Dysfunctional social change in a transitional society: A study of the changing funerary customs in Benue State. By Naswem, A.A.

and Okwoche, V.A. Department of Agricultural Extension and Communication University of Agriculture, Makurdi, Benue State, Nigeria Abstract The study was carried out to determine the changes in the burial customs of farmers in Benue State. Focus Group Discussions were combined with personal interviews with a sample of 288 respondents. The results show that the burial customs have changed considerably across the state toward ostentation. The findings also show that even though a majority of the respondents considered the average amount of money spent on burials to be too much, the practice still persists. Burial rites were also found to contribute to loss of man/days of farmwork and majority of the respondents used proceeds from the sale of farm produce and loans to bury their dead. The average expenditure for burial was N21, 650. Based on the findings of the study, it was recommended that elite elements should discourage the practice ostentatious burial ceremony, and that the sale of chemicals used for embalming be restricted. Keywords: Social Change, Culture in Rural Development, Funerary Custom 2857 words. Corresponding author: angolnaswem@gmail.com; GSM: +2348065689467 Introduction It is often asserted that the only constant thing in life is change. When two cultures come into contact, the technologically disadvantaged of the two tends to receive more from the other. These received elements usually consist of ideas and methods that are considered beneficial to the society. However, in the case of burial rites in Benue State burial customs are borrowed which seem to hurt the core sensibilities of the society (Mnda, 2005). The Benue society represents a society in transition between the agrarian, primitive, and the industrial and modern. In such societies cultural ambiguity and epistemological confusion often exists. Such confusion can be discerned in the anecdotal comments on funerary practices in Benue State. This study represents an attempt at empirical evaluation of the issue in order to achieve an objective perspective.

Methodology The study was conducted in Benue State in Central Nigeria. The state lies between latitudes 6o 25and 8o 8 North of the equator, and longitudes 7o and 10 East and has apopulation of 4,219,244(National Population Commission, 2006). The major ethnic groups in Benue State include Tiv, Idoma, Igede, and Etulo. The landmass spans some 34,059 km2 of the Guinea Savannah vegetation belt with temperatures ranging between 25o C and 37o C. Benue State Government (2005). Rainfed subsistence agriculture is practised by a majority of the rural population. The crops cultivated include yam, cassava, soy beans, guinea corn, millet, ground nuts, potatoes, citrus and tomatoes. Livestock kept include swine, sheep and goats and poultry. Some artisanal fishing and llimited irrigation activities go on along the banks of the several rivers that drain the state. To arrive at the sample of 288 farmers, six Local Government Areas were purposively selected from the three Agro-ecological zones of the state. From each of these LGAs 96 farmers were randomly selected. Focus Group Discussion method was also used in selected Local Government Areas. A semi-structured interview schedule was used to collected the quantitative data and a moderators guide used with the focus groups. The study was designed to capture the changes in the burial rites of farmers in Benue State and explore the implications of this change on the agricultural enterprise. Results and Discussion Analysis of data reveals drastic change in the practice of burial rites across Benue state. Traditional burial rites were characterized by sobriety, short duration between death and interment and the simplicity of the rites (See Table 1). There was a greater sense of community among the communities before contact with the West, and as such, the loss of an individual was keenly felt for affective reasons. Secondly, apart from the emotional side, the loss also represented a shortfall of valuable labour upon which the very survival of the family hung in the predominantly agrarian economy. Thirdly, given that most communities were in frequent 2

conflict with their neighbours, the loss of an individual left them more vulnerable. The sense of horror was completed by a feeling of total helplessness in the face of epidemics of simple infectious diseases which depleted the population of many communities. Among all the ethnic groups in Benue state corpses were disposed of within a short time, usually less than three days (Gundu, 1988; Abraham, 1940; Brooke, 1922). In those days methods of preserving corpses were not well developed, and so it was practically impossible to keep corpses beyond three days. While in Tivland there was no serious reason given for such dispatch, among the Idoma it was believed that the dead would not be accepted in the land of the dead if he/she started to decompose. Today however corpses are kept for longer periods without much misgiving. This may lend credence to the Marxian postulation that beliefs are directly influenced by the technological level of any society. Furthermore, the increasing influences of Christianity and Islam have also served to erode many cultural beliefs that were not in tandem with the two religions. The rites and the material used for interment were kept very simple. Cloths and mats and sometimes banana leaves were used to wrap the body. The grave was a simple pit into which the corpse was deposited and covered with earth forming a mound (Brooke, 1922; Gundu, 1988). The technology of the communities in Benue state was not developed beyond these techniques and materials used. With little social intercourse between the ethnic groups at that time, it is most probable that these techniques were developed independently based on the material available in the environment, and what was rationally obvious. The characteristics of contemporary burial rites are shown in Table 1. (Insert Table 1) These are directly opposed to the traditional rites. In contemporary times caskets have replaced mats, leaves and cloths in Tivland and Idomaland. In Igedeland the use of the latter subsists to a larger extent. The use of mortuaries has extended the burial time from three days to as long as a year. Respondents in all the groups were unanimous that death has lost its awe as in most

cases funerals turn out to be rowdy and full of strife. According to them funerals have become occasions for feasting and showing off. It has become common for bereaved families to use dress codes (uniform dress) at burials. Family members are often taxed to buy the chosen cloth material to be used. However sometimes benevolent rich individuals provide the materials. Elaborate entertainment in form of food and drinks is common. Especially in Tivland, it is becoming fashionable to engage architects to design exotic tombs that cost a lot to construct. Souvenirs which could be anything from bathroom slippers, to plastic ware and ceramic mugs are provided for sympathizers (Mnda, 2005). This trend was formerly associated with the well-to-do but now it is becoming a norm. For this reason poor people are pushed into indebtedness in order to measure up when they are bereaved. The results show homogeneity of funerary practices across the state in contemporary times compared to more unique traditional practices of the past. Contemporary burial practices were discovered to be markedly different from traditional practices. To start with respondents from virtually all the ethnic groups reported that in contrast to what obtained in the past, burial ceremonies have become rowdy and are increasingly viewed by many as occasions to show off their wealth. This is achieved through using expensive caskets and tombs, lavish entertainment, dress codes and the distribution of souvenirs to guests. The burden of modern burial is so enormous that for most families, recourse is made to heavy borrowing to conduct a decent funeral. The atmosphere of shock and grief is now almost restricted to the most immediate family of the deceased. The extended family no longer stays together as members are scattered all over the world, and the community spirit is significantly weakened. Under these circumstances it is not strange that the demise of a member would not be so keenly felt. Corpses are now deposited in the mortuary for up to one year, often to enable the bereaved to put up befitting buildings to impress guests during the funeral ceremonies.

Traditional rationalizations for swift burials (which among the Idoma include dreadful reprisals from the deceased) no longer suffice to deter people from patronizing the mortuaries. Various taboos associated with burials no longer hold, for instance women are no longer barred from the graveside, and the difference between bad and good death in terms of the materials and rites of burial is no longer emphasized. The contemporary funerary practices in Benue state highlight the rapid social change that has occurred in the last half century. In the past funerary rites seemed homogeneous among the ethnic groups in Benue, yet such uniformity was fortuitous given the limited scale of interaction among the groups and their avidly traditionalist orientation. These practices were basically pragmatic without much embellishment, except for very prominent individuals, as in the case of the eja lekwu in Idoma land and the ibiamegh initiation among the Tiv. There was strict adherence to these traditional rites driven by the threat of dire repercussions held to attend any breach. Respondents were asked to venture their opinions on the factors responsible for changes in burial practices. Table 2 presents their responses. (Insert Table 2) According to them the most important factors responsible for changes in burial practices in Benue state include emulation of other ethnic groups. Most believe that as more people travel and interact with other cultures they come back to copy the burial practices they saw. Another factor was the example of the rich and powerful in the society. This group is viewed as spearheading the practice of elaborate ceremonies because they could afford them. Respondents also held that people practise elaborate burial rites in order to keep pace with the currents of modernization. The availability of modern embalmment technology and mortuary services makes it possible for corpses to be preserved for long periods. Several reasons have been advanced for the drastic changes in the funerary practices of societies in Benue state. Respondents pointed out that contemporary practices were borrowed 5

from other parts of Nigeria. Modernization, the availability of mortuaries, and the example of the rich, were also held to account for the changes in funerary practices. No indigenous people ever encountered western civilization and remained the same. It is a sociological given that when two cultures interact, the less technologically advanced tends to receive more from the more advanced. In the case of Benue state such influences are multidimensional. On the one hand has been the direct influence of the Europeans who colonized Nigeria, and introduced the idea of coffins and tombs as burial facilities. However, the fiestarization of the funeral was adopted from the south-eastern and south-western parts of the country. This followed the familiar pattern of diffusion of innovations, where gatekeepers take the lead (Rogers, 1983). In Tivland, Mnda (2005) traces the origins of ostentatious burial ceremonies to a prominent politician who kept his fathers corpse for over a year in the early 80s. The elite spearhead the course of social change for several reasons. First, they command the respect of the people who see most of what they do as the ideal, and then they also have the wherewithal to adopt new practices, and bear any risks associated with same. There is an aspect of contemporary burial practices in Benue state that has been difficult to explain. Whereas in the places where ostentation was copied it was not the standard for all, but a practice for those who could afford it, in Benue state it has become a burden prescribed for all to bear. To start with, a majority of the farmers in Benue state experienced bereavement in the past one year. This means that most of the farmers in Benue state in the past one year had to bury somebody. A combination of factors ensures this. For instance prevalence rate of HIV/AIDS pandemic in Benue state is one of the highest in Nigeria (Daudu et al., 2006; Adeoti and Adeoti, 2008). This has been compounded by malaria, extreme poverty, and the associated issues of malnutrition, poor sanitation among others. Having to conduct funerals, on a regular basis, that majority of the respondents believe to be too expensive is quite

burdensome. Yet why would people, contrary to confirmed patterns (Adekoya and Tologbonse, 2005), adopt innovations that have neither demonstrable utility, ease of operation nor affordability? The answer may not be far-fetched. Life in the rural areas is characterized by drudgery and lack of physical and social infrastructure. Funeral ceremonies now seem to fill a leisure and entertainment gap in the lives of rural folk. For most these fora provide opportunities to socialize and enjoy the luxuries of electricity and food and drink and music, which the bereaved appear to be under an implicit obligation to provide. The drive by the local authority structure to assert itself seems to also play a part in this matter, especially in Tivland. Being a gerontocratic society, the elders take important decisions concerning the location of the grave, and set standards for the casket and the tomb, and entertainment. It is becoming established that in-laws take responsibility for these items (Mnda, 2005). Those assigning these responsibilities often see it as an opportunity to assert their authority on others in an era where age alone no longer confers power and authority. As modernization has redefined societal values, education and monetary wealth have replaced age as the basis for social prestige and power. The funeral, being a fundamental rite that attracts the attention of the whole family, sometimes forcing members living abroad to attend, presents an apt opportunity to bring the elite to their knees. The opportunity is taken with zeal as they are asked to provide quality facilities for the burial of the deceased The younger generations of rural folk also have their own opportunity to exploit their rich relatives as tasks that were performed as a duty of every relative are no longer viewed as such. For instance, responsibility for digging the grave in the past fell on able-bodied members of the family, but now they insist on charging a fee to be paid by elite relatives and in-laws. It could be hypothesized that there is a social contest between the rural, traditional and poor, on the one hand, and the urban, modern and better off on the other. Paradoxically, the former

instead of insisting on adherence to ancient ways, as would ordinarily be expected of them, use the modernity tool to humble the modern. The burden of burial rites on the farmers of Benue state is highlighted by the high average cost of burial as compared to the GDP of the whole country. Figure 2 shows the percentage distribution of bereavement among farmers in Benue state. Over 76 percent of the respondents indicated that they were bereaved in the past one year while 23.9 percent said they were not bereaved. This shows that a large majority of farmers had to participate in burial rites in the course of the year. Figure 3 further shows that of all marital status categories, the married polygynous experienced the highest incidence of bereavement.

The distribution of man/days of farm labour lost on account of bereavement is shown in Table 2. The results show that only 3.9 percent of farmers either continued with farm work even when they were bereaved, or had less than one week interruption of farm activity when bereaved. On a general note farmers lost more than one week of farmwork to burial activities. However farmers in Zones A and B were more disposed to suspending farmwork until the dead is buried, which could be anything from a few weeks to several months. Respondents were asked their opinion on the amount of money spent on burials. The results in Table 2 shows that majority of Benue farmers (86 percent) believe that the amount of money spent on burials in Benue state was much or very much, 11.9 percent believed it was reasonable. Only 2.1 percent of respondents thought it was little. Table 2 also presents results on the sources of money spent on burying the dead. From the results, majority of the farmers (61 percent) used proceeds from the sale of farm produce to defray burial expenses, about 28 percent borrowed from one source or the other while personal savings and wages provided sources of burial expenses to 5 and 4 percent respectively. Respondents from Zone A tended to resort more to use of cooperative loans as sources of burial expenses than their counterparts 8

from the other zones. This indicates a better appreciation of the purpose of cooperative loans by farmers in zones B and C, and the urgent need to enlighten zone A farmers on saving for investment. The results also show that the average amount of money spent by farmers to bury their dead was N21, 650.00. The least any farmer spent was N480.00 and the highest amount spent on burial was N120, 000.00. The disaggregated data shows that the highest any farmer in Zone C spent on burial was N50, 000.00 compared to N90, 000.00 and N120, 000.00 in Zones A and B respectively. The implication of this is that the progression towards ostentatious funerary practices is slower in Zone C than in the other zones

Conclusion It is concluded that communities in Benue State have experienced dramatic social change especially in the way funerary rites are conducted. This change has been spear-headed by elite elements. Concomitant to this change is also a homogenization of funerary practices, indicating a high level of social intercourse and consequent cultural diffusion. This has salutary implications for the spread of useful innovations across the state. Expenditure on burial rites deprives farm families of funds that could have been engaged in adopting improved technologies, and expanding their enterprises to enhance their productivity and welfare. It can also be concluded that in transition societies caught up between tradition and modernity, social change may take on dysfunctional character. It then becomes imperative that social engineering be employed to direct change along desired paths. In order to mitigate the negative impact of contemporary funerary practices on agricultural development, the following measures should be adopted.

1. Since the political leadership to a large extent contributed to initiating expensive burial ceremonies, it should lead the way in discouraging the trend by publicly denouncing it at every opportunity 2. Special taxes should be instituted on expensive tombs and caskets. 3. Legislation should be put in place to restrict access to chemicals used in embalming, and to discourage the proliferation of funeral homes. Such legislation should also put a ceiling to the number of days a corpse should be kept in a mortuary. 4. Community sporting activities adapted to the rural setting should be developed and introduced to rural people to serve as an alternative source of entertainment for villagers.

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References Abraham, R.C. (1940) The Tiv People. London: Crown Agents for the Colonies. Adeoti and Adeoti (2008) HIV/AIDS and Farms Production Efficiency Nigeria. African Journal of Biomedical Research, 11: 145-153 in Benue State,

Adekoya, A.E. and E.B. Tologbonse (2005) Adoption and Diffusion of Innovations In: Adedoyin, S.F. (Ed) Agricultural Extension in Nigeria, Ilorin, Nigeria: Agricultural Extension Society of Nigeria (AESON) pp 28-37 Benue State Government, 2005 A Handbook of Agricultural Resources in Makurdi: Oracle Business Ltd. pp 2-8 Brooke, N.J. (1922) Notes on the Okpotos and Egede Peoples. (Unpublished M.S.) Daudu, S., Okwu, O.J. and Shaibu, W. (2006). The effect of HIV/AIDS Scourge on Farm Families in Makurdi Local Government Area of Benue State of Nigeria, Journal of Human Ecology, 19(1) 41-44. Daudu, S., Okwu, O.J. and Shaibu, W. (2006). The effect of HIV/AIDS Families in Makurdi Local Government Area of of Human Ecology, 19(1) 41-44. Gundu, Z.A. (1988) The architecture of death: A conceptual consideration of the disposal of he dead in Nigerian Archeology, West African Journal of Archeology 18 (1) 92-100. Mnda, T (2005) The Political Economy of Burial Rites in Tiv land, Gboko, Nigeria: A& T computers. National Population Commission, (2006) Local Government By Local 2008). Government Results(www.nigerianstat.gov.ng/connections/pop2006.pdf., Accessed on 2nd July, Scourge on Farm Benue State of Nigeria, Journal Benue State,

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