The Recuay Culture of Peru's North-Central Highlands. A Reappraisal of Chronology and Its Implications

The Recuay Culture of Peru's North-Central Highlands: A Reappraisal of Chronology and Its Implications Author(s): George F.
Lau Source: Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 29, No. 1/2 (Spring, 2002 - Summer, 2004), pp. 177 -202 Published by: Boston University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3181492 Accessed: 18/12/2009 10:10
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=boston. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Boston University is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Field Archaeology.
http://www.jstor.org
177
The Recuay Culture of Peru's NorthCentral Highlands: A Reappraisal of Chronology and Its Implications
George F. Lau
University of East Anglia Norwich, United Kingdom
Recentarchaeological in investigations ofpost-Chavzn occupations the North-Central Peru (DepartmentofAncash)providenew chronological data that helpsituHighlands of ate the Recuaycultureand its transformations time. Becauseof the burgeoninginterest in in northernPeru, and the cultural complexity the EarlyIntermediatePeriod (ca.A.D. of is the 1-700) in general, a reconsideration Recuayprehistory needed.This complements of recentadvancesin the culturalsequences coeval suchas Moche,Nasca, and Cajaof groups marca. The discussion ceramicand radiometric reviews evidence reconstruct broadculto six whichthefirstfour can be identifiedas components a 'RRecuay turalperiods,of Tradiof tion."To evaluatechanging culturalrelationships exchange and patternsin northernPeru, the new chronology clarifieslocalNorth Highland transformations following Chavin'scol100 B.c.), coast-highland interactions and Moche/Gallinazo between lapse(ca. Recuay 200-700), and changingsocio-cultural groups (ca. A.D. dispositions Recuaygroupsdurof and ing theperiodof Wari expansion(ca.A.D. 750). Recuay'sdevelopment regionalinteraction byphasefurnish new insight into the character socialcomplexity the ancient in of Andes.
Introduction
In large part owing to the pioneering efforts of the great Andeanists Julio C. Tello (1929, 1940) and Wendell C. Bennett (1944), Recuay culture has long been recognized as a vital and influential component in Peruvianprehistory. Despite its early recognition, however, Recuay culture and its position in the general chronology of the CentralAndes have largely remained obscure. Recent political unrest in Peru's highlands combined with a long-standing bias for coastal study and other researchpriorities have limited the diachronic understanding of Recuay culture. The present contribution reviews the current chronological evidence for Recuay socio-cultural transformations, marshalling data, especially from new radiocarbon and ceramic studies, to situate Recuay tradition alongside broader patterns in Andean prehistory with greatertemporal precision. Specifically,the new frameworkwill be used to illuminate the timing and characterof cultural sequences, including local developments following Chavin's collapse, Recuay interaction with Moche and Gallinazo cultures,
and the final transformations of Recuay culture vis-a-vis Wari expansion into the North Highlands. Recuay Culture and Society Recuay culture emerged as part of the unprecedented regional developments of the Early Intermediate Period, ca. A.D. 1-700 (Rowe and Menzel 1967). Renowned for the proliferation of art styles, the Early Intermediate Period was also a time of major socio-economic innovation, including the formation of expansionistic polities, the rise of urban centers, and strong regional distinctions in technology, economic production, and religion. The Moche, Nasca, and Lima flourished as the major cultures of the coast, while Pukara/Tiwanakuand Recuay achieved prominence in the highlands. These pan-Andean developments are often understood to reflect the cultural heterogeneity and geopolitical balkanization of the Central Andes following the collapse of Chavin civilization. Most portrayals of Recuay culture, however, have remained synchronic because of significant gaps in reliable chronological evidence. Recuay culture developed in a region of northern Peru
178 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology Implications/Lau and
largely corresponding to the Department of Ancash (FIG. I), an environmentally diverse area featuring Pacific coastline, montane, and tropical rain forest habitats extending over 36,000 sq km. The Callej6n de Huaylas (FIG. i), or the intermontane drainage of the Santa River, has been the traditional focus of Recuay research.Tello (1929) and Bennett (1944) provided the first syntheses of the culture based on excavations and descriptions of monuments and collections from this region. Subsequent work reiterates the valley's importance (Lanning 1965; Wegner 1988; Isbell 1989; Gero 1990). Key archaeological sites have been studied near the modern towns ofAija, Katak (Roko Ama), Huaraz (Jancu, Wilkawain, Balc6n de Judas, and sites of the Pierina mining area), Carhuaz/Marcara (Huaricoto, Honcopampa, and Queyash Alto), Yungay (Guitarrero Cave), and Caraz (Tumshukaykoand Katiama). Just north of the Callej6n de Huaylas, major centers at Pashash and La Pampa have also been investigated (Grieder 1978; Smith 1978; Terada 1979). Recuay occupation is known, but poorly documented, from the Callej6n de Conchucos, the Marainon-draining valleys to the east of the Cordillera Blanca. Major Recuay settlements have been identified in and around the modern towns of Chavin de Huaintar, Chacas, and Pomabamba (Tello 1929, 1960; Espejo Nuniez 1957; Lumbreras 1970; Amat Olazabal 1976; Herrera 1999). The Recuay culture also flourished along the Pacific flanks of the Cordillera Negra. Archaeological research in this region has focused traditionally on settlement systems, finding strong Recuay presence in the middle to upper valley areasof the Huarmey, Casma, Nepefia, and Santa rivers (Tello 1929; Grieder 1978; Proulx 1982; Wilson 1988). Recent excavations and radiocarbon determinations from Chinchawas, a village settlement located at the headwaters of the Casma Valley (Lau 2001), provide critical new data for the reevaluation of Recuay chronology presented here. The Recuay are best known for their distinctive art style that emerged after Chavin in the North-Central Highlands. Despite the geographic propinquity, Recuay ceramics and stone sculpture lack clear relationships to previous Chavin culture. The iconography, which stresses themes of to important personages and ancestor veneration, appears from the esoteric and mystifying embe a conscious break in techphases of Chavin imagery.In addition, innovations white nology and artisticelaboration-including the use of kaolinite clays, resist and polychrome painting, effigy forms, and architectural representations-distinguish the Grieder Recuay pottery style (Reichert 1977; Smith 1978; also excelled in the man1978). Highland Recuay peoples ufacture of monolithic stone sculpture (Tello 1929; Bennett 1944; Schaedel 1948, 1952). Depicting noteworthy
individuals and images of status and cosmology, Recuay artisans engaged many of the sculptures as structural members in special architectural settings. Recent arguments maintain that most sculpture functioned in local mortuary ritual and status aggrandizement (Lau 2000, 2001). Recuay culture manifests significant stylistic ties to coeval developments in the Central Andes, including the Moche (Bruhns 1976; Bankmann 1979), Salinar,and Gallinazo (Larco 1945, 1948; Bennett 1950), Cajamarca (Julien 1988; Terada and Matsumoto 1985), Lima (Patterson 1966; Makowski and Rucabado Yong 2000), and montane forest cultures (Church 1996). Later,there are also some stylistic connections with Wari culture (Schaedel 1952, 1993). Recuay's central geographic position in northern Peru likely facilitated vigorous stylistic interchange by connecting different parts of the sierra with coastal and eastern montane forest zones. Stylistic connections coincided with exchange relationships. Rare sumptuarygoods such as marine shell, metal artifacts,and fancy ceramics comprised key components of long-distance trade. Exchange probably also included bulkier products, such as camelid meat (on the hoof or as dried ch'arki [English: meat packages) and staple tuber crops. Textiles and "jerky"] spun camelid fiber may have also been important commodities for high-altitude communities (Lau 2001: 416-419). Recuay groups prospered through cultural and economic transactionsbetween different ecological zones (Tello 1929: 14-16). Many settlements occupied strategic locations on vital exchange routes (Smith 1978; Proulx 1982), and small communities were established to exploit high altitude agriculturallands (upper quechua) as well as zones for camelid pasturage orpuna (Lau 2001). As in other contemporary cultures, like Moche and Nasca, warfareis a recurringtheme in the interpretation of Recuay groups (Lumbreras 1974a: 112-116; Lau 2000: 181-182) with warriors, weapons, and trophy heads as common motifs in Recuay art (Tello 1929: 75-80; Schaedel 1948: figs. 56-57). Painted scenes from Moche warriors (Wegpots illustrate battling Moche and Recuay 1982: 90). In addition to their location on ner, in Proulx defensive ridgetops, Recuay settlements were often fortified with moats, large perimeter walls, restricted access, and parapets.Archaeological evidence of weapons, such as maceheads, projectile points, slingstones, and atlatl hooks, is common (Tello 1929; Proulx 1982; Lau 2001). Modeled ceramics also depict large fortified enclosures with armed sentries positioned along the walls (Lumbreras 1978: 113). It appearsthat a number of independent polities, probably along the lines of large chiefdoms, comprised Recuay
29, JournalofFieldArchaeology/Vol. 2002-2004
179
Figure 1. Map of northern Peru with location of sites, some of which are mentioned in text. The inset shows the location of the mapped area and the Department of Ancash in Peru.
society by the mid-ist millennium A.D. Given growing evidence for regional cultural variability,it is unclear that the groups ever coalesced into the more complex or enduring political unit sometimes ascribed for Recuay (Smith 1978; Shimada 1994: 86, 258). Nevertheless, we may conceive of a commonwealth of largely independent groups adapted to the highland and upper coastal valley environments of Ancash, and sharing very similar material culture, iconography, and behavioral patterns--especially in funerary ritual, exchange interests, and settlement organization. Increasingly asymmetricalsocial relations in Recuay culture coincided with a shift towards stratification and secular administration in adjacent groups, such as Gallinazo, Moche, and Lima. The current evidence, especially from settlement patterns and stylistic studies, suggests that Recuay culturaldifferentiation and political development may have been a response to intensive competition with its neighbors (Proulx 1982; Topic and Topic 1983; Shady Solis 1988; Shimada 1999). The Recuay pattern agrees with arguments that widespread innovations in art, technology, and iconography during the Early Intermediate Period were developed to aggrandize elite segments of society and to signal political authority (e.g., Silverman 1993; Uceda and Mujica 1994; Bawden 1996; Gero 2001). By the 8th century A.D., the Recuay tradition came to a close as new cultural patterns associated with extending Wari influence
became predominant (FIG.
2).
(Ziolkowski et al. 1994) or CALIB version 4.3 online. The most recent published version of CALIB can be found in Stuiver and Reimer (1993). Partsof this discussion refer to the "Recuay tradition" (ca. A.D. 1-800), a broad term meant to describe four distinctive but related phases in Recuay'sgeneral development: Huaras, Recuay, Late Recuay, and Early Wari-influencedphases (FIG. 3). Future work in highland Ancash should improve this reconstruction by identifying subphases as well as regional variations.
Huaras Style (200 B.C.-A.D. 250)

Since Bennett's original formulation in 1944, the temporal placement of Huaras culture has been a problem. "Huaras, as is common practice,will be used to avoid confusion with the modern city and province of Huaraz. Many scholars accept that Huaras white-on-red pottery occurs prior to Recuay materials (Bennett 1944; Lumbreras 1970; Grieder 1978) or comprises an early but partially overlapping phase in a broader Recuay sequence beginning at the end of the Early Horizon, ca. A.D. 1 (Lanning 1965; Gambini 1984). Huaras is often considered as an early component of the Recuay tradition on the basis of its material culture. The Huaras emphasis on open bowls and small jars, red slips, and groups of painted vertical or horizontal bands along exterior rims continues into Recuay. Other elements, including Huaras funerarypractices, sculpturaliconography, and masonry technique, anticipate later Recuay practices (Bennett 1944: 36, 50; Lanning 1965: 140; Lumbreras 1970: 69-74). At Chavin de Huantar, Huaricoto, and perhaps also at Pashash, archaeologists find white-on-red pottery stratigraphically below Recuay levels (Lumbreras 1974b; Grieder 1978: 63-65; Burger 1985: 125). Other recent investigations (Isbell 1989, 1991; Lynch 1980; Gero 1990; Ponte Rosalino 2000) expand the geographic distribution and functional contexts of Huaras style pottery and supthat port Bennett's (1944: 109) original contention occur largely after the end of Chavin and Huaras should before occupations containing Recuay kaolinite pottery. remain Any stylistic developments from Huaras to Recuay to a smooth poorly understood but most evidence points transition with strong cultural continuity (Lanning 1965; Burger 1985; Gero 1992, 2001). There are ten fully reported radiocarbon measurements
associated with white-on-red ceramics
(TABLE
Recuay's development represents a remarkableexample of adaptation to challenging highland environments that contrasts with earlier societies (e.g., Chavin). Recuay research promises to offer insights into the emergence of hisocieties (Hayden erarchyin small-scale, "transegalitarian" Public art, exchange, technological innovations, 2001). warfare, and religion all contributed to marked Recuay socio-political change during the Early Intermediate Period. This discussion confronts the fundamental problem that Recuay's role in Andean archaeology cannot be addressed othreliablywithout knowing its temporal relationships to er cultures and broader historical changes. The updated cultural sequence presented here, therefore, contributes to a more inclusive consideration of northern Peruvian prehistory.
Style and Chronology in Highland Ancash after

Chavin Radiocarbon data, organized by stylistic associations, provide the basis for an absolute chronology of highland of reported as b.p. ages are uncalibrated.Additional details are presented in Table 1, citing calibrationsuseach sample database ing the Warsaw University Andes radiocarbon
i). From
Ancash after Chavin (FIG. 2). All dates in the text that are
Chavin de Huantar, Lumbreras (1989) cited two ages, 2640 ? 70 B.P. and 2480 ? 70 B.P.; Amat (1976) also ? 100 B.P. A sample from published another assay of 2100 1980: 43) yielded a date of 2315 Guitarrero Cave (Lynch
? 125
B.P.
AnAMS date of 2230 ? 55
B.P.
was taken from
29, Journalof FieldArchaeology/Vol. 2002-2004
181
1600 1500 1400 1300

-
11Cl)
. -1 CM co l0 C14 N (I) C Li
I1r
Co Cl)
CII) I\ t
-4~~~~~~~~~~~~~l~
u,
cm 7
^ 4 CM IO -Z r--0 CQ.0
1200 1100 1000 900 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100
AC/BC calI---11-1 -1
,
P c -,!
CO
C 0 o oo in aJsI C Cl) CU Cl ; > <*? ,I I I II,A
0 bo-S Cl) V c) ()c ' r1fl CI)t tv 04 0e)SN )CV)
PostInka Inka Aquillpo
""/
S S V. In " I w
I
'c
Cn r 8 .J C
co , U)" -
< Z
ao
01
Q ^r53 Ui"JL&iJ CM (D x
.i R, .-
I. I
~ ii
I = .
I T
l
i'i
T .I .
A T
IIJ
I<'~c
r I F-
Cb ,' C-
%i I t
I I
1
ITI'
Late /Wari Influence
'
?-* t*'
.Earlyi
19
? I
I_ II 1I 1I
I
I
I s
Huaras
.?
-
Recuay
Late -- Recuay
.
Early Wari Influence
?....
,. -.-,..........................................
..................
100 -
200 300 400 500
ICD
o
II
Le) v?5 C coo (9 -flC LO <b 0 D
I,
600 700 800
tt F5! xl
I
Calibratedradiocarbon ages from North-Central Highlands, Peru Ancash,

(1-sigmaranges)
I I I I
Figure 2. Radiocarbon measurements for highland Ancash after Chavin. Bars contain calibratedonesigma ranges and intercepts.
the PierinaMine site ofChonta RanraPunta (Ponte 2000). Gero (1992: 17) ran a series of seven assaysfrom Queyash Alto where the two earliest, associated with Huaras pottery, yielded ages of 2220 ? 150 B.P. and 2140 ? 90 B.P.
Two pertinent dates from Pashash, associated with whiteon-red Quinfi style pottery, are 1640 ? 80 B.P.and 1610 ? 170 B.P. (Grieder 1978: 191). Finally, the large circular structureat La Pampayielded a date associated with whiteon-red ceramics of 640 ? 50 B.P. (Terada1979: 178). At face value, the radiocarbon evidence indicates that pottery with white-on-red decoration would appear to have a history of use spanning 1000 years, beginning at least by the terminal Early Horizon. It is notable that none of the ten assaysfits well with the later ranges generally expected for Huara's culture, ca. A.D. 1-250. The aberrant ages of some of the white-on-red samples will be considered below.
Recuay Style (A.D.250-650)

"Classic"Recuay pottery (FIG. 4) is identified by a suite of diagnostic features, including fine and thin fabrics, use
ofkaolinite, two- and three-color polychrome painting, resist decoration, hand modeling of sculpturalelements, distinct vessel shapes, and a characteristic group of iconographic elements (Reichert 1977; Smith 1978; Grieder 1978). Although stylistic seriations exist, the lack of documentation, stratigraphiccontrol, and radiocarbon evidence precludes verification (Tello 1929: 85-98; Bennett 1944: 99-104; Kroeber 1944: 93-96; Amat 1976: 534; Gambini Escudero 1984: 144-147). Most research has focused on the Callejon de Huaylas, but the distribution of Recuay pottery also extends to the western Andean flanks as well as the Callej6n de Conchucos. Recuay styles in the Conchucos are known by various names, including "Mariash," "Callej6n"(Lumbreras1970), "Huaylas" (Espejo Nufiez 1957), and "San Jeronimo" (Bennett 1944). Chavin de Huantar and its vicinity have consistently produced Recuay materials above Chavin-period materials (Tello 1960; Bennett 1944; Lumbreras 1970; Amat Oblazabal 1976; Burger 1982, 1984). Owing to limited research, however, there are no radiocarbon dates for Recuay occupation of the Conchucos. The largest
Highlands
1532
Coast
- -----
AncashPashash Chinchawas Huamachuco Pierina Moche Viru Santa Cajamarca Casma Inka- Inka HORIZON Aquillpo
140
LATE
PierinaInka
Sazon Chimu-lnka Estero Tambo Manchan

Real
Late
Final Cajamarca
Early Tambo Casma Chimu La Plata Real
LATE INTERMEDIATE 1200 PERIOD Aquillpo

1000
Cotojirca V
Toro
Chakwas
Late Cajamarca
Late
900
Late Tanguche
MIDDLE HORIZON
800
Wariinfluence Early Wariinfluence Late Recuay 0

Usi
Tuscan
Warmi Cotojirca IV Urpay Chinchawasi 2
B
Chimu Early Tomaval

Choloque Early Tanguche
Chamis Amaru
700 600 500
Chinchawasi 1
Middle Cajamarca
A
Late Moche IV Huancaco

Guadalupito Nivin Late
Middle Huamachuco
Moche III
Cotojirca Kayan Quimit III Yaia C
k Huacohu
EARLY 400 Recuay INTERMEDIATE 300 PERIOD

200 100 ACI
Q) QJ
Late II Early Gallinazo Moche
EarlyB
Suchimancillo
Cajamarca
A
Early- Early Gallinazo
Huaras
Quinu Cotojirca II
Purpucala
Initial - --I--- ----- - Caiamarca
SuchimanMiddle Cachipampa Gallinazocillo
Salinar
Figure 3. Cultural chronology for Ancash and correlations with adjacentcultures. Dates are in cal years A.D.
183
Table 1. Radiocarbon assays for Huaras white-on-red style ceramics.

Site(reference) no. 14C B.P Laboratory years Chavin de Huantar HAR-1104 2640?70 (Lumbreras 1989) 2480? 70 Chavin de Huantar HAR-1109 (Lumbreras 1989) Guitarrero Cave Si-1504 2315 ? 125 (Lynch 1980) Chonta Ranra Punta AA32484 2230 55 (Ponte 2000) Beta-31354 2220? 150 Queyash Alto (Gero 1992) Beta-31357 2140?90 Queyash Alto* Chavin de Huantar 2100? 100 Gif-1079 (Amat 1976) Pashash Tx-944 1640 80 (Grieder 1978) Pashash Tx-1332 1610? 170 (Grieder 1978) La Pampa TK-173 640 50 (Terada1979) communication 2000. *JoanGero,personal One-sigma range 832-791 B.c. 787-409 B.c. 517-204 B.C. 386-201 B.c. 403-54 B.c. 357-46 B.c. 350 B.C.-A.D. 16 A.D. 263-534 A.D. 243-638 A.D. 1293-1396 range Two-sigma 919-562 B.c. 801-398 B.c. 790-52 B.c. 399-124 B.c. 763 B.C.-A.D.79 396 B.C.-A.D.54 390 B.C.-A.D. 123 A.D. 237-601 A.D. 34-768 A.D. 1279-1410 associatin Phase Huaras Huaras Huaras-Recuay Huaras Huaras Huaras Huaras Quinui Quinu White-on-red Context material and Tomb 7, in stone fill (charcoal) Midden on house floor (charcoal) Unit 47, fire-drill hearth (wood) Locus 137 (charcoal) White-on-red level (charcoal) White-on-red level (charcoal) Old temple atrium, NE sector, Level 5 (plant carbon) Fill above Quinuilevel-Cut 4 Level 4 (charcoal) Stone fill, Cut 9 Level 4, white-on-red (charcoal) RCC structure, upper floor (charcoal)
suite of dates comes from Pashash, where many of the finest Recuay vessels known were recovered. Grieder (1978) identified three local Recuay subphases-the Quimit, Yaia,and Huacohui. The Yaiaphase is represented by two assays: 1590 ? 60 B.P. and 1380 ? 100 B.P. The final phase, Huacohu, is represented by two measurements: 1490 ? 70 B.P. and 1110 ? 270 B.P.Three other Recuay dates, with no subphase association, are also reported:
1400 ? 60 B.P., 1500 ? 90 B.P., and 1580 ? 70
B.P.
(Buse 1965; Ravines 1982; Ziolkowski et al. 1994). Although the contexts and associations have never been presented in full, at least two dates that are not presented in Table 2 reasonably fall within Recuay ranges at 1541 ? 125 B.P. and 1621 ? 145 B.P. Taken together, the radiocarbon evidence
A.D. 250-650.
(TABLE
2) indicates that classic Recuay
pottery may have been produced for only four centuries ca. Late Recuay Styles (A.D. 600-700) By the end of the 6th century A.D. in highland Ancash, kaolinite ceramicswere being replaced by a proliferation of coarser locally-decorated wares (FIG. 5). At Chinchawas, this is known as "Chinchawasi 1 Ware A" (Lau 2001: 187-196). At Pashash, a related style, named "Usui" emerges (Grieder 1978: 70). Published examples occur as far abroad as Chacas (Wegner 2000: 16), Katak (Eisleb 1987: figs. 23, 38, 92), and Pierina (Ponte 2000). In addition, "Callej6n"style ceramics from the Mosna drainage show late Recuay features (Lumbreras 1970: 67). Stylistically,cultural changes point to a gradual dissolution of the previous Recuay fineware style. In general, late Recuay pottery manifests preferences for coarser oxidized fabrics, tan to pinkish buff paste colors, and the disappearance of kaolinite. Elaborate modeling and resist decoration become more infrequent. In painting, the line weights become heavier and less meticulous; fewer colors are used, relying almost exclusively on a dark red pigment. Painting occurs typically on the exterior of bowls and small jars. Common designs reuse but update previous Recuay preferences: multiple horizontal meanders, groups of vertical
These
dates indicate that Recuay occupation at Pashash appears to have been late in the Early Intermediate Period and relatively short-lived (ca. A.D. 400-650) (TABLE 2). Further south, the area around modern Huaraz formed another center for Recuay development (Bennett 1944; Schaedel 1948, 1952). One site, Balc6n de Judas, revealed large quantities of broken Recuay kaolinite bowls, with monochrome and polychrome painting along exterior bowl rims (Wegner 1988). Eisleb (1987) illustrates very similar pottery in the Macedo Collection in the Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin, a massive gravelot recovered from the Roko Ama cemetery in Katak.At Chinchawas, located due west of Huaraz, Lau (2001: 179-187) encountered pottery resembling Balc6n de Judas and Katakmaterialsin the lowermost deposits of the site. The assemblage was attributed to a local Recuay variant, known as the Kayan style. The lone Kayin assay from Chinchawas yielded an age of 1710 ? 50 B.P., which is just slightly earlierthan the Pashash dates. Radiocarbon measurements were also reported for the Marcara-Carhuaz areain the Callej6n de Huaylas, taken on samples recovered by Gary Vescelius and Hernan Amat
184
Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau
010
014
a
012
1~7~7,
016 v
r
012 I1
/m
016 06
j
014
/
C 016 w
I ;
015 016
016
K liil
e
016
/P\
If
016
017
g
010
J9
^
018 018
/
I
~'~
013
I orangeor red slip

darkbrownor black red
013
014
r\
lllIj.
014
'
:I
020
/,
0 5
ju
cm
Figure 4. Examples of Recuay-style pottery, from Kayin phase, Chinchawas. A-U) Kaolinite open bowls; V) Modeled kaolinite adorno, probably the head of a camelid; W) Small redwarejar; X-Y) Kaolinite ring-bases.
Journal ofFieldArchaeology/Vol. 29, 2002-2004
185
018
016
..
013 018
X018
018
018
\...
019
019
??
r
015
020
e/
I?
n
020
010
{:
\N
red white (n-p)
0
cm
Figure 5. Examples of Late Recuay pottery, from Chinchawasi 1 phase, Chinchawas. A-J) Exterior-painted open bowls and cups; K-M) Jars;N-P) Contemporary white-on-red "non-Huaras"bowls.
186
Table 2. Radiocarbon assays for Recuay and Late Recuay ceramics.

Styl Site (reference) no. Laboratory 14CyearsB.. One-sigmarange A.D. 256-408 Two-sigma range A.D. 229-429 Phase association Contextand material
Recuay
Chinchawas (Lau 2001) Pashash (Grieder 1978) Pashash (Grieder 1978) Pashash (Grieder 1978) Pashash (Grieder 1978) Pashash (Grieder 1978) Pashash (Grieder 1978) Pashash (Grieder 1978) Late Recuay Chinchawas (Lau 2001) Chinchawas (Lau 2001) Queyash Alto* Queyash Alto* Chinchawas (Lau 2001) Chinchawas (Lau 2001)
AA32365 Tx-1824 Tx-942 Tx-940 Tx-941 Tx-1329 Tx-943 Tx-1331
1710
50
Kayan
1590?60 1580?70 1500?90 1490 ?70 1400?60 1380 ?100 1110?270
A.D. 411-540 A.D. 411-559 A.D. 433-647 A.D. 475-643 A.D. 604-669 A.D. 600-764 A.D. 658-1216
A.D. 264-616 A.D. 263-639 A.D. 386-685 A.D. 420-664 A.D. 541-765 A.D. 435-886 A.D. 412-1401
Burnt area, OP9 Level J, Terrace1 (charcoal) Fill over La Capilla burial, Recuay-Yaia Cutl2 Lv4 (charcoal) Alluvium, Cut 3 Level 2 Recuay (charcoal) Alluvium over surface, Recuay Cut 3 Level 2 (charcoal) Burned roof beams, Cut 4 Huacohui Level 2 (charcoal) Mid-Recuay (Yaia) Fill in doorway to burial, Cut 12, Lev. 6 (charcoal) Fill over house structures, Yaia Cut 3 Lev. 4 (charcoal) Fill under house floor, Huacohu Cut 9 Level 3 (charcoal) Chinchawasi 1 Chinchawasi 1 Post-Recuay Post-Recuay Chinchawasi 1 Chinchawasi 1 Base of midden, OP19 Level L (wood/bone) Under batin, house OP49 Level D (charcoal) Post-Recuay association (charcoal) Post-Recuay association (charcoal) Floor refuse deposit, OP31 Level H (charcoal) Tomb ST-3, OP65 Level B (charcoal)
AA32369 AA32371 Beta-31353 Beta-30112 AA32368 AA32376
1395 45 1375 ?45 1360 ?90 1350?80 1305 ?45 675 ? 50
A.D. 622-664 A.D. 642-677 A.D. 618-768 A.D. 640-768 A.D. 663-773 A.D. 1283-1386
A.D. 598-689 A.D. 602-763 A.D. 537-886 A.D. 543-879 A.D. 652-801 A.D. 1263-1400
2000. communication *JoanGero,personal
or horizontal lines, repeating circles, and simple repeating linear and geometric motifs such as rectangles, mazes, and triangles.
Radiocarbon evidence (TABLE 2) indicates that late Recuay styles flourished during the 7th century A.D. Three as? 45 B.P., 1375 ? 45 B.P., says date Chinchawasi 1 at 1395
and 1305 ? 45 B.P.Two assays from Queyash Alto, associated with local "post-Recuay"occupation, yielded com? 80 B.P. parable ages of 1360 ? 90 B.P. and 1350
700-850) Early Wari-InfluencedStyles(A.D.

culDuring the height of terminal Recuay styles, foreign tural influences in the Callej6n de Huaylas became increasHoncoingly pervasive. Wari-influenced occupation at as part of Vescelius' "Early Honco" pampa commenced, Isbell phase (Lanning 1965: 140; Buse 1965: 327); from Wari-associatedcon(1989, 1991) reports four dates
texts at the site: 1380 ? 70 B.P., 1330 ? 100 B.P., 1280 ? 70 B.P., and 1240 ? 90 B.P. (TABLE 3). The assays indicate
that Wari expanded into the Callej6n de Huaylas by the beginning of the 8th century A.D. and promoted a major building program highlighted by foreign style D-shaped structures and patio-groups (Isbell 1989, 1991; cf. Topic
and Topic 2000: 195). The pottery from Honcopampa has not yet been published, so stylistic comparisons are currently unavailable. Cultural changes have been documented at Chinchawas in the transition between phases Chinchawasi 1 and 2 (Lau 2001). The major continuity consists of a ware characterized by dark red painting on a light background (FIG. 6). Redder paste colors become more prominent, as if the fabrics long-standing emphasis on light kaolinite-related was being displaced. The earlierpreference for painting on bowl exteriors shifts discernibly to interiors during Chinchawasi 2. In designs, there is a growing emphasis on dual face images, nested diamonds, and the concomitant disappearance of other representations. Finally, Chinchawasi 1 Ware B, a "white-on-red" pottery, falls out of favor. Throughout the Callej6n de Huaylas, locally decorated abundance of pottery commonly occurs, but with a greater exotic prestige ceramics. ChakipampaB (an imported Wari North Coast style), Cajamarca, Late Moche and other and non-Recuay kaolinite pottery have all been docstyles, umented as trade items, especially in burial contexts (Bennett 1944: figs. 9, 10, 13; Menzel 1964; Lanning 1965: 140; Lau 2001: 283-334). The greater frequency of exot-
187
Table 3. Radiocarbon assays for Wari-influencedceramics.

Style Site (reference) Laboratoy no. 14CyearsBJ. One-sigmarange Two-sigma range Phaseassociation Contextand material
Early Wari-influenced n/a 3 Honcopampa (Isbell 1989) Honcopamnpa (Isbell 1989) LlacaAmaiCaca (Ponte 2000) Chinchawas (Lau 2001) Honcopampa (Isbell 1989) Chinchawas (Lau 2001) Honcopampa (Isbell 1989) Queyash Alto* Ancash Punta (Ponte 2000) Chinchawas (Lau 2001) Late Wari-influenced Chinchawas (Lau 2001) Chinchawas (Lau 2001) Queyash Alto* Chinchawas (Lau 2001) Yarcok (Ponte 2000) Chinchawas (Lau 2001) n/a 2 AA32489 AA32367 n/a 5 AA32366 n/a 1 Beta-30115 AA32481 AA32372
1380 70 1330+ 100 1300?55 1290?45 1280 70 1255 45 1240 90 1210?80 1195 ? 55 1180 45
A.D. 618-687
A.D. 541-777
Late E.I.P./MH1 Huars-bearing Cotojirca IV Chinchawasi 2 Middle Horizon 1-2 Chinchawasi 2 Middle Horizon 2
A.D. 640-778 A.D. 662-776 A.D. 668-776 A.D. 663-804 A.D. 689-863 A.D. 673-892 A.D. 690-942 A.D. 734-937 A.D. 778-940
A.D. 539-943 A.D. 644-880 A.D. 657-863 A.D. 642-937 A.D. 664-891 A.D. 642-993 A.D. 659-998 A.D. 686-981 A.D. 694-980
Patio-group AC-8, Exc. 2, floor hearth (charcoal) Patio-group AC-5, Excav. 1, Level 11 (charcoal) Hearth with ashy sediment (charcoal) Refuse deposit, OP4 Level G (charcoal) Patio-group AC-2, Exc.4, broken floor (charcoal) Refuse/fill, OP21 Level I (charcoal) Patio-group AC-5, Exc. 1, sw floor (charcoal) Post-Recuay association (charcoal) Outside habitation Unidad Z2 (charcoal) Top of refuse deposit, OP26G (charcoal) Refuse on floor, OP36G (charcoal) Burnt refuse on floor, OP43I (charcoal) Post-Recuay association (charcoal) Burnt pit, OP20 Level F (charcoal) Chullpa tomb, Tumba 11, Capa 2 (human bone) Chullpa tomb CT-2, OP57 Level A (human bone)
Post-Recuay Cotojirca IV Chinchawasi 2
AA32373 AA32374 Beta-30114 AA32370 AA32490 AA32377
1170?55 1160?45 1160?80 1150 50
A.D. 778-960 A.D. 781-961 A.D. 776-982 A.D. 782-977 A.D. 886-983 A.D. 1288-1392
A.D. 692-994 A.D. 730-985 A.D. 679-1022 A.D. 731-998 A.D. 778-1018 A.D. 1276-1405
Warmi Warmi Post-Recuay Warmi Middle Horizon Warmi
1125 ?50 655 50
2000. communication *JoanGero,personal
ic pottery reflectswidening exchange relationships fostered by early Wari expansion. Three radiocarbon ages are availablefor Chinchawasi 2 contexts: 1290 ? 45 B.P., 1255 ? 45 B.P., and 1180 ? 45 B.P. The ages fall largely into the 8th century A.D. and can be considered roughly coeval with the occupation at Honcopampa. One "post-Recuay" date from Queyash Alto yielded an age of 1210 ? 80 B.P. Two sites in the Pierina mining area, associated with Cotojirca IV pottery, provided comparable dates of 1300 ? 55 B.P.and 1195 ? 55 B.P.
(Ponte 2000) (TABLE 3).
Late Wani-Influenced Styles (A.D. 850-950) The subsequent phase of late Wari-influenced styles in highland Ancash commences during the 9th century A.D. and is marked by the widespread disappearanceof Recuay-
tradition features in local decorated pottery. In their stead, we see the emergence of innovative wares bearing affinities to Wari secularstyles (FIG. 7). In the Casma headwaters, by around A.D. 850, the Chinchawasi 2 phase was being replaced by Warmi ceramics (Lau 2001) and dark red or orange oxidized fabrics predominate. Surface treatment is much less elaborate, with striations commonly found on bowl and jar surfaces. Bowl interiors comprise the primary field for painted decoration, which is rendered primarilyin black and dark purple. Designs include lattices, wing motifs, band or meander designs, arcs, and nested arcs. Plastic decoration, especially circularpunctations and shallow incisions on jar necks and strap handles, becomes more prevalent. Applique ribbed fillets and nubbins also occur more commonly. Some Cotojirca IV pottery reported for the Pierina sites may be contemporary to Warmi styles
_
188 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau
019
9
023
010
~~u~~v
' :'~. _~
.
- I
.1 ,
016
-W w -Mf
t
020
018
C
(
'
??~~~~
020
r
020
020
.Vt-. .
L
I
'Iw~l
e
I
022
yt1
/
red 0 cm 5
Figure 6. Examples of Early Wari-influencedceramics, from Chinchawasi 2 phase, Chinchawas. A-H) Interior-painted and exterior-painted bowls; I-M) Jars.
189
(Ponte 2000: figs. 16, 19). The Warmi phase may best correlate with Vescelius' "Late Honco" phase derived for the Carhuaz-Marcara area (Lanning 1965: 140). The mid-late Middle Horizon position of Warmi and other related styles is supported by their frequent association with above-ground tombs, or chullpas(Bennett 1944: fig. 4; Lau 2001). Exotics from chullpas consist of styles that date to the mid-late Middle Horizon, such as Vinaque (Tello 1929: 27; Terada 1979: plate 73b; Isbell 1991: 34; Paredes, Quintana, and Linares 2000: fig. 6a), Middle Cajamarca (Terada 1979: plate 73a; Terada and Matsumoto 1985), and Nieveria (Lau 2001: 289-290). Particularly striking is the proliferation of press-molded wares typical of coastal styles found in Supe (Tanning 1965), Huarmey (Thompson 1966; Priimers 2000), Casma (Collier 1962), and more northern valleys, such as Santa (Wilson 1988), Vini (Collier 1955), Moche, and Chicama (Larco 1948). The Warmi radiocarbonsamples from Chinchawas cluster in the latter half of the 9th century A.D. (Lau 2001: 263-264). The three assays, taken from different test pits in the site's main sector, measured 1170 ? 55 B.P., 1160 ?
45 B.P., and 1150 ? 50 B.P. Radiocarbon measurements
One Aquillpo period radiocarbon sample from the Pierina mining area yielded an age of 535 ? 50 B.P. (Ponte 2000). Other sites from Pierina and the Callejon de Huaylas have produced comparable ages, suggesting a pre-Inka occupation between A.D. 1200 and 1450. There are five dates from tomb contexts that fall within the Aquillpo time range despite older ceramic and architecturalassociations; these are Samples AA32376, listed in Table 2, AA32377 in Table 3, and in Table 4 AA32491, AA32486, and AA32485. Although contamination of earlier organic materials is possible, it is more likely that the ages date the reuse of earlier tombs for Aquillpo period interments. Reuse would support the hypothesis that chullpa funerary practices continued during the Late Intermediate Period, when highland peoples often appropriated the mortuary spaces of earlierMiddle Horizon groups (Isbell 1997; Salomon 1995; Lau 2000). Finally,the only date for Inka-period occupation in highland Ancash is from La Pampa, where a Caserones period sample yielded an age of 500 ?
70 B.P. (Terada 1979).
Issues in Recuay Prehistory

An updated sequence for highland Ancash facilitatesfiner cross-dating with broader socio-cultural developments during the post-Chavin period. Using the current chronology as an aid, the following section addresses three major issues concerning Recuay culture. Future fieldwork should clarify the observations and preliminary conclusions provided here.
from late occupations at the Yarcoksite in the Pierina area (1125 ? 50 B.P.) and Queyash Alto (1160 ? 80 B.P.) may be associated ages. On the basis of this small suite of dates, late Wari influence in the Callejon de Huaylas appears to have developed and ended abruptly (TABLE 3).
950-1450) Aquillpo Style (A.D.

In the Callejon de Huaylas, cultures developing after Wari influence are often referred to as "Aquillpo" or (Vescelius, in Lanning 1965). Many sites have "Akillpo"' produced Aquillpo-type pottery, including the Pierina mining area (Ponte 2000), Honcopampa (Isbell 1989, 1991), Balcon de Judas (Steven Wegner, personal communication 1998), and Pojoc (Burger 1982). At Chinchawas, Lau (2001) characterizes a local variant referred to as
"Chakwas' style (FIG. 8).
and Collapse Chavt'n theEmergence theHuards of of

Style Although the emergence of Chavin civilization has been a prominent research topic in recent decades, its collapse has received much less treatment. The decline of Chavin's regional influence is notable because early manifestations of the Recuay tradition emerge quickly thereafter in the North-Central Highlands. The transitional period, around 200 B.C. to A.D. 200, is often associated with white-on-red Huaras culture. The Huaras style contrasts starklywith previous Chavin pottery and surely indicates a fundamental disruption of cultural patterns at Chavin de Huantar and other sites (Lumbreras 1970; Bennett 1944; Burger 1984, 1985). In particular,the Huaras reliance on painted decoration, oxidized redwares, bowl forms, and simple linear patterns on vessel exteriors in distinct combinations diverges from earlier pottery styles. Moreover, white-on-red iconography, in general, lacks the overt and complex religious symbolism of Chavin-period pottery (Willey 1948:10-11). Other profound transformationscoincided with the de-
Aquillpo wares are best known for repetitive plastic decoration on plain redware fabrics ranging in color from brick red to orange. Punctation, incision, and applique treatments-in the form of lugs, adornos, and fillets-are common additions to the exteriors and rims of bowls, and the necks, straphandles, and rims ofjars. Occasionally,potters combined rows or lattices of incisions with punctations. Painting is uncommon, but occurs occasionally in the interiors of bowls, typically as simple, black geometric designs (FIG. 8A). Based on associations, stylistic similarities, and stratigraphiccontexts, these styles begin at the terminal Middle Horizon and span the Late Intermediate Period.
190
019 1-
a
WV~
\ -. black
015
black
015
suir
018
[ [
white orange red (slip) d:'dark red black
022
black
black
018
022
black
purple
023 018
f
black
i\,
black
024
020
\\\
black
M purple
cm
Figure 7. Examples of Late Wari-influencedceramics, from Warmi phase, Chinchawas. All are open bowls with interior-painted designs.
191
cline of Chavin. Peoples within Chavin's sphere of influence in the North Highlands invested tremendous effort in the construction and maintenance of monumental platform-mound temples. Although the tradition of monumental architecture continued, such as at Tumshukayko and Pashash, the buildings were not constructed in the Chavin style, suggesting that later groups largely rejected the principles of Chavin religion. Nowhere is this more evident than at Chavin de Huantar itself, where Huaras groups built common residential buildings and dumped refuse atop one of the most sacred places of the temple complex, the Old Temple atrium (Lumbreras 1970, 1974b, 1977). Further,the general moratorium on temple building and renovation programs at Chavin de Huantar and other sites suggests a widespread interruption of Chavin influence, ca. 200-100 B.C. (Burger 1992: 228; cf. Rodriguez Kembel 2001). The pattern of large civic-ceremonial centers in the North Highlands appears to be replaced by a more fragmented social landscape based on small local communities and territories. Settlement studies have yet to identify major Huaras sites that can be interpreted as regional capitals. It seems that most Huaras peoples resided in village communities, such as the re-occupations of Chavin de Huantar and Huaricoto. Anticipating a common strategy in later Recuay times, Huaras settlements bearing evidence of public architecture occupied hilltop locations (Amat 1976; Gero 1990). This pattern was part of a wider phenomenon of defensive settlement orientation that affected many parts of northern Peru after Chavin, especially the coast (Daggett 1985, 1987; Wilson 1988, 1995). The hilltop sites appear to have been refuges for small, independent groups rather than components of a centrally coordinated defensive system (Topic and Topic 1982: 9). The radiocarbon determinations for white-on-red associations are, at best, only suggestive of the timing of Huaras occupations. Sample Gif-1079 from Chavin's sunken circular plaza fits within the expected Huaras age range and the dates from Queyash Alto (Beta-31354 and Beta-31357) and Chonta RanraPunta, Pierina (AA32484) are also acceptable.The remaining assays are more difficult to reconcile. Two samples from Huaras contexts in the sunken circularplaza at Chavin produced surprisingly early determinations (HAR-1104 and HAR-1109). The GuitarreroCave assay (Si-1504) may also be considered somewhat older than anticipated. Meanwhile, three dates (Tx944, Tx-1332, and Tk-173) appear too young for the expected ranges of Huaras occupation. In addition to the absolute chronology, data are emerging that suggest a simple sequential ordering from whiteon-red to Recuay style is untenable. At Chinchawas, a
white-on-red ware (Chinchawasi 1 Ware B) occurs nearly exclusively with other Chinchawasi 1 pottery, associated with late Recuay styles dating to ca. A.D. 600-700 (Lau 2001). At a glance, Chinchawasi 1 Ware B pottery resembles the Huaras white-on-red style defined by Bennett (1944). Bowl shapes and exterior painting are the primary similarities.More carefulreview, however, revealsclear differences. Bennett's (1944: 37) vessels exhibit a strongly carinated profile that does not appear on the Chinchawas specimens (FIG. 5N-P). Moreover, Bennett's pots are polished to a dull luster, which contrasts with the matte finish of WareB specimens. Finally, Chinchawasi 1 WareB bowls in general are much larger than Bennett's examples. Lau (2001: 278-279) concludes that Chinchawasi 1 Ware B is not of the Huaras style, but constituted an archaistic reformulation or holdover of an older decorative tradition. The Ware B specimens at Chinchawas comprise a very specialized pottery that is linked to other fancy Chinchawasi 1 ceramics.The homogeneity of form also suggests that Chinchawasi 1 Ware B was limited to certain uses, most likely as serving vessels for special occasions. The common inclusion of white-on-red pottery in burial contexts reiterates their ceremonial importance (Bennett 1944; Lynch 1980). Over 50 years ago, Willey (1948: 10-11) noted perceptively that white-on-red pottery occurred widely as a result of technological convergence ratherthan as a single cultural phenomenon resulting from religious or military expansion. What is more, Bennett (1944: 36) defined Huaras pottery as specialized funeraryceramicswith distinct forms and decoration. Because red pastes and white pigments are common in pottery manufacture, it is quite likely that not all white-on-red pottery found in the Callej6n de Huaylas belongs under the heading of"Huaras" (Vescelius, in Buse 1965: 330). Rather, the radiocarbon data suggest that there was a long history of production and use of whiteon-red pottery in highland Ancash that crosscuts period and cultural boundaries. The Huaras culture is only one of many to use white-on-red styles and the positive identification of Huaras pottery is necessary before chronological associations can be determined.
with Gallinazoand Moche RecuayInteraction

The new chronological evidence for Recuay culture enables more precise examination of the trajectoryof Recuay contact with coastal groups. Because of the lack of comparable sequences and radiocarbon evidence, it has been impossible to assess models of coast-highland relationships diachronically (e.g., Topic and Topic 1983; Gambini Escudero 1984: 134-135). Here, Recuay interaction is seen as a series of developments that coincided with other socio-
cultural transformations during the Early Intermediate Period. Coastal valley surveys demonstrate coast-highland connections at the settlement level. Proulx (1982) argues convincingly that Moche peoples controlled the lower valley in Nepeina, while Recuay groups occupied the upper zones. The pattern of a middle valley "buffer" zone between coastal and highland peoples also obtains in the Vini and Moche (Topic and Topic 1982) as well as in the Santa valleys (Wilson 1988). The chronology and nature of the territorial standoff, however, remain unresolved. Most of the Recuay sites identified in the Nepenia survey occupy hilltops, suggesting that defensive positioning was an important dimension of the settlement system (Proulx 1982: 87). Notably, numerous fortified sites are oriented to defend lower coastal valleys collectively during the early portion of the Early Intermediate Period (Willey 1953; Wilson 1988). Some important sites were fortified "gateway"communities, located at vital road junctions or constricted valley necks, which connect highland with coastal areas (Czwarno 1983; Topic and Topic 1983). Pottery associations currentlyprovide the best temporal and spatial markersfor Recuay presence on the coast. Early interaction during Gallinazo times can be identified. Gallinazo (or Vini) refers to the North Coast culture that develops by the first centuries A.D. prior to Moche florescence (Larco 1945; Bennett 1950; Willey 1953). Based in the Vini Valley at the large urban site known as the Gallinazo Group, Gallinazo comprised a stratified society with a strong militaristic character,whose culture extended into the Moche and Santa Valleys (Fogel 1993). Gallinazo eventually became annexed or displaced as part of Moche expansion, presumably through military invasion, but groups with Gallinazo cultural characteristicscontinued at least until Moche V (Shimada 1994, 1999). Six calibrated radiocarbon samples conservatively frame Early Gallinazo occupation at ca. A.D. 1-200 and Late Gallinazo ca. A.D. 300-500, (see Shimada 1994: 4-5; Ziolkowski et al. 1994). These data suggest that Late Gallinazo overlapped quite significantly with Recuay and Moche III-IV (Middle Moche) occupations of northern Peru. Wilson (1988: 151-177) reported the first signs of highland contacts in the lower Santa Valley as occurring during Early to Middle Gallinazo times (i.e., Early Suchimancillo), in the form of intrusive kaolin sherds, stonelined tombs, trails and corralsfor llama trains, and ground drawings with highland animal motifs. Connections are also apparent between Gallinazo and highland groups in the middle Moche Valley in the form of kaolin bowl sherds (Topic and Topic 1982: 12-21). Initial contacts between coastal and Recuay peoples can be closely allied with com-
mercial interests associated with llama transport. During Late Gallinazo (i.e., Late Suchimancillo), more abundant remains of herding corrals as well as Recuay ceramics and tombs indicate marked but "peaceful" intensification of coast-highland trading relations (Wilson 1988: 355). Stylistically, coastal and highland ceramic traditions contrasted considerably.As Bennett (1944: 102) notes, the variability of Recuay pottery might be attributable to the fact that each vessel was hand modeled. Nonetheless, there are some stylistic affinities that can be enumerated. A common vessel shape is the popper or kanchero form, which is introduced as early as Gallinazo phases (Tello 1929: 86-88; Donnan 1965: 117). This shape is not common in Huaras pottery and appearsto have become popular mainly in later Recuay assemblages, probably after A.D. 200-300. Another shared form, possibly of Salinar origin, consists of a distinctive bottle with a shortened, everted rim spout fed by three tube handles (Larco 1948: 20-22). Gallinazo and Recuay pottery also share other featuressuch as the representation of architecturalsettings, sculptured human and animal figures, nested geometric motifs, and elaborate resist decoration. Coast-highland interaction is perhaps best demonstrated by the use of the figure known as the Recuay "moon animal, "dragon," or "crested feline" (Bruhns 1976; Bankmann 1979; Reichert 1982; Makowski and Rucabado Yong 2000). The animal shows distinctive characteristics including a profile position, large circular eyes, clenched claws, and a mythical appendage, often emerging from the animal's head, spiraling or broken into segments with circular or half-circle finials. This animal is a central motif in Recuay funerary pottery, but also occurs sometimes on Recuay sculpture and textiles. The crested animal design occurs in Moche art as early as phase I (Donnan 2001). Moche I vessels show dramatic anthropomorphic versions of the animal, who sometimes wields a sacrificialknife and severed head. The animal carriedassociations with death, ritual sacrifice, and decapitation that were common in later Moche imagery and funerary practices aimed to aggrandize leadership and a warrior ethos (e.g., Makowski 1994). The mutual popuof larity of the image appears to relate to the emergence elite ideology durMoche and Recuay systems of rank and became ing the Early Intermediate Period. Why the design so pervasive in Recuay art while it maintained only a subattention. sidiaryrole in later Moche art requiresadditional the coast and highlands shared clear cultural Although affinities, the precise directions in which influence spread are not always clear. Ceramic comparisons led Larco his (1945, 1962) to postulate that Recuay culture, or in "cultura Santa" or "Callej6n" derived from terminology
Journalof FieldArchaeology/Vol. 2002-2004 29,
193
014
a black M
014
j
b
g~~c~
016
...
'
k k
red
016
012
(; . /
r014
r .
s~~~~~~~l
-410
020
t
?
w.
)OGOocI, (0 O
o?
I
020 07
...I
W I
g
r-
\:0
021
k
08
?
010
~~~~~~~~~~~I
i
0
cm
(95
(i
Figure 8. Examples of Aquillpo style pottery, from Chakwas phase, Chinchawas. A-F) Plastic-decorated bowls; G-O) Jars.
Viri (i.e., Gallinazo) peoples. In contrast, Reichert (1982) argued on the basis of "hybrid"vessels, i.e., a small sample of Moche jars inspired by Recuay forms and composition, that the influence descended from the highlands (also Bankmann 1979). Occasional interaction is also documented by the presence of Moche products in the Recuay heartland. Amat (1976: 535) briefly mentioned Moche II objects from Recuay tombs in the Mosna Valley. Grieder (1978: 72-73) documented fragments of imported pottery and a spindle whorl in Moche style. Late Recuay tombs in the Pierina areaproduced some Moche ceramics, including a fragment of a fanged decapitator figure (Ponte 2000). Proulx (1982: 91) reported Moche vessels in highland-style graves in the upper Nepeiia Valley. Lau (2001: 285, 310) recovered Late Moche painted and pressed pottery in a residential zone of Chinchawas, as well as a small effigy bottle in a Recuay style subterraneantomb. A fragment of Moche V pottery was also found at Huaricoto (Richard Burger, personal communication 2001). Coastal ceramics therefore passed occasionally into the Recuay area by A.D. 400 and continued until the decline of Moche and Recuay ca. A.D. 700-750. Recuay culture, on the other hand, does not occur commonly in lower coastal valley areas, except in mixed cemeteries (Larco 1962; Proulx 1982, 1985; Gambini Escudero 1984; Wilson 1988) and is not a common feature of Moche archaeological contexts. For example, Recuay pottery was not prominent in the rich Middle Moche warriorpriest grave found in Vini or the recent excavations at the Moche site. Nor is Recuay tradition pottery found in the later, Late Moche graves at San Jose de Moro, which contained imports from distant regions of Peru, including derived Cajamarca,Nieveria, and Wari styles (Castillo 1993, 2000; Castillo and Donnan 1994a, 1994b). Moche and Recuay ceramic exchange can be accurately characterized as light, highly specialized, and focused on In high-status sumptuaries found typically as grave goods. terms of distribution, the current evidence demonstrates ceramic exchange into the Pashash region by Moche III or IV, probably via the highlands east of Moche, Vini, and Santa. This seems plausible, given that Moche groups were established in the lower Santa Valley by phase III (Donnan 1973; Wilson 1988). Subsequent access into the Callejon de Huaylas continued through the western Andean flanks but extended further south into the Cordillera Negra. Beyond Nepenia habita(Proulx 1982: 90), Moche presence also appearsin and cemetery sites in lower Casma, the southernmost tion known extension of Moche IV political influence (Wilson 1995: 200-202). On the basis of Recuay and Moche IV
A.D.
radiocarbon evidence, the interaction can be situated ca. 500 and 650 (Ziolkowski et al. 1994; Shimada 1994; Russell, Leonard, and Bricenio 1998; Chapdelaine 1998). There were occasional Moche V connections that reached late Recuay groups in upper Casma and the Callejon de Huaylas during subsequent periods. It is somewhat surprising to find only very limited amounts of Moche pottery in highland contexts, especially considering the geographic overlap and apparent wealth and proximity of emerging Recuay elites, such as at Pashash.Recuay iconography sharedvery little overall with Moche or any other coastal style. Despite some stylistic borrowing, both Moche and Recuay groups manifested very little interest in intensive emulation of their powerful neighbors. In all likelihood, Recuay culture had already lost its prestige by the beginning ofMoche V The production and use of kaolinite vessels in classic Recuay style was alreadyin decline soon after A.D. 600. The development of derived Recuay styles with limited local distributions (e.g., Chinchawasi 1 and 2, and Usui) supports the hypothesis that Recuay groups in the Callej6n de Huaylas became smaller and less influential. It would follow that late Recuay pottery does not occur commonly as a prestige ware in coastal contexts. Currently, there is no direct evidence for warfare between Moche and Recuay groups. John and Theresa Topic (1997) argue that most Moche fineline scenes of warfare mainly concern internecine fights between Moche groups, fixed as small-scale ritual contests. The available data suggest that intensive interaction between Moche and Recuay groups was limited, especially outside middle valley zones. Further, highland ceramics are more commonly associated with Gallinazo fortified sites in the middle valleys of Santa, Vini, and Moche (Topic and Topic 1982: 9). The relative contemporaneity of Late Gallinazo, Moche, and Recuay contexts (ca. A.D. 300-600) suggests the likelihood of multi-ethnic interaction within single valleys. Some provisional observations about coast-highland interaction can now be made. First, the western flanks of the Andes constituted the interaction's physical milieu, no matter whether the region is construed as a conduit for communication or as a natural obstacle. Second, pottery interaction occurred in shared stylistic elements as well as in ceramic exchange. The occasional sharing of vessel forms, decoration, and imagery appearsto have comprised the earliest dimension of Moche interaction (by phase I) with Recuay tradition groups. This interaction follows a that early pattern established in Gallinazo. It is suspected the Early Intermediate coast-highland connections during Period were fostered by mutual exchange relationships at
195
Table 4. Radiocarbon assays for post-Wariceramics and related occupations in highland Ancash.
style Site (reference) no. Laboratory 14CyearsB.P. One-sigmarange A.D. 1330-1433 Two-sigma range
A.D. 1303-1444
Phaseassociation
Contextand material
Aquillpo Carhuac Punta (Ponte 2000) Inka La Pampa (Terada1979) Colonial Pashash (Grieder 1978) Related assays Urpaycoto* C* Quitapanmpa HornojircaC* LlacaAma Caca* Ama* Auquish Corral* Marcaraareat Marcaraareat Marcaraareat Marcaraareat Marcaria areat Marcaraareat Marcarai areat Marcaraareat Marcaraareat
AA32482
535 50
Cotojirca V/Aquillpo Locus 641 (charcoal) (Late) Caserones Contents of vessel under floor (charcoal) Base of wall, Cut 7 Level 4 (charcoal)
TK-193
500 ?70
A.D. 1334-1445
A.D. 1302-1609
Tx-1330
420?80
A.D. 1425-1622
A.D. 1331-1649
Colonial
AA32492 AA32488 AA32491 AA32485 AA32486 AA324183 1-1352 I-1350 I-1359 I-1353 I-1355 1-1358 I-1354 1-1356 1-1357
3060?50 2305?55 615?50 535 ?70 520?55 250?50

2086?225
1405-1224 B.C. 401-262 B.C.
1430-1131 B.C. 478-262 B.C.
A.D. 1298-1402
A.D. 1325-1438
A.D.
1284-1421
A.D. 1296-1476 A.D. 1304-1453
A.D. 1333-1438
A.D. 1637-1796 393 B.C.-A.D. A.D. 5-340 A.D. 255-601 A.D. 401-644 A.D. 904-1180 A.D. 888-1279 A.D. 1019-1263 A.D. 1291-1436 A.D. 1325-1473 131
A.D.
1494-1947
B.C.-A.D. B.C.-A.D.
777 168
419 527
1851 ?135 1621 145
A.D. 81-676 A.D. 240-758 A.D. 780-1274 A.D. 658-1411 A.D. 897-1298 A.D. 1224-1489 A.D. 1286-1640
1541 ? 125 991? 110 956?210 896?115 586?110 501? 105
Locus 3924 (ceramic) Burned circular structure, outside tomb (charcoal) Subterraneantomb Cotojirca IV (human bone) Rockshelter, Capa 1, Sector IV (charcoal) Cotojirca III FunerarystructureA, with copper (charcoal) Cotojirca V/Aquillpo Hearth in patio (charcoal) White-on-red General context (charcoal/bone) General context (charcoal) General context Recuay (charcoal) General context (charcoal) Late Honco General context (charcoal) Late Honco General context (charcoal) Late Honco General context (charcoal) General context (charcoal) -General context (charcoal)
Ancash Recuay
*VictorPonte.personal communication 1999. tZiokowski et al. 1994.
least partly reliant on llama transport. Actual interchange of vessels grew more prevalent at the same time that the coastal and highland styles became more stylisticallydivergent (cf. Moche IV versus Pashash Recuay). Radiocarbon evidence suggests that ceramic exchange mainly occurred ca. A.D. 400-750. Finally, the data suggest that both the earlierstylistic interaction and later ceramic exchange were relatively light. This may reflect one or a combination of factors: resilient cultural traditions, impermeable frontiers, little physical contact, and/or disinterest in referencing other cultures, especially on the parts of elites.
The Decline of Recuay and Wari Expansion into Ancash

Just as the emergence of Recuay culture has seen limited research,very little information exists to understand the decline of Recuay. Despite the dearth of data, most scholars argue that Wari culture played a significant role in accelerating the process (Menzel 1964, 1977; Lanning 1967; Lumbreras1974a). New archaeologicalstudies confirm unequivocally that Wari intervention coincided with sharp transformations in the Recuay cultural tradition (Isbell 1991; Paredes, Quintana, and Linares 2000; Ponte
2000; Lau 2000, 2001). During the early Middle Horizon, local Recuay pottery traditions underwent a dramatic makeover. Both at Pashash and at Chinchawas, terminal Recuay assemblages show that kaolinite production essentially disappeared and traditional decorative methods and designs became obsolete in favor of more rustic red-onlight wares (Lau 2001: 187-236; Wegner 2001: 29). In addition, culturalmixing occurred, as Waridesigns became incorporated into Recuay forms (e.g., Wegner 2000: 16). Wari-Recuay interaction is also evident in the changes in form and composition of stone sculpture (Lau 2001: 335-376; Schaedel 1948: 75-79, 1952: 168-169). The overall picture suggests that Recuay peoples claimed new ideas and benefits from Wari affiliation, but relied heavily on local stylistic and technological traditions. These observations lead to more questions about the demise of Recuay than they resolve. First, many multicomponent sites in the North Highlands that show postRecuay occupations, such as Queyash Alto and Pashash,do not manifest discernible Wari influence. Wariinteraction in highland Ancash thus appears to have been strong in certain settlements while absent in others. In addition, by the time Wari becomes established in Ancash, the use of kaolinite clays had already fallen out of favor, suggesting that some fundamental changes already occurred in local Recuay culture prior to Wari expansion. Similar cultural patterns have been documented in Late Moche pottery (Castillo 2000: 151-160). The paralleltrajectoriessupport the hypothesis that Wari did not instigate the terminal developments of these regional cultures, as much as it maneuvered into already-changingsocial arrangements. The Late Moche phase has been described as a period of "collapse" and "crisis"'when elite rule became vulnerable due to environmental stress, economic destabilization, and increasingly ineffective ideologies (Bawden 1996: 263; Castillo 2000: 173). Currently, it would be premature to use either term in reference to the Recuay case. Partly this is due to lack of data, but recent researchalso indicates that some late Recuay communities experienced unprecedented economic growth and cultural elaboration (Lau 2001). Another pertinent problem concerns Recuay as a prestige culture. The current evidence indicates that Recuay fancy pottery appears very infrequently in the highlands outside of Ancash. Although stylistic affinities exist, it is notable that long-term investigations in the Cajamarcaand Huamachuco regions do not report intensive Recuay influence in the form of trade wares (Thatcher 1972; Krzanowski 1977, 1986; Terada and Onuki 1982, 1985; Teradaand Matsumoto 1985; Julien 1988; Topic and Topic 2000: 194). The region between Pashash and Santiago de Chuco (FIG. I) does produce Recuay-influenced pottery
(Perez Calderon 1988, 1994) and appears to have been a transitional zone between the Recuay heartland and its more northern highland neighbors. The general scarcityof Recuay trade wares is somewhat surprising because fancy Cajamarcaimports show a fairly wide distribution in the Recuay area, albeit in limited quantities. Cajamarcaitself does not seem to have exerted political authority over Huamachuco or Recuay (Julien 1988). Further, simple geo-political relationships based on settlement size and geography cannot account for this imbalance; Huamachuco would seem to be a key intermediate political system during the late Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon yet it leaves little cultural mark on either Cajamarcaor Recuay. It can be argued therefore that different systems of cultural prestige appear to have been operating in the North Highlands, as reflected in the valuation of special commodities. Specifically, highly portable Cajamarca style objects, especially spoons and small bowls, were esteemed in highland Ancash during late Recuay and Wari-influencedtimes. Radiocarbon associations situate the exchange at approximately A.D. 500-900. The appeal of acquiring Cajamarcaproducts, particularlyas funeraryofferings, was thus already established well before Wari expansion ca. A.D. 700-750. Wari's cultural ties later do appear to have promoted heightened access and flow of certain northern and Cajamarcapottery (Shady goods, including Spondylus Solis 1988; T. Topic 1991), especially to areassouth of Ancash. It is unclear whether the high status of Cajamarcaderived from one or a combination of factors, such as technological virtuosity (e.g., Lechtman 1980), geographical distance (Helms 1993), or some as yet unknown cultural content specific to ancient Cajamarca.It is apparent, however, that its cross-cultural significance was prized by Recuay peoples and many others, including Moche V, Early Chimui, Huamachuco, groups of the eastern Andes, and Wari. Settlement patterns also demonstrate fundamental changes during early Wari interaction. While Wari-period sites were established or renovated throughout the CalleLau 2001), jon de Huaylas (Bennett 1944; Isbell 1989; indicate surveys of regions in the Callejon de Conchucos that intrusive Wari occupation was comparatively light de (Amat 1976; Herrera 1999). Unlike the Callej6n Huayexotic Wari pottery appears very infrequently in the las, Conchucos, although local Middle Horizon pottery cultures apparently flourished (Herrera 1999: 10). In addition, Amat (1976: 534-535) identified drastic disruptions in the settlement system of the Mosna Valley. The Recuay of sites, 58, of any period accounts for the most number
197
phase. In contrast, only two Wari occupation sites were encountered. The Conchucos probably constituted the eastern frontier for Wari cultural expansion in highland Ancash. Massive sites, like Yayno and Tinyash, were fortified centers of powerful warring polities that emerged in the latter half of the 1st millennium A.D. (Tello 1929; Antinez 1935; Thompson and Ravines 1973). Additional research would clarifywhether Wari expansion into the region may have been thwarted by these potent local centers. New trade routes emerged or intensified in use during the period of late Wari influence. Exchange continued for highland ceramic styles, including Vifiaque (Amat 1976; Buse 1965; Paredes, Quintana, and Linares 2000), Cajamarca (Terada 1979; Bennett 1944), and lesser known wares such as Wilkawain resist, polished red- and blackwares, and derived Cajamarcastyles (Lau 2001). Perhaps most striking was the rise of coastal imports. Nieveria and, in particular,press-molded red- and black-waresof coastal origin became popular imports into the Callej6n de Huaylas region (,anning 1965; Paredes, Quintana, and Linares 2000; Lau 2001). Coastal interaction, incidentally, also became increasingly prominent for Cajamarcagroups after the Middle Cajamarca phase, following Wari expansion (Julien 1988: 237). Changes in obsidian exchange were also present. At Chinchawas, the large majority of the obsidian assemblage was found in Chinchawasi 2 and Warmi phase levels, dating to ca. A.D. 700-900. All the 27 analyzed samples from the site were from the Quispisisa source near Ayacucho (Burger and Glascock 2000), contrasting with earlierperiods when obsidian occurs infrequently (Lynch 1980; Burger 1985; Lau 2001). There was, therefore, a fundamental restructuringof access for Central Highland obsidian that can be attributed to Wari economic interests. Wari cultural influence, though extensive in coverage, became established only in certain settlements within highland Ancash. In particular,Wari culture was strongly associated with contexts for status display, offering caches, and funerarypractices.As is the case further north in the areaof Huamachuco, corporate architecture constructed in Wari style, such as at Honcopampa, does not manifest evidence of intensive Wari use. Apparently, the centers never served their intended purposes, perhaps because of overextension of state resources or local occupation/competition (J. Topic 1991; T. Topic 1991; Topic and Topic 2000). Finally, Wari presence in Ancash can be linked to settlements strategicallylocated for trade. Wari likely benefited from trade networks that exploited efficient routes along intermontane valleys and coast-highland corridors (Topic and Topic 1983, 2000). For example, both Honcopampa and Chinchawas share little in common in terms of size or
architectural elaboration, but may have been attractive nonetheless because they were established settlements situated at the mouths of key mountain passes. This pattern of core expansion is different from situations where satellite administrativecenters were under direct Wari control (Anders 1986; Schreiber 1992) or where Tiwanaku influence spread through vertical colonies (Stanish 1992; Goldstein 1993). Besides secure access to exchange routes, however, it is unclear what type of economic leverage Recuay groups held. Late Recuay pottery certainly did not cross foreign boundaries frequently. Recent studies point to agricultural and herding products, such as camelid meat and processed fiber (Lau 2001); more researchis needed to identify other potential commodities, such as metalwork or textiles. Transactionsof fine textiles, for example, would lend support to the hypothesis that Recuay tapestries were an inspiration for Wari weaving technology (Oakland Rodman and Fernandez 2000: 126). Despite its limited distribution, Wari culture apparently had appeal for commoners as well as elites in the Callej6n de Huaylas. The evidence from Chinchawas indicates that Wari imported goods were not beyond the means or purview of small-scale rural communities. Indeed, Wari and Wari-affiliatedpottery was found in common residential contexts and midden refuse by Chinchawasi phase 2. This new evidence reinforces the argument that Wari culture, in addition to its role in exchange, carried important cultural or religious overtones that had wide appeal (Menzel 1964, 1977). Wari ideology was not restricted to elite use, but also found acceptance among groups of different economic standing. It seems that Wari precepts may have circulated at different levels of Andean society by the middle part of the Middle Horizon. The new data from the Ancash highlands also indicate that Wari influence exhibited different manifestations diachronically.For example, the initial period of influence at Chinchawas (end of Chinchawasi 1 through Chinchawasi 2) contains local pottery that still maintained strong continuities to Recuay traditions and technology. Later Wari influence appears stronger--as the local decorated pottery becomes completely replaced by a style (Warmi Ware A) that bears most resemblance to derived, secular Central Highland styles (Lau 2001). Recent settlement and architectural studies across the CentralAndes appearto support earlier stylistic seriations finding at least two primary periods of Wari influence (Isbell and McEwan 1991; Schreiber 1992; Castillo 2000; Williams 2001). During the Middle Horizon, fundamental cultural changes occurred on a wide pan-Andean scale (Willey 1948; Menzel 1964; Schaedel 1966; Lanning 1967; Lum-
and 198 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology Implications/Lau
breras 1974a; Isbell and McEwan 1991). Despite the strong regional variability in expression and intensity (Schaedel 1993), not since the terminal Early Horizon were cultural developments of such apparent affinity and contemporaneity so dispersed across the CentralAndes. In addition to the widespread distribution of Wari-stylepottery and architecture, critical economic changes were taking hold. Central Highland Quispisisa obsidian was traded throughout the Central Andes in unprecedented levels. New patterns of distribution characterized the Middle Horizon in general (Burger and Asaro 1977; Shady 1988; T. Topic 1991; Burger and Glascock 2000). In addition, it seems an innovative and coherent religious program may have formed during Wari expansion (Menzel 1964, 1977; Isbell 1983). Major changes in burial practices also occurred in different regions (e.g., Donnan and Mackey 1978; Mackey 1982; Castillo 2000) and the Recuay heartland was not immune (Isbell 1997; Lau 2000, 2001). The data for highland Ancash reiterate that broad cultural and economic patterns of the Middle Horizon were fundamentally different than the regional developments of the Early Intermediate Period. Conclusion The updated radiocarbon chronology presented here allows us to evaluate the history of cultural transformations in the North-Central Highlands and its relationships to better known sequences in the Central Andes during the 1st millennium A.D. The working reconstruction shows the Recuay cultural tradition emerging after the collapse of Chavin at the onset of the Christian era and lasting until about A.D. 800. Huaras culture was an early component of the Recuay tradition, although the identification and distribution of all post-Chavin white-on-red cultures in highland Ancash require additional clarification. "Classic"Recuay, or those cultures represented by typical Recuay style funerarypottery, appears to last from A.D. 250 to 650. FiRenally, later derived Recuay styles earmarkthe decline of culture in highland Ancash, and anticipate the strong cuay transformationsascribedto Wariexpansion and culturalinfluence between A.D. 750 and 900. Subsequent developments witness the re-emergence of local rustic styles (e.g., Intermediate Aquillpo) associated broadly with the Late Period, followed by the widespread appearanceof intrusive Inka culture during the last phase of prehistory. Drawing Recuay culture back into the orbit of Central Andean prehistory improves our current understanding of Interchanging socio-political complexity during the Early mediate Period and Middle Horizon. The new evidence norpresented here is instrumental in moving away from models of Recuay culture towards an assessment of mative
its variability in time, space, and interregional relationships. Future settlement survey, excavation, and additional radiometric determinations should refine, by phase, the current understanding of northern Peruvian prehistory afcivilization. ter the fall of Chavmn Acknowledgments Permission for archaeological investigations at Chinchawas was provided by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Peru under Resoluci6n Directoral Nacional 419-96/INC; I owe many thanks to the staff at the Lima and Huaraz offices who graciously provided research facilities, supervision, and permission to export radiocarbon samples. I would like to thank the National Science Foundation and Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research for enabling the Chinchawas investigations and radiocarbon assays, under grants SBR-9612574 and No. 6066, respectively. Richard L. Burger, Steve Wegner, and Jeffrey Quilter offered insightful comments on previous drafts of this manuscript and Recuay prehistory in general. From their work in the Callej6n de Huaylas, Joan M. Gero and Victor Ponte Rosalino provided generous access to unpublished radiocarbon dates and associations that strengthen the revised chronology. Lau (Ph.D. Yale University, 2001) is a Lecturerat the George in has worked the RecuayreUniversityof EastAnglia and includethe emergence social of gion since1995. His interests South in societies, inequality,rural communities complex interactionin American visual culture,and coast-highland ResearchUnit, UnitheAndes.Mailing address:Sainsbury versityof EastAnglia, NorwichNR4 7TJ, United Kingdom. E-mail: george.lau@aya.yale.edu Hernan AmatOlazabal, del en 1976 "Estudios y arqueologicos la cuenca Mosna en el AldeAmerInternacional del to Marafion,"Actas16thCongreso icanistas 1974)III: 532-544. (Mexico, Martha Anders, The in 1986 "Wari Experiments Statecraft: View from Azanand A. MatosMendieta, in Ramiro Solveig Turpin, garo" Papers H. Herbert Eling,Jr.,eds.,Andean Archaeology: in of Institute ArchaeLos Evans. Angeles: Memory Clifford of 201-224. Los of ology,University California, Angeles, Antinezde Mayolo, Santiago Revista la Esde de ruinas Tinyash 1935 "Las (AltoMaraiion)," No. de Nacional ArtesyOficios, 5. cuela Ulf Bankmann, Band27: Neue und Baessler-Archiv, Folge 1979 "Moche Recuay" 253-271. Garth Bawden, Blackwell. Oxford: 1996 TheMoche.
Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol.29, 2002-2004
199
Peru. Fieldiana:Anthropology Chica43. Bennett, WendellC. of the Virt Valley, 1944 TheNorthHighlandsof Peru:Excavations the Callejon in de go: ChicagoNaturalHistory Museum. Huaylasand at ChavindeHudntarAnthropological of Papers 1962 "Archaeological Akten Investigationsin the CasmaValley," theAmerican MuseumofNatural History39(1). New York: den 34. Internationalen Amerikanisten (Wien), Kongresses AmericanMuseum of NaturalHistory. 1960: 411-417. 1950 TheGallinazoGroup, ViruValley, Peru.YaleUniversity PubCzwarno,Robert M. in 43. lications Anthropology New Haven: YaleUniversity. 1983 "CeramicIndications of Cultural Interaction: Evidence KarenO. from Northern Peru"unpublishedM.A. thesis, TrentUniBruhns, 1976 "The Moon Animal in Northern PeruvianArt and Culversity,Peterborough,Canada. tlre, NawpaPacha 14: 21-40. Daggett, RichardE. 1985 "TheEarlyHorizon-EarlyIntermediatePeriodTransition: Burger,RichardL. 1982 "P6joc and WamanWain:Two EarlyHorizon Villages in A View from the Nepefia andViruValleys," D. PeterKviin the ChavinHeartland"NawpaPacha20: 3-40. etok and Daniel H. Sandweiss,eds., RecentStudiesin AndeanPrehistory Protohistory. and 1984 ThePrehistoric Ithaca:CornellLatinAmerOccupation Chavinde Hudntar,Peru. Uniof ican Studies Program,41-65. Publications Anthropology Berkein 14. versity California of ley: Universityof California. 1987 "Toward Development of the State on the North Centhe tral Coast of Peru," JonathanHaas, SheliaPozorski,and 1985 "'rchaeologicalInvestigationsat Huaricoto,Ancash,Peru: in Thomas Pozorski,eds., TheOriginsand Development the 1978-1979" National Geographic Research Society of Reports 19: 119-127. Andean State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 70-82. 1992 Chavin and the Origins of Andean Civilization.London: Thamesand Hudson. Donnan, ChristopherB. 1965 "MocheCeramicTechnology," RichardL., and FrankAsaro NawpaPacha3: 115-138. Burger, 1977 Trace Obsidian 1973 MocheOccupation theSanta Valley, theAndes: Artifacts Peru. University CalElementAnalysis of from of of Aew Perspectives Prehistoric on Economic in Interaction Peru in 8. iforniaPublications Anthropology Berkeley:University and Bolivia.University California, Lawrence of California. Labof Berkeley o'atoryReportLBL-6343. Berkeley:University of Califor2001 "Moche Burials Uncovered," National Geographic199: nia. 58-73. RichardL., and MichaelGlascock Burger, Donnan, ChristopherB., and CarolJ. Mackey 2000 "Locatingthe QuispisisaObsidian Source in the Depart1978 Ancient Burial Practices the Moche Valley, Peru. Austin: of ment of Ayacucho, Peru" Latin AmericanAntiquity 11: Universityof Texas. 258-268. Eisleb, Dieter Buse, Hermann 1987 AltperuanischeKulturen 4, Recuay. Berlin: Staatlische 1965 Introduccio'n Peru. Lima: Colegio Militar"LeoncioPraal Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Museum fir Volkdo." erkunde. Castillo,Luis Jaime Nuiez, Julio Espejo 1993 "'Prcticas funerarias,poder e ideologia en la sociedad 1957 "Primeros indicios arqueol6gicosdel estilo culturalHuayMoche Tardia, Gaceta Andina 7: 67-73. Arqueologica las (Recuay) en la cuenca del Pukcha (Peru),"Cuadernos 2000 "Lapresenciade Warien San Jose de Moro,"Boletn deArAmericanos 137-150. 91: PUCP 4: 143-179. queologia Fogel, Heidy Castillo,Luis Jaime,and ChristopherB. Donnan 1993 Settlements Time: Studyof the Socialand Political in A Devel1994a "La ocupacion Moche de San Jose de Moro, Jequeteduringthe GallinazoOccupation theNorthCoastof opment of in Santiago Uceda and Elfas Mujica, eds., Moche: peque," Peru.Ph.D. dissertation, YaleUniversity,New Haven. Ann Lima: Institut Francaisd'Etudes P1-opuestasProspectivas. y Arbor:UniversityMicrofilms. Andines and UniversidadNacional de La Libertad,TrujilGambiniEscudero,Wlfredo lo, 93-146. 1984 Santay Nepefa: Dos Valles, Culturas.Lima: Imprenta Dos 1994b"ILos Mochicas del norte y los Mochicas del sur," in M. Castillo. Lima: Banco del Credito, KrysztofMakowski, ed., Vicuis. 143-182. Gero, Joan M. 1990 "Pottery,Power, and... Parties!" Claude March/April Archaeology Chapdelainc, 43: 52-56. 1998 "Excavaciones la zona urbanade Moche durante1996" en in Santiago Uceda, Elias Mujica, and Ricardo Morales, 1992 "Feastsand Females:GenderIdeology and PoliticalMeals en eds., Investigaciones la Huaca de la Luna 1996. Trujillo: in the Andes," Review 25: 15-30. Norwegian Archaeological UniversidadNacional de La Libertad,85-115. 2001 "Field Knots and CeramicBeaus: InterpretingGender in B. Church,Warren the PeruvianEarly IntermediatePeriod,"in Cecilia Klein, 1996 Prehistoric CulturalDevelopment Interregional and Interaced., Genderin Pre-Hispanic America. Washington, D.C.: tion in the Tropical MontaneForests Peru. Ph.D. dissertaDumbarton Oaks, 15-55. of tion, YaleUniversity,New Haven. Ann Arbor: University Goldstein, Paul Microfilms. 1993 "TiwanakuTemples and State Expansion: A Tiwanaku Collier,Donald Sunken-CourtTemple in Moquegua, Peru," Latin Ameri1955 CulturalChronology Changeas Reflected the Ceramics and in canAntiquity4: 22-47.
200
Lau, George F. Grieder,Terence in 2000 "EspacioceremonialRecuay," KrzysztofMakowski,ed., Austin: University of 1978 TheArt and Archaeology Pashash. of Lima: Banco de CrediLosDiosesde losAndes Texas. Prehispdnicos. to, 178-197. Hayden, Brian 2001 "FabulousFeasts:A Prolegomenon to the Importanceof and 2001 TheAncientCommunity Chinchawas: Economy Cereof Feasting,"in Michael Dietler and Brian Hayden, eds., monyin the North Highlands of Peru. Ph.D. dissertation, on Feasts: YaleUniversity,New Haven. Ann Arbor: University MiPerspectives Food,PoliEthnographic Archaeological tics,andPower. crofilms. Washington,D.C.: SmithsonianInstitution, 23-64. Lechtman,HeatherN. Helms, MaryW. 1980 "The Central Andes: Metallurgy without Iron," in 1993 Craftand theKinglyIdeal.Austin: Universityof Texas. TheodoreA. Wertimeand JamesD. Muhly, eds., TheComHerrera,Alexander ing of the Age of Iron. New Haven: Yale University, Boletin 1999 "Proyectode exploraci6narqueol6gicaConchucos," 267-334. delMuseodeArqueologia Antropologia 2(3): 8-13. y Luis G. Lumbreras, Lima: CorpoIsbell, WilliamH. de 1970 LosTemplos Chavin:Guiaparael Visitante. 1983 "Shared Ideology and Parallel Political Development: de raci6nPeruana Santa. Huari andTiwanaku"in Daniel H. Sandweiss,ed., InvestiPeru.Washington,D.C.: and 1974a ThePeoples Cultures ofAncient gations of theAndeanPast. Ithaca:Comell Latin American SmithsonianInstitution. Studies Program,186-208. 1974b "Informe de labores del Proyecto Chavin," Arqueologicas in Centre?" 1989 "Honcopampa:WasIt a Huari Administrative 15: 37-55. Robert M. Czwarno, FrankM. Meddens, and Alexandra en 1977 "Excavaciones el templo antiguo de Chavin (sector R): of Morgan,eds., TheNatureof Wari:A Reappraisal theMidinforme de la sextacampaia," Series525. Oxford: dleHorizonin Peru.BAR International NawpaPacha15: 1-38. B.A.R. Diseno(Segunda 1978 ArtePrecolombino: Esculturay Parte).Lima: Banco de Credito. 1991 "Honcopampa:MonumentalRuins in Peru'sNorth High33: lands," Andde Expedition 27-36. 1989 Chavinde Hudntar en el Nacimiento la Civilizacion Austin: Universityof Monuments. 1997 Mummiesand Mortuary ina. Lima: INDEA. Texas. Lynch,Thomas F. Cave:EarlyMan in theAndes.New York:AcadIsbell, WilliamH., and Gordon F. McEwan 1980 Guitarrero 1991 "AHistory of Huari Studies and Introductionto Current emic Press. in Interpretations,' WilliamH. Isbell and Gordon F. McECarolJ. PrehistoricMon- Mackey, Structure: wan, eds., Huari Administrative 1982 "TheMiddle Horizon as Viewed from the Moche Valley," and State Government. umentalArchitecture Washington, in MichaelE. Moseley and Kent C. Day, eds., Chan Chan: D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1-17. AndeanDesertCity.Albuquerque: Universityof New MexJulien,Daniel G. ico, 321-331. in and Settlement Cultural 1988 AncientCuismancu: Dynamics the Makowski,Krzysztof,editor CajamarcaRegion of the North Highlands of Peru, 200 Lima: Banco de Credito. 1994 Vicus. B.C.-A.D. 1532. Ph.D. dissertation,University of Texas, Makowski,Krzysztof,and Julio RucabadoYong Austin. Ann Arbor:UniversityMicrofilms. 2000 "Hombres y deidades en la iconograffa Recuay," in Kroeber,AlfredL. de KrzysztofMakowski,ed., LosDioses losAndesPrehispdniin in 1944 PeruvianArchaeology 1942. VikingFund Publications cos.Lima:Banco de Credito, 199-235. 4. Anthropology New York:Viking Fund. Menzel, Dorothy Krzanowski, Andrzej 1964 "Styleand Time in the Middle Horizon,"NawpaPacha2: The 1977 "Yuraccama: SettlementComplexin the Alto Chicama 1-105. in Region (Northern Peru)," JanuszKozlowski, ed., Polish TheArchaeology AncientPeru and the WorkofMax Uhle. 1977 Part I, Prace of Contributionsin New WorldArchaeology, of No. Berkeley:Lowie Museum of Anthropology,University Archeologicznej, 16. Krakow:PolskaAcademia Komisji California. Nauk-Oddzial w Krakowie,29-58. OaklandRodman,Amy, andArabelFernindez 1986 'The CulturalChronologyof NorthernAndes of Peru (the Acta Archaeo2000 "Los tejidos Huari y Tiwanaku:comparacionesy contexRegion)" Huamachuco-Quiruvilca-Otuzco PUCP 4: 119-130. tos,"BoletindeArqueologia 25: 231-264. logicaCarpathica and Moises Linares Paredes,Juan,BereniceQuintana, Lanning,EdwardP. de American 2000 "Tumbas la epoca Warien el Callej6nde Huaylas,An1965 "CurrentResearch:Highland South America," PUCP 4: 253-288. cash"BoletindeArqueologia 31: 139-140. Antiquity Cliffs:Prentice-Hall. the Patterson,Thomas C. 1967 Peru before Incas.Englewood Period Pottery of in 1966 Patternand Process theEarlyIntermediate LarcoHoyle, Rafael Publications theCentralCoast of ofPeru.University California 1945 La CulturaViri. BuenosAires:SociedadGeograficaAmer3. in Anthropology Berkeley:Universityof California. icana. delNortedePeru.BuenosAires:SoPerez Calderon,Ismael 1948 CronologiaArqueologica 1988 "Monumentos arqueologicos de Santiago de Chuco, La Americana. ciedad Geografica Libertad," Bolet'ndeLima 60: 33-44. Valverde,S.A. 1962 La CulturaSanta. Lima: Litografia
Journal of FieldArchaeology/Vol.29, 2002-2004
201
ShadySolis, Ruth 1988 "La epoca Huari como interaccionde las sociedades reAndina 6(1): 67-99. gionales, Revista Shimada,Izumi 1994 PampaGrande and theMochicaCulture.Austin: University of Texas. 1999 "TheEvolution of AndeanDiversity:RegionalFormations (500 B.C.E.-C.E. 600)," in FrankSalomon and StuartB. Schwartz,eds., The Cambridge Historyof theNative Peoples Vol. Part1. Cambridge: oftheAmericas: III, SouthAmerica, CambridgeUniversityPress, 350-517. Silverman,Helaine 1993 Cahuachi theAncientNascaWorld.Iowa City: Universiin ty of Iowa. Priimers,Heiko Smith, John W., Jr. 2000 "'El Castillo'de Huarmey: una plataformadel Horizonte 1978 TheRecuayCulture: Reconstruction A BasedonArtisticMoPUCP 4: 289-312. Medio,"BoletindeArqueologia tifs. Ph.D. dissertation,Universityof Texasat Austin. Ann Ravines,Rogger Arbor:UniversityMicrofilms. 1982 Panorama laArqueologiaAndina. de Lima:Instituto de EsCharles Stanish, tudios Peruanos. 1992 Ancient Andean PoliticalEconomy. Austin: University of TexasPress. Reichert,RaphaelX. 1977 TheRecuayCeramicStyle:A Reevaluation. Ph.D. dissertaStuiver,Minze, and PaulaJ. Reimer tion, Universityof Californiaat Los Angeles. Ann Arbor: 1993 "ExtendedC-14 Data-Baseand Revised CALIB 3.0 C-14 UniversityMicrofilms. Radiocarbon 215-230. 35: Age Calibration Program," 1982 "Moche Iconography-The Highland Connection" in Tello, Julio C. Alana Cordy-Collins,ed., Pre-Columbian History:SeArt 1929 Antiguo Peru: Primera Epoca. Lima: Comisi6n Organilected zadoradel Segundo Congreso de Turismo. Readings.PaloAlto: Peek Publications,279-291. 1940 "Origeny desarrollode las civilizacionesprehist6ricas Silvia andRodriguezKembel, 2001 Architectural and Actas y Trabajos at del inas," Sequence Chronology ChavindeHudntar, Cientificos 27 Congreso InternaPeru. Ph.D. dissertation,StanfordUniversity.Ann Arbor: cionaldeAmericanistas (Lima,1939), Tomo I, 589-720. Lima: Libreriae ImprentaGil. UniversityMicrofilms. 1960 Chavin: CulturaMatriz de la Civilizacio'n Andina. Lima: Rowe, John H., and Dorothy Menzel, editors 1967 PeruvianArchaeology: Selected Publicaci6nAntropol6gica del Archivo "Julio C. Tello," Readings. Palo Alto: Peek UniversidadNacional Mayor de San Marcos. Publications. Terada,Kazuo Gleim S., BanksL. Leonard,and JesusBricefio Russell, 1979 Excavations La Pampa in the North Highlands of Peru, at 1998 "The Cerro Mayal Workshop:AddressingIssues of Craft 1975. Tokyo:Universityof Tokyo. MASCA Research Specializationin Moche Society," Papers in Science Technology, and to 15: Supplement Volume 63-89. Terada,Kazuo, and Ryozo Matsumoto 1985 "Sobrela cronologiade la tradici6nCajamarca" Fernanin Frank Salomon, do Silva Santiesteban,WaldemarEspinoza Soriano, and 1995 "'BeautifulGrandparents': Andean Ancestor Shrines and Rogger Ravines, eds., Historiadel Cajamarca.Cajamarca: Mortuary Ritual as Seen through Colonial Records,"in Instituto Nacional de Cultura,67-89. Tom Dillehay, ed., Tombs the Living:AndeanMortuary for Practices. D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 315-353. Terada, Kazuo, and Yoshio Onuki Washington, 1982 Excavations Huacaloma in the CajamarcaValley, at Peru, Schaedel,RichardP. 1979. Tokyo:Universityof Tokyo. 1948 "StoneSculpturein the Callej6nde Huaylas, in WendellC. 1985 TheFormative Periodin the Cajamarca Bennett,ed.,A Reappraisal Basin,Peru:ExcavaMemoirs ofPeruvian Archaeology. tionsat Huacalomaand Layzdn, the SocietyforAmerican 1982. Tokyo:Universityof 4. Menasha,WI: Soof Archaeology Tokyo Press. ciety for AmericanArchaeology,66-79. Thatcher,John P. 1952 An Analysis CentralAndean StoneSculpture. Ph.D. disserof 1972 Continuityand Change in the Ceramicsof Huamachuco. tation, YaleUniversity.Ann Arbor:UniversityMicrofilms. Ph.D. dissertation,Universityof Pennsylvania. Ann Arbor: 1966 "IncipientUrbanization and Secularizationin TiahuanaUniversityMicrofilms. coid Peru,"AmericanAntiquity 338-344. 31: Thompson, Donald E. 1993 "Congruenceof Horizon with Polity: Huari and the Mid1966 "Archaeological Investigationsin the HuarmeyValley,Pedle Horizon,"in Don Rice, ed., LatinAmericanHorizons. ru, 36th International 1: Congress Americanists 541-548. of WashingtonD.C.: DumbartonOaks, 225-262. Thompson, Donald E., and Rogger Ravines Katharina Schreiber, 1973 "Tinyash: Prehispanic J. A Village in the Andean Puna, Ar1992 Wari Imperialism Middle HorizonPeru. in 26: chaeology 94-100. Anthropological MuseumofAnthropology, Papers, University Michigan 87. of Topic, John R. Aml Arbor:Universityof Michigan. 1991 "Huariand Huamachuco," WilliamH. Isbell and Gorin
1994 "Monumentos arqueologicos de Santiago de Chuco, La Libertad," BoletindeLima 91-96: 225-274. Ponte Rosalino,Victor M. 2000 "Transformacion socialy politicaen el Callejonde Huaylas, siglos 7-10 d.C.," Boletin de Arqueologia PUCP 4: 219-251. Donald A. Proulx, 1982 'Territoriality the EarlyIntermediatePeriod:The Case in of Moche and Recuay," NawpaPacha20: 83-96. 1985 AnAnalysisof theEarlyCulturalSequence theNepeia Valin le, Peru. University Massachusetts of Department Anthroof pologyResearch Report25. Amherst: University of Massachusetts.
202
don F McEwan, eds., HuariAdministrative Structure: PrehistoricMonumentalArchitectureand State Government. WashingtonD.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 141-164. Topic, John R., and TheresaL. Topic 1983 "Coast-HighlandRelations in Northern Peru: Some Observations Routes, Networks, and Scalesof Interaction" on in in RichardLeventhaland Alan Kolata,eds., Civilization the Ancient Americas.Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, 237-259. SIAN 4: 10-12. 1997 "Laguerramochica," RevistaArqueologica 2000 "Haciala comprensi6ndel fenomeno Huari: una perspecPUCP 4: 181-217. tiva nortefia," BoletindeArqueologia Topic, TheresaL. 1991 "TheMiddle Horizon in Northern Peru,'in WilliamH. Isbell and Gordon F McEwan, eds., Huari Administrative and State MonumentalArchitecture Structure:Prehistoric Government. Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 233-246. TheresaL., and John R. Topic Topic, Peru:Preliminary 1982 Prehistoric Report ofNorthern Fortifications 1980. on theFinal Season,January-December, Peterborough, Ontario:TrentUniversityDepartmentof Anthropology. Uceda, Santiago,and EliasMujica,editors d'ELima:InstitutFrancais 1994 Moche: Prospectivas. Propuestasy tudes Andines and UniversidadNacional de La Libertad, Trujillo. Wegner,StevenA. 1988 CulturaRecuay.Lima, Peru: Pamphlet for Banco Continental. Huarez:Pamphletfor de 2000 ArqueologiayArteAntiguo Chacas. Museum. the ChacasArchaeological 2001 "Sintesisde la historiaculturalantiguade Chacas',in LauMinelli and StevenWegner,eds., ElMuseode raLaurencich Chacas. Bologna: EditriceCompositori, 11-36. Willey,Gordon R. Ar1948 "AFunctionalAnalysisof'Horizon Styles'in Peruvian in of chaeology," WendellC. Bennett, ed.,A Reappraisal PeMemoirsof the Society AmericanArruvianArchaeology. for 4. chaeology Menasha,WI: Society for AmericanArchaeology, 8-15. Peru. BuPatternsin the Viri Valley, Settlement 1953 Prehistoric reau of American Ethnology,Bulletin 155. Washington, D.C.: SmithsonianInstitution. Williams,PatrickRyan 2001 "Cerro Bail: A Wari Center on the TiwanakuFrontier," LatinAmerican Antiquity12: 67-83. Wilson, David J. PeSanta Valley, in Patterns theLower Settlement 1988 Prehispanic ru. WashingtonD.C.: SmithsonianInstitution. 1995 "Prehispanic Settlement Patterns in the Casma Valley, Resultsto Date"Journal North Coast of Peru:Preliminary 23: Society 189-227. Anthropological of the Steward F. Pazdur, AndrzejKrzanowski, Ziolkowski,MariuszS., Mieczyslaw and Adam Michczynski and Database Bolivia,Ecuador Peru. 1994 Andes:Radiocarbon for Mission of the Instituteof AndeanArchaeological Warsaw: Universityand Gliwice Radiocarbon Archaeology,Warsaw of the Institute of Physics, SilesianTechnical Laboratory University.

The Recuay Culture of Peru's North-Central Highlands. A Reappraisal of Chronology and Its Implications

Încărcat de

Informații document

Descriere originală:

Titlu original

Drepturi de autor

Formate disponibile

Partajați acest document

Partajați sau inserați document

Opțiuni de partajare

Vi se pare util acest document?

Este necorespunzător acest conținut?

Drepturi de autor:

Formate disponibile

The Recuay Culture of Peru's North-Central Highlands. A Reappraisal of Chronology and Its Implications

Încărcat de

Drepturi de autor:

Formate disponibile

The Recuay Culture of Peru's North-Central Highlands: A Reappraisal of Chronology and Its Implications Author(s): George F.

178 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology Implications/Lau and

29, JournalofFieldArchaeology/Vol. 2002-2004

180 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology Implications/Lau and

Huaras Style (200 B.C.-A.D. 250)

Style and Chronology in Highland Ancash after

AnAMS date of 2230 ? 55

was taken from

29, Journalof FieldArchaeology/Vol. 2002-2004

1600 1500 1400 1300

C 0 o oo in aJsI C Cl) CU Cl ; > <*? ,I I I II,A

0 bo-S Cl) V c) ()c ' r1fl CI)t tv 04 0e)SN )CV)

PostInka Inka Aquillpo

Early Wari Influence

200 300 400 500

600 700 800

Calibratedradiocarbon ages from North-Central Highlands, Peru Ancash,

Recuay Style (A.D.250-650)

182 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology Implications/Lau and

Sazon Chimu-lnka Estero Tambo Manchan

LATE INTERMEDIATE 1200 PERIOD Aquillpo

Wariinfluence Early Wariinfluence Late Recuay 0

Chimu Early Tomaval

700 600 500

Late Moche IV Huancaco

EARLY 400 Recuay INTERMEDIATE 300 PERIOD

Late II Early Gallinazo Moche

Early- Early Gallinazo

Initial - --I--- ----- - Caiamarca

SuchimanMiddle Cachipampa Gallinazocillo

29, Journalof FieldArchaeology/Vol. 2002-2004

Table 1. Radiocarbon assays for Huaras white-on-red style ceramics.

2) indicates that classic Recuay

Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau

I orangeor red slip

Journal ofFieldArchaeology/Vol. 29, 2002-2004

red white (n-p)

Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau

Table 2. Radiocarbon assays for Recuay and Late Recuay ceramics.

AA32365 Tx-1824 Tx-942 Tx-940 Tx-941 Tx-1329 Tx-943 Tx-1331

1590?60 1580?70 1500?90 1490 ?70 1400?60 1380 ?100 1110?270

AA32369 AA32371 Beta-31353 Beta-30112 AA32368 AA32376

1395 45 1375 ?45 1360 ?90 1350?80 1305 ?45 675 ? 50

2000. communication *JoanGero,personal

700-850) Early Wari-InfluencedStyles(A.D.

29, Journalof FieldArchaeology/Vol. 2002-2004

Table 3. Radiocarbon assays for Wari-influencedceramics.

Post-Recuay Cotojirca IV Chinchawasi 2

AA32373 AA32374 Beta-30114 AA32370 AA32490 AA32377

1170?55 1160?45 1160?80 1150 50

Warmi Warmi Post-Recuay Warmi Middle Horizon Warmi

1125 ?50 655 50

2000. communication *JoanGero,personal

29, Journalof FieldArchaeology/Vol. 2002-2004

Issues in Recuay Prehistory

950-1450) Aquillpo Style (A.D.

and Collapse Chavt'n theEmergence theHuards of of

Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau

white orange red (slip) d:'dark red black

29, JournalofFieldArchaeology/Vol. 2002-2004

with Gallinazoand Moche RecuayInteraction

192 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology Implications/Lau and