British Forum for Ethnomusicology

The Early Days of the Gramophone Industry in India: Historical, Social and Musical Perspectives Author(s): Gerry Farrell Source: British Journal of Ethnomusicology, Vol. 2 (1993), pp. 31-53 Published by: British Forum for Ethnomusicology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3060749 Accessed: 10/02/2010 16:48
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VOL.2

OF JOURNAL ETHNOMUSICOLOGY BRITISH

1993

The

early industry

days
in

of and

the

gramophone
musical

India:
social

historical,

perspectives
GerryFarrell
The advent of sound recording in India had far-reaching social and musical effects, altering working patterns for musicians and disseminating various genres of vocal and music to a mass audience for the first time. The early days of the gramophone instrumental in India are examined from three perspectives: the historical and social industry backgroundto the first recordings,the mannerin which early recordings were marketed, and the way in which musical forms such as the vocal genre khyalwere adaptedto suit the requirementsof recording.

of Thesocial background music andmusiciansin Indiaat the time of first recording expedition Gaisberg's
She A woman standscradlingthe gleaminghornof a gramophone. is bedeckedin her finery, silk, bangles, pearls, earrings,the folds of her sari finely pressed. Closer inspectionshows the garishvarnishon her nails. She gazes away fromthe camera,lendinga stilted,almostwooden look to herposture.Clearlyshe has been told to stand this way. Is the gramophoneor the woman the centre,the focus of sits this image? The gramophone grandlyon a table. Its hornand winding handle invoke none of the comical resonancesthatthey would in the presentday; this is of for not a clumsy contraption the reproduction cracklynostalgia.It is 1906 and this machine is the acme of Western inventiveness, the almost miraculous purveyorof soundon small black discs-a commodityloadedwith potentcultural is andtechnologicalpower. The gramophone a symbol of affluence,of the advent of the 20th century; preceding the cinema, radio and TV, it is the first of manifestation musicalmass media. She The woman is Gauharjan. was a tawa'if (courtesan)from Calcuttaand a well-known exponent of classical and light classical vocal music. She was also one of India and Asia's first majorrecordingartists.At the turn of the century and Gauharjan other musicians like her found themselves at the intersectionof two worlds, both musically and culturally.By the 20th century older forms of

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musical patronageby Rajas and Nawabs, which had been in decline throughout The the 19th century,had all but disappeared. demise of courtlybenefactionwas accompaniedby the slow but inexorabledrift of populationsfrom the countryto the city. The vast railway networkestablishedunderthe British also played its partin demographic change and broughtnew mobility for musiciansleadingto a greatermixing of regionalstyles and genres. The new patrons of music were the urban middle classes, and the locus of musical activity shifted from the courtsto large urbancentres such as Bombay, Delhi, Calcuttaand Madras.Withinthe span of one generationIndianmusicians could look back to a vanishingworld of princelypatronageand forwardto a new commercial environmentfraughtwith economic and artistic uncertainty.The place of work was no longer the sumptuousand rarefiedcourts, but the urban kotha (salon), theatre, recording studio, concert stage or one of the many music schools thatwere being establishedat the time. European-style The early days of the gramophone industryin Indiamarkeda new phase in the interfacebetween Indianmusic and the West. For the first time Indianmusicians entered the world of Western media. In Western terms Indian music and musicians were no longer curiosities written about by a few 18th- and 19thon centuryenthusiastswho concentrated ancientSanskrittexts thathad ceased to have any directrelevanceto performingmusicians.Nor was this a manifestation of early 20th-centuryethnomusicologicalenquiry-the first Indiangramophone of recordingsmay have been of interestto enthnomusicologists the time, but that was not the reasonthatthe recordingindustrydescendedon India. The twin mediumsof photography recordedsoundturnedIndianmusic and and musicians into saleable commodities. Through the intervention of Western technology the financial and economic potential of musicians within India changed radically. At the turn of the 20th century Indian music was still an arrivedin India only a few years after its untappedmarket,and the gramophone invention in the West (Manuel 1993:37). In the social realm recorded sound brought many forms of classical music out of the obscurity of performance milieus such as the cakla (courtesan'squarter)and onto the mass market.The gramophone,and later film and radio, all inventions of the West, irrevocably alteredIndianmusic in the 20th century. The first recordings of Indian music were made in London in 1899 at the MaidenLane studiosof Gramophone Typewriter (GTL).The artistswere and Ltd a Capt. Bholonath, Dr. Hamamdasand someone identified only as "Ahmed". These recordings included examples of singing and recitation (Kinnear 1989: xvii). Theircommercialpotentialcould not have been great. The first commercialrecordingsof Indianmusic were made by FredGaisberg in 1902. Gaisberghad gone to Indiaas a representative the GTLwith Thomas of Dowe Addis and George Dilnutt (ibid. 1989:11). This had followed successful recordingstripsto Germany,Hungary,Spain,Italy and Russia. For the Indiatrip recordingequipmentwhich used a weight-driven Gaisbergdesigned "portable" motor(Gaisberg1942:52).His expeditionwas in responseto the growingmarket for gramophonesin India-a move by the GTL to consolidate and expand its

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33

interestsin Asia. Gaisberglaterwent on to makerecordings JapanandChina.It in is telling thatthese and subsequentrecordingtrips in the earlypartof the century were known as "expeditions"-the GTL was exploring a "darkcontinent"of music. Following the Anglo-Indianvogue for "HindostaneeAirs" in the 18th century,and the attentionsof orientalistsand comparativemusicologists in the once again,as it would continueto be 19th,Indianmusic was being "discovered" re-discovered throughoutthe 20th century in ever-changing commercial and culturalcontexts. in Correspondence the EMIarchiverevealsthe forward planningand logistical encountered the periodleadingup to FredGaisberg'sfirst Indian problems during recordingsin 1902. The GTL's agent in Calcuttawas JohnWatsonHawd. Hawd was aware of the potential of recording"native"musicians and was constantly But urgingthe Londonoffice to send an "expedition". Hawd was also awarethat they had to comer the marketquickly as rival operatorswere alreadyimporting gramophonesand recordsinto India (Kinnear 1989:9). In February1902 Hawd wrote:"Therewill be a big businessdone herewhen we have goods enoughand it is best to own the territorythen we know it is well worked."But in April of the same year he cautioned:"The countryis so large that it will take a long time to cover it and as yet we have no dealers to speak of." Indeed, much of the of and correspondence 1902 is concernedwith establishingmarkets,trademarks franchises through lawsuits. Hawd's interest in Indian music appearedto be purely on the level of business. As he blithely put it in June 1902, "The native music is to me worse thanTurkishbut as long as it suits them and sells well what do we care?" But GTL did not send Gaisberg as quickly as they might have wished. In January1902 the Londonoffice hadwrittento Hawd: I amplanning sendoutGaisberg you the firstof February makerecords to to in to am yourvicinity....I going to havehimmakehasteto go theredirectanddo the workthoroughly well, andI predict a resultgettinga verylargebusiness. and as We will nowtakeuptheIndian business thoroughly on business linesandputit on a firmandgoodfoundation. But by Juneof the same year Gaisberghad still not set out, and Hawd wrote in exasperation: Is he [Gaisberg]really coming?...ofcourse I don't care only I had made with whicharenow cancelled I amnot goingto trouble and arrangements artists for the againanduntilhe hasreallylanded by the timehe arrives poojawill have commenced nothing be donetill afterDecember. and can Hawd also adds, darkly:"About12 to 14000 are dying in this territory weekly now of plague". Perhaps not the best circumstances in which to launch a recordingindustry!

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Hawd's lettersalso give hints abouthow artistswere recruitedfor recordings, and the nascent status of the gramophoneamongst the Indian upper classes (16.x.02): for We are arranging a roomfor record makingandif it is possible,but as this yet poojalasts for two months, we arenot surewe will be able to succeed.We have several wealthyrajaswho are interestedin the gramophone that have volunteered helpus in everywaypossible. to The expeditionfinally arrivedin Calcuttaat the end of October1902 (Kinnear 1989:11). Gaisberghimself describestheirarrivaland first recordingsin India in Music on Record(1942), which consists largelyof reproductions fromhis diaries. His account gives a sense of the sheer logistics involved as well as the culture shock of the experience(1942:54): It tookthreedaysto unloadourthirty officers. heavycasesandpassthe customs Our agent, JackHawdhad arranged collectionof artists,who watchedus a as It our curiously we prepared studioforrecording. was the firsttimethe talking had it machine comeintotheirlives andtheyregarded withaweandwonderment. It was also the first time Indianmusic had come into Gaisberg's life, and it seemed to be no less awesome and traumatic thanthe effects of the gramophone on the Indians(ibid. 54): We entereda new world of musicaland artisticvalues. One had to erase all memoriesof the music of European operahouses and concerthalls: the very of foundations my musical wereundermined. training The first musicians Gaisbergrecordedwere set up by Hawd with the help of two "fixers" from local theatres, AmanendraNath Dutt and JamshediFramji Madan(Kinnear1989:11).As the Westerners knew nothingaboutIndianmusic or musical genres they had to take what was on offer. In this sense the early recordingswere musically arbitrary-everything from classical vocal music to "Bengali Comic Talk" (EMI Archives, Catalogues for India 1902). The first recordingsof Indianmusicians,made on Saturday8th November 1902, were of two nautch (dancing) girls called Soshi Mukhi and Fani Bala of the Classic Theatre.They sang extractsfrom populartheatreshows of the time such as Sri Krishna, Dole Lila, Pramode Ranjan and Alibaba (Kinnear 1989:11-12). According to Gaisberg they had "miserablevoices" (ibid.:11). Elsewhere he describeshis generaldismayat the theatremusic he heard(1942:54-5): Ourfirstvisit was to a native"Classic Theatre" wherea performance Romeo of andJulietin a most unconvential formwas beinggiven. Quitearbitrarily, there was introduced chorus youngnautch a of withricepowder girlsheavilybleached in anddressed transparent Her HairWasHanging gauze.Theysang"And Golden in DownHerBack" brassinstruments playing unison. all accompanied fourteen by

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I hadyet to learnthatthe oriental was unappreciative chords harmonic ear of and and the beat of the accompaniment the of treatment, only demanded rhythmic At drums. thispointwe left. This paragraph a aboutIndianmusic by encapsulates wealthof misconceptions Westerners and Western music by Indians. Undoubtedly the rendition of the ballad "And Her Golden Hair Was Hanging Down Her Back" with brass accompanimentwas set up especially for the Western visitors. But the two musical cultures failed to connect on every level. Expecting Indian music of Gaisbergheard a bad arrangement a Westernsong. The Indianband did not know how to score for brass.It is an exampleof cross-cultural misfiringson every level. Above all Gaisberghad no idea what he was looking for in Indianmusic and was doubtless at the mercy of local fixers anxious to get to the rich Westerners theirlucrativenew talkingmachine. and Furtherevidence of the Westerners' confusion is found in the lists for the music recordedin those first sessions. It is often unclearfromthe titles whethera to or genreof music is being referred such as khyal, or tbhmni, the name of a rig or tal (metre). In later recordingexpeditions such information (melodic form) becamemore accurate. However, following hardupon his experienceat the Classic TheatreGaisberg was usheredinto a differentworld of Indianmusic. He was takento the home of a the "wealthy babu", where he heard, amongst others, Gauharjan vocalist: "an ArmenianJewess who could sing in twenty languages and dialects" (ibid.:55). Gaisberg had come into contact with the mainstream of classical and light classical music performance India,but not in surroundings would have been in he familiarwith fromclassical music in Europeor America(ibid.:55): We elbowed our way through an unsavouryalley jostled by fakirs and unwholesome sacredcows, to a pretentious entrance....No nativewomenwere the present excepting Nautch girls,whohadlost caste. ThatGaisbergfound the subsequentperformance "long and boring"(ibid.:55) and was offended by the betel-stainedteeth of the musicians did not blunt his business acumen. Gauharjanwas clearly a find. No doubt her rendition that evening of "Silver ThreadsAmong the Gold" was specially for the ears of the wealthy Western visitors. So at the end of "an unsavouryalleyway" Gaisberg stumbledupon the source for the 20th century's first commercialrecordingsof Indianclassical music. (c1875-1930), doyenne of the Calcuttakothas, was to become the Gauharjan Gramophone Company'sfirst majorIndianrecordingartist.She recordedscores of songs which were still on the GramophoneCompany's lists into the 1930s, long after her death. Throughthe medium of the gramophoneshe became an immensely popular artist, later appearingin silent movies miming to her own recordings-foreshadowing 'playback' singers of later in the century (Kinnear was an appropriate p.c. 1992). Gauharjan figure to play a role which bridged

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1 traditionand modernity,India and the West. She was born to Westernparents but broughtup in Banaresby her motherwho had convertedto Islam after the break-up of her marriage (Misra 1990:97). Gauharjan was multi-lingual, glamorous,flamboyantand fully aware of the commercialpotential of the new medium. In coming into contact with Gauharjan, Gaisbergentereda differentmusical world fromthe nautchgirls at the Classic Theatre.Gauharjan a trainedsinger was of khyal, thumriand other vocal forms; she is also reportedto have performed and dhrupad sadra(ibid. 96). She was the studentof Bhaya Saheb (1852-1920). This gave her a directlink to the world of courtlypatronage,as Bhaya Sahebwas the son of the Maharajaof Gwalior. He learned singing from his mother, the Maharaja'smistress. At the turn of the centuryBhaya Saheb was considereda leading exponentof the light classical vocal form thumri,and taughtmany other well-known singers of the time, such as Malkajanand GhafurKhan (Manuel 1989:75). was by Gauharjan clearlyan imposingfigure.She was not intimidated Western technology or the commercial wheeling and dealing associated with it. As Gaisbergnoted (1942:56): Whenshe cameto record, suiteof musicians attandants her and even appeared more imposingthanthose used to accompany Melbaand Calve.As the proud heiressof immemorial sheboreherselfwithbecoming folk She dignity. knewher ownmarket to with value,as we found ourcostwhenwe negotiated her. Gauharjan'salmost legendary status is underlinedby the curious story that Gaisberg relates (ibid.:56) about her throwing a party for her cat which cost 20,000 rupees! It seems that such tall tales, her extravangantand provocative appearance-"delicate black gauze draperiesembroideredwith real gold lace, arrangedto so as to present a tempting view of a bare leg and a naked navel" (ibid.:56)-and her habitof ridingthroughCalcuttain a carriageandpair,created an ambience which made it easier for her to "sting"Gaisbergwhen it came to fees. quickly became a "gramophone celebrity",appearingin numerous Gauharjan hornto cataloguespeeringdemurelyinto the cameraor cradlingthe gramophone her bosom. In her first recordings for Gaisberg Gauharjan recorded songs in Hindustani, English,Arabic,Kutchi,Turkish,Sanskrit,Bengali and Pushtu.This body of work respresentsmany of the vocal styles currentin India at that time: thumri,dgdra,ghazal and khyal, with compositionsin a variety of rigs usually associatedwith lighterclassical forms:Plli, Jhinjhoti, and KSfi,Khamaj Bhiupali, Gaaf.However, amongsther first recordingsare also examples of more serious rags such as Malhar,and rarerones like Dhgniand Janglg(see Kaufmann1984
1According to Misra (1990), Gauharjan's parents were Robert Yoeward "An engineer...in Calcutta"and Allen Victoria Hemming. Although they are obviously Western, Misra does not state their nationalities.

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was a and Manuel 1989 for details of these rags). But even though Gauharjan musicianwith a large repertoire traditional of compositions,the novelty value of also did not escape her notice. the gramophone One of her 1902 recordingsis an English-languageversion of "My Love Is Like a Little Bird." The extant recording of this songs seems to have been voice which recordedtoo slow, addinga curioushigh-pitched edge to Gauharjan's exaggeratesthe nursery-rhyme qualityof the lyrics: Mylove is likea littlebird Thatflies fromtreeto tree. The accompanying musicianscarryon regardlessof the curiousmusicalsetting the and they find themselvesin, adjusting Indiantal Kaharva the mellifluousflow of the sarangi to fit the four-square When, midway through,Gauharjan melody. suddenly forgets the lyrics, no-one is disconcertedand the rhythmis picked up againwhen she restarts! At the time of Gauharjan,Indian classical music and the musicians who performedit occupied an ambiguousplace in Indian society. At the turn of the 20th century, classical music in India was regarded as a low-status activity (despite the Hindurevivalismof the 19th century)and was yet to attainits later image, in the West or in India,as a quintessentialsymbol of Indianhigh culture. For women it was considereda particularly disreputable profession,only one step Musical activity in the cities centredon the away from undisguisedprostitution. music and dance to an audikothas, situatedin caklas where tawa'ifs performed ence comprisedof musical afficionadosand pleasure-seekers.The male accompanists, particularlyplayers of the sarafigi,often doubled as procuroror pimp (SorrellandNarayan1980:65). Such venues were connectedin the minds of the incipientIndianbourgeoisie with the loose and degenerateliving previouslyassociatedwith the courts.But it was also within this milieu that many of the stylistic innovationsof 20th-century classical music took place. Male professionalmusiciansfrequented salons and the were influencedstylisticallyby the women, a dimensionof Indianmusic history that has only recentlybeen acknowledged.2 Gaisberghimself noted that the first two male singers he recorded in India had "high-pitchedeffeminate voices", perhapsa resultof female musicalinfluences(1942:56). Lal Chand(L.C.) Boral, a particularlypopularartist in the early days of recording,has a notably highpitched vocal delivery. Manuel(1989) also notes how some of the greatestmale vocalists of the century, for example Faiyaz Khan, emulated the performance practices of tawa'ifs (1989:81). Female musicians were clearly of great of significancein Indiaat the turnof the century,andyet a photograph a gathering of musicians at a conference in Nepal in about 1900 shows not a single woman (Neuman1990:19).
2 For example at the "WomenMusic Makersof India"conference, New Delhi 1984.

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It is perhaps necessary at this point to clarify the meaning of the term in "courtesan" relationto Indianwomen musiciansand dancers.In formertimes the term referredspecifically to women who performedmusic and dance at the courts of Nawabs and Maharajas.However as this milieu of music patronage declinedin the 20th centurythe musical skills of the courtesanstransferred the to urban centres and the salons. For example, even though she was apparently attachedto the courtof the Maharaja Darbhanga one point in her life (Misra of at it is not strictly accurateto term Gauharjan courtesan,even less a a 1990:97), connotations that "dancinggirl"as Gaisbergdescribesher,with all the perjorative such a title carries in India. She was certainly the heir to that tradition and performed primarily in contexts that succeeded the courts. The musical and but a dancingskills she had acquiredwere those of the courtesan, she represented different and emerging stratumof professionalurbanmusicians in India at the turnof the century. The entertainment the salons was a mixture of music, dance and sensual in indulgence. The kotha was not merely a brothelbut also a venue where highly skilled musicians and dancers performed, a place of relaxation, gossip, and musical appreciationas well as venery. Gaisberg notes that the women who performed were "from the caste of public women, and in those days it was practicallyimpossible to recordthe voice of a respectablewoman"(1942:56-7). McMunn gives further background to the social status of the 20th-century courtesan(1931:80-1): ...the mass of them come from the lowest of the depressed classes and untouchables fromoutcast and tribes....The dancers havematriarchal descentfor for all are not manygenerations perhaps, though dancers courtesans, all courtesans The aredancers. recruiting the dancer of classcomesalso fromone moresource, theunwanted The daughter. unwanted daughter be sold,givento, or stolenby may a gipsytribeandsoldon to someduenna dancing of fromthe girls,herselfretired craftof keeping housesof ill fame. to Kidnappingas a form of 'recruitment' the salons may also have effected an of musical styles at this time, as some girls were brought from intermingling outsideIndia(D. Neuman,pers. comm. 1984). The courtesan-musicians were a distinctstrataof Indiansociety andwere often identifiedby theirnameshavingthe suffix -bai, a practicewhich apparently dates back to the time of the Moghul emperor Aurangzeb, who ruled 1658-1707 (Manuel 1989:49-50).The term"bai"(dame,lady) has many connotations, being simultaneouslyhonorific(baiji) and stigmatizing:honorific because it acknowledges the artisticachievementsof the womanso namedbut stigmatizingbecause it links her directlyto the courtesantradition(see also Neuman 1990:100). Some of the most famousvocalists of the 20th century,many of whom were recordedin the the earlypartof the century,still borethis name,includingJankibai, Zohrabai, HirabaiBarodekar Kesarbai and to Kerkar, namebut a few. In the courtesan'sperformance, dance was clearly as important music. It is as that the two skills were closely integrated,with the performersinging apparent

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known as and dancingsimultaneouslyon some occasions, a style of performance abhinaya(Manuel 1989:65). McMunn,despite his exoticism and romanticism, laced with a typical Westernpruriencetowardsthe mysteriousEast, nevertheless also gives an interestingdescriptionof what actuallytakes place musically during at performance HameshaBehar'skotha. Fromthe largechamber withinthe darkened latticestherecomesthe luringthrob of the littledrum....Within of the innerroomswherethe velvetycushions one are Azizunthe dancertaps the floor quietlywith her embroidered super-velvety, crimson greenshoeto supple sinews...youcansee everymuscleunder and the the soft olive skin of the bare abdomensand the transparent muslin of the dancers.. .ankleandbosoms nowin frenzy. movingto thepipe,nowin softness, Judgingby the importanceof the ankle bells worn by the dancers,the dance form is kathak,a sophisticatedmixtureof dance and mime, with hand,foot, head andeye movementsmatchedto complexrhythmic patterns-a dance format once theatrical,melodramaticand abstract.The ankle bells worn by a kathakdancer, which accentuate the rhythms of the footwork, are considered sacred by the dancers and are an indispensablepart of the performance.The accompanying in instruments McMunn'sdescription tabla(drums),Sahnai are wind (double-reed and "zithar"-probablya tinpiura(plucked (1931:83-9). instrument) lute) Dance forms such as kathakand vocal genres like thumriare now acceptedas vital elements of the mainstreamof Indian classical culture. In Gaisberg's and McMunn'stime, however, "Outsidepolice circles they would be unknownto the Westernworld in India"(ibid.:82). The music and dance of the kothawould also have been unfamiliarto the majority of the Indian population. With the first recordingsthe music of the kotha was to move from a world of obscurity and social stigma into the mass media. UnwittinglyGaisbergwas preservingin sound a crucial era in the history of Indian music, as well as examples of a unique women's stratum music-making. of Fromthen on, tawa'ifs could be listenedto in the respectablesurroundings of middle-class Indian homes. On discs women often had "amateur" printedafter their names to indicate that they were not professional performers,and were thereforerespectabledespite their musical accomplishments.They were in fact professionalsbut did not wish to makethe fact publicfor reasonsof propriety.

"Themarvel of the 20th century":3 marketingof the gramophonein the India

The executives of Gramophone TypewriterLtd quickly realized that in India & they were sitting on a potentially huge marketfor their new product. Thomas Addis took over from Hawd in 1903 as the firm's agent and was an energeticand tireless promoterof GTL's Indianmarket,includingthe "native"or "vernacular"
3 Advertisementfor Gramophoneand TypewriterLtd. 1902.

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lists. Hawd went off to freelance in the Indian gramophone market, and became something of a thorn in the flesh for his previous employers-but that is another story. Correspondence for the years 1903-5 shows not only the growth of the Indian market, but also some of the difficulties Addis encountered convincing his bosses back home of the commercial potential of local recordings, and the complexity of selling their product in India. In December 1903, one year after Gaisberg's first recording expedition, Addis wrote to London analysing the market for recordings of Indian music and making some shrewd observations: India is a peculiar country in regard to language as if you go 300 miles out of Calcutta you would find a different dialect altogether which would not be understoodhere and so on throughevery state and presidency.Each districthas its local and popular singers whose records would sell freely. Now its this class of work thatthe betterandmiddle class natives, who have the money enquirefor and we are creditablyinformedthe presentsales are largely due to the excellent results obtainedfrom the instruments[gramophones]alone, and that it is not the records themselves that are inducingthe public to buy instruments. Addis was making a point which gives us an important historical window on the meaning of the gramophone in Indian society in the first years of the 20th century. To the Indian middle classes who could afford it the gramophone was a technological novelty and status symbol in itself, despite the music being played on it-a concept that would be exploited in later publicity material. But Addis was also astute about the potential of regional-language-based musics as part of the GTL's marketing strategy. Two years later, however, he was still trying to convince London of the importance of linguistic diversity in the music market. He had done his research to back up this point (EMI archive correspondence 23.xi. 1905): We have taken records in various vernaculars,but we have not, in my opinion, gone far enough into this matter.Permit me to fall back on figures to show the immense field thereis to be developedin India: India.Totalpopulation(1901) 287,000,000 Thereare 147 vernaculars extraordinary of variety...: Hindi spokenby 60,000,000 Bengali do 44,000,000 Bihari do 47,000,000 Telegu do 20,000,000 Mahrati do 18,000,000 after which come Rajastani, Kanarese, Gujarati, Oriya, Burmese, Tamil, Malayalam,Pustu, pure Urdu etc., etc. The above figures convey, no doubt the enormousdiversityhiddenunderthe name "India". When arrangements were made for the next recording expedition, the regional diversity of India was duly targeted. The London office instructed Addis to extend the catalogue by about 2,500 records, broken down by language (EMI archive correspondence 6.xi. 1904):

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150, 300, 500, Bengali300, Hindustani Gujarati Mahratti Tamil300, Telugu250, Thibetan Sanscrit, Persian Canarese Cingalese 120, 200, 200, Bhutian Nepaulese 120,Beluchi60. Curiously, perhaps, such regional diversity in the Indian popular music industrywould never be reflected again until a new recordingtechnology, the cassette, broke the hegemony of the GramophoneCompany of India and the Hindi languagefilmi song in the late 1970s (Manuel1993). The fact thattherewas no record-pressing plantin Indiawas also giving Addis He was continuallyrunningout of stocks of Indianrecordsand had to problems. fight an ongoing battle to convince the London office to send more copies and dispatch anotherrecordingexpedition to increase the list and record more and betterartists.In September1903 he wrote: so We arerather (sic) comingthrough slowly dissappointed at the nativerecords that recordsmadehere especiallywhenyou consider you havehadthe original last....Wehave only a few Bengalirecordsand since the beginningof January to peoplearebeginning lose faithsayingthattheydo notbelievetheyarecoming at all. The same thing will happenregardingJapaneseChinese and other to will we records...it be quiteanother before shallbe in a position makea big year movein the 'Eastern Trade'. On 8 June 1905 Addis notes thatall 300 copies of L.C. Boral's recordings were sold "withinhalf an hourof the time they were opened". Another majorheadachefor Addis was the piracy by other Indiandealers of GTLtrademarks, notablythe famous"HisMaster'sVoice" pictureshowing a dog in to a gramophone, the term"gramophone" and itself. An advertisement listening the Morning Post of February1903 showed a Calcuttafirm, the "International a Street,reproducing pictureof the musicGramophone Depot" of Dhurumtolla loving dog to sell a variety of importedgramophonesand accessories "All at Americanprices".Such infringements to many lawsuits,throughwhich GTL led established sole ownership of the now world-famous image (EMI archive correspondence 9.v. 1904). In 1906 GTL catalogues were offering "Genuine Needles in colouredboxes bearingour Famous CopyrightPicture Gramophone 'His Master'sVoice'." Duringthe first five years of the centurythe GTL's "native"list began to take of shape,reflectingthe regionalandlinguisticheterogeneity India.The catalogues were published in all the major languages of the area such as Punjabi, Urdu, Hindi, Bengali, Tamil, Telegu and Malayalam.The list had also increasedowing to a second more extensive recordingexpeditionin 1904. Duringthis tour, led by William SinklerDarby,recordingswere made thoughoutIndiaratherthanjust in Calcutta(Kinnear1989:21-5). As the list increasedthe questionof publicitywas of utmostimportance. There were teething troubles with the first catalogues, mainly due to the number of scripts and languages being employed (EMI archive correspondence 7-9.xii.

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1905). But pointingto the the sales figures,Addis noted the positive effect good sales would have: "what can and will be done when proper catalogues are printed".Photographsin early catalogues showed the big-selling gramophone and celebrities such as Gauharjan Malkajan.It is to the specially commissioned images for gramophone cataloguesthat I now turn,however, as they incorporate the history, religion, mythology and social mores of Indian life in a striking manner. The questionof images for GTL's cataloguesis first raisedby Addis in a letter to the Londonoffice dated 19thJanuary1905. Apparently had a small picture, he a local artisthere, and which we proposeto use on the cover of our "paintedby new Indiancatalogue";but a Mr Wortmanwho had been visiting had taken the pictureaway with him by mistake.The picturein questionwas in three separate colours. It was to be on a catalogueof 10-inchrecordingsin "100,000 lots". The latterfigure indicatesthe way in which the tradewas increasingand the urgent demand for publicity with suitable images. It is difficult to ascertain exactly which pictureAddis's letter refers to, but several interestingimages from local artistsappearin cataloguesduringthe years 1906-7. Addis could be referringto the coloured image entitled "The Gramophonein the Court of Jahangierthe Magnificent" one FredC.Rogers.This curiousconcoctionof past and present by is discussed in detail below. Or perhapsit is the image of the goddess Sarasavati complete with gramophone,by G.N. Mukherji,which appearsfronting a 1906 catalogue.These and otherimages show the way in which the GTLtriedto target their Indian customers by mixing ancient and modern, projecting the talking machineas an almostmiraculuous worthyof takingits place next to phenomenon emperorsand goddesses, or as an essential adjunctto social statusand progress. In a 1907 cataloguethe ubiquitous"HisMaster'sVoice" houndis picturedsitting in front of the new gramophonein a comfortablemiddle-classIndianhousehold (fig. 1). The text is Bengali but the decor of the room and the dress of the inhabitantsare a mix of Western and Indian. The gramophoneis the focus of is attention,the centrepieceof the room. The statusof the gramophone reflected by the man of the house who stands,arm outstretched presumablyextolling the wondersandvirtuesof the new technologyandpresentingit proudlyto his family and relatives.His wife standsat the other side of the table clearly delightedwith this latest additionto the household.The couple's two children,a boy and girl, listen attentively,the boy leaningforward eagerlyto the catchthe soundsfromthe sits wonderousmachine.An elderlyman, a fatheror grandfather, to listen with a youngerrelativeor friend-even a servanthas been invitedin to listen. The latter croucheson the floor with wearingonly a dhoti. The HMV dog sits beneaththe come to life in an gramophone,implantedout of context, a corporatetrademark Indiandomestic scene. (Paradoxically, dogs are consideredunclean in India and Westernised arerarelykept as domesticpets, except in upper-class households.) is This image is packedwith social and culturalmessages. The gramophone an object, a possession, that representsa bridgebetween two culturaldomains, the West and India, and as such is a symbol of the aspirationsof the burgeoning Indianmiddle-classat the turnof the century.The gramophoneis also a techno-

logical innovation that crosses generations. The pride of the up-and-coming young couple in their new acquisition is evident. Their son, leaning forward, is moving towards a mass-mediated future. The grandfather spans the generations and has lived to see the world change through the medium of recorded sound; his face is creased in amusement, perhaps at the younger ones and their fascination with this new toy. But relative status is intact in the presence of the servant, who sits on the floor whilst the others sit in chairs, is half-dressed, whose skin is of a noticeably darker hue, whose back is to the viewer. Technology democratizes, but not completely. The inextricable link in India between religion and everyday life also did not miss the eye of the publicists. In one particularly striking image from 1906 (fig. 2) Sarasvati, the Hindu goddess of arts and learning, is depicted in a rural idyll, perched on a lotus in the middle of a lake. On her knees is a vinai, a traditional stringed instrument, but rising from the water next to her and balanced on another huge lotus is a gramophone. With one hand resting on the frets of her instrument, she places the needle on the disc with the other. Nearby flowers contain neat piles of discs ready to be selected and played. Fishes, crocodiles, frogs, tortoises, serpents and a beautiful swan also listen. This image deftly incorporates the gramophone into a panoply of ancient symbols associated with Sarasvati. Sarasvati is the consort of Brahma and "the goddess of wisdom, knowledge, science, art, learning and eloquence, the patroness of music and inventor of the Sanskrit language and Devanagari letters"

Fig. 2 (Garrett1990:559). She is also closely associated with the concept of flowing water(the riverSarasvati in UttarPradesh).She is traditionally is depictedas fairor skinned,four-limbed,often holding a stringedinstrument, a drum,and a book of palm leaves to symbolize her love of knowledge. Her vehicle is a swan, a symbol of "the whiteness or purityof learningand the power of discrimination, which is the essential quality for the acquisitionof saving knowledge"(Morgan 1987:106). Sarasvatiusually appearsin a vernal scene due to her associations with the beginningof spring.But Sarasvati also has a particular with relationship sound and hearing. One mythological account has a special resonance for the coming of the gramophone (Garrett1990:559;my emphasis): In the Santiparva is relatedthat when the Brahmarshis it were performing of austerities, priorto the creation the universe,"a voice derivedfromBrahma entered theearsof themall;thecelestial into Sarasvati thenproduced the was from heavens." And so the gramophone enters the aural universe of Indian mythology, bringing music to the masses of India-or at least that part of the masses that could affordit, at anythingup to 250 rupeesa machine. Sarasvati was not the only goddessto featurein the catalogues.An image from 1907 shows the goddess Durga surroundedby wild beasts: tigers, lions, and

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pythons,that have been subduedby the music of the gramophone (fig. 3). Durga, the consortof giva, is a terrifyingfigure in the Hindupantheon,often depictedas the goddess of destructionin her incarnation Kali. The image of Kali was also as used as a ferocioussymbol of religiousnationalismduringthe first decadesof the 20th century(Heehs 1993:29-35). But Durgaalso has a virtuousside which is on displayhere in the companyof the gramophone. manybeaststhatsurround appeartamedby the soundof The her the gramophone.The lion is traditionallythe vahana(vehicle) of Durga and symbolizes her strengthin the continuingbattlebetween good and evil. The tiger is associatedwith the goddess Katyayani,and the deer with Vayu, the wind god (Morgan 1987:104-5). Durga leans her arm on a serpent showing that she is beast. imperviousto this powerfulanddangerous A similar traditional image appears in the iconography of Indian music associatedwith the ragmala (miniature painting)depictingthe rasa(mood) of the the Todi,who throughherbeautyand skill on the vina has charmed animals raginiout of the forest to listen. The deer is always prominentin this representation (Deneck 1967:39). This timeless image is cleverly transposedto suit the new technologyof the gramophone. Sometimes the publicity images for the GTL move into the realms of the surreal. A truly curious example of this is from the 1905 catalogue with the

Fig. 3

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in the heading:"The Gramophone the Courtof Jahangier Magnificent"(fig. 4). The Moghul emperorJahangirreigned between 1605 and 1627, a period when contactwith Indiawas on the increase.This image shows the splendour European of the Moghul court complete with attendants concubinesenraptured the and by of a gramophone.The meeting has the look of a darbar or official presence gatheringin the presenceof the Emperor.Such events were noted for their lavish and luxuriousshow of wealth. But who has presentedthis wonderfulgift for the delectationof the monarch?There is no supplicantvisible, only an armedguard who stands grimly by the machine. It would appearthat the gramophonehas arrivedof its own volition-not only a talkingmachine,but also a time-machine. In this image the marvellous nature of the gramophone allows it to skip centuries into a dimension where Indian history is penetrated by Western technology. The message is clear:if these machineshad been aroundat thattime even Jahangirwould have wanted one. Curiously,perhaps,Jahangiris credited with being the first Indianemperorto have a Westerninstrument his court.In at 1616 he recieved a virginalas a gift from King James.It is doubtfulwhetherthe 1905 image is a direct referencethat incident;rather,it is an odd coincidence. However, it is also recordedthat Jahangirsoon became bored with the virginal (Foster 1926:48,76). Would the same fate have awaited the time-travelling gramophone? Fig. 4

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and By the end of the decade, Gramophone TypewriterLtd had establisheda in Calcutta,and were on on the way to becoming the dominant pressing plant recordingcompany in the Indiansub-continentwell into the middle of the 20th and centuryandbeyond. The correspondence publicityfromthose first yearsoffer a rareglimpse in the logistics and culturalcomplexitiesinvolved in the gestation of a mass medium. But what of Indianmusic and the new technology?How did the constraintsof technology affect the style and structureof the music recorded? It is to this in dimensionof the gramophone IndiathatI finallyturn.

Musical form on early Indian recordings

Writingin 1942 FredGaisbergobserved(1942:58): sincemy firstvisitto India. foundmusictherestatic We Thirty yearshaveelapsed andaftera few yearsthere verylittletraditional was musicleft to record. Songsfor in festivals weddings and werelearning and werealready ourcatalogue new artists theirrepertoire gramophone from records. No doubt Gaisberghad little appreciation understanding Indianmusic to or of back up his claim that the music was "static",but his final comment is more intriguing. As a way of disseminating musical material the gramophonewas and unprecedented, it was inevitablethat artistswould copy songs from records. Indeed, recordingwas a perfect tool for such endeavours.The record could be played repeatedlyand mimicked without recourseto a teacher or notation. But what was being copied in terms of musical form, and how did recordedversions of khyal, thumri,and other traditionalgenres relate to live performances? Were the recordsin fact "constructions" rather than "reproductions" Indianmusicof to put it another way, was the music that appeared on discs the creature of thana representation a performance? of recordingtechnologyrather Manuel has noted that throughoutthe history of recording in India certain forms of music have been neglected because of limited time on discs. He cites genres such as Braj dhola, or Budelkhandialha, whose extended ballad forms were unsuitablefor recording(1993:39). But manyof the formsthatdid appearin the first recordingsof Indianmusic were also unsuitablefor renditionin two or three minutes, notably the vocal genre khyal, of which Gauharjanrecorded severalexamples. In the present day a performanceof khyal is likely to involve extensive and elaborate improvisation, and there is little evidence to suggest that live performance practicesof khyal andothergenresincludingthumridifferedgreatly (at least in terms of duration)at the turn of the century. It is reported(Mishra of 1990:98)thatperformances bat,an--a mixtureof singing (usuallythumri)and dance performedby courtesans-could last for up to three hours on the same is piece! Although this is perhapsexaggerated,Gauharjan neverthelesscredited with giving extensive live performances thumriand khyal(ibid. 99-100). of

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Following the first recordings, Indian music performance existed in two worlds: the extended live performanceand the two- or three-minutedurationof the disc. It has been suggested that this representeda furthersplit between the performancepractices of the courts, and those of the urban milieu of musical entertainment (Michael Kinnearp.c. 1992). However, that the short durationof discs did cause problemsis indicatedby the fact thatin the earlydays, many great of performers Indianmusic refusedto be recorded,becausethey foundit contrary to the spiritof theirart(Kinnear1989:28).Feedbackfromthe audienceis also an As unfolds, important ingredientof Indianmusic performances. the performance the audience interject exclamations of approval and astonishmentat virtuoso passages. Such crucialinterplaywas absentfrom the recordingsituation,so that an important source of musical inspiration and affirmation was denied the 4 performers. In one sense the early recordings are no more than snapshots of particular But the recordingsalso give clues as to how genres and styles of performance. musicians dealt with the short amount of time available on disc as well as providing insights into the natureof Indian musical form and its flexibility of featuresof the structure.On disc, time constraintsthrow the essential structural music into sharp relief. Musical devices which usually enjoy detailed in become compresseddown to and extemporization exploration live performance shortgestures.In this way featuresof Indianmusicalformare pouredthroughthe seive of recording technologyandtime limitationuntil only the essentialsremain. In orderto illustratesome of the featuresof this process, let us look in more detail at a khyal by Gauharjan from 1907, "EtaneYaubanDamanNa Kariye","I in can no longer containmy youthfulexuberance" the penatonicrag Bhupali.On the a bowed instrument, sarafigi, was accompaniedby this recordingGauharjan to role andthe tabli drums.The srafigi has an important in khyal as a support the vocal line, shadowingevery subtlenuanceand inflectionof the voice. In generalterms khyal is consideredto be a more abstractand classical genre than thumri,althoughthe latteralso shows influence from the former(Manuel 1989:142-3). In khyal the sound and syllables of words are used as vehicles for abstractvocalising;the literalmeaningof the text, which is usually on a romantic The lyrics in a khyal are usually or religious theme, is of secondaryimportance. only heard once in their complete form before becoming the source of improvisation. This contrasts with thumri where the lyrics are of greater with syllables takes place in importance.This is not to say that no improvisation thumri-this is an important element-but thereis more emphasison the meaning of the wordsrather thanon the musicalsound. The term khyal comes from the Urdu word meaning "thought" or By "imagination". the turnof the 20th centurykhyalhadbecome the most widely the India,supplanting older performedclassical genre of vocal music in Northern
4 Manuel notes how canned exclamations such as "Wah! Wah!" are dubbed onto present-day recordingsof popularghazals, to reproducethe excitement and immediacy of live performances (1993: 98).

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austere vocal form called dhrupad.Khyal is thought to be a synthesis of other and vocal forms such as dhrupad qawali, a type of Muslimreligious song (Wade by 1979:169).The form developedinto a distinctivegenrecharacterized virtuosic bravura and vocal extemporization dramatic passages. A live performanceof khyal falls into several sections: a slow composition knownas bara(large) khyal and a fastercompositioncalled chota(small) khyal. The compositionscan be set to varioustals, but a commonformatis: slow-ektal (12 beats), followed by fast-tinta (16 beats). In khyal there are no extended alaps (slow unmetredpreludes) as in dhrupador instrumentalmusic, although detailedalap-like improvisationtakes place at the beginning of the bara khyal composition,with tal. This is often set to a very slow (ati-vilambit) basic beat. The performanceopens with a few phrases of the rag sung in alap style, then moves directly into the composition. Extemporizationtakes the form of slow explorationsof the syllables of the words and fastermelodic passages known as (singing to the tans,using either sargam(the pitch namessa, e, ga, etc,) or Akar An vocable a). There is also much cross-rhythmic interplay(laykanr). extended of khyalis open-endedin duration. performance How is it possible to perform a music such as khyal in three minutes? Guaharjan'srecording gives some insight. "EtaneYauban Daman Na Kariye" 2 lasts for approximately minutes23 seconds.The performance comprises opening(alap),which leads into the refrain(mukh. ) of 1) a brief non-metrical the composition; 2) the composition itself (ciz or bandi?),with tal. The compositionis in two and sections, sthayi(which includesthe refrainas its firstphrase)and antara, formsthe "fixed"partof the performance; based on the sthayisection of the composition. 3) sections of improvisation Breaking down "Etane Yauban Daman Na Kariye" into composed and uses the time available sections shows the way in which Gauharjan "improvised" withinthe termsof Indianmusicalform:

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"EtaneYaubanDamanNa Kariye" Duration: MusicalFeature: Alap/introduction Sthdyix3 2' 23" Time:* 11" 30"

xl Antara
Sthayixl 1 Improvisation "" 2 .". 3
"" 4 "" 5

T'
9" 17" 17" 11"
8"

Sthlyi xl2 * all timingsto the nearestsecond

10" 14"

Thereis a clear sense of balanceand shape in the way in which Gauharjan fits the form of khyal into the shorttime span of this disc. The alap is reducedto a single soundingof the SA or tonic note followedby the refrain,the mukh.r,of the sthayi.The sthayiis the most important of the compositionas it delineatesthe part metre and mode of the piece and forms the basis for subsequentimprovisations. sings the sthayithreetimes, then gives a brief renditionof the antara, Gauharjan once only, before repeatingthe sthayi again. In total the fixed composition,with sthayiand antarasections,takes up one minute,or almosthalf the total recording time. The "improvisations" the formof tans (sweepingmelodic phrases),with a take return the mukhriat the end of the phrase.In Gauharjan's to recordingthe longest breakspanstwo cycles of 16 beats,returning a compressedversion to improvised of the mukhri.After two such improvisations the centralpartof the recording, at the improvisations shortento one cycle beforereturning the sthayi. to It seems, however,thattime finallycaughtup with Gauharjan this particular on as she ends half way througha cycle, ratherthan on the first beat as recording, would be typical in Indian music, leaving her a few seconds to announce (in Suchannouncements are Englishwith a flirtatious flair)"Myname is Gauharjan". a featureof many early recordings.It is has been suggestedthatthis practicewas purelyfor reasonsof novelty (Joshi 1988:148),but it seems it may also have been a form of advertising.The announcements not always in English, and on one are recordingby Malkajanof Agra she announcesnot only her name but also her address! How is the form of Indianmusic reconciledto this recording?Withinits own terms it is a perfectlybalancedperformance giving equal weight, in time, to the

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fixed and improvised parts of the performance.However, the time demands unbalancethe traditional performance practicesassociatedwith khyal. Rendition of the sthayi and antaraii would never take up half of an extendedperformanceof khyal. Indeed they may be sung in their complete form only one or twice in an extended performance. Extemporization of various kinds would take up time. somethinglike 90% of the performance The analysis of performance in terms of the proportions of composed to improvised sections is particularlyvalid in the context of recordingwhere the musician has to decide what to include or leave out. Such decisions have a differentmeaningin the unfoldingof a temporallyopen-endedlive performance. AlthoughI do not wish to generalizetoo far from one example,I suggest thatone possible effect of the durationon early recordings was to lead artists to give greater weight to the composed or fixed parts of the performancesthan they would normallyhave done in live recitals. This is particularly true of forms like the khyal. To verify this point, however, requiresfurtherresearchwith a larger sample. The flexibility of Indianmusical form undoubtedlyhelped in its transitionto the mediumof recording, earlyrecordings instrumental but of music come over as being ratherfragmentedin a way that vocal recordingsdo not. For example, in 1904 recordingsof the great sitaristImdadKhan suffer from lack of time, hence what we are left are tantalising glimpses of complete sitir performances, sectionalized and taken out of context-an alap, a jor, but without the overIn archingcoherenceof a completeperformance. this case the recordingtime does not fit the form. Later,especially in recordingsof instrumental music, Indianmusicians found ways to work round the time constraintsin keeping with Indian musical form, especially after the introductionof two-sided discs. For example, sitar players on performedalap with surbahar(bass-sitar) one side of the disc and a gat (fixed with sitar on the flip side. But even though this pointed up the composition) differentmovementsof the rag, therewas still not enoughtime to give a detailed rendition. Much researchremainsto be done on the formaleffects of recordingon Indian music performances, generalobservations but suggestthatIndianmusiciansadapt theirrecordedperformances readilyas the technologychanges.The adventof LPs in the 1960s led to longerperformances, now it is not uncommonto hear an and extendedperformance one rag for seventyminutesor moreon a compactdisc. of

Conclusion
In this paper I have discussed various apects of the gramophonein India at the turnof the century.This is a fascinatingand important in the historyof Indian era of music, but it has received little attentionin the literature ethnomusicolgy.Not only is there a wealth of historical and cultural material to be explored and analysed, but also a large body of extant recordingsby some of India's most prominentmusicians.This periodis uniquein that it representsa musical culture

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in transition-crossing over from a world of patronage a world of global mass to media. That moment in time is capturedin sound by the early recordings of and Ltd,which markthe beginningsof one of the largest Gramophone Typewriter recordingsindustriesin the world. Fromthen on recordswould be used for every to purpose from entertainment the mass disseminationof informationon health and hygiene, and in politics as partof the Swadeshimovementduringthe struggle for independence from Britain. The advent of the recording industry in India of provedto be a musicaland social phenomenon enormoussignificance. It seems appropriate end with one final image fromthose early days (fig. 5). to In a 1907 cataloguethe HMV houndtilts his head in that quizzical way as two Indiandancerscompletewith anklebells emerge fromthe hornof a gramophone to spin on the rotatingdisc. Surelytherecould be no more fittingsymbol of Indian music's emergenceinto the 20th centurythroughthe mediumof recordedsound. Fig. 5

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This researchwould not have been possible without the help, assistance and advice of RuthEdge, SarahHobbs and JennyKeen at the EMI archives.Special thanksto Michael Kinnear for generously sharing with me his encyclopedic knowledge of Indian recordings.Also thanksto ProfessorCyril Ehrlichfor his advice and criticismof various who translatedthe lyrics of the aspects of this research, and to Amaresh Chakrovarty example ("I can no longer containmy youthful exuberance").My thanks to Gauharjan of NormanMcBeathwho took the photographs the EMI archiveimages.

REFAIRENCES
Foster, W., ed. (1926) The embassy of Sir ThomasRoe to India 1615-19. London. Gaisberg,F.W. (1942) Music on record. London:RobertHale. Garrett,John (1990) A classical dictionaryof India. Delhi: Low Price Publications. Gronow, Pekka (1981) "Therecordindustrycomes to the Orient."Ethomusicology25.2:251-84. Heehs, Peter (1993) "Religionand revolt: Bengal underthe Raj."History Today43 (Jan.):29-36. Kaufmann,W. (1984) The ragas of northIndia. New York: Da Capo Press. first Indian recordings 1899-1908. EMI Kinnear,Michael (1989) The gramophonecompany's Archive (unpublished).(In press 1993, Bombay:PopularPrakashan.) Joshi, G.N. (1988) "A concise history of the phonographindustry in India." Popular Music 7.2:147-56. Manuel, Peter (1989) Thumriin historical and stylisticperspectives. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. (1993) Cassette culture.University of Chicago Press. McMunn, Sir George (1931) The underworldof India. London:Jarrolds. Misra, Susheela (1990) Some immortalsof Hindustanimusic. New Delhi: Harman. Morgan, Kenneth(1987) The religion of the Hindus. Delhi: Motilal Banaridass. Neuman, Daniel M. (1990) The life of music in northIndia. University of Chicago Press. Wade, Bonnie (1979) Music in India: the classical traditions.New Jersey:PrenticeHall. EMI ARCHIVES: VernacularCataloguesand Publicity Material 1902-1910. Recordings 1902-1910. Correspondence1902-1905. Reproducedby courtesy of EMIMusic Archives,Hayes.