereby order that, in future, he has no authority to lake any decisions on behalf of the Synod, and to enter any matte! concerning the Church as a whole . .. Apart from these two parishes, he has no permission to step into any other parish or to travel anywhere ... There is no justice in or necessity lo make one of the bishops the President of the Synod . . . Von can elect one of the priests foi the purpose. Pel it be a capable Maipaaii" (Paarett, Volume 3, pages 234-240). It is the picture of the Baavaa making the effort lo regain power by refuting the Royal Court verdict thai we see in this order. If in the Malankara Church anybody had favoured this call for action, which would have inspired any man with Antioehean blood flowing in h i s veins, the history ofthe Malankara Church would have been different. In the same way as his earlier excommunication order, this one also proved t< die absolutely ineffective, nol having been given even Ihe value of the sheet of paper on which it was written. No one had any reason, either direedy or indirectly, lo stand against the Malankara Metropolitan. In those days there used to be such great unity, understanding and mutual faith existing among the priests, the people, the bishops and ihe joint trustees. Konaatlu Gheevarghesc Mar Yuliose passed away on 9"' Mcenam in 1884. lie was buried at 1'aampaakkuda. Simon Mar Dionysius passed away on 2"J October, I 88o. He was tiuried at Kadungamnngalam. Simon Mar Alhanasius, who came from abroad, died on I I " ' J u n e , 1889. He was laid loresiat Koltayam Puthenpally. Ampatl Gheevarghesc Mar Koorilosedied on 9"' March. 189 I, and was huried at Ankainaaly. Two consecrations of bishops, oi "ihe kind that had never taken place either before or after in the history of the Malankara Church, happened in those days. A certain Catholic priest, who got inspired by
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national awareness, was attracted by the iransparency of Mar Dionysius's administrative style and his democratic ways of functioning, and he became a member of the Malankara Church. The Catholic Church, which turned its face against changes and cruelly ignored those who spoke for changes, did not have the large-heartedness to contain this priest who had a prophetic mind. Along with him, a large number of people, who had been Goan freedom fighlers, came from regions like (ioa anil Ceylon and expanded the boundaries of the Malankara Church h\ j o i n i n g the Church. Fr. AKarice. who had led the Goan freedom struggle by tounding schools and churches in places like Cioa and South Cauaia. was ordained as Rambaan by ParumalaMarGregoriose. After seeking the Patriarch's permission, on 29"'July 1889, Joseph Mar Dionysius consecrated him as a bishop at Kottayam. giving him the posilional name. Mar Yuliose. In the same way, the priest Rini Vilathy, from the American Protestant Hpiscopa] Church, was accepted into the Church by Mar Dionysius. and with Ihe permission of the Patriarch, and according to ihe instruction of the Malankara Metropolitan, under the leadership of Parumala Mar Gregoriosc, he was consecrated as a bishop, under the posilional nameThimolhiosc. in Ceylon, on 17lil Idavom in 1892. This consecration ceremony was attended by Kadavil Alhanasius and Alvarice Yuliose. In the Jubilee letter of felicitation that the Malankara Church gaveio Mar Dionysius, the mention:"4... This starting of the spreading of our true faith which, from Apostolic times, has stayed \\ ilhin the boundaries of Kerala like th e water in a pond, lo not only Polish India. Ceylon, etc.. but even lo faraway countries like America. . . .'" is made in commemoration of Ihe opportunities created for the expansion and growth of the Malankara Church in India and outside I n d i a through ihe consecrations of these two bishops, one outside Kerala, and the other outside India, respectively. His successors were unable to contain the Metropolitan's large vision is the sad truth that remains. These two bishops who were appointed to Goa and America were later left uncarcd for. No one was able to enquire after them, or

**\*

Puthencavu Geevargheese Mar Philoxinos

The dynamic prelate who protected and nurtured the Indian Orthodox Church of St. Thomas by his golden tongue and untiring hard work.

Sponsored by Kizhekethalakkal Family.Puthencavu.

Snf, fJXoma*
Fr. On Joseph Choornn

THE INDIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH OF St. THOMAS -AD 52 - 2009

THE INDIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH OF St. THOMAS -AD 52 - 2009 By Rev. Fr. Dr. Joseph Cheeran
Second F-dilion: July 3. 2009 Copy-righi reserved by the aulhor Printed at : Learners' Offset Press. Kouayam-1 Publisher K.V. Mam men Koitackal Publishers P.B.10. Manganam Kottayam 686018 Phone:0481-2578936 Price : Rs. 400/-

THE INDIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH OF St THOMAS -AD 52 - 2009

Joseph Cheeran

By Rev.

Fr. Dr.

K.V. Mammcn Kottackal Publishers

Translatot Dr. Mrs. Annie David P.B.10. Maganam Koayam686018 Phone:0481-2578936

Publisher ;

FR. DR. JOSEPH CHEERAN

Daughter : Mercy George, JI.S.S. Trivandrum Address : Doctors Lane, P.O. U.C College, Aluva-2. Ernakulam. Dt. Kerala. Ph : 9495603174 (Mobile).

Grandson of Fr. Ghecvarghese Cheeran; Parents : Mathappan and Kunjarhiri of Chccran House, Pazhanzi, Trichur Dt. Date of birth-1" Chingam 1945. V Rank in Vidvan Exam MA. and Ph D. from Calicut and MG. University, H.S.A:CM.S. High School, Trichut; Lecturer, Union Christian College Aluva. Ordained Priest: 1972 - Served in Cochin, Kunnamkulam and Trichur Dioceses. Served as the Chairman : Mar Sevcrios Foundation, Mar Dionysius Study Center, Kunnamkulam Christian Study Center and Ernakuilam Church History Ass. Chief Editor : - Sion Sandesam and Rdavaka Patrika. Published thirty two books in die area of Church History, Biography and Literature; Published more than two hundred papers on various subjects. Serves as Research guide in M.G. University. Wife : K.V. Aleyamma Retd. JI.M. Son : Prasad Chccran, FISAT. Engg. College, Angamali

CONTENTS

Preface Foreword
Editor's Note Chapter I Traditions of the Undivided Christian Church of India Chapter II The Synod at Ldayamperur and the Oath-taking at Koonankurisu

Chapter III
The Pa k a lorn a Horn Bishops A. Mar Thorn ma I, Mar Gregoriose, Mar Thoinma II Chapter IV The Breath less ness of the Family and the Racing ahead of the Church Chapter V Pulikkottil Mar Dionysius, the Great

Chapter VI
The Fort of Malankara : The Catholicatc Chapter VII The Modren Period The Third Catholicose (Contd.)

Chapter VIII
The Malankara Church at a glance Chapter IX Church In 2009

PREFACE
T.vcn though the Indian Orthodox Church has successfully overcome various periods of trial and has entered into the twenty first century, we lack a derailed history about it. The history texts which were written after the eighteenth century were based on the existing legends which cannot claim any historical credibility. Literary works such as "Keralolpathi" and "Kerala Maahaathmyam" have popularised a Brahmin perspective of rhc history ol (he land. Most ol the historical writings show such conscious efforts which were baseless and unreasonable. They tried to popularise two views:1. Ail the reverberations in Maiankara including the arrival of St.Thomas were as directed by the Patriarch of Ancioch. 2. All the Episcopal rights were vested with the Pakalomattom family which received priesthood from St.Thomas.

As India was under British rule, it was impossible to have a different set of perspectives for India regarding these matters, and everyone nurtured these views. liven after independence no serious research programmes were undertaken regarding the history of the Maiankara Church, because of manifold reasons: 1. 2. 3. I'rom the time of Christ the language of Kerala was Tamil. The Church did not have experts in that language. Without analysing the 'Sanghakaala literature,* an authoritative explanation about the Kerala Christian Church in the early centuries could not be done. Before the formation of Hinduism in dte ninth century,due to religious con fliers, historical writings were consciously destroyed and distorted.

I. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the Portuguese invaders burnt up all the Christian literature available, and research became impossible. 5. Only an expert in Syriac (Western & Eastern), Garsoni, Vattezhurhu and Kolezhurhu could have read the Middle cenmry literature, and those were very few. The clergy concentrated more on the daily working of the Church than on its history. The earlv Church historians were non clergymen.

6.

vm 7. 8. Due ro the over dependence on rhc history written by the Protestant and reformist writers, our own research did not develop. Expert scholars in world classical languages in the twentieth century concentrated their attention on areas like Theology, Christology, Liturgy, etc., and Church history was totally neglected. Thus the lustory texts were mere repetitions of the earlier works.

FOREWORD
History and Culture are linked to each other as two sides of the same coin. History reveals Culture and Culture reveals History. F Iistory and Culture of the Indian Orthodox church (or the Malankara Orthodox Church) will testify to the existential struggles of an ancient Christian Community that is as old as Christianity. I Iistory is, interpreting the past, conserves the present and conditions the future through the rhythms of culture as 'Cult', 'Cultivation' and 'Creativity'. As history 'relives' and culture 'refines1, the process of studying history and culture is a process of rereading, re-visiting and re-constructing This process of re-reading, re-visiting and reconstructing is very real in the studies related to the history and culture of the Indian Orthodox Church. There was a time when the early history of the Indian Orthodox Church was constructed in the background of a brahmanic hindu domination in Kerala. Nowadays the same Church's history is reconstructed in the background of a Dravidian culture enjoying a multi-religious coexistence oi primal, Buddhist, Jain, Jewish and Christian communities. There was a time when some historians looked upon the Indian (Malankara) Church as a Church always under the supremacy of Roman Pope. Some other historians looked upon it as always under the rule of the Antiochene Patriarch. Credible insights to the early centuries of Chrisrian existence in Kerala have reconstructed the status of an autonomous community, which maintained a spiritual and hierarchical 'communion' with not only Rome and Antioch but also with other centers of Christianity while none of mese centers exercised any administrative authority over it at least till the sixteenth century. In brief, modern historical studies have replaced the old pattern of're-veiling' with the new pattern of'revealing'. The ambiguities in the pre-Portuguese history of Indian Church were directly or indirectly promoting till recently, certain 're-veiling*-attcmpts ie, ailding new veils in historical re-construction.. But, the concerted efforts of certain scholars in Indian Church History have revealed the fact that the history of the pre-Portuguese Indian Church can be re-constructed with the help ot a good range of resources. For example, the value of the following sources has been properly estimated. 1. The ancient inscriptions, royal edicts and copper-plates. 2. The early Dravidian literature like rhe Sanghom or Koodal works.

9.

10. Due to the divisions in the Church, biased interests interrupted objective research. There is no claim that all these defects have been addressed in this text. This is a humble effort to create a history which is not a repetition of earlier history. The manuscripts which were lying buried in the ancient libraries of Kerala were unearthed, and based on their analysis, there has been an effort to unveil the dark areas of Church history in an unbiased manner. A lot of limitations can be found in this work, though this is the effort of tireless research done in this field during the last three decades. In 2007 the Malayalam version of this Church history was published. 'I"he realisation that our young readers will not be properly benefited by the Malayalam version is the motivation behind this translation. We sincerely hope that the ever widening boundaries of rhe Indian Orthodox Church will benefit considerably from this English translation. The persistence and tireless efforts of Dr. Mrs. Annie David, Prof, of English Language Teaching retired from the CIEFL, Hyderabad, behind this stylish translation are remembered with gratitude. I sincerely thank Sri. K.V. Mammen who took the plunge to publish this work, disregarding the financial profit. U.C College, Aluva-2 3-7-2009. Fr. Dr. Joseph Chccran

X 3.

XI

4. 5.

The travelogues of visitors in European and Semitic languages. Ancient songs like Mar^mkaHpatt, Myfanshipatt, Rabbatipatt>paliippaflu etc. Canons of rhc Synod of Diamper shedding light on the pre PortugueseChristian and non-Chrisrian culture of Kerala.

Patriarch of Antioch. This book undisputably prove,* that tiiese are only unfounded assumptions without any internal or external evidence to prove rheir credibility. One of the handicaps of the already existing books on the early Malankara Church, is the lack of information and objective evaluation of the role of the Pakaiotnattom Family. This book has attempted to overcome this. It has not only provided more details on the bishops of 'Pakolomattom' Family, but also made a modest evaluation on the total effect of a family-reign. Perhaps, the outstanding significance of this volume is two-fold. On the one hand, it has identified, located, brought to light and analyzed certain important historical documents hitherto unrecognized (or under-recognized), some in Syriac (western and eastern characters) and some in Makyalam (vattezhuthu and modern). On the other hand, it has documented anil commented on almost all the events, personalities and issues related to the Indian Orthodox Church in the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries. Historically and culturally the role of Malankara Orthodox Church continues to remain unique for the present and the future too. l"his has been beautifully presented in the final chapters. The information provided in this part will be of great significance for the future and therefore the hook invites discerning minds to follow it up. In the past, writing of books has been a thankless job- We should therefore, appreciate and congramlate the noble task undertaken and fulfilled bv Fr. Dr. Joseph Cheeran, in this commendable volume on the updated history of the Indian Orthodox Church. We are proud of the interest shown by the young generation of the Indian Orthodox-diaspora to know more about their history and culture. This book originally written in Malayalam having been excellently translated to Knglish by Or. Mrs. Annie David is expected to be a blessing for them. 1 rake the liberty to handover diis book to all seekers of truth especially youth, not simply as a book in their style and idiom but prayerfully as a token of our ancient 'heritage'. Fr. Dr. Jacob Kurian, Vice Principal Orthodox Seminarv. 3-7-2009

The net result of such sources having been employed in the study of the prePortuguese history of Malankara Church, is a higher level of confidence and objectivity in historical scholarship, a confidence and objectivity to declare without any fear that the fact of St. Thomas visiting India and founding the Church is more credible than the fact of St.Peter visiting Rome and founding the Church there. As mentioned above, the contribution of an authority in Malankara Church I iisiory, Fr. Dr. Joseph Checran, is uniquely manifest in the present volume. He has already established his reputation in historical research as a University Professor and scholar in Syriac Manuscripts through certain joint and single works on history and culture of the Malankara Church. Fr. Cheeran with great historical skill has attempted to collect the sources, to analyze the data, and to arrive at certain consensus in the hitherto disputed areas of Malankara Church History. He has made use of not only many secular sources in the study, but also brought to light the value and implication of certain sources already existing but unnoticed within the Church-circles. There are many revealing things from the secular history and culture of Kerala in the early Christian centuries. These things have very important implications to the history and culmrc of die early Malankara Church. For example, the shape of he Oravidian local community or 'mantanV and the shape of die local Christian community in Kerala had much resemblance and this resemblance itself initiates a rereading of the already existing Kerala Christian history. Another issue for the te-reading of early Malankara Church history is the nature and exercise of priesdy hierarchy. The nature and exercise of priesdy ministry in Kerala during the pre-Portuguese times had its own typical character without much in common wirii its counter part in the Roman and Persian empires. There are many hints and links in this volume for a possible re-construction of that part of the history and culture. The outstanding contribution of this volume is the effective explosion of two myths : First one, held by the Roman Catholic historians rhat die Church in Kerala from very early times was under the supervision of the Pope; the second one, held by die Anriochene (west Syrian) biased historians that the Church in Kerala was always under the administration of the

Editor's Note
I have the honour ol publishing the comprehensive I hstory ot Indian | 11 ihodox (,hurrh from its beginning to 20(17 written bv the great scholar 'in.! w i i t e r Rev l")i. Joseph Cheeran The hook was received with great pnivuiitioii In iiwiiv ol tuv blends anil lovers ot the church, on whose .i.l-i sn and cm ouragemeiu I ha\ i \ en l u r e d on the d i f f i c u l t and expensive I.I-T ol publishing the I'.ngh^h \ ersion of the book. ["hiring die tourse of the hi st t h r e e years tour of our i l l us t r i o us Metropoltlans have leil die world, i w o bv old age and two bv motor accidents. It is noi an easv task lo compensate the loss ol" those great - p i n i u a l le.ulerv 'lei as an earned attempt ro meet the needs ot our growing ihurch, sc\cn new Metropolitans have been selected unanimously, arid v, n hour anv unseemlv vv ranglings as sometime in the past, ar Pampakkuda ,ii id cousee[uentlv conseer a t e d at PuthuppalJv in the presence <it thousands nt believers, in an atmosphere ol pieiv and devotion, which declared the d.iwn ot a new era m the his ton ot t h e church. ("onf erring holiness upon all these achievements the holy \foran saerement was performed in the < . a t h ol i e a t e Chapel in Dcvalokain, the headijuarters of ihe Church. The manimoih church meeting held ai Kottavam against the neglcr i >l ihe government, and the clarion call ol the leaders, helped ro reverberate ilie l'nar ot the Malankara Church, The occasional reactions from some of the dissidents in the name of" t h e Thrukkunnathu Seminary, have ajso i onx io an end. I leneeforth our concern should be to strengthen our ' p i n i u a l institutions and to enrich the spiritual life ot the members. '1 his ( an be achieved bv studying the history of die church and reading spiritually enlightening books and periodicals, b\ a l l members. If this book will help .i Mcp towards ihat noble aim. we will surely be satisfied. Here 1 express nil sincere gratitude to Dr. Mrs. Annie David the Professor of b.nglish Professors and daughter of lateM. Thominen for ii ndentip die hook into b.nglish, keeping all die facts and ideas intact and " i t h o i n :VAV loss ot meaning. 1 a l s o remember with pride and self - .lte-faction that ihe torword of this book is written bv Rev, Dr. Jacob kurian a scholar in churth history and theology, a captivating orator and mtUiL-nrial writer. In the midst of his manifold responsibilities as the Vice Princip-.il ot the'I heological Seminary, and the member ot ihe world council i if churches Re\. H\ lacob Kurian wrote ihe foreword before the promised