Karakoram Knowledge Highways (KKH) Issue 4

Karakoram Knowledge Highways (KKH)
Whistling with Knowledge

The First Research and Development Journal from Karakoram
Volume 1, Issue 4 , October-December 2009 Online ISSN : 2074-7772 Print ISSN : 2074-9562
www.kkh-journal.org
ADVISORY BOARD GHULAM ALI
K ara kor am K now le d g e H i g h w a y s ( K K H )
GHULAM AMIN BEG FARMAN ALI DR.HERMANN KREUTZMANN EDITOR IN CHIEF ZULFIQAR ALI KHAN GRAPHICS DESIGNER KARIM KHAN FAYAZI
EDITORIAL SUPPORT CHRISTEN ROMERO EJAZ ALI MARKETING TEAM SHAHID KARIM SULTAN AZAM PHOTO CREDITS KADO STAFF
KADO
Karakoram Knowledge Highways KADO Head Office,Aliabad District Hunza-Nagar, Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan. Tel : (92-5813)-455816/458135 Fax : (92-5813)-455813 Email : kkh.journal@gmail.com www.kkh-journal.org www.kadohunza.org
The Journal is a product of the Knowledge Managment component of Karakoram Area Development Organization (KADO). The opinions expressed in the various articles are those held by the contributors and are not necessarily shared and reflects the thoughts of KADO. KKH welcomes articles from contributors. All articles are subject to a review and approval process by the Editorial Board.
Contents
Editorial
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The Promise and Challenge of Pluralism for Sustainable Development in Moutain Areas : Experience and Encounters from Northern Areas and Chitral Abdul Malik & Ihzar Ali Hunzai
Changing Lives in Northern Pakistan (Gilgit-Baltistan) Kanwal Bokharey
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Societal Development and Change in Hunza Valley: A Study of Ghulkin Fazal Amin Beg
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An investigation of Environmental Impact of Mountain Tourism Activities in Hunza: A Tourists Perspective Rehmat Karim & Dr.Adarsh Batra
51
Modern Media and Democracy: A Case Study of Election Coverage in GBLA-6, Hunza Noor Muhammad
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Social Conflict and Deforestation: A Case Study of Tara-gat Mountain, Malakand M. Nafees and Zahid Ullah
75
Village Wheat & Fodder Banks Wakhan : An Innovative Idea to Reduce Proverty and Enhance Food Security Aziz Ali
83
Editorial
It is a moment of delight and pleasure for KADO that the Karakoram Knowledge Highways-KKH successfully completed one year of its quarterly publication as the first research and development journal from Karakoram. The communities trapped in the lap of the mountains with the struggle to triumph against hardship and immensity ultimately succeeded in transcending its imagination, knowledge and potential. It was pleasure that during this short period the journal attracted a large number of renowned international scholars and researchers along with immense participation from the regional development thinkers and youth. dissemination. Our apologies for the delay in publishing the last quarter Issue of the year 2009 due to the devastating landslide in Hunza, took lives of 19 people, made 143 families homeless, blocked KKH and Hunza River and created an atmosphere of uncertainty and helplessness under the natural phenomena. The disaster situation is not over and the blockade of Hunza River is forming dam and submerging Ayeenabad, Shishkat villages and moving further towards Gulmit. The first Issue of 2010 would preferably present different research papers and scholarly articles on historical and contemporary natural disasters in mountains of Karakoram, Hindukush, Himalaya and Pamir region. This issue presents different interesting research papers on the socio-economic and environmental aspects of the communities living in Gilgit-Baltistan, in particular, and high mountains, in general. The first paper shares the lessons acquired from Gilgit-Baltistanm and Chitral regarding the critical role of pluralism for sustainable development. The following write-up highlights the impact of social investment of Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation in Northern Areas (renamed as Gilgit-Baltistan). The subsequent write-up presents the second part of the case study regarding the societal development and change in Hunza from the perspective of local community. A research paper on the environmental impact of tourism on mountain communities elaborates the impact of tourism on mountain environment. The following paper presents the critical role of alternate media in democracy with a focus on the coverage of the election compaign 2009 in Hunza. The subsequent case study focuses on the social conflict and deforestation issue in Swat. The last paper presents a case study from Wakhan, where through an innovative idea of wheat and fodder Banks the community tried to overcome the food security issue. The team extends warmest felicitation to all well-wishers and supporters for making KKH a successful platform for mountain-specific knowledge creation and
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THE PROMISE AND CHALLENGE OF PLURALISM FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN MOUNTAIN AREAS: EXPERIENCE AND ENCOUNTERS FROM NORTHERN AREAS AND CHITRAL
by : Abdul Malik & Ihzar Ali Hunzai
Pluralism1 can be looked at both as a means towards sustainable development as well as an end in itself. This paper presents an argument that emphasises the importance of pluralism as a development imperative in the specific context of the Northern Areas (now Gilgit-Baltistan) and Chitral (NAC). The
Abstract
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basic premise of the paper is that while pluralism is a desirable strategy for peaceful coexistence everywhere, the importance of this strategy is even higher in mountain areas like the NAC where factors such as limited physical access, higher dependence on common resources, and inherent diversity of social groups form the preconditions for conflict as well as peaceful coexistence. The need, therefore, is for explicitly placing pluralism at the heart of development discourse similar to the question of physical accessibility that has gained centrality in mountain development.
I. THE SETTING
Nestled among the famous mountain ranges of Karakoram, Himalaya, Pamirs, and the Hindukush, the Northern Areas and Chitral (NAC) region of Pakistan is no exception to the peculiarities of mountain livelihoods that can be characterised by a high dependence on fragile natural resource base, high physical vulnerability rooted in fragile ecological conditions, and greater dependence on social capital as a shield against socioeconomic adversaries. However, like many other mountain regions, this delicate equilibrium of livelihoods, resource management systems and social organization is undergoing a major transformation process due to rapid changes brought about by a number of factors such as greater communication between previously isolated and insulated communities, cohabitation challenges faced by diverse groups in new urban centres, and exposure to influences from larger social, economic and political systems in the country and from outside. In other words, the effects of globalisation are being felt at two levels in the context of NAC: first, the challenge of coming to terms with each other at the local level; and, second, coming to terms with the broader world. Specifically speaking, three landmark developments have taken place in the NAC over the last four decades that have transformed the socio-economic landscape of the area. These are the abolition of princely states and their incorporation into the state of Pakistan; construction of the Karakoram Highway2 and other major road and telecommunication networks created by the public sector; and, development initiatives undertaken
The concept of pluralism can be understood at various levels ranging from individuals, groups to civilizations. In this paper,
we are using the concept to elaborate relationships between broader levels of aggregations such as sects, ethnic groups, and geographic regions. At many points, the paper uses the term pluralism and peaceful coexistence as interchangeable terms. The concept of pluralism is, however, broader than a mere acknowledgement of differences and diversity across values and groups but it represents a philosophy of life where variety and differences are valued as such. (Adapted from the speech delivered by Dr. Elizabeth Frazer at AKU-ISMC Seminar on Approaches to Pluralism in Muslim Context.) For the developments of 1970s, see Kreutzmann, H. (1991): The Karakoram Highway - Impact of Road Construction on
Mountain Societies. In: Modern Asian Studies 25, Part 4, pp. 711-736.
The Promise and Challenge of Pluralism for Sustainable Development
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by the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN) institutions in partnership with local communities in support of government investments (Wood and Malik 2003). The combined impact of these key initiatives has been huge. The once isolated valleys of the Northern Areas are now linked with major towns and cities of Pakistan for exchange of goods, services and ideas. Local communities are now enjoying better access to health and education facilities both within and outside the NAC. The ultimate impacts include increased incomes, declining poverty and better performance on health and education indicators (Rasmussen, et al 2004).
II. EMERGING DEVELOPMENT CHALLENGE: REBIRTH OF MAJOR CONFLICTS

Besides witnessing impressive socio-economic transformation over the last two decades, the NAC has also seen a sharp increase in the occurrence of large-scale conflicts that often leave a very profound and negative impact on the development process. It is important to note that the emergence of conflicts is neither specific to the NAC nor new to the region. Researchers have long recognised a wide prevalence of conflicts in the mountain regions across the globe (Starr 2002) and the NAC itself has witnessed various major conflicts in the past, particularly between princely states that existed in what is now Northern Pakistan in the early 20th century and before3. The distinction however lies in the nature of the conflicts that have surfaced in recent times. Notwithstanding the common conflicts between various ethnic groups that are usually of limited magnitude and exhibit less violence, conflicts involving sectarian differences (mainly between Shia and Sunni traditions of Islam) have emerged as a major source of widespread, armed violence in the NAC. Although, on the surface, these sectarian clashes appear to be rooted in religious differences, evidence suggests that the root causes of these conflicts are not necessarily limited to differences in belief systems. Other factors such as socio-economic disparities, political marginalisation and the fear of major shifts in the pre-existing sectarian composition of the population due to possible political or administrative redrawing of the map of the region, provide added thrust to such violent manifestations.
CASE 1: From National to Local: A Wave of Intolerance

Today, sectarian violence is a common phenomenon in Pakistan. The Shia-Sunni violence has mostly become a contest of body counts among rival sectarian death squads, claiming 1,287 victims between 1990 and 2002. In the year 2003 alone, at least 76 people were killed during sectarian violence, mostly carried out by unidentified gunmen who were believed to belong to organized sectarian groups (Khan 2004). In the Northern Areas alone, between 1988 and 2005, 373 people lost their lives in only five major sectarian clashes; this includes a recent spree of killings that started on January 8, 2005 and incidences of armed violence were still occurring when this case study was being written. Over the last four months, it is estimated that over Rs 50 million were spent on the deployment of security forces alone. The magnitude of losses accruing to socio3
For instance, struggles for territorial dominance, internecine warfare, proselytising among neighbouring denominational
groups were common manifestations of communal conflicts that found partial support from the colonial administration when serving the external purposes of dominance. For more details, see Kreutzmann, H. 1995: Globalisation, spatial integration and sustainable development in Northern Pakistan. In: Mountain Research and Development 15 (3), pp. 213-227. -10Karakoram Knowledge Highways (KKH)
economic spheres of life can at best be described as huge4. The freshness and magnitude of sectarian violence should not, however, preclude us from considering other forms of conflict that also hinder the development process, albeit at a relatively small scale. Among other forms of conflict, disputes between different ethnic groups over common natural resources tend to have widespread prevalence across the region. Interestingly, some of the recent conflicts have emerged out of the very development initiatives undertaken by government and non-government institutions (Northern Areas Report 2003).
III. PRECONDITIONS AND DRIVERS OF CONFLICTS IN NAC
Many intrinsic and extrinsic factors combine together to provide a fertile breeding ground for the different kinds of conflict noted above. Some of the common internal factors include inherent diversity in mountain areas, economic deprivations faced by different groups and a weak base of political and governmental institutions. Among the external factors, increased interaction with the external world and its negative spill over stands at the top. Interestingly, these drivers are not unique and specific to the NAC, but similar factors have been instrumental behind most mountain conflicts (Starr, 2002). In the following paragraphs, we briefly discuss each factor. The reader may notice that most of the following factors are largely relevant to the debate on sectarian conflicts. This has been done deliberately to highlight the root causes of the widespread problem faced by people of the NAC today.
A. MOUNTAINOUS NORTH AND INHERENT DIVERSITY

The NAC presents a rich blend of diverse communities defined along the lines of ethnicity, belief, language and locality. This heterogeneity is a common feature of many mountain regions and needs further explanation. The
Fig 1: The mountains of NAC hosts a mosaic of cultural & ethono-lingustic heritages
4
Statistics obtained from government sources. The Promise and Challenge of Pluralism for Sustainable Development -11-
population of Hindukush and Karakoram mountains in NAC is characterized by more than 25 ethno-linguistic groups from four distinct language families. The core of the population is formed by autochthonous groups, which migrated into the mountain valleys centuries ago. In addition we find a number of immigrants from neighbouring areas such as Afghan Wakhan, Xinjiang, and Kashmir as well as from the southern parts of the mountain belt. These immigrants had different reasons to look for an abode in NAC including nomadic lifestyles, risk of persecution and search for new settlements and pastures. All these migrations reflect a picture of high mobility that has resulted in patterns of ethno-linguistic diversity5. These diverse cultures, however, grew largely in isolation from each other due to physical barriers to mobility posed by vertical mountain walls. This limited interaction between adjacent cultures was reinforced by defined boundaries and interests of local states that often fought wars with each other in the name of ethno-geographic interests. Today when there are no princely states and communication between previously isolated regions of the NAC has increased tremendously, new sources of discontent such as economic inequities and injustices across evolving identities (e.g. denominational groups, regionalism) have emerged that sometimes take the form of ethno-geographic rivalries, while at other times, they erupt into outright violence. It is worth noting that many of these conflicts emanate from urban centres within NAC where arguably most of the new economic and political assets are concentrated, and where the inherent diversity is further deepened by increasing inmigration of people from different parts of the NAC as well as from low lands of Pakistan. Additionally, urban centres contain a greater concentration of unemployed youth who are more educated and articulated than their rural counterparts and hence more sensitive to inequities and deprivations; crime is another by-product of urbanization, particularly when urban services are underdeveloped or overused. Under these circumstances, sectarian issues, whether created deliberately or by default, provide a highly volatile environment serving as a trigger for violence.
B. DIFFERENTIAL DEVELOPMENT AND ITS NEGATIVE SPILL-OVER

The NAC is no exception to growing economic challenges of high unemployment and socio-economic disparities that are prevalent within and across different sects and ethnic groups. This unequal and inequitable distribution of development gains not only sets the stage for social disharmony, but it provokes the perceived victims to take extreme measures such as armed violence to express their discontent. In fact, many of the recent conflicts including the sectarian clashes have drawn substantial support from unemployed youth and sometimes, even from religious and political leaders, on the basis of perceived economic victimization in jobs, businesses and other development projects6.
For background on migration and minorities Kreutzmann, H. 2000: Geo-linguistic variegation in the Eastern Hindukush
and Karakoram. In: Dittmann, A. (ed.): Mountain societies in transition. Contributions to the Cultural Geography of the Karakoram (Culture Area Karakorum Scientific Studies 6). Kln, pp. 155-178; Kreutzmann, H. 2003: Ethnic minorities and marginality in the Pamirian knot. Survival of Wakhi and Kirghiz in a harsh environment and global contexts. In: The Geographical Journal 169 (3), pp. 215-235.
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Findings from focus group discussions
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C. INTEGRATION WITH EXTERNALWORLD AND IMPORTED INTOLERANCE

While greater communication and integration7 of the NAC with the outside world has fetched many developmental gains, there is little doubt that this increased connectedness has also facilitated the influx of extreme behaviours. From the perspective of sectarian violence, three negative influences are worth mentioning: First, increased exposure of local people to extreme ideas through media and direct interaction with religious opinion leaders from the major cities of Pakistan has in fact highlighted the perceived differences between different sects and created further divisions. Second, in recent years, the deeply entrenched tradition of religious militancy fostered during the Cold War against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan and reinforced during the Kashmir conflict from mainland Pakistan has found its way to NAC. Third, it is believed that sectarian militancy is thriving upon the contacts with other networks and financial support coming from outside the NAC8. As a result, a highly fragile environment has developed where any sectarian mishap in the rest of the country or even outside Pakistan can potentially cascade into the NAC with devastating effects.
D. WEAKENING RULE OF LAW

An important driver of conflicts in the NAC has been weaknesses in the justice system, which is equally true for rest of the country (Khan 2004). This absence of a potent and fair law and order system not only emboldens extremists to commit crimes without being held accountable, but also leaves the aggrieved parties with no options other than taking the law and order in their own hands in the name of revenge (Khan 2004). Besides, there are numerous instances where conflicts between rival sects started precisely because one group trespassed and infringed upon the rights and beliefs of another group a common phenomenon that is experienced across the NAC and rest of Pakistan.
CASE 2: Managing Diversity in the High Mountains

The inherent diversity and associated conflicts in the NAC have traditionally been managed by indigenous institutional mechanisms at the village level under the ultimate patronage of the rulers of princely states. For conflicts of larger scale such as inter-village and inter-ethnic conflicts, the role of Mirs and Mehtars was more direct. Similarly, to reduce the chances of inter state conflicts and to mitigate the impact of such events, marriages between members of royal families of adjacent or rival states was a norm. Physical isolation also played a hedging role against such larger conflicts by confining and insulating different ethnic and religious groups in separate islands. With the invasion of colonial forces, especially after the Hunza Campaign of 1891 and the Struggle for Chitral in 1895, the British administration attempted to streamline the tra7
There is a local dimension of integration as well. Increased physical contact between previously isolated local people with
differing attitudes, orientation and belief systems also led to conflict at least initially. Anecdotal evidence in support of this thesis is overwhelming. In AKRSPs experience of promoting dialogue among communities, the first dialogue in a given community often started with a forceful expression of discord. Even today, in remote villages of Baltistan, Hunza, Diamer and other valleys, pre-existing perceptions of local population about people living in other valleys are full of suspicions and similar to that of demons.
8
See Khan 2004 for similar examples from mainland Pakistan The Promise and Challenge of Pluralism for Sustainable Development -13-
ditional ruling set-up by strengthening supportive Mirs and Mehtars on the one hand and by appointing governors and rulers from outside on the other hand. As a result equally strong and competitive administrative units were created and could be managed for their purposes. This duality in administrative set-ups resulted in weakening of the traditional system and its effectiveness in managing administrative affairs, including conflict management, started to decrease. With the abolition of princely states, formal institutions of justice and administration took over the charge of dispensing solutions to local and regional conflicts. Experience suggests that the effectiveness of these formal institutions of justice and administration has, nonetheless, remained unsatisfactory in most cases. As a result, not only do many existing conflicts remain unresolved, but this weakening of justice system also emboldens the criminals to commit crimes with impunity.
E. A DIFFERENT FORM OF REMOTENESS: POLITICAL ISOLATION

Perhaps the greatest challenge of all is the political isolation and marginalisation of the region from mainstream decision making institutions such as the National Assembly and the Senate. More than 55 years have passed since the accession of the Northern Areas to the state of Pakistan, but the constitutional status of the area is yet to be defined. As a result, articulation of local interests at the national level is often missing and in turn, responsiveness of the state to local issues of the region is often very weak (Cyan and Afzal 2003). If not a direct cause of conflicts in the NAC, this continued political isolation of the region has created conditions (e.g. lack of local representation in decision making) that result in worsening of the situation. The problem of political isolation is further deepened by a weak base of local political and civil institutions. Consequently, the importance and effectiveness of these local institutions in brokering dialogue and peace, particularly in the case of sectarian and regional conflicts, is often not understood. Experience suggests that whenever opportunities for balancing diverse and often contending interests are seized, these local political institutions have been highly effective in brokering peace. For instance, the successful coalition government of Tahreek-e-Jaafaria and Muslim League during (1999-2004) itself is an indicator of how elected representatives from two completely different constituencies (in the case of Northern Areas, followers of Shia and Sunni traditions of Islam respectively) can sit together and work on pluralistic grounds.
IV. DUAL DRIVERS: INCENTIVE FOR COEXISTENCE OR CONFLICT?

Having underscored the importance of preconditions and drivers that promote conflict, we must also recognise that there are some features intrinsic to the NAC that provide an incentive to show greater tolerance towards each other, particularly when it comes to conflicts between sectarian groups. These features include shared but limited accessibility options, socio-economic interdependencies and mixed settlements (ethnically and sect-wise), which form the preconditions for pluralistic coexistence. However, paradoxically, these inherent deterrents, if not nudged in the right direction, can actually exacerbate conflictual situations and their outcomes.
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A. LIMITED PHYSICAL ACCESS AND SHARED OUTCOMES
Lack of diversity in physical access, i.e. limited number of road links, is a common feature of the NAC. The harshness of terrain and associated high cost of developing alternative communication links often forces diverse groups to share same communication routes. For instance, the whole of Northern Areas is linked with the rest of the country through the Karakoram Highway (KKH). Similarly, people of Chitral largely depend on the Lawari route or road link via Afghanistan for their communication with mainland Pakistan. Even most of the valleys and villages within the NAC have a singular road link. On the one hand, this limitedness of access provokes a unified sense of geographical belonging and, on the other, it forms the basis of a bargain in the event of sectarian, ethnic and regional conflicts where the adversaries of a conflict at one locality threaten the opposite groups by denying access.
CASE 3: Basis of a New Bargain: Violence on the KKH

Recent outbreak of sectarian violence in Gilgit has triggered a series of targeted shootings along the KKH on the Gilgit-Islamabad route, which predominantly falls in a Sunni populated belt. Reportedly, the assailants have targeted members of the Shia sect on the premise that they are behind the killings of many Sunni members in and around Gilgit town. Following suit, a vehicle carrying some Sunni passengers was fired at when it was passing through a Shia populated village near Gilgit town. This series of killings and counter killings is not new to the region. Similar kinds of incidents have also occurred in the past where the aggrieved groups have used location to their advantage and forced sufferings upon the opposite group. Arguably, one can say that recent sectarian violence could have been even worse, had there been alternate exit and accessibility options for one group or the other. In the specific case of Northern Areas where sectarian and ethnic diversity is very high, singular access option also means that one negative incident and disruption of communication can bring huge economic and social hardships to the whole population irrespective of their stance and affinities. In the past, such sectarian disruptions have increased the economic vulnerability manifolds by compounding the chances of road closure that itself is a very common phenomenon due to harsh weather conditions and frequent landslides. Alternatively, it can be argued that this inherent potential to make every one worse off has forced different groups to follow co-existential strategies.
B. SOCIO-ECONOMIC INTERDEPENDENCIES
Another important driver of coexistence can be found in the evolving socio-economic relationships between different geographic, ethnic and sectarian groups. Historically, local people depended heavily on their local resources and hence interacted largely with their immediate neighbours (within a village and at most from adjacent villages) for their social and economic exchanges. As a result, very few exchanges and hence dependencies were found with communities who lived in distant localities such as other local states. This high internal dependence often saved people from major socio-economic losses in case of extreme eventualities
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such as wars with other states. The situation has completely changed now. With the increase in communication and monetisation of local economy, the breadth of economic interdependency of a remote household has now stretched beyond its immediate village to include markets that are located in places that were previously considered to be so-called enemy zones. This re-orientation of economic ties has added an element of mutual interest that forces people to work and live together. In other words, sustained economic and social relationships across different groups are becoming a prerequisite for economic survival. Yet there are other developments that are weakening the internal social hedges against conflicts. For instance, previously a common practice, marriages between people from different sects is now becoming rare due to the advent of extreme ideas.
CASE 4: Internal Hedges: Family Relations across Different Sects in Ghizer and Upper Chitral
Two contrasting pictures emerge when two districts in the NAC Chitral and Ghizer are compared in terms of incidence of sectarian violence. In the 1980s, Chitral saw an outbreak of sectarian violence between Sunnis and Ismailis that led to the killing of seven people. On the other hand, Ghizer, a neighbouring district also having a mixed population of Ismailis and Sunnis has not experienced sectarian violence of this size in the recent times. This higher level of violence in Chitral can be attributed to a variety of factors including events of trespassing on each others beliefs, socio-economic disparities across the two sects, and spill over of extremism from the situation in Afghanistan. However, one prominent factor that differentiates the two localities is the tradition of intermarriages and ethnic ties between the two sects, Ghizer representing deeper social ties. Even in those parts of Chitral where social ties between the two communities have been strong, for instance in upper Chitral, families belonging to different sects have protected each other in the case of extreme eventualities. Similar cases have also been witnessed in other parts of the Northern Areas where social ties have served as internal hedges and buffers.
V. PLURALISM: A DESIRABLE DEVELOPMENT OUTCOME

In the previous sections, we looked at various exogenous and endogenous factors that come together to form a very fragile environment where chances of social breakdown are often very high. Seen in the context of a livelihoods framework, the net effect is high social and economic vulnerability9. This added vulnerability invariably leaves very profound and negative impressions on the development process and its sustainability by slowing down economic activities, diverting productive resources and human energies to non-productive
9
It is worth noting that shocks like religious or ethnic conflicts are distinct from natural shocks in terms of their after ef-
fects. In case of natural shocks such as floods and earthquakes, communities usually work together in solidarity irrespective of ethnic and sectarian belongings to cope with the adversaries; a response that often complements the development work that is founded on collective action such as the work of AKRSP. The case is completely opposite for shocks induced by religious or ethnic divide where the collective action across rival groups becomes an invalid option and people tend to seek solutions that are less pluralistic. -16Karakoram Knowledge Highways (KKH)
Fig 2 : V/WOs Provided platform to discuss issues of community interest
and often dangerous uses and creating an environment of distrust that weakens the incentive for concerted development efforts on the part of various local groups whose economic interests are often intertwined. The obvious and long lasting answer to the problem lies in the pursuit of peaceful coexistence. In other words, pluralism can be used as an effective tool for promoting sustainable development. Nonetheless, we must also recognize that the debate of pluralism is broader than a means argument. It needs to be promoted as an important development outcome where people not only live with differences but also defend each others right to be different. In other words, pluralism as a development outcome can be seen in two distinct ways: a) protecting basic rights of different groups, and b) promoting diversity of cultures. From a rights perspective, acknowledgement of different identities and actively protecting the interests of those who hold those identities is essential so long as such actions do not take away the basic liberties of other groups. From the diversity of cultures perspective, preservation and promotion of diverse cultures as an essential facet of development becomes a central argument. Like other indicators of wellbeing, such as income, health and education, this approach recognises culture as an integral part of holistic development.
VI. Encounters and Experiences

In this section, we present two examples from the work of AKDN that has been engaged in the promotion of equitable socio-economic development in the Northern Areas and Chitral for over two decades. The idea is to highlight the case of pluralism from a practitioners perspective and see how far these non-governmental initiatives have been able to promote pluralism as a development imperative.
A. THE CASE OF AGA KHAN RURAL SUPPORT PROGRAMME
The Aga Khan Rural Support Programme (AKRSP) has been working in the NAC since 1983 with an explicit
The Promise and Challenge of Pluralism for Sustainable Development -17-
focus on developing institutional capacities at the grassroots level. Mandated to improve the living standard of local communities, the AKRSP has helped catalysed a participatory development process through organising over 80% of rural households into 4,000 village-based institutions. Recognising its effectiveness and relevance, the AKRSP model has now been widely replicated within as well as outside Pakistan. From the perspective of promoting tolerance and pluralism, AKRSPs role can be understood along the following dimensions:
1. Village-Based Institutions: A Forum for Dialogue and Conflict Management

Through organizing the majority of communities into village-level and some times supra village-level institutions, AKRSP has, in fact, provided a viable platform for local people to articulate their diverse views and needs. By design, these institutions are broad-based and ensure inclusion of voices from different quarters of their constituencies. As result of this broad-based participation, an atmosphere of trust and confidence has been created that is often missing in non-participatory approaches. Ultimately, this institutional mechanism allows people to voice their concerns and jointly find out ways in which these concerns can be addressed. Furthermore, not only did these institutions ensure the inclusion of diverse groups from their constituencies, but they also play an important role in resolving conflicts arising out of the very development interventions. Through promoting dialogue and negotiations amongst the local people, these institutions have been able to resolve conflicts related to common resources and accomplish many development projects.
CASE 5: Conflict Resolution and Development Initiatives

Over the last two decades, AKRSP has helped resolve hundreds of conflicts that surfaced before or while implementing community based infrastructure projects. In most cases, these conflicts were rooted in decades old disputes over common property rights, ethnic differences and sectarian divides. In these circumstances, the formation of village-based institutions and initiation of infrastructure projects was in fact a new opportunity to reconcile these chronic differences. Among numerous cases, three recent examples of conflict resolution include the Shedi irrigation project in Chitral, Shahtot micro hydroelectric project in Gilgit, and Hakuchal water tank in Nagar valley. The Shedi irrigation project in Chitral presents a classic example where Kalash people (a non-muslim ethnic minority) and Sunni Muslims, despite a long history of religious friction, have come together to construct an irrigation channel and develop a mixed settlement. Similarly, in Shahtot at Gilgit, an old conflict on the distribution of water rights between the old and new settlers of the village Shahtot and Sasi was resolved during the course of construction of a hydroelectric power generation unit. Finally, Hakuchal water reservoir project in Nagar enabled local people of Hakuchal village to go above a persistent conflict between two clans and build consensus around development initiatives. Experience suggests that AKRSP fostered grass-roots institutions are effective in managing diverse interests and conflicts at the village or inter-village level, a natural outcome of the scope and mandate of the villagebased institutions. For conflicts that appear at broader levels of aggregation such as sectarian clashes emanat-18Karakoram Knowledge Highways (KKH)
ing from urban centres, such as Gilgit town, the effectiveness of these village level institutions is often limited. In this connection, it was also noticed that AKRSP has largely been unable to recognise and engage other players in the civil society institutions such as rights groups and other forums that could play an effective role in managing new challenges. Furthermore, it also appears that AKRSPs rural focus has somehow reduced its interaction with the newly emerging urban poles in the NAC that have now become fertile ground for conflicts and violence. This limitation points towards the need for fostering civic institutions in urban centres along lines similar to rural-based, civil society institutions. In recognition of these limitations, AKRSP is currently retooling itself to include diverse groups of civil institutions that could eventually play an important role in addressing emerging development challenges including conflicts of wider scope such as sectarian clashes. Furthermore, AKRSP has also started to implement new concepts such as Multi-stakeholder Forum that could serve as an institutionalised system of dialogue for issues and challenges that affect higher levels of aggregations such as valleys, districts and even regions.
2. AKRSP and Equitable Development

As noted in the previous sections that inequitable development is a major driver of conflicts in the NAC. AKRSPs development model pays explicit attention to the importance of equity to put in place a long lasting and desirable development process. Various evaluations have confirmed that AKRSP has largely been able to incorporate the interests of different groups e.g. gender, sects, and regions. However, evidence suggests that the development in the NAC has not fully benefited everyone. This inequitable development is not necessarily an outcome of AKRSP or AKDN interventions but there are other factors such as differential government investment10 that have also contributed toward this skewed development outcome and differential articulation of demand for social sector services such as education, health and sanitation. Experience also suggests that wherever AKDN was not able to actively work towards the equitable development, a fragile atmosphere emerged where likelihood of conflicts between local communities increased. For instance, inequitable development between northern and southern Chitralmainly an outcome of the nonwillingness of communities in southern Chitral to participate in the social programs aimed at women and micro-enterprise through micro-credit as well as the initial communal focus of some of the AKDN agencies prior to 1980shas been one of the major drivers of tensions between southern and northern Chitral.
B. THE CASE OF AGA KHAN CULTURAL SERVICES PAKISTAN

AKCSP has been working in the Northern Areas since the early 90s to revive local soft and hard cultural symbols in different parts of the Northern Areas. The essence of this program is to recognise and promote cultures and their diversity as an important facet of human life. To this end, AKCSP has been working on the revival of local heritage by highlighting its economic value and modern applications so that these cultural assets could become living and relevant symbols for local people as opposed to a case where cultural heritage merely becomes a fossilised item. Perhaps the greatest value of AKRSPs work is its ability to revive identities and traditions that transcend beyond the religious and ethnic divides in a particular locality. For instance, the restoration of Altit and Baltit Fort
10
See pervez and Rasmussen 2002 for more details on different investment in the NAC
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in Hunza and Shigar Fort in Baltistan today offer a new opportunity to various groups within the project areas to identify themselves with a common and shared heritage.
CASE 6: Beyond the Confines: Preservation of Buddha Rock and Jaam e Mosque in Shigar
Around the same time when Taliban were blasting down the gigantic statues of Buddha in Bamyan province of Afghanistan, AKCSP was working with Baltistan Cultural Foundation (BCF)a local organisation with representation from all three local sects i.e. Shia, Noorbakhshi and Sunni to preserve the ancient carvings of Buddha in Baltistan. This ancient heritage was under the risk of disfiguration due to continuous bombardment of stones from local people who used to throw stones into a hole just above the carving of Buddha to comply with a local myth. Cognizant of this problem, AKCSP-BCF took new measures including hiring of a watchman and fencing of the area with barbed wire. These immediate steps have mitigated the imminent risk of damage. Currently, plans are underway to buy private land around the Buddha Rock and turn the place into a protected heritage. The second example comes from Shigar Baltistan where local communities are currently working with AKCSP to introduce traditional architecture in the design and construction of the Jaam e Masjid (central mosque). Inspired by restoration work at Amburiq mosque (600 years old), Astana (a 300 years old shrine that has received an award of distinction from UNESCO), and Shigar Fort, local communities have decided to follow traditional cribbage structure with a Tibetan tower (a symbol of Buddhist architecture) instead of constructing
Fig 3: Renovation of Shigar Fort : harnessing heritages for local development
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a concrete dome that is a common feature of mosques in the region and elsewhere! In fact, this blend of traditional heritage in modern architecture has set a unique precedence in the region.
VII. THE CHALLENGE AHEAD

Based on the experiences and encounters from the NAC, we can conclude that the current development process in the Northern Areas and Chitral partly caters to some of the challenges articulated at the onset of this paper. The civil society institutions, particularly those that are broad-based and rooted in the communities, play a crucial role in balancing the interest of diverse groups, both proactively through inclusiveness as well as reactively through conflict management. Similarly, some of the development interventions by non-government institutions such as agencies of the AKDN play a crucial role in building peace and harmony through ensuring equity in their programmes. Nonetheless, the greater challenge lies in managing conflicts that represent broader levels of aggregation such as sectarian clashes and regional tensions. The current institutional responses in the public and citizen sectors are not aligned enough to entirely address these emerging, yet prominent, threats to sustainability of development. Therefore, comprehensive solutions need to be sought that involve actions from public, private and citizen sector institutions. Some of the possible actions are mentioned below.
A. PLURALISM AS A PRIORITY MOUNTAIN DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH AGENDA

There is a need for investigating the concept of pluralism as a development imperative in the specific context of mountain areas. So far, at least in the NAC, not much has been done to explore the link between social fragility and sustainable development. A clear understanding of conflict drivers and their preconditions in the NAC and other mountain areas will help elicit strategies that could assist development practitioners in combating this emerging, yet daunting, challenge.
B. BUILD ON WHAT HAS WORKED SO FAR

Programmes that promote broad-based participation of communities often help neutralise the drivers of conflict by promoting inclusion, equity and customising of the development package according to the needs of actual constituencies. Experiences from other mountain areas also point towards this fact (Starr 2002). The need is therefore, for continuing, fine tuning and replicating current participatory and holistic development interventions to increase their outreach to underserved and unattended populations. In the specific context of the NAC, this would mean a redoubling of development efforts in the conflict prone areas, particularly in the emerging urban poles.
C. PROMOTION OF FORUMS FOR DIALOGUE AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION

Currently, most of the institutions and institutional mechanisms for dialogue are not catering to the new development challenges that often appear at broader levels of aggregation. As a result, in the event of social closures, independent and timely initiatives are not often seen. This challenge can be addressed through promoting forums that can provide platforms for diverse set of stakeholders to engage in a constructive dialogue for enduring peace and development. The effectiveness of these dialogues and forums can be enhanced by introducing modern techniques and tools that facilitate multi-stakeholder negotiations and conflict resolution.
The Promise and Challenge of Pluralism for Sustainable Development -21-
D. GOOD GOVERNANCE IS A PRE-REQUISITE FOR PLURALISM

Finally, no efforts for pluralism can be enough and effective if two important preconditions, political empowerment of local institutions and the rule of law, are not ensured. Ultimately, it is the state that balances the diverse and conflicting interests of different groups by putting in place a system of justice and a mechanism for equitable participation in the decision making process. In this regard, three important areas need attention. First, bring constitutional reforms to include the voice of local people in the highest national forums, e.g. the National Assembly and the Senate. Second, promote the principles of participation, transparency, meritocracy and accountability in public sector decision making to ensure equitable development. Third and finally, establish the rule of law and justice by bringing needed reforms11.
VIII. REFERENCES Cyan, Musharraf Rasool and Latif Afzal. (2003): Governance. Northern Areas Strategy for Sustainable Development. ICUN. Khan, Zaigham. (2004): The Unholy War: Religious Militancy and Sectarian Violence in Pakistan. Centre for Democratic Governance & The Network for Consumer Protection. Kreutzmann, H. (1991): The Karakoram Highway - Impact of Road Construction on Mountain Societies. In: Modern Asian Studies 25, Part 4, pp. 711-736. Kreutzmann, H. (2000): Geolinguistic Varieagation in the Eastern Hindukush and Karakoram. In Mountain Societies in Transition. Kreutzmann, H. (2003): Development problems in the mountain regions of Northern Pakistan. In: Mufti, S. A., Hussain, S. S. & A.M. Khan (eds.): Mountains of Pakistan: Protection, Potentials and Prospects. Islamabad: Global Change Impact Studies Centre, pp. 164-179. Rasmussen, et al. (2004) : Scaling Up RSPs :Pakistan Case. Shanghai Conference. Parvez, Safdar and Rasmussen, Stephen F. (2002): Sustaining Mountain Economies: Sustainable Livelihoods and Poverty Evaluation. akrsp Starr, Fredrick. (2002): Conflict and Peace in Mountain Societies. BGMS Thematic Paper C2. Wood, Geof and Abdul Malik. (2003): Poverty and Livelihoods. Aga Khan Rural Support Programme, Islamabad. (2003): Between Hope & Despair: Pakistan Poverty Assessment Northern Areas Report. Planning and Development NAs.
Mr.Izhar Ali Hunzai is the General Manager of Aga Khan Rural Support Programme. and Mr.Abdul Malik is presently affiliated with AKF, Geneva.
11
See Cyan and Afzal 2003 for details on the need for constitutional reforms; Also see khan 2004 for suggestions to encounter the chal-
lenge of religious militancy in Pakistan.
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CHANGING LIVES IN NORTHERN PAKISTAN BY UNLEASHING WOMEN ENTREPRENEURIAL SPIRIT

by : Kanwal Bokharey
For the last 13 years Switzerland has been working in the Northern Areas (now Gilgit-Baltistan) of Pakistan to unleash entrepreneurial potentials, improve technical skills and support the set-up and strengthening of small enterprises. The interventions have been primarily focussing on women in business lines such as embroidery, fabrics, carpets, apricot oil, wooden furniture and gem stones. This has resulted in an annual average increase of 20-30% in the incomes of over 10000 poor households and enabled them to improve access to basic services, build small assets, increase savings to cope with shocks, improve nutrition and ensure education for their children. Over the years, SDC has invested about 5.6 millions US$ in these projects through two local civil society institutions. Rasheeda, a 30 year old women working since 2006 says: The biggest breakthrough is bringing us (the young women) in gem business which everyone thought it is mens businessI learnt cutting, faceting and polishing of semi-precious and precious stones. I am skilled now and am making a respective living
ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT
Life in the Northern Areas of Pakistan is marked by remoteness, poverty and hardship. People live in small valleys in the world famous mountain ranges of Himalayas, Hindukush and Karakoram which include 5 peaks of more than 8000 meters in height. The population of these valleys suffers from extreme deprivation due to a combination of natural and manmade factors. These include inaccessibility, unforgiving winters as well as gender inequality, social exclusion for the poor and the disabled and widespread poverty. However, achieving this was not an easy task, it is the The total population of the Northern Areas is 1.1 million, result of an unrelenting struggle spread over more than a decade in pursuit of one goal: economic empowerment of the poor, especially women. With this clear end in view, Switzerland remained the most significant source of financial and technical assistance for existing and potential entrepreneurs which enabled people to learn new skills, access capital, get exposure to new markets and receive an array of business development services over extended periods of time. A wide range of new products were developed and new businesses started. Not all products have attracted customers, nor have all businesses succeeded. But a well designed system of continuous learning ensured that the reasons
Changing Lives in Northern Pakistan -23-
of which 86% live in rural areas. Subsistence farming on tiny patches of land, small fruit orchards and livestock had been the only sources of peoples livelihoods until recently. With no other income opportunities and negligible access to the outside world, poverty and food insecurity were pervasive. But things have started to change. Thanks to the fo-cused investments made by Switzerland, men and women of the region have managed to diversify the sources of their livelihood.
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were carefully analysed and lessons were fed back into the programme. Results achieved so far include important contributions to sustainable employment generation. Around one dozen new enterprises have emerged which are wholly owned and managed by local women groups and employ over 3500 home based women workers. Besides, 300 people with special needs (mentally and/or physically challenged) have been rehabilitated through this programme. Local institutions with the support of Switzerland have been able to enhance economic viability, profitability and employment creation in key sectors, i.e. woodwork, apricot oil, handicrafts and gem stones. In line with the Swiss foreign policy objective of relieving need and poverty, preserving the natural environment and respect for human rights, Switzerland invested about 5.6 million US$ in the last 13 years of partnerships with two local civil society institutions: the Karakoram Area Development Organisation (KADO) in Hunza Valley and the Baltistan Culture & Development Foundation (BCDF) in Baltistan Valley.
SHORT TERM RESULTS OF KEY INTERVENTIONS: SOME EXAMPLES FROM UNEMPLOYMENT TO ENTREPRENEUR
From unemployment to skilled employment: In 1996 Switzerland started supporting the local organisation KADO (Karakoram Area Development Organisation) in Hunza Valley, in the Northern Areas. The objective was to develop and promote culturally sensitive and environmentally sustainable micro enterprises which could create income and employment opportunities for women artisans and small producers. The arrangement was most suitable for women artisans As part of a carefully developed value chain based on market analysis, more than 3000 poor women artisans were trained in embroidery. They were then organised into Primary Production Units as home based workers to do the local embroidery. Later, seven Secondary Production Units employing 70 women were set up in
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different villages to develop finished products using the materials produced in the Primary Units. Capacities of another 40 men and women from local communities were enhanced in various business functional skills to manage designing, product development, quality assurance, production, sales and marketing. Main product lines included embroidery and needlework, carpets, traditional rugs and hand-woven fabric.
living in remote areas as it enabled them to make a living without leaving their homes. As the production volume increased, the products were given the brand name of Thread Net Hunza and supplied to 46 retail outlets in the urban areas throughout the country. In acknowledgement of their contribution towards the re-
vival and conservation of the local culture and for maintaining quality, the products were also granted the seal of excellence by UNESCO. The Government of Northern Areas replicated this model in the other six districts of the Northern Areas, in which the women artisans were engaged as master trainers. From Artisans to Entrepreneurs: As the objective of the programme was not to run a business but to broaden the local base of viable businesses, a strategy of gradual withdrawal was followed by the local organisation KADO. The idea was to continuously enhance the capacities of the women so that they could take over the Thread Net Hunza business and run it independently. The women groups went through an in-depth capacity building process to graduate from workers to owners and from employees to employers. Although reaching this stage took much longer than expected due to multiple challenges, this crucial milestone was finally reached in 2006 and six new independent companies were established wholly owned by local women. In addition to each companys (womens) own small equities, SDC also contributed equity to be used as working capital in five of these companies. Mahee Parveen, the president of one of the five woman companies says: I worked initially in one of the Secondary Production Units as a worker. The year 2006 was a turning point in my life when five of us formed this company. Our family was initially not in favour of us taking risk but now they are very happy when we take money home. We feel very confident now as we are our bosses. I am taking most of the family decisions now. It also gives me great satisfaction that we are helping women in remote areas by giving them work. Today these companies are successfully running and providing livelihoods to more than 3500 women. Five out of the six are profitable. In addition to the direct tangible benefit of increased household income, the
businesses are contributing towards improved food security for the households, better education for children and asset creation for the poor. Moreover, as women are in the driving seat of these enterprises, their unprecedented success is helping to successfully challenge the deeply entrenched gender roles in the communities. Gradually, womens standing and respect in the society is increasing and women have gained a greater share in decision making at household and community level.
RIGHTS TO THE WRONGED
Due to inter-marriage and iodine deficiency, about 6% of the population of the Northern Areas suffers from some form of disability. As most of the people with special needs are also very poor, they face discrimination and exclusion of all forms. After carrying out a situation analysis of people with special needs, the local organisation KADO with support from Switzerland started a safety net cum empowerment programme for them by setting up the Sharma Rehabilitation Centre. Sharma selected production of rugs from goat wool as the means for helping these persons to become self reliant and productive members of the society. Work was categorised according to their capacities and their skills were built accordingly. A production based value chain was worked out including wool separating, thread making, spinning, weaving, sewing, stitching and rug making. Special Olympics and music classes are also organised for recreation.
Changing Lives in Northern Pakistan
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Kalb-e- Ali 55 years: I have been coming to the centre since last 8 years. I come from Mominabad, a socially marginalised community of the valley. Before coming here, I used to beg from people. Now I am skilled, I dont have to beg It hasmade a difference to my life. My son is also special like me,I made it a point to bring him here. He was very shy before but now he has improved and talks to others, I am happy. We both have a place to work like you all (the normal ones), earn money with which we buy wheat, onion, match box, soap, sometimes milk also, andalso paying school fee for my other son who is physically disabled, life is much better now The centre has so far been able to make more than 300 people with special needs self-reliant, earning an average of US$ 35-60 per month. Attainment of skills, increase in income and special attention has helped to enhance their self-esteem and self-worth and at the same time has improved their standing in the eyes of their families. The achievements of Switzerland supported pilot effort also attracted widespread appreciation and support from key stakeholders. The demonstration effect helped KADO to mobilise funding from the Ministry of Social Welfare and Special Education for construction of a state of the art rehabilitation centre for which local community generously donated land worth US$ 50000. Furthermore, as a result of the resource mobilisation capacity building efforts undertaken by Switzerland for its partners, KADO and Shell Pakistan are working out to set up a gas station in the Northern Areas where disabled people will be rehabilitated and provided employment opportunities. Since the Sharma centre initially catered to men with special needs only, KADO has replicated the model for women with special needs with additional support from the government, private foundations and local philanthropists.
CASHING IN ON NATURAL RESOURCES

Bano Ali is one of the several thousands Balti women whose incomes have increased as a result of Switzerlands investments in promoting the apricot oil business in the Northern Areas of Pakistan. She says: I got training in apricot oil expelling and packaging and decided to set up my own business. I invested some equity and US$ 360 loan from a local bank, I set up an apricot oil expelling business which has resulted in doubling my monthly household income. Pakistan is the 3rd largest apricot grower in the world and within the country almost 80% of the fruit is produced in the Northern Areas. Remoteness and transportation difficulties coupled with highly perishable nature of the apricot fruit result in high local consumption. Various efforts to promote the export of apricots through improved preservation, processing and packaging have so far only been partially successful. Besides, apricots are one of the most important sources of food and nutrition for the local communities who cherish this fruit using many indigenous recipes. High local consumption inevitably yields large amounts of oil rich apricot kernels. Apricot kernel oil is unique in many ways and it can be used for both cooking as well as cosmetic purposes. With a view to capitalise on the abundance of apricot kernels in the area, Switzerland supported the Baltistan Culture & Development Foundation to develop a model enterprise to demonstrate the commercial viability of the apricot oil business. The organisation established the first modern oil extraction unit in the area and organised women farmers into apricot community groups. A large number of women were trained in picking, nutcracking and storing the apricot kernels. The kernels produced by these women were bought at fair price by the production unit established by the organisation. The oil thus produced was used to develop various prod-
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ucts for sale in the relatively higher income areas of the country. Within a few years, the production unit has become profitable and is now serving to inspire local entrepreneurs for replication. During this period, the foundation also trained local millers in better oil expelling techniques and quality control. The apricot model enterprise has gradually expanded its product range by developing facial oil, massage oil, hair oil, moisturising cream, apricot scrub and apricot lotion. Although the enterprise is directly benefiting only about 500 poor households in 20 remote villages of Baltistan, the number of indirect beneficiaries of this intervention is very large. This is because the demonstration of value addition has resulted in a sharp increase in the demand for apricot kernels, which in turn has increased its price from US$ 0.60 to US$ 1.60/per kg. As a result, thousands of women involved in picking and selling apricot kernels are receiving significantly higher incomes for their produce. radio and thats how got the opportunity to get training through this woodcraft programme (supported by the Switzerland) and ever since my life changed. I am skilled and earn US$ 170 per month plus over time. With this income, so far, I have renovatedmy small dwelling, marriedoff a brother and a sister and now sending my other siblings to school. I feel elevated as I am now called an ustaad (master) because now I train people. In Baltistan, like elsewhere in the country, timber is mostly used in construction and furniture. Since timber producing species of trees typically mature in 30 to 50 years, use of timber is environmentally unfriendly due to the long replacement time of trees. On the other hand, some species of trees such as poplar have much shorter lifecycles but still yield a reasonably good quality of wood. Poplar matures in 10-15 years and, therefore, substituting timber in construction and carpentry with poplar wood, contributes positively to the environment. Primary research, analysis and broad-based consultations finally led Switzerland to support the Baltistan Culture & Development Foundation for the perfect recipe revival and promotion of traditional woodcraft using softwood instead of timber. The work started in 2004 on multiple fronts including sensitising stakeholders about the benefits of using softwood instead of timber, training local unemployed youth in woodcraft, establishing a seasoning/drying plant for wood and finally establishing a model enterprise which could demonstrate the com-27-
THE ROAD LESS TRAVELLED

Furniture from Soft Wood: Intricate lattice designs in wood are among the notable cultural heritage of Baltistan. Doors, windows and ventilators of old buildings can still be seen adorned with this eye-catching woodcraft. However, unfortunately, ethnic lattice motifs are among the rapidly disappearing genre of traditions. The need to revive and promote traditional motifs was identified to serve the dual purpose of conserving cultural assets and creating new employment opportunities. However, the use of wood usually has negative implications for the natural environment. Therefore the down-side of promoting this art had to be managed first. I had to quit the schools due to economic reasons. Soon after, my father kicked me out of the house saying that I dont earn. My mother left me in Skardu with my uncle where I started working as a helping hand in his carpentry shop. I received only food and a place to sleep in return for my days labour. Then I heard on
Changing Lives in Northern Pakistan
mercial viability of this type of woodcraft. Despite many challenges, the model enterprise is now thriving, demand for traditional lattice designs has increased, use of softwood in place of timber is gaining popularity and the demonstration effect of this success has inspired many existing and new woodcraft busi-
nesses. In a few years, 12 new businesses and four new mini seasoning plants have emerged and the trend is likely to continue in the future. The model enterprise currently occupies about 70% share of the wood market in Baltistan and is profitable. A woodcraft business association has also been constituted to advocate and protect the interests of the sector.
LONG TERM EFFECTS OF SWISS INVESTMENTS

Effects on Poverty: The Swiss investments catalysed entrepreneurial activity in Northern Areas which has resulted in annual average increase in income by 20-30% of over 10000 poor households. Increased incomes have enabled the poor to improve access to basic services, build small assets, increase savings to cope with shocks, improve nutrition and ensure education for their children. Effects on Growth: Swiss investments have helped expansion, strengthening and competitiveness of sectors such as woodwork, apricot oil, handicrafts, carpet making, and gem stones. This has resulted in entry of new players, refined workmanship skills, enhanced capacities of entrepreneurs and emergence of effective industry associations. Institutional Building: A hallmark of Swiss investments in the Northern Areas has been the creation of vibrant civil society organisations playing the role of trailblazers and catalysts through piloting new businesses and demonstrating their viability. These capacitated institutions have gradually become not only bigger but also the partners of choice for other funding agencies and private sector entities. As a result, the scale and scope of their programmes is continuously expanding. Gender Equality and Advancement of Women: The journey on the road to gender equality begins with the correct identification of gender based power imbalances and their causes. In the Northern Areas, like elsewhere in Pakistan, economic marginalisation of women is one of the most visible manifestations of gender discrimination. Swiss investments in the Northern Areas challenged the gender status quo by enhancing capacities of women and girls to realise their full potential. This has resulted in marked reduction in gender disparities in terms of access to services, opportunities and control of resources. Economic empowerment of over 8000 women led to the improvements of the quality of their life and of the life of their families. There is evidence of increased school enrolment, better food intake and enhanced access to and use of health services by these women and their children. Sustainability of Results: Local entrepreneurs as well as the Government of the Northern Areas have taken Thread Net Hunza, the wood and apricot businesses as model examples to reproduce; hence the momentum is likely to be sustained. Once built, the capacities of the people and of the women companies will stay even after the Swiss support phases out. Partnerships formed with both private or public sectors will ensure sustainable results. Although many challenges lie ahead, Swiss investments in the Northern Areas herald a big positive change. For many families and their next generations, this change has already begun.
SDC Pakistan: SDC: http://www.sdcpakistan.org http://sdc.admin.ah

The writer is working with SDC Pakistan as Programe Officer. She had a close watch on the SDCs interventions in Gilgit-Baltistan
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SOCIETAL DEVELOPMENT AND CHANGE IN THE HUNZA VALLEY : A STUDY OF GHULKIN Part
by : Fazal Amin Beg
This study presents a holistic picture of the development and change from the peoples perspective in the mountain society of Hunza valley by taking the village of Ghulkin as a case study and the AKRSPs intervention year in the rural settlement [1983] as a reference point. Development
Abstract
1
and changes are seen against different indicators within the social, economic, political, cultural and environmental realms. Many facets of this study could be generalized on the development and change in the regional contexts. The previous issue presented a detailed account about the oral history, etymological interpretations of Ghulkin and the status of social organizations before and after AKRSPs intervention year. This issue further elaborates the status of different socio-economic indicators and summarises the case study.
3.7 Agricultural practices, livestock and food

Before 1983, Ghulkin community had a subsistence economy depending almost entirely on livestock and agriculture1. The main crops cultivated were faba beans (baqla) and barley. The climatic condition was cold for the wheat cultivation: it was therefore given less importance. Among the fruits, there existed primarily apricots while few dwellers would grow pears. There was no tradition of growing various kinds of vegetables, except for growing some potatoes, which they were on limited scale for the households consumption, and not for commercial purpose. In order to produce more and better quality of crops, the people would make more focus on manure production (human or animal wastes). Domesticated animals (ruminants and non-ruminants) included cattle, sheep, goats, hens, horses, and donkeys. Some peoples petted cat but no dog. The livestock contributed significantly to the wealth generation such as dairy products, meat besides meeting the peoples needs on special occasions like the rite of passage. From the hairs of the livestock, the people made the traditional caps, woolen clothes, rugs and the like. The oxen were utilized for plowing purpose with some exception for plowing with horses. Cows, young oxen, donkeys were tied and threshed the crops for hours and hours, sometimes taking the entire day. The threshed pile was winnowed to separate the grains from the chaff which was subject to an adequate breeze. After 1983, AKRSP with focusing on social organization and savings, also introduced different varieties of seed-potatoes, plants (both of fruits and timbers) and so on. Above all AKRSP built the communitys capacities in a variety of fields including agriculture, horticulture, sericulture, preserving and drying fruits, forestry and
Besides agro-pastoral activities, some peoples of the village were also engaged with services/employment (e.g., the military &
teaching) and very few in businesses.
SOCIETAL DEVELOPMENT AND CHANGE IN THE HUNZA VALLEY
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plantation, livestock, wildlife, internal lending (V/WO banking), bookkeeping, leadership, community participation, enterprise initiatives, tourism, and the like. Consequently, the subsistence economic mode of the people diversifiednot confined only in agriculture or livestock. The community has ended up the crops of faba-beans, and somehow peas, too. The previous limited number of potatoes production for the communitys subsistence has transformed into highly productive and marked-based item that has been contributing significantly to the peoples economy and addressed
Fig 1: An historical picture (1963) of Ghulkin village, depicts the traditional dependency of people on livestock.
the devastating poverty. People produce variety of vegetables mostly for their domestic consumption. Lessproductive fruit plants (including apple trees) have been replaced by more-productive varieties of fruits trees like apricot, apples, cherry, and almond trees. No cows, young oxen and donkeys are used for threshing rather tractor machines have replaced them in threshing and plowing2. All households now not have enough dairy products because of either reduced number of livestock or they gave up rearing sheep and goat or even cattle. A latest survey (September 2009) shows that out of 153 households, 83 households (54.3%) in Ghulkin have totally abandoned rearing sheep and goats; while 70 households (46.7%) are still engaged with: more people who have even one or two goats or sheep in number and very few have retained maximum 45 or 50. Today, instead of rearing more traditional cows, many people prefer rearing one or two hybrid heifers(s) and replacing the previous category of breeds that were less productive in milk. Previously, there were more experts in the community who made traditional hats, woolen cloths, rugs and so on; but at present these activities have significantly decreased in some thematic areas. Local long shoes and leather overcoats (krest) et cetera ended.
There are some households who still use oxen for plowing the arduous terraces that are inaccessible for tractors.
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3.8 Food insecurity and internal credit system or lending in kinds
The poverty among the masses of the principality was grave, and the food consumption among the people varied seasonally from house to house. The previously key indicators of wealth were the landholdings, livestock, agricultural produces, trees/plants and forests in addition with mental capacity. There were three tiers in the society such as upper tier, zharzhon or usham (fictive/foster relatives of the Mirs); middle tier, darqan(ey), and lower, borwar (laborers). But these social tiers would not necessarily reflect the state of wealth or poverty. Even instances are found that among households of the upper social tier, peoples reportedly confronted food security. Through raising more livestock, more manures were produced, which contributed to more and better agricultural produces. Through mental and physical capacity, and hard-work in agro-pastoral adventures, people produced more yields of grains. But majority of the population could not do so. The agro-activities were also susceptible to the natural factors (weather condition), especially during the summer. For instance, if there was more rain or the weather was cold or otherwise, it would also negatively effect the crops. The food security in the spring season for the community was really a tough period to reach in summer till ripping of the crops. The autumn and half of summer (for those who had fruit trees) were really the rejoiced seasons (having food availability).
3.8.1 Internal lending system: a social protection mechanism against food insecurity
Keeping in view the above cited bitter socioeconomic circumstances, the community of the region had an internal lending or credit system of grains. This traditional credit system in kinds was called tol, meaning weigh and give grains to the needy-persons during the spring season. Tol was both at house to house level (within or out of kin groups); and community to house level; and even among the community to community (inter-village) level in the region. The community of Ghulkin had a grand store in the premise of the present jamatkhana. The borrower would lend 1 ghilbel (= 13.7 kg) grains (aw); and would return the amount of grains in addition with one ji [=1.7 kg] in autumn as interest after harvesting of the crops. Getting the interest was however dependent on an individuals will. A borrower could exempt (either within the kin groups or between a well-off and a poor) the interest or leave the credit as a philanthropic assistance. The AKRSP-led internal credit system in cash in the V/WOs evolved from the traditional lending system in kind. Following the set V/WO banking rules, we provide the members loans, when s/he meets the lending criteria, without any bias of kinship relationships or otherwise. After granting and issuing the credit, three reminders are sent to the borrowers: one, three months before the recovery, one in the beginning, and one in the middle of the recovery period. The borrowers thus enable themselves to successfully return their lending. Thank God we havent had any recovery problems, add the VO and WO presidents. In the beginning, there was a bad precedence, but the borrowers were from outside the village. Nonetheless, We got the recovery, explains VOs manager. Mainly because of the V/WO banking system, the savings increased exponentially. Presently3, the V/WOs
3
Such effective rural community banking system led Dr. Isharat Hussein, Governor State Bank of Pakistan,, to visit the V/WO
Ghulkin in order to approve microfinance banks. After examining the system, he asserted his satisfaction and called for the establishment of the Microfinance Banks.
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Table-1: Saving Statement of V/WOs Ghulkin for 2009 Total Savings (Audited) V/WOs 1983/1984 * VO WO Total 4764 1516 6280 1988 ** 40, 604 --1991 ** --170,746 1996 3, 259,490 1, 793,541 5053031 2006 9,323,542 3, 329,238 2008 11,392,154 4,224,347
12652780 15,616,501
Source: V/WOs Ghulkin, September 2009. *VO was formed in 1983; and WO in 1984. **VO banking started in 1988 and WO banking in 1991.
Ghulkin have obtained a saving of more than 15.6 million rupees The table hereunder illustrate how the V/ WO members increased their saving, especially after the internal credit system. The total savings of the VO was 4764 in 1983 which is increased to 11,393,154 whereas of the WO in 1984 was 1516 which increased to 4,224,347. The VO banking started in 1988 when the total saving was 40,604 and the WO banking in 1991 when the total saving was 170,746.
Table-2: Members in the V/WOs in different years from the beginning. Total number of members in different years (1983-2009) V/WOs 1983/1984 VO WO Total 80 81 161 1988 83 -1991 -100 1996 131 145 276 2006 183 215 398 2009 192 228 420
Source: V/WOs, Ghulkin, September 2009
The internal credits are granted to the members for business and enterprise; addressing health and educational issues; meeting agricultural needs such as purchasing seed potatoes, chemical fertilizers; buying the livestock, developing land, meeting marriage requirements and so on. The following table (hereunder) shows the increase of membership in the V/WOs since their inception. In 1983/4, out of 83 households in Ghulkin, almost each households got membership in the V/WOs. Initially, for four years, the momentum remained slow in membership, but after introducing the V/WO banking, the speed increased. Today, among 153 households (in September 2009)4, more than one person from each households are members in the VWOs. By bringing the savings of the VWOs in circulation within the members through internal lending since the inception of VO in 1988 and WO in 1991, the collective saving of the VWOs till 2008 has risen marvelously.
3.9 Food consumption and clothing of the peoples
Because of the dire poverty in the so-called kingdoms of Hunza and Nager, the subjects could hardly make their ends meet. In Gojal (including Ghulkin), the subjects food for three times could include soup of low
Eight families, living outside the village in Gilgit, Islamabad and Karachi, have their lands but not houses in the village.
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quality (e.g., dried-apricot) in breakfast; dried-breads with water or sometimes with buttermilk (if someone had) for lunch; in supper, some would subsist on mulberries and apricot during summer; and few fortunate would have some vegetables: e.g., carrots, turnips, pumpkins. In winter (those who worked efficiently from spring to summer), would get appropriate produces and very few dried-vegetablesbesides cooking modest pieces of meat, animals slaughtered in winter for food called guti (gushti) by some well-off people. In spring, people would begin clandestinely lending grains for food from the better-off. Apart from the routinely poor food menu, the people had variety of special dishes served during marriage ceremonies, death rites, festivities and guests visits to ones home, which included bat, molida, ghuelmindi, semn, gral, chamuerki, shuelbuet, chilpindok (a speciailty of Shingshalik) et cetera. The local beverages and liquefied items comprised on milk, chmos (apricot juice), pistov (made out of apples), buttermilk, dughov (made up of buttermilk), tea made out of umuru, bozlanj, yogurt, qanda, and a variety of soups5 from kernels, bones, apricots and so on. Tea was reportedly introduced in the 1940s but consumed with the then elites. Rice could also be seen diffused in the village in the 1950s; but consumed as a special dishes by those who could afford it. Not all peoples of the valley (including Ghulkin) had appropriate clothing. They had woolen clothing (hardly two pairs) with a few exceptions of non-woolen-cloths brought by the Chinese traders in the caravans. Further, some local businessmen brought consumers items on the horses from Gilgit. People had locally made long-shoes called k (shueshk) and sandal, that would torn sooner when one would walk to a longer place; but not necessarily all community had these shoes6. There were a few skilled persons who could make it for their families and kinspersons7. The company-made short and long shoes were introduced in the region in the 1960s and 70s. Besides, men had woolen caps, and women had initially plain but later crafted caps (old women still wear). In 1960, the people of the region walked barefooted for minimum 50 km and maximum 300 km from Gojal to Altit (Central Hunza) and back due to poverty but filled with the affection of their Imam (Aga Khan-IV) to see him. Today, the Ghulkin community could be termed self-sufficient in managing foods for themselves, especially by producing and selling potatoes, both table-potatoes and seeds. The previous expensive time, tea8, has
The beverages or liquefied items and soups were not necessarily available with majority of the peoples; even the then well-off In Central Hunza (Kanjut) and Shinaki, the situation was even further aggravated. There was no sandal or k instead there was
persons would also use them conservatively. The herbal products were mostly used for healing purpose.
6
tawching, That is why these traditional shoes were an attraction for them. A famous Burushaski proverb indicates it vividly: Guic [Quits] e deli, sandal isheer, means Dont hit a Wakhi, [rather] snatch his sandal (the long-shoes).
7
Muhammad Aslam, a religious scholar of this village, narrates an interesting story that when he along with his friends/classmates
used to go to school in the neighboring village of Gulmit in the 1960s, they had no shoes or if someone had the shoes, that were torn and again became barefooted. They therefore would walk barefooted for 8 km daily, even on the snow during winter. When they found the dried soil under roofed-places on the way, they would put their feet in the soil, which soothed them from the severe coldness.
8
Tea has ingrained/engrafted itself in the peoples custom so strongly that if a person visits a house, not only in Ghukin rather in
the region, the host would offer tea. If the visitor doesnt drink tea and s/he is, for instance, offered a cup of milk, but the host(s) wont value the milk. Instead would say: Sorry we did not make tea for you despite the fact that tea has its negative effects on the human health.
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become commoners main item of breakfast with oven-cooked wheat breads or otherwise. In meals (lunch & supper), all people eat variety of vegetables, pulses, rice, meats, and better quality of soups are cooked and drank besides other beverages available in the bazaars. The traditional dishes of festivities and rituals are present, but not cooked frequently. Among the beverages, pistov, teas of bozlanj and other herbal liquefied items are not in use. Opposed to the local-made woolen clothes (trousers and shirts), today we see a revolution among the local communities in the village (and the valley) who make company-made clothes of polyester, cotton, felt, silk, velvet and son on imported from China. People had only one pair of clothe, especially among the conjugal partners; and when a husband got a new clothe, his wife would put on his used one. Now, we can observe that an individual has at least six to ten pairs of clothes in different variety and fashions for different social events in a year. Previously, parents would make hardly two pairs of clothes for the bride but at present minimum 15 otherwise 20 pairs are made for her; and the bride goes shopping herself. In the previous period, it was hard to get burial cloths for the corpse, but these days they are found at their doorsteps in their villages. Today, men and women put on variety of shoes and change them quarterly. The children cannot see the previous in-house-made leathered sandal or k, or the company-made rubber-type of shoes, rather they put on the company-made leather, canvas and other good quality shoes brought in the village from China and down country.
3.10 From the exploitation to natures conservation
When heavy snow would fall and roaring wind would blow9 in winter, the human-hunters would adventure in hunting the ibexes and Marco Polo sheep for the purpose of alternative taste of food. These hunters were termed palwon or paliwun (i.e., champion). The predators such as snow-leopard and wolves would then enter in the villages and hunt the peoples livestock. For this reason, peoples of the twin-villages of Ghulkin and Gulmit would collectively pursue and hunt the strong predators to save their livestock. This collective predators hunting campaign was known as apt kor (shapt shkor: i.e., wolf hunting) or Pes kor (snow-leopard hunting). Such food-battles between the paliwuns and predators (snow-leopard & wolves) continued: human eating wildlife food and wildlife eating the livestock. Besides, the people were also enthusiastically hunted fishes, ducks, geese, partridge, and different kinds of sparrow etcetera. In summer, a brutal night-game was played called basa (hunting sparrows) where people, especially youth, would hunt the birds with their sticks and stones; and a group may hunt at least one or two hundred birds. There was no kerosene, no electricity, no gas or otherwise; and the people of Ghulkin, like other villages, had their full dependence on natural forest that survived not only round the settlement, but down to the Hunza
In the entire Hunza, Lower Gojal is prominent/notorious for its strong and awesome wind because its eight glaciers starting from
the famous Br e yaz [Batura glacier] and ending to the Brundu Bar glacier in Shishkat.
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Fig 2: Trophy hunting, a new source of income for local development
River. With the passage of time, the natural forests receded because of heavy exploitation; and the natural plants such as juniper, birches, willow etcetera were they were depleted after construction of the road-links, more particularly after the opening of the KKH. After the AKRSPs awareness raising campaign, peoples mindsets significantly changed; and they became champions of conserving the nature after Khyber and Avgarch communities.
3.10.1 Formation of the Natures Conservation Committee
The Natures Conservation Committee (NCC), founded in 1992 to conserve the nature for development, functions under its legal and umbrella organization named Ghulkin Educational, Social Welfare and Natures Conservation Association (GESWANCA). NCC initiated the first challenging task by protecting the seasonally migrated Siberian birds/ducks coming to Borith Lake, 4 km away from the settlement. Hunters from Ghulkin, other surrounding villages and alien peoples, would come to lake for hunting. This situation disturbed the natural and cultural environments. In order to safeguard their cultural environment, the people materialized the AKRSPs ideas of conserving the nature. For this venture, NCC members faced strong reactions from the hunters, within and around the village, even some high government officials like the Chief Secretary, but they were determined and continued their journey. The Borith lake is preserved, which is a host for ducks, geese and other birds10. The surrounding mountains
10
A senior chemistry lecturer of the Aga Khan Higher Secondary School (AKHSS) has his technical reservation. He is of the opinion
that the birds (ducks/greese) which travel a long distance and come to the lake, they loose their strength (weight) because of the saltywater. When those birds leave in couples of days, they die on the way, or some hunters, too, could hunt them.
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of the conservancy flourish ibexes, blue-sheep, snow-leopards and other wildlife. The social environment has become secured. Furthermore, campaigns against pollution have also helped in combating for and maintaining a healthy environment. The environmental conservation efforts and the promotion of sustainable human development is thus in progress.
3.11 Political institutions: governance and social control
In the former Hunzas principality, Ghulkin like other villages, was run politically, administratively and judicially under the arbob (village headman); and his position known as arbobi or arobi. In addressing and resolving the societal conflicts and disputes, there was a traditional mechanism of holding astam [i.e., council]. The arbob in consultation with some judicious elders11 of different descent groups used to mediate, reconcile, penalize and resolve the issues and conflicts in the village12. For the official tasks, the arbob would gather the community through his chorbw (information-communicator) and would assign them the tasks such as forcedlaboring, ashar/rajaki or otherwise. The chiefdom of Hunza was abolished in 1974 Zulifqar Ali Bhutto and the old political system transformed into the modern governance structure. This phenomenon led to a political bifurcation among the community even within households. The conservatives (adhered to the former rulers and their like-minded party) came under the umbrella of the Pakistan Muslim League (PML). But those who were poor, suppressed, and right-based joined Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). The absolute roles and responsibilities of the arbob ceased and the term arbob was named as lumbardar. After transformation of the political system, candidates of the PML for the District Council and Northern Areas Council (now as Gilgit Baltistan Legislative Assembly) have been winning in majority from this village. At the grassroots level, Ghulkin has a councilor who represents the village in the Union Council (UC). Previously, there remained selection for the UC, but for the first time, an election in 2004. Interestingly, contestants of UC were from the same party, the PML; but, in the local context, two different descent groups. To what extent, the local election between the same affiliated party effects the upcoming election in November 2009 is a question. Some respondents envision and hope for an educated and honest person for the UC. Whosoever, but one thing is important to note that how the 689 voters of Ghulkin (330 female and 359 male )13 prove themselves in honestly using their votes to choose their representatives at union, district and legislative assembly levels will be a big question mark.
3.12 Construction of the road-infrastructures
Before construction of roads in Gojal, people either travelled on foot, or rode animals like horses, donkeys or yaks for transportation from one place to another on the footpaths, tracks and trails in the arduous terrains. For the first time in the history of Hunza, the small narrow jeep road was constructed for up to Baltit/Karima11 12
The judicious elders were called astamgar. If there dispute was of strong nature or the disputant(s) were not satisfied with the decisions made in the council of the headman
then it was left for or referred to the Mirs court who would come to Gulmt during winter time or would go up to Bobo Ghundi to pay his respect and on the way he would settle the dispute.
13
The Government of Pakistan recently conducted an official survey of voters in September 2009 for the upcoming election in No-
vember that shows 330 female and 359 male voters in Ghulkin.
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bad in 1958 and then extended up to Passu (Lower Gojal) in 1962. In 1963, the community constructed the Ghulkin jeep-road14. Afterwards, the asphalted KKH linked the community of Gojal in 1970 for the first time in its history and the peoples hardships in long travels reduced and days of travel turned into hours. The community constructed link-road of Ghulkin in 1963 was improved and expanded in 1982 by the government; and currently being expanded and asphalted up to the main settlement since 2007. Within the village, non-asphalted (coarse) link-roads were constructed around the main settlement; and the sub-villages have also been connected to the main settlement, besides linking the neighboring villages of Gulmit and Ghulkin at the top below the Kamris glacier. The small and medium size vehicles, especially tractors for plowing and threshing, could drive easily on these link-roads.
3.13 The state of telecommunication and other electronic media
We can trace telephonic communication back in the British-Indian period. Apart from Baltit and Gulmit, Misgar had a call center in 1912. Likewise telephones were in Murkhun, Passu, Husaini etcetera, run under the arbobs. A telephone facility was given in Ghulkin in the 1970s, but that was taken back after the States abolition. Then in the first half of 1980, a public call center was reopened; and in first half of 2000, the government provided the digitized telephone sets to the people; presently having more than 70 landline-telephone users. Besides, there are presently innumerable mobile sets with people in the village using the Telenors and/or Zongs SIMS. Within a house, 2 or 3 mobile-sets could be find. What are the pros and cons of these mobilesets is a different but valid question. The first radio set entered in this rural society in the 1960s. Some say, late Ali Shafa introduced the first radio in the village; and some advocate Amir Dil of Kirmin (Chipursan), an emigrant of Ghulkin brought it. Today, in an average, every household seems to have the radio set with them, though the TV channels are preferred upon radio, when there is no electricity. The TV set and dish antenna was firstly introduced in the village in 1992 by Qurban Hussain. Today, at least 50% of the houses have the TV sets.
3.14 Business and trade initiatives
Historically, some individual level small businesses might have been in practices, especially taking into accounts the caravans coming from China to Hunza and going back. A formal enterprise at collective or group level was initiated in the 1950s in Ghulkin when the community formed a society and opened a shop in the village. This shop fulfilled some basic requirements of the people. The items were brought from Gilgit on horses. The villagers seen the currency at this period and the transactions they made was in kinds. In the second half of 1960, late Quran and Habib Shah of Ghulkin opened shops in the village. Probably in 1971, Habib Shah also bought the first ever jeep. He was then followed, after KKHs construction, by late Muhamamd Baig and group in venturing in the transport business. Thus, peoples mind was given a direction towards the transport business.
Some respondents narrate that the community constructed the first link road to Ghulkin in 1966 when Mir Jamal Khan, the last
14
ruler of Hunza, was coming to inaugurate the present Jamatkhana of Ghulkin and he came to Ghukin by jeep and before there was no road.
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Fig 3: The owner-cum artisans of Silk Route Pvt Ltd displayiing handicrafts.
In 1980, a group of ten members took an initiative for a cooperative society and opened a shop in Ghulkin. Not a single year had elapsed, a soldiers group (in the army and Northern Light Infantry) also formed a society in 1981 with the name of Al-Karim Ghazi Multipurpose Society. The denial of civilian membership in the Ghazi society led to the formation of Awami (i.e., civilian) Multipurpose Society. The Ghulkin community who had once just a couple of existing shops and transactions done mostly in kinds have now dozens of enterprises, not confined only within their village, but have out also. Apart from seasonal business of the entire community in selling the potatoes and fruits, there are at present in total 28 shops of general stores, garments, cosmetics, electronics (8 in Ghulkin, 4 in Gulmit, 10 in Sost, 3 in Aliabad, 3 in Gilgit); 1 sawing mill, 2 handicraft centers; VWO banking (all of them in Ghulkin); 5 hotels and restaurants (2 in Ghulkin; 3 in Gilgit); 6 marble shops (2 in Sost, 2 in Tashkurghan & Kashghar, 2 in Karachi); 1 buckthorn processing unit in Ghulkin; and 3 women vocational enterprises, run by groups of women in the village. Besides, some of the community members have also invested in buying the land-pieces and houses, especially in Glgit city. The following table illustrates the number of houses and property owners out of Ghulkin. At present, we can see that there are 13 householders and 20 landowners in Gilgit; 6 landowners in Sost; 1 householder in Islamabad; and 13 householders in Karachi. The status purchased houses, stated above, in Gilgit and Karachi varies. Some of them the owners have given on rent; and in some, the owners (especially those employees) reside themselves and liberated themselves in paying the rents.
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Besides, the people of the village are also actively engaged in transport businesses. As mentioned earlier, there were two initiators in transport business in the 1970s, but after 1983 we can see that the community has 45 vehicles (2 jeeps, 7 cars, 8 vans, 7 suzukis, 5 tractors, 2 trucks, 15 motor-bikes).
3.15 Women Vocational Center (WVC)
The women vocational center was established in 1992 in order to enhance womens skills in low-income households and other unskilled women in Ghulkin. Since its inception, the WVC has been providing training courses on weaving, knitting, stitching and cooking. This has enabled women to produce market-based products besides performing their domestic obligations. Currently, there are three vocational centers of women groups who have do their business independently.
3.16 Interventions of the Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the village
In 1950s, the Aga Khan Education Board (AKEB) intervened and opened its primary school in the village. The Aga Khan Volunteers Corp for Ghulkin was formed. In 1981, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) had its development intervention hat experimented on the soil of the village for crops production. In 1983, the AKRSP intervened in the village for the first time and formed the village organization (VO) and women organization (WO) in 1984, which started contributing enormously to uplift the peoples quality of life. In 1984, the youth of Ghulkin founded the Prince Ali S. Khan Boy Scouts headed and Girl Guides by Niyat Ullah Baig and late Jameeda respectively registered with the Ismali Council for Gulmit. In the 1990s, the long abbrevi-
Fig 4 : An antisan weaving fabric at Ghulkin Fabric Center
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ated GESWANCA (Ghulkin Educational, Social Welfare and Natures Conservation Association) with its broad development mandate of this tiny village emerged to stand as a legal umbrella and entity, and an intermediary for the already initiated committees in the fields of education, social welfare and natures conservation. CIDA through AKRSP funded a pipe project of clean drinking water and the VO successfully completed it. The World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF); Ministry of Women, Islamabad; and Karakoram Area Development Organization (KADO) partnered with GESWANCA and very effectively worked in the fields of natures conservation, women vocational centers and capacity building. In the field of performing arts, Wakhi Tajik Cultural Association (WTCA) organized two programs in Ghulkin and the community wholeheartedly hosted them. A conservation project on an old mosque (Durbin e Masjid) was accomplished in collaboration with the Aga Khan Cultural Service, Pakistan (AKCSP), and restoration of the old house of Busing, apical ancestor of the Busing clan is in the pipeline. In 2000s, GESWANCA successfully completed construction of the school building of Nasir-e Khusraw Model Academy in partnership with Global Environmental Fund (GEF) and UNDP, and technical support by the Aga Khan Planning and Building Services, Pakistan (AKPBSP). In 2008, a network of pipes was spread in collaboration with WASEP to all houses of the village and clean drinking water reached for the first time in its history to the households in their washrooms15.
3.17 The language and its concerned position
The old Wakhi Pamiri language in Hunza valley has a unique characteristic, which distinguishes it from the Wakhi languages of other regions in the districts of Ghizer and Chitral in Pakistan; Wakhans of Afghanistan and Tajikistan, and Xinjiang of China. Besides difference in pronunciation, the distinctive characteristics could be found in the infinitives forms, usage of transitive and intransitive verbs, nominative and possessive pronouns
Fig 5: The community based Nasir Khusraw Model Academy

15
For the first time, a pipe project was given to the community in 1981 and clean drinking water was not available to the peoples in
their houses, rather at certain points in the neighborhoods. The 1992 pipe project was also of the same nature .
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and so on. Before the British occupation of Hunza and Nagar, the Wakhi language was influenced by Farsi and Arabic languages, in addition with Burushaski. From 1891-1947, we can observe that along with Arabic and Farsi, some Urdu and few English words also entered in the Wakhi of Hunza. From 1947 onward, Urdu then English language gradually held their strong grips in the local languages. The local languages including Wakhi thus began retaining the previously influenced vocabularies, on the one hand; and on the other, absorbing the words of British colonial languages. In the 1980s and 1990s, the entire Hunza strongly switched over to the English medium language as a medium of education in the schools. In Hunza valley, 1990s and 2000s also witness the media invasion (a facet of globalization) on the local cultures and languages. Variety of TV channels through dish antennas, cable networks, internet and so on are on rise. The cellular phones, these days, have their own drastic and long term effects on peoples minds, then definitely on the local languages, especially through text messages either in English or in Urdu. In such circumstances of global languages strong influence, on the languages like Wakhi or Burshaski, Shina or other mountain and rural languages in the region are having hue and cry that are at the brink of endangerment, if necessary steps were not taken. Some tangible examples are found in the context of Wakhi language of Hunza. The respective Wakhi speakers in Ghulkin and the region have given up many indigenous words that the language, being a vehicle, possessed and carried along for centuries. Even the indigenous kinship terms for parents, grandparents, children, siblings, uncles and aunties et cetera (that traveled for millennia) have been given up
16
not only by the young-
sters, but even by those Wakhi speakers who claim as educated and are in their 30 plus or 50 plus of age. This is abasing phenomenon and a serious concern, not only for the Wakhi speakers, rather for other languages spoken in the entire region.
3.18 Festivities and Sports
In the Wakhi society, festivities start from Kitit
17
, cleaning the dust and smokes of the traditional houses
ceilings. Kitit is celebrated in the first week of February to mark moving towards the spring, getting-off and saying goodbye to the harsh winter. The houses were though timely cleaned but the ceilings would be cleaned annually especially for this festivity; and a collective gathering would take place in the jamatkhanas. The special dish for this festivity was Khista (leavened bread) of faba-bean (and in some instances of wheat), while butter and oil on the top. Some people may cook shulbut, a savor food having meat in it. Womenfolk would carry foods and visit their patri-locals, immediate families and neighbors. In the first week of March, the plowing festivity,Tam(roughly pronounced taghm), would be celebrated. The special dish of this festivity is semn
16
18
prepared in both pudding form and in a chapatti. The sports activities
If a non-Wakhi person is once in a Wakhi society, s/he can better observed, realize and get adequate insights that what the
youngsters or middle age people are talking about in their dialy life. There is a number of Wakhi youngsters and the middle agegroup, who would continuously speak in Urdu (and some in English). More particularly, one can observe this phenomenon clearly in the meetings of the Wakhi people, especially those claimants of Wakhi language preservation, would speak in Urdu instead of their mother tongue.
17 18
Kitit (native English speakers could pronounce it as Kit-thit) seems contraction of Kut e it, means smoke of the ceiling. Semn is made out of wheat or barley after its fermentation. Overall, semn involves one to two weeks or more depending also on
the season/weather condition.
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for male group remained polo on horses and on-foot; while the female group would have put-din, tossing the ball (of crickets size) or strike it against the ground, besides yupk fzdak, splashing water on the passersby whosoever encountered or crossed them, particularly the men. Womenfolk would pay courtesy visits to their kinspersons in their houses and carry along the food. Presently, the pivotal role of both the oxen and horses were replaced by the tractors: horses winded up and is for oxen. During the plowing festivity, the ceremony is celebrated symbolically. There is no more polo activity on horses. After two decdes long break, the WTCA revived the polo on horse and on-foot. The youths played on-foot polo, but was banned after the ball was hit on a gentlemans eye in 1994. The fun of splashing water, rather apricot juice (chmos) of the Wakhi women on each others, especially on any male passerby exists in the village. The first summer festivity would begin with Wingas Tuy, literally as marrying the sparrow. When the barley grains would start growing, the sparrows attack and destroy the crops. The festivity was therefore innovated and celebrated that prevented attacks of sparrow on the crops. The special dish for festivity was bat, a kind of savor food. The religious clergies, without any academic exploration, ended this festivity. When the barley is ripen, the harvesting festivity, inir (roughly pronounced as chinir) comes up. The special dish in Chinir used to be bat, semn and shlbt, addition of meat with bat. As customary, the womenfolk would carry foods to the houses of their dears and nears. The sports activities remained polo, and girls would enjoy having seesaws (qardang). Chinir is celebrated today also, but there is no sports activities like polo. In autumn (end of September) the pastoral peoples would come back from the pastures with the flocks of livestock. Some villagers peoples would go 2 to 5 km away of the village to receive them. The villages pastoral people would bring some special cooked foods from the pasture-houses like jige,kek e ptok, and qurut. The villagers who gave their sheep and goats to the respective persons would now formally visit the houses of people in transhumance. The pastoral and settled foods are exchanged. Another festivity of the autumn is Xoyi (Khudoyi), thanksgiving, which shows celebration of summer ending and the people and livestocks safe arrival in the villages. Besides the old traditional festivities, the religious rites are also celebrated not only at Ghulkin but rather amongst all Ismaili communities. These ceremonies include anniversaries of His Highness, Shah Karim alHussein, Aga Khan-IV, on the days of his accession to the throne of spiritual leadership on July 11, his birthday on December 13, his first ever visit to Hunza on October 23, in addition with the revered days of Eid-e Ramzan and Eid-e Qurban.
3.19 Creativities and Entertainment
Music, poetry, dance and singing are those expressions which have their own significance in the Wakhi culture and society. Like other villages, Ghulkin is also functional in cultural activities. The young and elders alike do participate in the grand programs within and out of their village, and express their artistic skills. Music and dance are the integral part of marriages and festivities; but comparatively, poetry and singing were not encouraged before 1983. After formation of the Boy Scouts in Ghulkin, the scouts (and volunteers), carried out such activities gradually. The poetry, poetical contests, music, singing, dance and dramas intensified and got exposure to the broader audiences in the grand festivals and programs (at regional, national and inter-46Karakoram Knowledge Highways (KKH)
national scales) after formation of the WTCA in 1991, which frequently campaigned, patronized, fostered and stimulated the community in these specific fields. At present, the artistes of Ghulkin are really champions in the performing arts. There are 15 poets (three are well recognized), 25 singers (20 male and 5 female), 10 traditional music experts in addition with dozens of music players of the Scottish band and 3 artists. Besides, there are also dozens of devotional female singers too and the history goes back in 1983. Although, in there is a good progress in the above fields, but there is a dearth of folksingers in the village along with music expert in ghizhek.
3.20 The state of voluntarism
Kiryar, voluntary corporate laboring (a facet of social organization), Khudoyi (Thanksgiving or to get intentions fulfilled), swob-e yark (philanthropy/volunteering to get Gods reward), and nomus-e yark (philanthropy for fame )19 remained an integral part of the agro-pastoral community of the region from the old days. The scope of kiryar, Khudoyi, swob-eyark and nomus-e yark can be within or out of the families or descent groups, and within and out of the village. The nature of these works comprised on agrarian and pastoral; constructing buildings, bridges or footpaths on the arduous terrains (piryen); ceremonial and ritualistic; giving foods and or clothing to needy or otherwise, and so on. Today, kiryar within their descent groups has been replaced by the paid-laborers from out of the village and region. Other voluntary offerings still exists among the community, besides kiryar. Today, the nature of work has somehow changed from the previous period. The current mode of voluntary services is more through formal organizations like VWOs, GESWANCA and their committees, religious institutions like the Ismali Councils and its subsidiary organizations or committees, Ismaili Tarqia and Religious Education Boards and its committees, cultural and youths forums, and so on. We need to recognize that todays witnessed societal change in Ghulkin or in the valley could not come so rapidly and effectively, if the respective communities were not mentally prepared and mobilized through the community leaders (being opinion makers) and social activists (being motivators) who volunteered their precious time, resources and energies to carry out the development projects through their local civil society organizations. Here lies a secrecy behind effective and rapid development and change.
4. Summary and Conclusion

Todays society of Ghulkin is not that society which existed prior to the AKRSPs intervention year, but rather has evolved itself and/or transformed in many respects. Economically, the community does not depend solely on the agro-pastoral mode of life, but men and women have diversified their livelihood strategies in also doing businesses (within and out of the village); and engaged in employments in public and private sectors, and civil society organizations. The community has abandoned cultivation of faba-bean (millennia old crop) and is adopting cultivation and production of a large scale potatoes used for in-house consumption, and more particularly for commercial purpose. Out of 153 households, 83 households (52.3%) have
19
There is a Wakhi saying: ywep nung weret, ywepung weret. The gist would follow as: if someone does something extraordinary in
immaterial form, his/her name and fame would remain alive; and if someone does something in material form, again his/her name and fame would be alive. Means, s/he will be remembered ever.
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totally abandoned rearing sheep and goats; and 100% of the population has no horse and donkey. There is less dependence on manures (feces) and more dependence on chemical fertilizers bought from the market. Opposed to the previously excessive exploitation of the natural resources such as hunting the wildlife (ibexes, blue-sheep, birds, predators like snow-leopards and wolves), or intensified deforestation of the natural forests, today the community organization, called GESWANCA, aggressively works for the natures conservation and environment. In contrast to previous ignorance for education, the people now advocate for quality education and prefer female education. There was no masters degree holder from the village before 1983; and currently, there are 54 masters degree holders (40 male and 14 females) with dozens more pursuing their higher degrees. Previously, there were two primary schools in the village; but presently, there are two middle schools in addition with one government primary school and one community-based AKESP school for secondary level. The schools are equipped with some computers but no adequate computer instructors/teachers. Besides, all students (numbering 287) in the village also do get their religious education in the three religious centers that have 8 religious guides and more than a dozen volunteers who offer their services to educate the students/juniors religious education. Out of the village, there are 249 students pursue their education in different institutions (schools, colleges and universities). There is a first-aid-post in the village since 1984 that deals patients with initial heath issues; and for serious issues, patients are taken either to the not-equipped hospital in Gumit, otherwise to the hospitals in Aliabad and Gilgit, or Islamabad and Karachi (Aga Khan University Hospital). Opposed to the previously extended/joint family system, the nuclear families are increasing (currently 47.8%). Childrens roles as a labor-force have decreased and/or transformed from agro-pastoral and other laboring work to educational activities and pursuance. Decision on mate-selection (conjugal partnership) has significantly changed from the arranged marriage to marriage of consent, understanding and love; and age limit of minimum 18 years is pre-requisite for the wedlock as opposed to the previous marriages which took place even before 18 or before reaching their teenage. Polygyny is no more in practice today, as we could find examples in the previous period. Levirate and sorrorate marriages depend on the situation, however. Womens roles have changed to a significant level from the confined in-house activities to organizational employments and voluntary services. In the previous agro-pastoral society, the parents produced more children. At present, the parents are motivated for less children and they do practice the family planning techniques and tools. The old internal lending or microcredit system in kinds (called tol) transformed into the modern internal lending in cash, introduced by the AKRSP in the V/WOs 1988 has its significant effects in improving the quality of life of the village community in the fields of education, health, enterprise development, landdevelopment, marriages, and so on; although, some negative issues could also prospected, if in case nonpayments came up. No more travel on horses or donkeys could be dreamt of. The main link-road to Ghulkin constructed in the 1960s, improved in 1980s is currently being widened and asphalted. The coarse link-roads around the main settlement and sub-villages have been constructed. More than 50% of the households have the land-48Karakoram Knowledge Highways (KKH)
line telephone system in addition with, an average, almost 100% households having mobile-sets. Almost 50% of the households have the computers. Each household is currently having clean-drinking/tap water in their houses as opposed to the previous situation where the people consumed muddy water of the glacier (before 1981) for cooking and drinking. All households, like other villages in the region, have electricity (since 1987) and having variety of electrical appliances, as opposed to the previous situation where there was no or no adequate light system. Previously, there was the old toilet system in the traditional Wakhi house. In 1976, when the first toilet was introduced, the community did not accept this change because of human manure production from the human excrements. But at present, 100% of the households have replaced the previously traditional manure-based disease-oriented toilets in addition with removal of the pens or cattle-houses. No more traditional long shoes called k or sndal, or a traditional outfit like krest (a overcoat made out of goats or sheeps skin), or in-house made woolen clothes can be seen that the people wore previously. Instead the company-made outfits of polyester, woolen, felt, velvet, and cotton et cetera are bought from the bazaar. The traditional robe called bet and the traditional caps are seen that the people put on especially during the winter. The youths, both male and female, seem indifferent in this regard. There is no more subsisting foods at meal because the community has diversified their modes of income; and significantly improved their nutrition at homes. The community still retains the traditional Wakhi dishes, but comparatively not cooked very often for the guests as those dishes had their special social significance. These days, for instance, if the high-ranked traditional dishes like molida, ulminid or bat are offered to the guests instead of meat and rice (and no milk-tea in the aftermath), the guests or hosts may not elevate the food status: and no mention if there are vegetables, rice or pulse. So holds true to beverages like fruit juices (e.g., chmos), milk, soup, yogurt, or buttermilk versus milk-tea: .milk-tea would be preferred upon the harmless traditional beverages. Unlike the previous period, poetry, singing and dramas are encouraged. Music and dance had their awesome prominence before, especially during the weddings. Both music and dance; andthey still retain their significancel although, some melody changed. The folksongs and folkdance is not highly prominent. Today, we can find more than a dozen artistes each in the fields of poetry, singing, dance, music and dramas at Ghulkin. The traditional voluntary modesexcept for the corporate laboring (a facet of social organization)still exist in addition with organizational voluntarism. The local languages of Gilgit-Baltistan including Wakhi, as vehicles of cultures and traditions, are witnessed losing their important vocabularies
20
and encountering robust challenges for its survival. On the one hand,
globalization (besides its positive realities) has negatively affected the languages of small population; and on the other, the discouraging behaviors of the respective community members, especially apparently educated peoples (especially between 25-60 years old) towards their languages and not preserving the fundamental vocabularies of their ancient languages like the Wakhi Pamri.
20
Besides losing vocabularies, many youngsters are observed talking all time mostly in Urdu and then in English. SOCIETAL DEVELOPMENT AND CHANGE IN THE HUNZA VALLEY -49-
In conclusion, being a continuous process, societal change that occurs when effective come in the human mindsets and the community effectively volunteer themselves. The gloomy past of the society in socioeconomic and politico-cultural terms has gone. The society is being developed impressively in a short span of time, but gloomy times could come again, if adequate and considerate measures were not taken ahead to address same or different kinds challenges in an organized and united manner. Majority of the community has abandoned their livestock (sheep & goats) and full focus on the childrens education. More than a dozen degree-holders are coming annually out of their education institutions and would face unemployment in the job markets. Those students, unable to continue their education after their matriculation or even under-matriculation or otherwise, are already in the unemployment bazaar, and engaged with variety of business activities or otherwise within and out of the village. With the growing population and nuclear families (47.8%), the land distributions among the siblings are reducing. Hanging on their academic certificates or degrees, they may not aspire to continue their agro-pastoral mode of life. They would also come across issues in mate-selection (getting the desired conjugal partners), which would further aggravate the frustrations of the youths. Some may opt for exogamy (marriages not only out of the clan or village, rather out of their languagegroups, out of their religious affinity or out of their nationality for their survival and social prestige. Implicated social issues could emerge, if positive adjustment could not come. What the respective social institutions, community leaders and organizations could do to address such future challenges would be a big question mark.
The author is specialized in Social and Cultural Anthropology, and works as a Development Researcher & Consultant
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-50Karakoram Knowledge Highways (KKH)
AN INVESTIGATION OF ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT OF MOUNTAIN TOURISM ACTIVITIES IN HUNZA: A TOURISTS PERSPECTIVE

by :Rehmat Karim & Dr. Adarsh Batra
Environmental impact of tourism is a critical issue in the mountain regions around the world. This research aims to study the tourists perspective on the environmental pollution and their behavior about mountain tourism activities in Hunza valley. The data was collected by a set of questionnaires distributed among 300 foreign tourists, who visited Hunza during September, 2009 to October, 2009. Descriptive statistics along with one-way ANOVA was performed to analyze and test the hypotheses. The research outcomes revealed that eco-tourists identified more pollution in terms of human waste and animal litter, sanitation, scattered rubbish, noise pollution and crowding than mountaineers, trekkers and general tourists visiting Hunza. They strongly agreed that their behavior is positive
Abstract
towards environmental preservation, following the codes of conduct, local laws, customs and caring about health issues. Tourists staying for more than a week felt more pollution than those who stayed in Hunza for less than a week. Tourists also agreed to behave positively during their visit to Hunza. Furthermore, research revealed that group of more than 6 persons identified more pollution than those travelled in a small travel party size. The larger group also indicated that they behave positivly towards environmental preservation. Results of statistical analysis indicated that there are statistically differences in tourists perception of environmental pollution and their behavior in terms of tourist type, travel party size and length of stay during their sojourn in Hunza. On the basis of results, researchers recommend to attract more eco-tourists in Hunza valley because of their friendly nature towards the environment.
1.1 Introduction
Mountains are particularly attractive destinations for exploration, expedition, penetration and outdoor recreation. They offer a wide range of activities options, like snowmobiling, trekking, mountaineering, mountain biking, water rafting, etc. The gradual development of mountain tourism, which today represents an important segment of the global tourism industry, according to European Commission (1998), 25% of European travelers, in 1998, chose mountains for their holidays (cited in Maroudas et al., 2004).Mountain tourism (adventure, mountaineering, trekking, general tourism, eco-tourism etc) has become an important type of tourism in mountainous region of the world. The Northern Areas of Pakistan, Gilgit-Baltistan with
their high altitude mountains of the Himalayas, Hindukush and Karakoram ranges attract a particular group of tourists, mountain trekkers and mountain climbers. The Northern Areas of Pakistan are unsurpassed in natural beauty. It is the confluence of the worlds three mighty mountain ranges The Himalayas, the Karakoram and the Hindukush. Some of the worlds highest peaks are found here (Ministry of Tourism, 2006). Mountain landscapes are particularly fragile and vulnerable to change and degradation. Landslides, avalanches, lava flows, earthquakes, torrents and rock falls can alter the landscape unexpectedly. Mountain ecosystems include a wide range of small and unique habitats, with flora and fauna that may have very short growing and reproductive seasons, and may be particularly sensi-
AN INVESTIGATION OF ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT OF MOUTAIN TOURISM ACTIVITIES IN HUNZA
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tive to disturbance by human activity. Tourism activities often involve the development and intense use of tracks, paths and sports slopes by vehicles, non-motorized transport and pedestrian traffic. Visitors presence is also usually concentrated in small areas, contributing to increased noise and waste. The negative environmental effects of poorly managed tourism activities can include vegetation clearing and soil erosion, removal of scarce habitat, altering of critical landscapes and water flows, water and air pollution, and wildlife relocation or behavioral changes. The introduction of exotic and invasive species and diseases can also have a significant negative impact on local plant and animal species (UNEP, 2007). The large amount of solid waste left by the expeditions on all popular trekking routes and base camps is not only an eye sore for the tourists, but also serious threat to the natural environment. These mountain tourism activities (Climbing, mountaineering, trekking, and hiking etc.) also have negative impacts on these moun-52-
Fig 1 : Map of District Hunza-Nagar
tainous areas (Ata & Siddiqui, 1993).
1.2 Study Area (Hunza)

The opening up of the Karakoram Highway in 1978 ended this isolation and saw a rapid pouring in of tourists. With an altitude of over 2,400m, Hunza receives an annual rainfall of 145 mm. April to August are the wettest months and October to March is the areas dry period. The Valley is divided into three regions, the lower (Shina) region, the central (brushal) region, and the upper (Gojal) region (Al-Jalaly et. al, 1995). The Northern Areas (Gilgit-Baltistan) with their high altitude mountains of the Himalayas, Hindukush and Karakoram Ranges attract a particular group of tourists, mountain trekkers and mountain climbers. It is the confluence of the worlds three mighty mountain ranges The Himalayas, the Karakoram and the Hindukush. Some of the worlds highest peaks are found here. These attract large number of mountaineers from all over the world. In between these peaks, there are
heavenly valleys, the largest glaciers outside the polar areas, bubbling springs, blue lakes and rivers. The area is ideal for mountaineering, trekking and just nature walking (Ministry of Tourism, 2006).
gagement from participants involving such activities as scrambling rope work, travelling across glaciers, use of ice axes and crampons, acclimatization and navigation. Trekking is defined as a journey to be undertaken on foot for sightseeing in areas where normally modern transport system is not available. Trekking activities are confined to certain popular routes and contribute to environmental problem (Gurung, 1991). The most negative impact on the local environment associated with mountain tourism is caused by littering, solid waste, and bad hygiene (Gurung, 1991). The pollution of water sources from setting toilets too close to streams and drinking water sources (both lodge latrines and portable trekking toilet tents), use of chemical soaps for bathing, and the washing dishes and clothes in steams or close to water sources have been reported. Water pollution can also be caused by disposition of human waste directly into rivers and streams, as is cusFig 2 : A View of Central Hunza & Nagar
1.3 Literature Review

Mountaineering is a palpable form of adventure tourism. It involves such activities as rock climbing, backpacking and physical fitness programmes (Mitchell,
1983) (cited in, Pomfret, 2006).While there is a dearth of research that examines mountaineering and its participants in an adventure tourism settings (e.g. Elmes & Barry, 1999; Ewert, 1985; Magni, Rupolo, Simini, De Leo, & Rampazzo, 1985; Rossi & Cereatti, 1993) (cited in, Pomfret, 2006). Studies of mountaineers personalities reveal that they have sensation seeking traits (Breivik, 1996; Cronin, 1991; Goma Freixanet, 1991; Jack & Ronan, 1998; Rossi & Creeatti, 1993) (cited in, Pomfret, 2006). Mountaineering demand active en-
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tomarily done by lodge owners, a common practice also of local people (Banskota & Sharma, 1995). Ecotourism is a highly fragile activity. Its continued benefits can be enjoyed if the product is managed strictly and protective measures are in place. The long-term future of the Pakistan ecotourism industry is closely linked to environmental protection. Support for ecologically sustainable development is now emerging strongly in the tourism sector as the logical way of balancing environmental concern with growth and development (Niazi, 2002). Studies focused on perceptions of the environment have found that tourists generally have limited perceptions of wear and tear impact but are more sensitive to the direct impact resulting from litter, human waste, and vandalism etc. (Lucas 1979; Marion and Lime 1986:229). More recent work (Hammitt, Bixler and Noe 1996:60) showed that tourists are still most observant of the direct impacts of other participants (trails use for more than one activity, litter etc.) but that they may also be growing more aware of other impacts on
Fig 3 : Tourism-led urbanisation in Karimabad
the environment (like trail erosion). The suggestion of increased awareness and sensitivity to environmental impact over the past decades (Lucas 1985; Hammitt et al 1996) highlights this issue in planning for a sustainable tourism industry into the future (cited in Hillery et al. 2001). The debate of environmental realism vis--vis the postmodern view that the environment is purely a social construction (Dickens, 1996) (cited in, Holden, 2003), is one that is pertinent to how nature is perceived, and subsequently managed. The activity of tourism is dependent upon the perception of the environment of a destination as being desirable.
1.3 Methodology
In order to conduct the research, a total of 345 questionnaires were distributed among tourists who participated in tourism activities and out of these, 300 questionnaires were filled by the tourists and 45 questionnaires were unusable. Researchers could have distributed
more questionnaires but due to Islamic holly month of Ramadan, many hotels and lodges were closed during
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the time of data collection. Questionnaires were distributed at camps, lodges, hotels and trekking routes during September, 2009 to October, 2009 in Hunza. Data collection process took 35 days and on an average 9 questionnaires were distributed per day, one respondent took on an average 15 to 20 minutes to fill a questionnaire. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with two tour leaders at Hotel Embassy, Karim Abad, Hunza on 14th October, 2009. Another interview was conducted at the same place on 17
th
was about tourists opinion of environmental pollution in Hunza expressed on a Likert Scale, 5-negligible, 4-low, 3-moderate, 2-high, and 1-very high. Part four was about tourists behavior in Hunza expressed on a Likert Scale, 5- Strongly agree, 4- agree, 3- neither agree nor disagree, 2- disagree, and 1- strongly disagree. Two open ended questions were also included in the questionnaire.
1.4 Results
Out of 300 respondents of this research, 37.3 percent respondents visiting Hunza were Asians. 52 percent were between the ages of 25-34, 59.3 percent were male; where as 42 percent had bachelors as their level of education and 51 percent of respondents were related to different professions (Table 1).The travel characteristics of the sample indicated that 49.3 percent of
October, 2009. Before distributing the question-
naire, researchers asked for respondents consent to fill the questionnaire and briefed them about the study. Questionnaire mainly comprised of four parts; Part one was about demographic characteristics of respondents, Part two was about travel characteristics. Part three
Table 1: Statistics of tourists in terms of demographic characteristics (n=300)
Nationality North Americans Europeans Australians Asians Others Age Less than 25 25-34 35-45 Over 45 Gender Male Female Education High School Diploma Bachelors Masters Doctors
Percentage 10 30.7 21 37.3 1
8 52 27 13
59.3 40.7
11 15.7 42 19.7 3.7

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Other Occupation Professionals Sports Person Expedition Team Leaders Others
51 10.3 2 36.7
respondents, who visited Hunza were for pleasure purposes. 52.3 percent stayed in lodges/guest houses. 45.7 percent of the tourists stayed for more than a week, 43.7 percent tourists had mountain tourism experience for 1 to 2 years, 39.3 were mountaineers.
39.7 percent of them traveled in a group of 1-2 persons. 39.7 percent of tourists did not hire any guide or porter. Where as 41.7 percent of tourists visited Hunza for viewing natural scenes and 47.3 percent tourists came for recreational tourism (Table 2).
Table 2: Statistics of tourists in terms of travel characteristics (n=300)
Purpose of Visit Pleasure Adventure Education Type of accommodation used Lodges/ Guest house Non Star hotel Budget hotel Camping Length of stay 1-3 days 4-6 days A Week More than a Week Years of mountain tourism experience Less than 1 year 1-2 Years 3-4 Years More than 4 Years Not applicable Type of Tourist Mountaineers Trekkers
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Percentage 49.3 41.7 9
52.3 24.7 22 1
7 14.3 33 45.7
17 43.7 22 14.2 3
39.7 16
General Tourists
Ecotourists or Natural tourists Travel Party Size 1-2 Persons 3-4 Persons 5-6 Persons More then 6 Status of local support employed No guide or porter Both guide and porter porter only guide only Activities Viewing Natural Scences Natural Walks Access to unique landscape features Bird watching / Wildlife Photography Rock climbing Physical activities Picnicking Tourism type Leisure Cultural Recreational Ecotourism
36
8
39.7 19.7 26.7 14
39.7 14.7 9 36.7
41.7 14.3 4 5 9.7 4 15 6.3
27.3 12.7 47.3 12.7
The tourists opinion of pollution in Hunza about noise disturbance got the highest mean score (4.36) followed by crowding (4.35); showed negligible level of pollution in terms of noise disturbance and crowding. Mean scores of left-over mountaineering gear (tents, bedding, ropes, shoes, clothing) (3.54), damage to forest area (cutting, destruction of vegetation, effects on wildlife) (3.51), human waste and trails of animal litter (3.42); showed low level of pollution. Where as mean scores of sanitation (scattered toilet papers along and uncovered toilet pits) at camp sites/lodges,
peaks, and trekking routes) (3.28), containers (bottles, food packing, polyethylene bags/sheets) (3.19) respectively; showed moderate level of pollution in the opinion of tourists (Table 3). The behavior of tourists in terms of I followed the codes of conduct for environmental preservation got the highest mean score of (4.33), followed by The environment of Hunza provides a good place for enjoying wilderness (4.32), I felt a sense of being close to nature while on a tour in Hunza (4.32), I adhered
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Table 3: Tourists opinion of environmental pollution in Hunza Environmental Pollution Noise disturbance Crowding Left-over mountaineering gear ( tents , bedding , ropes , shoes , clothing) Damage to forest area ( cutting , destruction of vegetation, effects on wild-life) Human waste and trails of animal litter Sanitation ( Scattered toilet papers and unvovered toilets pits ) at camp sites / lodges , peaks and trekking routes ) Containers ( bottles , food packing , Polyethylene bags / Sheets )
Note: Likert Scale: 5-negligible, 4-low, 3-moderate, 2-high, 1-very high
Mean Scores 4.36 4.35 3.54 3.51 3.42 3.28 3.19
to these codes (4.26), this showed tourists strongly agreed that their behavior is positive. Mean scores of I did respect the information given to me about the mountain ecosystem and biodiversity conservation (threatened species, share local resources) (4.23), I followed the information about local laws, customs, and appropriate behavior (protocols for photography, private local sites, custom laws and souvenir restrictions) (4.11), I did care of the range of health and safety issues that may be relevant to me in this tours (danger areas, minimum health and fitness requirement, equipTable 4: Behavior of tourists in Hunza
ment and vehicle standards, batteries for lighting and equipment) (3.88), Tourism activities should not be allowed if it has negative impacts upon the natural environment (3.83), If i thought tourism activities could harm the environment would stop getting involved in tourism activities (3.76); showed tourists agreed that their behavior is positive about these statements, where as the mean scores of Tourism activities have spoilt Hunzas environment (2.98); showed tourist neither agreed nor disagreed about this statement (Table 4).
Statements of Tourists Behavior I followed the codes of conduct of enviromental preservation I felt a sense of being close to nature while on a tour in Hunza The environment of Hunza provides a good place for enjoying wilderness I adhered to these codes I did respect the information given to me about the mountain ecosystem and biodiversity conservation ( threatened species, share local resources ) I followed the information about local laws , customs and appropriate behavior (protocals for photography, private local sites , customs laws and souvenir restrictions ) I did care of health and safety issues those were relevant to me in this tour(danger areas, minimun health and fitness requirement , equipment and vehicle standards , batteries for lighting and equipment)
Mean Scores 4.33 4.32 4.32 4.23 4.11
3.88
3.83
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Tourism activities should not be allowed if it has negative impacts upon the natural environment If I thought tourism activities could harm the environment I would stop getting involved in tourism activies*
Note: Agreement Scale: 5- Strongly agree, 4- agree, 3- neither agree nor disagree, 2- disagree, 1- strongly disagree * Negative attribute is not reverse scored.
3.76 2.98
1.5 Hypothesis Testing
One way ANOVA (Analysis of Variance) was applied to test the difference in tourists opinion of environmental pollution, tourists behavior in Hunza with regard to
tourist type, travel party size and length of stay. All hypotheses are rejected due to the significance values 0.00. These values were lower than the standard significance value 0.01 (Table 5).
Table 5: Difference in tourists opinion of environmental pollution and tourists behavior in terms of tourists type, travel party size and length of stay
Variable
% N=300
Environmental Pollution P value
Tourists behavior P value
Tourists type Mountaineer Trekker General tourist Eco tourist Travel party size 1-2 Persons 3-4 Persons 5- 6 Persons > 6 Persons Length of stay 1-3 Days 4-6 Days A week More then a week
** P<0.01
39.70 16 36 8.30
0.000**
0.000**
39.70 19.70 0.000** 26.70 14 0.000**
7 14.30 0.000* 33 45.70 0.000**
1.6 Conclusion and Recommendations

The results described that eco-tourists observed more pollution during their visit to Hunza. While tourists who traveled in a group of more than 6 persons and spent more than a week in Hunza, observed more pollution. Research results indicated that eco-tourists positively followed codes of conduct about environmental preservaAN INVESTIGATION OF ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT OF MOUTAIN TOURISM ACTIVITIES IN HUNZA -59-
tion during their visit to Hunza. While tourists who traveled in a group of more than 6 persons and spent more than a week in Hunza, followed the codes of conduct about environmental preservation. Although the arrival of eco-tourists was smaller in number than other three types i.e. general tourists, trekkers and mountaineers but they were more sensitive and concerned towards environmental pollution and positively followed the codes of conduct, caring the health and other related issues, followed the local laws, customs, and felt closer to nature when they visited Hunza. Therefore, eco-tourism should be promoted, as they are more responsible and environmental friendly tourists. Eco tourism/environment friendly activities should be initiated in Hunza, which would help to reduce the negative effects of tourism and will allow both tourists and local people to take benefit from tourism activities. As the results of research study identified that tourists who stayed for longer time in Hunza felt more pollution because they got more time to experience the destination. They got more time to walk around, and experienced the destination, giving them the feeling to be close to the nature. So long staying tourists must be entertained with extra tourism packages to get more economic benefits from tourism activities in Hunza. The outcomes of the results showed that tourists traveling in a large party size, identified higher pollution than small size parties because small number of group can view limited areas where as large group of travelers observe more around. So large travel party size might have identified more pollution in Hunza. Carrying capacity of Hunza can accommodate large number of tourists. Tourism authorities must attract more tourists so that they could come and explore Hunza. It will help local residents to get economic benefit from the tourism activities. A sustainable tourism development concept is that which balances all the indicators without ignoring a single one. According to the results, group inclusive travelers (GITs) are more sensitive towards environmental pollution and behave responsibly towards codes of conduct and rules as compared to FITs (free independent travelers). GITs visit under the supervision of guides and authorities while individual travelers feel free and are not answerable to any authority. Ministry of Tourism Pakistan as the key player of tourism policy implementation must impose strict rules on FITs to follow the codes of conduct when ever they visit Hunza. This research recommends that tour operators and guides must educate tourists about the environmental pollution issues, environmental preservation, local laws and customs before arranging any tour to Hunza. This research identified some environmental pollution in terms of sanitation (scattered toilet papers and uncovered toilets pits), so hoteliers/ lodges/guest house owners and tourism authorities must construct covered toilets and affix dust bins at hotels, lodges, and along the trekking routes to put the toilet papers and rubbish. They should also manage the waste/trash properly. The result showed that the mountaineers and trekkers cut the trees along the trekking routes for fire wood during their sojourn. To minimize deforestation, department of forestry must take steps with the help of Northern Areas Tourism Development Board (NATDB).
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References
Ata, F., & Siddiqui, Z. (1993). UNESCAP Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific; Environmental Impact of Tourism in the Mountainous Areas of Pakistan, ST/ESCAP/1152,pp.4-30. http://www.unescap. org/publications/detail.asp?id=609 (accessed 23 June ,2009). Al-Jalaly, S. Z., Nazeer, M.M., & Qutub, S.A., (1995). Tourism for Local Community Development in the Mountain Areas of NWFP and the Northern Areas of Pakistan; Phase Two-Case Studies of Kalam and Hunza. ICIMOD Discussion Paper, Series No.MEI 95/12, Kathmandu, Nepal, pp 56-97. Banskota, M. & Sharma, B. (1995). Mountain Tourism in Nepal: ICIMOD Discussion Paper Series No. MEI 95/7, p.63-68. Breivik, G. (1996).Personality, sensation seeking and risk taking among Everest climbers. International Journal of Sports Psychology, 27, 308-320. Cronin, C. (1991). Sensation seeking among mountain climbers. Personality and Individual Differences, 12, 53-654. Dickens, P. (1996). Reconstructing nature: Alienation, emancipation and the division of labour. London: Rutledge. European Commission (1998). Facts and Figures on the European Holidays, Directorate General XXIII, Enterprise Policy, Distributing Trades, Tourism and Co-operatives Executive Summary. Elmes, M., & Barry, D. (1999).Deliverance, denial and the dearth zone: a study of narcissism and regression in the 1996 Everest climbing disaster. Journal of Applied Behavioral Sciences, 35(2), 163-187. Ewert, A. (1985).Why people climb: the relationship of participant motives and experience level to mountaineering. Journal of Leisure Research, 21(2),124-139. Goma i Freixanet, M.G. (1991).Personality profile of subjects engaged in higher physical risk sports. Personality and Individual Differences, 12, 1087-1093. Gurung, H. (1991). UNESCAP Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific; Environmental Management of Mountain Tourism in Nepal, ST/ESCAP/959, pp.5-17. Hammitt, W.E., Bixler, R. D., Noe, F. P. (1996). Going Beyond Importance-Performance Analysis to Analyze the Observance: Influence of Park Impacts. Journal of Park and Recreation Administration, 14(1):45-62. Hillery, M., Nancarrow, B., Griffin, G., & Syme, G. (2001). Tourist Perception of Environmental Impact: Annals of Tourism Research, 28(4):853-867. Jack, S. J., & Ronan, K. R. (1998).Sensation seeking among high and low risk sports participation. Personality and Individual Differences, 25 (6), 1063-1083. Lucas, R. C. (1979). Perception of Non-Motorized Recreational Impacts: A Review of Research Findings. The Recreational Impact on Wild lands, conference proceedings, pp.24-31.Portland OR: The US Department of Agriculture Forest Service. Magni, G., Rupolo, G., Simini, G., De Leo, D., & Rampazzo, M. (1985). Aspects of the psychology and personalAN INVESTIGATION OF ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT OF MOUTAIN TOURISM ACTIVITIES IN HUNZA -61-
ity of higher altitude mountain climbers. International Journal of Sports Psychology, 16, 12-19. Maroudas, L., Kyriakki, A., & Gouvis, D., (2004). A Community Approach to Mountain Adventure Tourism Development, Anatolia: An International Journal of Tourism and Hospitality Research, 15(2):5-18. Marion, J. L. and Lime, D. W. (1996).Recreational Resource Impacts: Visitors Perceptions and Management Responses. In Wilderness and Natural Areas in the Eastern United States: A Management Challenge, D. L. Kulhavy and R.N. Conner, eds., pp.229-235. Austin TX. Austin State University Centre for applied Studies. Ministry of Tourism (2006). Government of Pakistan, Tourism in Pakistan 2006, http://www.pakistan-tourism. gov.pk/pdf/Tourism%20in%20pakistan%202006.pdf (accessed 2 July, 2009). Mitchell, R. G. (1983). Mountain experience: the psychology and sociology of adventure. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Niazi, I., H., (2002). Linking Green Productivity to Ecotourism. Asian Productivity Organization Ecotourism Book, p 159-197. Pomfret, G. (2006). Mountain Adventure Tourism: A conceptual framework for research, Tourism Management, 27(2006):113-123. Rosii, B., & Cereatti, L. (1993).The sensation seeking scale in mountain athletes as assessed by Zuckermans sensation seeking scale. International Journal of Sports Psychology, 24, 417-431. UNEP (2007). United Nations Environment Programme, Tourism and Mountains; A Practical Guide to Managing the Environmental and Social Impacts of Mountain Tours, pp.11-13.
Rehmat Karim , Author Graduate School of Business, Assumption University, Bangkok rehmatsirang@hotmail.com
Dr. Adarsh Batra , Co Author Graduate School of Business, Assumption University, Bangkok abatra@au.edu
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MODERN MEDIA AND DEMOCRACY: A CASE STUDY OF ELECTION COVERAGE IN GBLA (6), HUNZA
by : Noor Muhammad
The role of media in the democratization process of societies is a hotly debated issue across the globe. After Noam Chomsky came out with his analysis pertaining to how the mass media is being used in the USA and other countries practicing democratic forms of government, to engineer, or manufacture, consent, the role of alternative media, independently disseminating information and opinions to segments of the society, has increasingly become an area of interest and exploration for researchers. While the information sharing role of the alternative media was never ignored, its effectiveness in changing voters perceptions was a critical area of research. The presidential election race in USA
Abstarct
provided the researchers with opportunities to test their theories. It is being said that President Obama first won elections on the social media, before winning hearts of the voters, convincing them to vote for change. For this reason some publications termed Obama the first wired president. Business Week, in its election edition, declared the social media as co winners in the democratic process. This paper attempts to analyze the role played by social media, an increasingly important component of the alternative media, in election process of Hunza valley. It will discuss the type of information disseminated by the modern alternative media present in Hunza valley, not focusing on quality of content.
1. Introduction
1.1 Alternative Media
According to globally accepted standards, all mediums and media products not operated or produced by the mainstream media, controlled by state or corporations (large news groups) can be classified as alternative media. Under such a broad definition, major state owned, or corporate controlled media channels (including print, electronic and internet media), constitute the mainstream media. All media that falls outside the ambit of the state or corporate media, thus, can be classified as alternative media. Alternative media works parallel to the mainstream media, but is operated by independent individuals or groups of individuals. This category may include community newspapers, other print publications, news channels or cable TV channels, community radio stations, independently operating websites and blogs, as well as citizen newspapers. Also, broadly speaking, the term alternative media is used for cinema, literature, documentaries, theater and dramas that communicate vital social messages and information. Moreover, also included in the list of alternative media are online social networks, instant messaging services, email, short message services of mobile phones and phone calls.
Modern Media and Democracy: A case study of election coverage in GBLA (6), Hunza
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a. Global Trends in alternate media technology
Media critics, including (Kellner 2004; Herman and Chomsky 1988; Herman and McChesney 1997; Alger 1998; McChesney 1999; Keane 1991, have argued that corporate and state controlled mainstream, mass, media has turned into a major anti democratic force, working against the will and aspirations of common people, in order to reap optimum economic opportunities. In this scenario the alternative media is being projected as the voice of common people, also popularly categorized under terms, like citizen journalism, or citizen media.
b. Global experiences with alternative media
The Western worlds experiences with alternative media have brought about revolutionary changes in their societies. The American Presidential campaign 2008, saw the most extensive usage of internet for electioneering. Similar has been the case in Indias recent election where parties and candidates have widely used the internet to reach out to voters, while on the other hand citizens have openly expressed their likings and dislikes for candidates, parties and their ideologies, without any fear of persecution, from the safety of their homes. Also, in Iran the instant messaging network, Twitter, played a very vital role in popularizing the anti Ahmadi Najad political drive launched by his opponents. Millions of Irani voters stayed connected through the instant messaging service, planning and communicating vital information, in a semi clandestine way, bringing out hundreds of thousands of people onto the streets. Thus, in one sense, the modern media has provided more open social space to ordinary citizens, increasing their expressiveness and giving them the urge and desire to share their opinions freely. Learning from experiences of Western and Eastern democracies with modern media, it can safely be projected that in conditions of access to internet, Hunza valley has the literacy rate and innovative, experimenting social psyche available that can be increase the role of alternative media, especially online social media.
1.2 Hunza Valley
Hunza Valley is a pristine terrain in the Gilgit Baltistan region, located between Pakistan, China and Afghanistan. According to the 1998 census Hunzas population comprises of more sixty thousand people. Independent sources argue that the population has been underreported for political purposes. They claim that the real population has increased to more than one hundred thousand people. Geographically Hunza is divided into three sub regions called Shinaki, Kunjut (Hunzu) and Gojal. Four languages are spoken and understood in Hunza namely, Burushaski, Wakhi, Shina and Doomaki. Majority of the population speaks and understands Burushaski, seconded by Wakhi. English and Urdu are also spoken and understood across the valley. Literacy rate of Hunza is the highest in Pakistan, standing at hundred percent among people below twenty years of age and around seventy percent among all ages. A sizeable majority of the regions populace lives outside Hunza, in other cities of Pakistan, as well as other parts of Asia, Europe and the Americas.
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Hunza used to operate as an independent state before falling to the British colonists in the late nineteenth century. The British rulers allowed a semi autonomous style of governance for Hunza, under a hand- picked local Mir, belonging to the ruling family. After the British left India, Hunzas rulers announced accession to Pakistan and were rewarded with honorary titles, perks and privileges by the governments in return. The semi autonomous status continued till 1974, when responding to popular demands prime minister of Pakistan Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto abolished the state of Hunza, bringing the region under complete Pakistani control. Since 1974 people have been exercising the right to elect their political leaders. Three people, including Ghanzafar Ali Khan (son of the last Mir of Hunza), Nazir Sabir and Wazir Baig have been elected to represent Hunza in political institutions of the region.
1.3 Election-2009 in Hunza
The recent election in LA 6, Hunza, had some unique features. Most prominent among these was emergence of the third and fourth power circles in the otherwise traditionally pro and anti Mir political contest scenario observed in Hunza during the past many elections. The two new power hubs are MQM and the Hunza Action Committee, adding to the list of PPP and Ghazanfar Ali Khan (PML N/Q). Another more interesting feature of the recent elections in Hunza valley was the prominent role played by
Fig 1: Public rallies of the three major contestents in elections 2009
modern social media throughout the electioneering process. The modern media practitioners, ordinary citizens, shared news, presented views, conducted online opinion polls, created advocacy groups and disseminated information to a level never ever observed in any part of Gilgit Baltistan, so far. The consumers of news information became online, small scale, publishers. Hunza was never so highly connected to rest of the world, as it is today. The youth of Hunza valley have made full use of the opportunities and facilities provided by this higher degree of connectivity, in service of democracy. Four powerful modern media tools, including blogs, local cable television channels, Short Message Services (SMS), and the most popular online social network, Facebook, have been used by candidates, or their supporters, to generate and sustain support. One blog continuously posted information on Twitter, the third generation tool of instant communication. Availability of internet facility in the central part of Hunza valley, accounting for sixty percent of the total votModern Media and Democracy: A case study of election coverage in GBLA (6), Hunza -65-
ers, is an important aspect of the electioneering process.

1.3.1 An overview of the election process in Hunza Valley
Candidates/parties The political situation was highly skewed in the past on pro and anti Mir votes in the past. The sixth election cycle in Hunza valley has seen emergence of new power pools, in the form of a very strong, issue centric, All Hunza Action Committee, introduction of MQM and Gilgit Baltistan Democratic Alliance in the region, bifurcation of PML (N) and PML (Q), and a higher number of independent candidates. In the current elections nine candidates contested in the election, including Arif Hussain (Independent), Aziz Ahmed (Independent), Ijlal Hussain (GBDA), Kamil Jan (MQM), Noor Mohammad (Independent), Rai Rehmat Ullah Baig PML (Q), Shehbaz Khan (Independent), Shehryar Khan (PMLN) and Wazir Baig (PPP). Constituency Election in Hunza were held under the old setup in which it functioned as a constituency within Gilgit district (LA 6). The total population of Hunza according to 1998 census comprises of over sixty thousand voters, including fifty one percent women. This paper attempts to explore and analyze the way modern media worked in Hunza valley, while also drawing comparisons with trends observed in other parts of the world.
2. Alternate Media in Hunza

2.1 Blogs 2.1.1 Pamir Times (www.pamirtimes.net )
Pamir Times is the pioneering news and views blog of Gilgit Baltistan, initiated by Noor Muhammad and Zulfiqar Ali Khan of the Gojal Net team, two years ago.
In a short span of two years the team of Pamir Times has increased from two people to 13 active citizen reporters belonging to Gilgit, Hunza Nagar, Ghizar and Diamir Districts of Gilgit Baltistan. The team is also
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supported by two volunteer photographers and two web developers. It has emerged as a vibrant online social space where people from all corners of Gilgit Baltistan contribute news, photographs, views and discuss different issues of interest.
2.1.2 Hunza Times ( www.hunzatimes.com )
Hunza Times is the second oldest news blog of Hunza Valley, after Pamir Times. It was launched by Sher Afzal, a professional graphic designer. Hunza Times has also been able to bring together a team of people from all three parts of Hunza.
2.1.3 Sada e- Kohsar( www.kohesar.blogspot.com )
Sada e Kohsar is a bilingual news blog managed by Ikram Najmi, along with other team members. It has been publishing short news items about different events pertaining to Hunza Valley.
2.1.4 Gilgit Baltistan Times ( www.gbtimes.wordpress.com )
The Gilgit Baltistan Times also disseminated news and views regarding elections in Hunza valley. It posted interviews of Noor Muhammad and Nazir Sabir, in the election context. Information about the managers of this site is not mentioned on the blog.
2.1.5 Gilgit Tribune ( www.gilgittribune.com )
Gilgit Tribune is a newly launched news and views blog catering news and view related to Gilgit Baltistan. The Gilgit Tribune also covered electioneering in Hunza valley.
2.2 Local cable channel
Sujo Hunzo is a local Cable TV channel initiated and managed by Divakoo Productions, a media group formed by Karakoram Area Development Organization-KADO. In the central parts of Hunza this channel played a very important role, raising awareness among the voters by interviewing candidates and holding a discussion between different candidates some days before Hunza went to polls. The voters had, thus, better understanding of the priorities of different candidates and were able to communicate their ideas, manifestos and life stories to potential voters, in an alternate manner. In Shinaki and Gojal regions of Hunza, however, such a facility does not exist.
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2.3 Short Message Services (SMS)
Short messaging services introduce by the mobile phone companies also played a very important role in information sharing, throughout the process of election, as well as after the results started coming out. Messages in Hunza were sent, mainly, in four languages, Urdu, English, Burushaski and Wakhi. Urdu messages were either written in Arabic or Roman script, while most of the rest were written in Roman script. Before the election different kinds of information regarding most of the candidates were disseminated by different sources, regarding the candidates. Some mobile messages were outright eulogy of some candidates while there were also those that tried to highlight the negative points of rival candidates. Some even contained general appeals to the voters to be wise in casting their votes. After the polling was completed huge numbers of SMS were sent from Hunzas different polling stations and party campaign offices throughout Pakistan, as well as abroad. The effectiveness of this method of information sharing needs to be further explored to understand their role in the decision making process followed by a voter. Nevertheless, it is important to acknowledge that with a mobile in hand mountains dont present any challenges for information sharing. The Hunza society has transformed more due to mobile phones than internet, the latter being confined to selected places.
The election related SMS sent out can be classified into the different categories, based on their apparent, intended, objectives; Hate Messages These messages highlighted, alleged, negative traits of different candidates or parties, asking the SMS recipients to act cautiously, while casting votes. Candidate Advocacy Messages Opposite of the first kind, these messages highlighted positive traits of parties or candidates, linking the positivity with future performance. Reconciliatory Messages These messages asked the voters to not get personal and to use rational capacities while taking the voting decision. Satirical Messages These messages were composed of satirical commentaries on actions, promises and, even, past of the parties and their supported candidates. Simple Information Messages Some messages simply conveyed facts about different polling stations, or different candidates, or the aspirations of voters. Rumor Messages Supporters of some candidates tried to influence voters by disseminating false news related to polling results. This was specially observed two days ahead of the polling day, when the polling agents and polling staff cast their votes. Contrasting claims by supporters of different candidates came into circulation, in the form of SMS, about
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number of votes obtained. The idea seemed to be presenting the exercise as a rehearsal of what was going to happen after two days.
2.4 Social Networks
Popular online social networks were also used by supporters of different candidates to communicate messages related to their candidates. Following is a brief overview of the trends in usage of social networks, including Facebook and Orkut. People are either not aware of other options available online or are not interested in using online media tools, like Twitter, Youtube, Tagged, among others.
Facebook - Facebook is the fastest growing online social network that defines itself as a utility that helps
you connect and share with the people in your life. It can be accessed on the internet through its URL, i.e. www.facebook.com Fan pages of two candidates: In our survey of Facebook, the most popular virtual social space of the world, we found that youth of Hunza also utilized this very new medium in a very effective manner, by creating fanpages for candidates of their choice, uploading their photographs, as well as uploading video speeches. Two candidates including Kamil Jan and Rai Rehmatullah Baig had fanpages on Facebook. Similarly, Facebook users also posted status updates online, generating interesting discussions about different personalities as well as issues facing the region.
Orkut - While this social network site has lost its charms over the past few years but a large number of
Hunzas valley people could be seen discussing electoral politics on different communities (groups) on www. orkut.com
Twitter - Twitter is the most recent instant messaging service with an unprecedented growth rate, across
the globe. It is a simple, real time, messaging service through which users can share various types of information, including information about personal and professional activities, links to websites, or any other information of their choice. However, the characters that can be posted each time is limited. Pamir Times was the only blog in Hunza valley that has created a twitter account. The twitter account automatically publishes links to the latest posts made on Pamir Times Blog. An increasing number of people are following Pamir Times on its twitter account.www.twitter.com/pamirtimes
Networked Blog - Networked blog is another recent application that is used to automatically post blog up-
dates to Facebook. It, thus, creates a nexus between Facebook and the blog, allowing Facebook users easier access to posts made on the blog. Hunza Times and Pamir Times are two blogs that routinely post their updates to Facebook.
3. Content of the blogs

The nature of content disseminated on the blogs varied from one blog to another. Following is an overview of
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Modern Media and Democracy: A case study o
Survey D
S.No 1 2 3 4 5 Name of Blog GB Times Gilgit Tribune Hunza Times Pamir Times Sada-e-Kohsar Total Language English English English English and Urdu Urdu and English News reports 42 30 37 127 63 299 Candidate Profiles 1 0 0 9 0 10
Photographs only 0 2 0 2 0 4
the type of content generated and disseminated by the blogs of Hunza.

News Report
All blogs published news on regular basis. Sada e - Kohesar and Pamir Times published the most number of news reports regarding election related activities of candidates belonging to different parties. Pamir Times published 127 news reports, including news digests called Election Roundup, comprising of different brief news items. Sada e Kohsar published 63 news posts. The total number of news items, in Urdu and English, posted by all these blogs was 598. This also includes news reports that contained photographs, along with text. Some of these news reports were redundant, having been shared on multiple blogs, simultaneously.
Candidate Profiles
Profiles of ten candidates were compiled and posted on the blogs. Nine of the ten profiles were compiled by Pamir Times, while one of the profiles was posted by Gilgit Baltistan Times. Rest of the blogs did not publish candidate profiles.
Photographs - On four instances, two posts each by Gilgit Tribune and Pamir Times, only photographs, with
limited or no text were posted by the blogs, related to electioneering process.

Videos - Videos were one of the least used tools during the electioneering process. Only three videos, one
each by Gilgit Baltistan Times, Hunza Times and Pamir Times, were posted by the blogs.
Web Polls - Eighteen web polls were conducted on various themes, including traits that the voters wanted
to see in their leader, direct voting for candidates and issues on which the voters would decide their voting decision. Out of the eighteen web polls four were conducted by Gilgit Baltistan Times, two were conducted by Hunza Times and ten were conducted by Pamir Times. The highest number of people to vote on any poll was above 423, conducted a week before the polling day,
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of election coverage in GBLA (6), Hunza
Data
Videos 1 0 1 1 0 3 Web Polls 4 0 2 10 2 18 Discussions 1 0 1 7 0 9 Graphics/Banners/Buttons 0 0 0 3 3 6 Interview 2 0 0 2 0 4 Opinions/Editorial 10 2 3 12 3 30
on Pamir Times.
Discussions
Election related discussions between different readers of the blogs aroused on various instances, including debates on the news reports posted. For the purpose of this study only those discussions which were posted by the blog moderators to generate debates have been taken into account. Seven such discussions took place on Pamir Times, while two discussions took place on Gilgit Baltistan Times and one on Hunza Times.
Candidate Interviews
News Coverage election 2009

GB
1 t Trib0% une E
Gilgi
21% Sada-e-Kohsar Urdu English
Tim
nglis
14 %
sh
h
es
En gli
In the pre election scenario two blogs interviewed candidates, or potential candidates, to know their plans and manifestos. Two such interviews were published on Gilgit Baltistan Times, while two were published on Pamir Times. In the post election scenario only one interview, of the winning candidate, Wazir Baig, has been published
12% s Eng e Tim nza u
lish
ir Pam
Tim
du 43% d Ur h an glis es En
on Pamir Times. Also, Sada e- Kohsar has posted a video speech of Noor Muhammad in the post election scenario.
Graphic Posts
Some blogs also used graphic banners and buttons to communicate election related messages. Hunza Times and Pamir Times posted three graphic banners each, communicating different messages related to the election.
Opinions/Editorials
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A total of thirty opinion and editorial posts were made on the five blogs studied. Ten of the opinion or editorial posts were made by Gilgit Baltistan Times, twelve by Pamir Times, two by Gilgit Tribune, and three each by Hunza Times and Sada-e-Kohsar. These opinion pieces presented analysis of the situation or attempted to convince their readers to vote for a certain agenda.
4. Modern medias role in democratization of Hunza Valley

Generally speaking the role of modern media, including blogs and mobile phones, as well as the local TV cable channel, offer many promises for the times to come. Blogs and social networks are inexpensive alternatives to print media and TV channels. Further, these modern media tools have enabled ordinary citizens to create content online and publish the same in any format they like. The culture of silence, to quote Paul Frere, is fast decaying because people have powerful modern media outlets to raise their voice. In other words it can be said that modern media has not only given birth to a virtual social space where people can express their feelings without the fear of persecution, but it has also emerged as a powerful amplification tool for weak voices around the world. Otherwise isolated communities of Gilgit Baltistan, in general, and Hunza valley, in particular, are taking full benefit of the opportunities offered by the modern media. These mediums have increased freedom of the people in terms of expression, as well as, in terms of access to information. Access to information and freedom of expression being the cornerstones of a democratic society will slowly and gradually change attitude of the people of Hunza towards governance and would lead to broader social change, by influencing voting decisions, in the long run. There is a need to increase the sphere of internet technology to all parts of the Hunza valley, so that the process of enhanced access to information and increased freedom of creative expression is sped up and boosted, for greater democratization of the society.
5. Study Findings
Some findings of the study are : Mainstream print media may not have been able to offer such timely updates, as done by the modern media, keeping in view the geographic constraints, as well as availability of facilities and the logistics involved. SMS and mobile phone calls were the major source of information or disinformation in Hunza valley during the election process. Mobile phone networks and internet blogs work in a symbiotic relationship, as far as timely reporting of news is concerned. This means that while blogs are mostly fed by news shared by citizen reporters through mobile phones, many readers also use mobile phone internet to access news, in valleys were DSL/ Landline internet is not yet available. A level of integration between different communication channels can be observed, following the global trend. In this model blogs, social networks and instant messaging services are integrated to reach more people on different platforms.
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People are adoptive and not resistant to the use of modern media tools in Hunza valley.
People accept importance of the positive and/or negative role that modern media can play in shaping public opinion.
Availability of internet, or the lack of it, will have profound impact on future governance mechanisms in Hunza valley.
Youth have the potential and willingness to generate content for public consumption. There is a general lack of skills. None of the blogs have a written, publicly available, editorial policy. Citizen reporters are not trained, skilled, or equipped for objectively reporting stories.
5. Websites visited
Content studied at the following websites may have directly or indirectly influenced the ideas discussed in this study. Nevertheless, source has been mentioned wherever direct citations have been made. http://www.businessweek.com http://pewinternet.org/default.aspx http://www.pewinternet.org/Press-Releases/2009/The-Internet-and-Civic-Engagement.aspx http://cctv.org/welcome http://people-press.org/report/479/internet-overtakes-newspapers-as-new-source
The writer is a business graduate of Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Institute of Science & Technology Karachi. He is also the Founding Chief Editor of Pamir News Blog and Pamir Times Magazine.
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SOCIAL CONFLICT AND DEFORESTATION: A CASE STUDY OF TARAGAT MOUNTAIN, MALAKAND

by : M. Nafees and Zahid Ullah
The Lower Swat region (also called Swat Ranizai) was examined for instances of social conflict and any causal relationship with deforestation. To complete the study, a detailed literary and interview survey was carried out along with the utilization of Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) techniques (including transit walks and semi-structure interviews). The region has meagre forest resources. Mountains are considered communal property and can be acquired as personal property by converting it into agricultural areas. This region was reforested in 2000-2002 with the help of the
Abstract
national forest department who banned deforestation for five years after consulting locals. After the termination of the ban, a household located adjacent to the Tara-Gat Mountain demarcated the newly forested area as his personal property. This created a conflict with the rest of the communal owners. Consequently the other owners began cutting down trees in the demarcated area. Heavy deforestation continued until the mountain was barren again. It was concluded that, to avoid future loss, a more in-depth analysis of the situations social context was mandatory. Furthermore, recommendations to mend the problem included addressing all stakeholders interests by providing corresponding legislative coverage.
1. Introduction
Forests play a vital role in environmental development. A country needs at least 25% of the total land to be forested (Anwar 2002). Unfortunately, wooded areas account for a mere 4.8% of Pakistans land (Shahbaz et al., 2007). Literature reveals that society plays a vital role in the conservation of resources and the creation of forested areas on degraded slopes (Johnson and Nelson, 2004). On many occasions, social conflicts hinder the process of forest development and accelerate the process of deforestation. The social issues related to tenure may thus negatively effect the environment at local level (Lisa and Perera, 2006). Social conflicts are inherent characteristics of almost every society. The solutions, however, also exist within the society though they often require detailed exploration and robust resolve to come about (Daniel, 2002). Delaying conflict resolutions only adversely affects the social relations while further threatening natural resource (even to the point of irreversibility (Easterly,
2001). On many occasions such conflict leads to political confrontation that require additional, outside intervention. This intervention may be in the form of national legislation, government support, and/or aid from non-governmental organizations (Yurdi et al., 2006). To combat deforestation, the national forest department funds continuous reforestation campaigns. They have adopted a participatory approach making the program more efficient and effective. The Malakand Social Forestry Project (MSFP) and the Forestry Sector Project (FSP) are good examples of agencies who have implemented this approach (Abid Q.S., 2002). In such participatory projects, community-based organizations (CBOs) or village development committees (VDCs) help initiate plantation campaigns. . In some areas, such as the Tara-Gat forest, this method was not successful (Geiser and Rist., 2009). Although the plantations were completed, they ultimately failed. What incited widespread cutting has never been completely analyzed. Swat Valley is rich in social values,
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Social Conflict and Deforestation : A Case Study of Tara-Gat Mountain , Malakand
and there exist many codes of social conduct like ashar (collective community work), nagha (seasonal mutually-agreed bans) and kakhay (crop watchman selected and paid 25kg of crops per household twice a year at the time of harvest) that could be used as instruments to overcome social conflicts and to assure environmental rehabilitation (Nafees et al., 2009). In this study, an attempt is made to identify causes
its of the village Allahdand Dheri in Malakand district (a part of the Swat valley). The total area of the village (2138 hectares) is divided as follows: 53.29% arable land (32.97% rain fed and 20.32 irrigated land), 34.27% mountainous territory, and 12.43% residential property (Fig-2). The lands of 12 families (three tribes) out of a total 106 landowner families belonging to 6 sub-tribes are attached to the mountain and have the right to convert it into agricultural or residential land
Fig 1 : Map of district Malakand
behind deforestation on Tara-Gat Mountain. Its overarching objective is to document these causal factors for future guidance and also help identify possible, local solutions (Fig.1).
(Nafees et al. 2009). The mountain in its present, communal form belongs to the Allahadan sub-tribe which comprises 35% of Allahdand Dheris population. Fo-
cus group discussions during the PRA revealed that the seven Dheri sub-tribes (40% population) and the landless tenant community (25% population ) can also claim rights to the hillside for grazing, cutting grass, hunting, resin gathering, etc. In this instance, the entire village population claims the hillside region as community property. In the six village wards, about 35% of the population are landowning families and only 12
2. Study Area
Mountains cover 75% of the Swat Valley. In general the mountains are communal property in the Swat and Malakand districts. Each village possesses a landed property usually demarcated by natural mountain boundaries (Nafees, 2008). The study area (Tara-Gat) is a mountain (Fig. 2) located within the territorial lim-76-
families of these have the right to convert the hillsides into personal agriculture or residential properties. So far about 20% of the Tara-Gat Mountain and the surrounding area have already been converted into farming land (Fig. 3). The remaining area is made up of hard rocks and cannot be cultivated. Consequently, the right-holding families are trying to convert the rocks into residential areas.
Tribal Area (FATA) until 1969 (Sultan-i-Rome, 2005). In this era, the jirga (local council of elders) acted as the decision-making body. In 1969, both the adjoining, northern annexed areas of Swat and Dir were merged into Pakistan, and the tribal status of all the areas (including Malakand) was changed to Provincially Administer Tribal Area (PATA) with partial extension of the colonial type of institutional framework existing in the rest of the country (Inam-ur-Rahim and Viaro, 2002). With this extension, the mountains in Swat and Dir were declared government property, and the forest was deemeda protected forest in 1972 (Sultan-i-Rome, 2005). Consequently people of the Malakand feared that their mountain would also be declared state property. Demolishing the tribal rules and the jirga sys-
3. Methodology
To examine the historical background of the land-tenure system and different deforestation events, a detailed literary survey was carried out. This survey was supplemented by semi-structure interviews with forest department officials and village elders. The area was surveyed from 2005-08 and measured development trends in forest-related activities. To examine forest cutting, PRA techniques (focus group discussions, social mapping) were used (Adrienne M & J. Sherington, 1997). The observed group consists of residents inhabiting the foot hill of the mountain. Two transect walks were taken in the area prior to mountain forestation and two after the major episode of clear-cutting (Walpole and Sheldon, 1999). The mountain was photographed before and after as well. Focus group discussions were used to understand the previous use(s) of the mountain (Omodei et al 2004 and Bayemi et al 2005). Focus group members were selected with the help of local school teachers and mostly consist on elder qualified persons. For secondary source material, data from the Pakistan Statistic Department was utilized.
tem resulted in the Kkhans loss of power and resects (Nafees, 2008). The tenants residing near the hillside became, after internal village discussions, the primary
Fig 2: land use map of the study area
4. The Historical Background of Deforestation in the Study area

Before the creation of Pakistan in 1947, every person had the right to use the mountains for non-commercial pruning, gathering fuel wood, grazing, grass cutting and hunting. Cutting down tress was allowed only after attaining permission from the khans (heads of land-owning, extended families). After 1947, the Malakand remained within the Federally Administered
Social Conflict and Deforestation : A Case Study of Tara-Gat Mountain , Malakand -77-
users of the communal, hillside forest. During the institutional vacuum that followed, the tenants began indiscriminate cutting while the khans were left as powerless observers. Such deforestation continued during the
the nearby mountains became absolutely barren due to deforestation; due to the removal of soil cover the
village herder was obliged to journey to remote areas. It became increasingly difficult for him to manage such grazing. As a result, this system gradually vanished.
three subsequent years (1975-77). This was followed by free grazing. The effects of such illicit cutting were profound: the forest covered a mere 5% of the study area after deforestation compared to 30% before 1975.
4.2 The Present process of land conversion and associated problems

Landowners can acquire and make adjacent territory their own private property. To do so, he must simply cultivate it. During 1978-82 (after clearing the mountains), the adjacent landowners started to acquire the land for agriculture and residencies (Fig-3). Currently 25% of the available rain-fed area comprises of the converted mountains slopes. The continued tilling on these lands has negative impacts in the form of increased erosion and siltation in the irrigation system further down the valley.
4.1 Previous livelihood opportunities associated with Tara-Gat

Before 1971, Tara-Gat Mountains main economic draw was the time-consuming collection of phulai or palosa (Acacia Modesta) resin for medicinal use. Another important activity was collection of damaged trees and twigs for feed and fuel. A third income activitywas the cutting of grasses, which were used for hay in mud houses as well as filler in fruit, vegetable, and egg packing. The provision of grazing areas for village livestock was a fourth benefit of the mountain. In this a herder was appointed by villagers to take the entire villages cattle to graze. He was paid twice a year with 5kg grain/head of cattle. This process continued until 1980. Afterward
5. Reforestation movement in Tara-Gat

After large scale deforestation during 1975-1977, the mountain remained barren for nearly a decade (Nafees, 2008). In 1987 the forest department started the Malakand social forestry program that continued until 1997 (Abid , 2002). Tara-Gat was also included in the
Fig 3 : Front view of Mountain of Nal Vallage situated near Tara-Gat Mountain showing acquired parts.
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Fig 4 : Front view of Tara-Gat Moutain after plantation (2007)
schedule, and the project staff consulted locals about a reforestation project in 1993. Malakand Social Forestry Project (MSFP) was not honoured for three reasons. The first reason for failure was the involvement of foreign consultant and the violent past and cultural differences. Secondly, the five years ban of grazing rights of tenants and land owners in the mountain for. A third reason was the formation of community based organization (CBO) or Village development committee (VDC) to contribute as voluntary. Unfortunately, not many people were up for the job. The village elders were interested in jobs opportunities for their youth and not volunteer assignments. In 2001 Forest Department initiated the Forestry Sector Project (FSP) funded by Asian Development Bank. This was a five years project and continued until 2006. The community was tried to approach and influence through the elected member for plantation. A volunteer committee was formed that consisted of masharan (village elders). Local watchmen were appointed and were paid from the project fund. After consulting the masharan, deforestation was banned in a limited part of the forest (about km length) for five years. The forest department, in cooperation with the masharan, supervised plantation and were responsible plan-
tation oversight (Fig-4). Violations were punished by Malakand Leaves (local police) for five years; however that could not be continued due to limited manpower.
6. The conflict
Between 2001-2006 reforestation occurred on Tara-Gat Mountain. The main species planted was Eucalyptus due to its rapid growth. . Although the mountainside was considered communal property, the forest department invested on it and allowed the local population to graze livestock there but disallowed tree harvesting after 2006. This process of conservation was disputed when a villager living adjacent to the mountain claimed the central part of the mountain as his personal property. He also tried to bring the plantation in his personal use. This led to social conflict as all communal share holders stood against him and began cutting trees in the area. However, no complaint arose deforestation itself. The reason behind this might be that the other stockholders also saw the situation as an opportunity for private benefit. As a result, the original encroacher retreated back to his original boundaries but the plantation was largely treeless. The mountain was completely cleared
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Fig 5 : Front view of Tara-Gat Mountain after clear cutting (2009).
by February 11, 2009, and the forest departments fiveyear battle against logging was lost. Currently the Tara-Gat Mountain resembles the old, barren Tara-Gat Mountain of 1978 (Fig. 5). It only took a small, social conflict to greatly reduce a lush environment to a desolate territory. The deforestation complaint was reported to the by a person who annexed the mountainous area with his land but was refused as he was no more project employ. The second option was to complain to the police station.
However, such a complaint was made but refused with the excuse that the land was communal property and one must bring village elders to accept the complaint. When the tree cutters came to know that police were not taking an interest in the problem, they were further encouraged to accelerat cutting. The landless Allahdand side (25%) initiated the reckless logging and was encouraged by non-adjacent landowners. When the adjacent landowners (10%) realized the extent of destruction, they also began cutting to gain what they viewed as their deserved share.
7. Conclusion
When the Swat and Dir districts merged with Pakistan, the Tara-Gat Mountain was cleared as a result of poor forest policy. Prior to the tree planting project, the role of social conflicts and community were not adequately examined, and this resulted in environmental tragedy. Despite the setback, this should not be the last attempt of the forest department to reforest the area. However, future planting projects should consider the following recommendations: The areas which can be converted into croplands already have been. The forest department must provide adequare awareness and proper guidelines to assert the right of the local people to that land. Any further land acquisitions will lead to terrestrial degradation through soil erosion and habitat loss. Therefore, a strategy must be put in place to maintain the mountains communal status and encourage forest growth. Incentives should be provided to the adjacent landowner while advantages (in terms of livelihood opportunities) to non-adjacent landowners and landless locals should be pointed out. The for-80Karakoram Knowledge Highways (KKH)
est department (along with the elected district government) must discuss the modalities with community elders. Another possible option would be to lease the mountainside to a group of local people for growing trees and grass. The forest department would have to provide technical support but would benefit from wood and wood product taxations as the case in Pakistans southern areas. The forest department and the community make it obligatory for the police to accept and register any complaints. The forest department should encourage the elected members to raise awareness about the issue of mountainside deforestation and to promote the use of the local social code of conduct (such as the arrangement of ashar and kakhay and the implementation of nagha).
References
1. Abid Q.S. 2002. Regional Study on Forest policy and Institutional Reforms: The Pakistan Case Study. Asian Development Bank (ADB), publication. www.adb.org/Documents/Events/2002/RETA5900/report.pdf 2. Adrienne M & J. Sherington. 1997. Participatory Research Methods-Implementation, Effectiveness and Institutional Context. Agricultural System 55(2):195-216. 3. Anwar M.2002. Economic and Commercial Geography of Pakistan. White Rose Publication and Book Series, Lahore, p-47. 4. Bayemi P H, Bryant M J, Pingpoh D, Imele H, Mbanya J, Tanya V, Cavestany D, Awoh J, Ngoucheme A, Sali D, Ekoue F, Njakoi H and Webb E C. 2005. Participatory Rural Appraisal of Dairy Farms in the North West Province of Cameroon. Livestock Research for Rural Development. 17(6):1-26. 5. Daniel B. 2002. Cultivating Peace: Collects and Collaboration in Natural Resource Management. International Development Research Center Ottawa. Pp-4-6. 6. Easterly W. 2001.Can Institutions Resolve Ethnic Conflict? Economic Development and Cultural Change, The University of Chicago Press, 49(4):687-706. 7. Inam-ur-Rahim, Viaro A. 2002. Swat: An Afghan Society in Pakistan. Urbanization and Change in Tribal Environment. Karachi, Pakistan: City Press. 8. Iqbal M. 2003. Deforestation in NWFP The Journal of National Institute of Public Administration, Karachi, 8(3):75101 9. Johnson K.A. and K.C. Nelson. 2004. Common Property and Conservation: The Potential for Effective Communal Forest Management Within a National Park in Mexico. Human Ecology, 32( 6):703-733 10. Lisa J.B. and A. H. Perera. 2006. Applications of Forest Landscape Ecology and the Role of Knowledge Transfer in a Public Land Management Agency. Book on Forest Landscape Ecology, p: 129-155. 11. Nafees M. 2008. Soil Conservation in River Swat Watershed, NWFP, Pakistan. PhD Thesis, Department of Environmental Sciences, University of Peshawar, NWFP, Pakistan. PP: 134-137. 12. Nafees M., K. Hizbullah M.R. Jan.2009. Circulatory Land tenure and its Social and Ecological Impacts: A case study of the Village of Allahdand Dheri in Northern Pakistan. Mountain Research and Development, 29(1):1-8. 13. Sultan-i-Rome. 2005. Forestry in the Princely State of Swat and Kalam (North-West Pakistan). A Historical Perspective on Norms and Practices. Berne, Switzerland: NCCR NorthSouth [Swiss National Center of Competence in Re-
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search NorthSouth]. Available at http://www.geo.unizh.ch/human/research/pdf_etc/Rome_Swat.pdf; 14. Shahbaz B. T Ali and A. Qaiyum S. 2007. A critical Analysis of Forest Policy of Pakistan: Implications for sustainable livelihoods. Mitigation and Adaptation Strategies for Global Change 12 (4):441-453. 15. Walpole M.J. and I.R. Sheldon. 1999. Sampling butterflies in tropical rainforest: an evaluation of a transect walk method. /Biological Conservation 87(1): 85-91. 16. Yurdi Y, H. Schanz and A. Salim. 2006. Manifestation of conflict escalation in natural resource management. environmental science & policy, 9(6):538-546. 17. Omodei Z.L., C. Contini, N. Jiddawi , J. Ochiewo , J. Shunula and S. Cannicci. , 2004. Participatory appraisal for potential community-based mangrove management in East Africa. Wetlands Ecology and Management 12(2):87102. 18. Geiser U and S. Rist. 2009. Decentralisation Meets Local Complexity: Local Struggles, State Decentralisation and Access to Natural Resources in South Asia and Latin America. NCCR North-South Swiss National Centre of Competence in Research North-South University of Bern Switzerland. pp-1-8
Dr. M. Nafees is a faculty member of University of Peshawar
Zahid Ullah is affiliated with Alama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad
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VILLAGE WHEAT & FODDER BANKS WAKHAN : AN INNOVATIVE IDEA

TO REDUCE POVERTY AND ENHANCE FOOD SECURITY
by : Aziz Ali
An estimated 12,350 people reside in 1,300 rural households in Wakhan, one of the remotest districts of Badakhshan. The pastoralist Wakhi depends on subsistence agriculture mainly through livestock rearing. The rugged mountain terrains and harsh climatic conditions provide for a short agricultural season and leave limited options to farmers to optimally utilize the natural resources encompassing rangelands for their sustenance. These conditions compounded by poor infrastructure and market access and lack of agricultural extension services result in food shortages and shortage of animal feeds. This is particularly severe during the late winter and early spring months, when local household have to bridge the time a supply gap until the spring crops are producing. Consequently the people as well as livestock become vulnerable to a number exploitative factors as well as diseases due to malnutrition, which are more prominent in animals as hundreds of livestock die in each winter and early spring mainly because of fodder scarcity. The prevailing desperate situation attracts many opportunist venders/merchants who often exploit the poor farmers by buying their livestock at very cheap rates than the actual market prices, which further aggravates their miseries and pushing them deep into the quagmire of abject poverty. To address this dilemma AKF Badakhshan through the financial support from the GTZ initially designed and established Village Wheat Bank in collaboration with Wakhan Community Development Committees (CDCs).
Village Wheat & Fodder Banks Wakhan : An Innovative Idea to reduce Poverty and enhance Food Security
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The community was mobilized and motivated by AKF Community Development (CD) and Natural Resource Management (NRM) team and the Banks were established and operationalized in 2004. Initial investment was made by AKF for establishment of central warehouses and purchasing of 21 tons of wheat grains. The community constructed the warehouse themselves.
The idea behind the wheat bank was that households that run out of food in late winter and or early spring can borrow wheat from the nearest Wheat Bank to meet their immediate food needs rather to buy it from other sources at higher price. At the end of the harvesting season they return the wheat with additional 20% in quantity of the borrowed wheat. If there was not good harvest the households can arrange the quantity of wheat borrowed from the Village Wheat Bank with the additional 20% wheat from other sources like selling animals at higher autumn price. In this way the Bank accumulates additional wheat and increases its stock year after year. The Bank can trade the wheat to the needy people at appropriate rate and thus build up monetary capital which can be utilized for lending to a number of village-based businesses. The Wheat Bank idea was well received by the community and it became very successful, as the recovery of borrowed wheat remained almost 100% and the additional 20% wheat as service charge is smoothly accumulated in the wheat Banks. Over a period of 4 years the Wheat Banks have accumulated 300 metric tons of wheat and providing service to poor community people on sustained basis. So far 40 Wheat Banks have been established in Wakhan area and they are playing crucial role in reducing the vulnerability of the poor farmers.
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The Village Wheat Banks to a large extent have managed to address the food security issue of the poor Wakhi people. Based on the sucessful experince of the Wheat Bank program, the community came up with an idea to establish Fodder Bank on the similar principles of the wheat Bank. Again AKF Badakhshan supported the idea and helped in establishment of Fodder Banks in Wakhan. Some materials support in construction of Fodder Bank (warehouse) and initial fodder load i.e. 1000 bags of wheat straw and 10 bags of concentrates were provided by AKF Badakhshan. So far 20 Fodder Banks have been established and being run by the community successfully. Currently average 50-55 farmer families are getting benefits from each Fodder Bank in Wakhan. For the management purpose the community has constituted wheat and fodder banks committees which have been given basic trainings in documentation and record keeping and they are responsible for supply and recollection of the wheat and fodder from the farmers. Both the Banks are well managed and running successfully by the community for the community in Wakhan district. Through the generous support of GTZ, AKF Badakhshan has been able the address Food Security Issues in the very remote and isolated district of Wakhan up to some extent and AKF Badakhshan is in upfront to expand this successful model of poverty reduction and food security in whole Wakhan area and in other similar resource poor pockets in the program area in future.
The author is Regional NRM Coordinator in AKF Badakhshan. He can be reached at aliaziznum@yahoo.com
Village Wheat & Fodder Bank Wakhan
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