Relationship between gender and family

Survey research that has more directly examined the relationship between popular media exposure and adolescent sexual permissiveness suggests that the volume of general media consumption is not correlated with sexual permissiveness (Brown & Newcomer, 1991; Soderman, Greenberg, & Linsangan, 1988; Strouse & Buerkel- In recent decades there has been considerable research on the effects of television on attitudes and behavior of young people. Most of this research was government sponsored and focused on violence and aggression. A 1982 National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) summary report (NIMH, 1982) concluded that violence on television does lead to violence among youth. The report further stated "children learn from watching television and what they learn depends on what they watch". These conclusions were reiterated and expanded in a recent American Psychological Association task force report titled, Big world, small screen: The role of television in American society (Huston et al., 1992). One of the themes of this report was that relatively powerless subgroups such as "children and institutionalized individuals are especially vulnerable because they sometimes lack the intellectual and social skills needed to evaluate and resist televised messages" If television viewing can cultivate a slanted world view and influence several behavioral domains, as has been amply demonstrated (Huston et al., 1992), then one would also expect that television may affect sexual learning. Although there has been much speculation and debate, there is a lack of focused research to support or refute this contention. Some related research lends support to the contention that television may influence sexual learning. For example, Louis Harris & Associates (1987) found that the majority (64%) of adults in the U.S. believe that television encourages teenagers to initiate sexual activity. Further, a study of 1,043 adolescents found that they considered television to be their greatest source of pressure to become sexually active (Howard, 1985). A review of various studies indicated that media have increased in importance as a source of sexual knowledge for youth over the past few decades (Darling & Hicks, 1982). Rothfuss, 1987; Wright & Anderson, 1989). However, a number of surveys (Brown & Newcomer, 1991; Peterson & Khan, 1984; Strouse & Buerkel-Rothfuss, 1987) have found that exposure to sexually suggestive materials - especially Music Television (MTV) and R-rated films - is significantly associated with premarital sexual permissiveness (PSP) among youth. Moreover in one experimental study (Greeson & Williams, 1986), seventh- and ninth-grade adolescents who were exposed to less than

an hour of MTV were more likely to approve of premarital sex than were adolescents who were not exposed to MTV. Similarly, Calfin, Carroll, and Schmidt (1993) found that college students who were exposed to a music video exhibited more liberal attitudes toward premarital sex than did unexposed students. This research clearly suggests music videos may influence sexual attitudes and behavior among youth. Why Study Music Videos? With the advent of MTV in August 1981, an immensely popular new form of entertainment was spawned. According to MTV's chairman, "MTV has been one of the most successful TV ventures in history" (Polskin, 1991, p.4). After only 10 years, it is beamed into 55 million U.S. homes and is growing at a rate of 5 million per year. Moreover, MTV Europe is the fastest-growing foreign franchise, reaching 24 million homes in 27 countries (Polskin, 1991). No one can dispute the huge commercial success of MTV and its residual impact on the music industry. Targeted at teenagers and containing more sex and violence than conventional television (Sherman & Dominick, 1986), the new music video industry has attracted a notable group of critics. For example, The American Academy of Pediatrics, Women Against Pornography, The National Coalition on Television Violence, The Parents Music Resource Center, The National Parent Teachers Association, and others (e.g., Gore, 1987 and Steinman, 1988) have expressed concern about the possible deleterious effects of music videos on youth. As a result, the U.S. Senate held hearings in 1985 to examine the rock music industry and its effects on youthful consumers (Hearings . . ., 1985). Unfortunately, there was insufficient research to either support the allegations of the critics or allay the anxieties of concerned parents. Nevertheless, there are numerous other reasons why music videos have the potential to impact youth more than any other popular medium: 1. MTV is widely regarded as having revitalized the pop music industry. It has had a huge influence on the commercial success of several low-talent performers (e.g., Duran-Duran). Some earlier songs that were commercially unsuccessful became quite profitable when re-released with a video enhancement (Kneale, 1983). The captivating video "packages" have influenced young people to buy albums, posters, T-shirts, and other fashionable memorabilia (Abt, 1987). 2. Music can evoke very strong emotional feelings. The mood-altering effects of music make people more susceptible to behavioral and attitudinal changes (Rosenfeld, 1985). Consequently, when music sets a receptive mood, the messages of the lyrics and visual images can have a more potent impact.

3. It is well known that a combined visual and audio presentation enhances learning and has a greater impact on attitudes and behavior than audio alone (see Rubin et al., 1986). Thus, the multisensory input of a music video would be expected to have a greater impact than just listening to a song. In fact, Sun and Lull (1986) reported that adolescents like to watch music videos because the images enhance their enjoyment and appreciation of the music and helped them understand the messages of the songs. Although earlier research generally indicated that the effects of rock music were innocuous, and most adolescents did not know or understand the lyrics, the same may not be true for music videos. 4. Rock music has always contained rebellious, antisocial, and sexually provocative messages (Brown & Hendee, 1989). It is music by and for young people; it is their music. However, when adolescents are struggling to achieve an autonomous adult identity and are exploring their emerging sexual awakenings, they are undoubtedly more vulnerable to the combined influence of high-impact visual and auditory messages. This may be true especially if their identity has not been firmly established. 5. Concept music videos are frequently interspersed with unconnected segments of violence.(1) Unlike news reports or thematic TV programs, which usually prepare the viewer for violent scenes, the abruptness of music video cuts tends to have greater shock effect. Such random and meaningless violence may have more detrimental influence on the viewer than thematically contexted violence (Rehman & Reilly, 1985). 6. Some recent research reveals that a relatively short exposure to music videos can result in a desensitization to violence (Rehman & Reilly, 1985) and increased acceptance of antisocial behavior (Hansen & Hansen, 1990). Overall, both the experimental and survey research seem to show a stronger connection between various attitudinal and behavioral indices and exposure to music videos than any other media genre. Based on the research cited above, it would seem prudent to examine the relationship between exposure to music videos and sexual attitudes and behavior among adolescents. The available research on media effects on sexual values and behavior has generally focused on pornography in films (e.g., Zillman & Bryant, 1989). Although some confusing and contradictory conclusions have been derived from this research (e.g., the two government-commissioned reports on pornography), recent refinements in methodology have provided some clues to guide future studies. For example, responses to a particular medium appear to depend upon individual differences and dispositions (Eysenck, 1984; Huston et al., 1992). Some of these mediating differences include: religiosity, gender, hypermasculinity, and personality variables (see Kelley,

Dawson, & Musialowski, 1989), as well as poor socialization (Fisher & Byrne, 1978; Marshall, 1989). Further research suggests that the type of medium (e.g., Strouse & Buerkel-Rothfuss, 1987) and the message communicated (Malamuth & Donnerstein, 1984) also determine the effects. Unfortunately, very little research has examined the combined effects of family environment and media exposure on PSP.

Gender-role development is one of the most important areas of human development. In fact, the sex of a newborn sets the agenda for a whole array of developmental experiences that will influence the person throughout his or her life. The often controversial study of the development of gender is a topic that is inherently interesting to parents, students, researchers, and scholars for several reasons. First and foremost, one's sex is one of the most salient characteristics that is presented to other people. Second, who one is as a male or a female becomes a significant part of one's overall identity; it is one of the first descriptors people use about themselves. Labeling oneself as a "boy" or "girl" can begin as early as age eighteen months. Third, gender is an important mediator of human experiences and the way in which individuals interact with each other and the physical environment. Individuals' choices of friends, toys, classes taken in middle school, and vocation all are influenced by sex. Finally, the study of sex, gender development, and sex differences becomes the focal point of an age-old controversy that has influenced the field of developmental psychology: the nature-nurture controversy. Are gender roles and sex differences biologically determined? What are the effects of society and culture on gender and sex? How do biology (nature) and environment (nurture) interact and mutually influence each other in this significant dimension of human development? When discussing gender-role development, the definitions of the terms "sex" and "gender" need to be understood. Referring to the nature-nurture controversy, scholars have found it important to distinguish those aspects of males and females that can be attributed to biology and those that can be attributed to social influences. The term "sex" denotes the actual physical makeup of individuals that define them as male or female. Sex is determined by genetic makeup, internal reproductive organs, the organization of the brain (such as in the control of hormone production), and external genitalia. By contrast, the behavior of individuals as males or females, the types of roles they assume, and their personality characteristics, may be as much a function of social expectations and interactions as their biological makeup. For example, in American culture, females are expected to be nurturing, and males aggressive. These behaviors and characteristics are dependent upon the social context. In order to differentiate social roles and behaviors from biological features, scholars refer to these as "gender" and "gender roles." Obviously, sex and gender are intertwined. Social expectations usually are enacted once body parts reveal the biological makeup of the individual. Both sex and gender have a developmental story to tell that begins before birth (prenatal) and continues throughout the lifespan. Important developmental changes occur from conception through the adolescence years, and there are important theoretical perspectives and research studies that have tried to shed light on these developmental accomplishments.

Gender (roles) and Islam In Muslim societies women and men are expected to behave in line with with social, cultural or religious codes (gender roles). These are created to distinguish between what is considered to be masculine or feminine (gender). These gender roles are learned within a particular social and cultural context and are affected by education and economics. In practice gender roles often affect women adversely impeding their self determination in areas like their socio-economic status, status within the family, health, life expectation, independence, freedom and rights (gender bias). Although the Qur'an views women and men to be equal in human dignity, this spiritual or ethical equality has not been reflected in most Muslim laws. For example, women do not have equal rights to make independent decisions about choice of (marriage) partner, getting a divorce and custody of their children. Reformists and feminists have challenged womens lack of rights and lack of control over their own lives in Muslim laws through the various techniques as in the section Framework for Progressive Islam. Central to this challenge has been the reinterpretation of Qur'anic verses which seemingly privilege men over women and reinforce gender roles. Qur'an verse 4.34, which refers to men as guardians (qawamun) (over women), has been used to justify gender roles and male privilege over women. (For details of this and other verses see Wadud, Hassan & Mernissi). Reformist and feminist scholars have argued that the concept of guardianship has formed the basis of particular gendered roles in Muslim societies. Women are often expected to be obedient wives and mothers staying within the family environment and men are expected to be protectors and caretakers of the family (Hassan, Wadud, Barlas). These scholars have explored how verse 4.34 has been interpreted and used to limit womens autonomy, freedom of movement and access to economic opportunities and independence. They believe that the concept of guardianship only meant to make sure that a woman who is bearing and nurturing children, is provided for (by her husband) whilst undertaking this task. Feminist scholars believe that this economic safeguard has been extended through the concept of guardianship to create a rigid division of gender roles and social control of men over women (Hassan, Wadud, Yamani). This extension of male guardianship over women has become embodied in Muslim laws and is embedded in Muslim societies.