The Push and Pull of Hip-Hop

American Behavioral Scientist
http://abs.sagepub.com The Push and Pull of Hip-Hop: A Social Movement Analysis

Erin Trapp American Behavioral Scientist 2005; 48; 1482 DOI: 10.1177/0002764205277427 The online version of this article can be found at: http://abs.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/48/11/1482
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The Push and Pull of Hip-Hop

A Social Movement Analysis
ERIN TRAPP
University of ColoradoBoulder
This article explores how hip-hop musicwith its grim portrayals of urban reality and youth manifestoscan be both the mirror and engine of a social movement, based on two divergent theories, new social movement theory and political opportunity theory, as well as the work of W. E. B. Du Bois. Contrasting the work of two prominent artists, the author examines the portrayal of women in rap and finds that these artists attempt to represent and influence reality and that they comfortably carry the mantle of movement leaders. Keywords: rap; hip-hop; social movements; Du Bois
Much scholarly effort has been devoted to hip-hop (also known as rap) music in the past two decades as this art form has spread from the slums of the Bronx to the West Coast, fueling record sales and fashion trends for youths everywhere in between. Almost as soon as it was born, hip-hop was assailed by parents and politicians as an evil influence on impressionable youth. Critics dismissed rap as a flash in the pan, but undaunted millions propelled its stars to icon status and emulated their favorites. A great deal of scholarship now supports the view of hip-hop as a social movement that harnessed the energy of disenfranchised, primarily African American, youth (Duncan, 1996; Gladney, 1995; Henderson, 1996; Ogbar, 1999; Watkins, 1998). However, the importance of hip-hop is not yet fully explored. Music long has been used by social movements to disguise threats: spirituals fueled African American protests from the era of slavery through the civil rights movement and pithy folk songs masked sharp antiwar messages during the Vietnam conflict. Here, I explore the role of hip-hop as both the engine and mirror of a social movement by examining the work of two exemplary artists and by emphasizing, in particular, female hip-hop artistry, which is of utmost importance given the portrayal of women in rap.
Authors Note: Jason Boardman, Anne Costain, and Leslie Irvine provided invaluable advice on earlier versions of this article. Direct all correspondence to Erin Trapp, University of Colorado Boulder, 483 UCB, Boulder, CO 80309-0483.
AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST, Vol. 48 No. 11, July 2005 1482-1495 DOI: 10.1177/0002764205277427 2005 Sage Publications
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Trapp / THE PUSH AND PULL OF HIP-HOP
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THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS I consider two competing social movement theories to understand hip-hop new social movement theory and political opportunity theoryand draw on the seminal work of W. E. B. Du Bois (1903/2000). First, hip-hop can be understoodin the framework of new social movement theoryas a reflection of a shift in identity that already has occurred. Alberto Melucci (1996) popularized the notion that movements express ideas and transitions that already have happened, and they engender action by uncovering contradictions between the existing system(s) of power and changing identities. As characterized by Melucci,
Contemporary movements are prophets of the present. . . . They force power out into the open and give it a shape and a face. They speak a language that seems to be entirely their own, but they say something that transcends their popularity and speaks to us all. (p. 1)
From this perspective, movements are instruments of identity that push political systems and mainstream culture in the direction of a subgroup. In the context of hip-hop, music asserts the shifting identities of (largely) African American youth into the larger culture that could not previously accommodate the ideas and practices expressed in these identities. Henderson (1996) noted, Black nationalism has structured hip-hop in the past and continues to do so . . . [it] developed from the collective ethos of the Black community that spawned this new genre (p. 315). Thus, by surfacing an alternate and preexisting consciousness, hip-hop artists, as prophets of the present, give voice to changes being lived by other citizens. Alternatively, hip-hop can be understood as a response to a specific, albeit cultural, threat of the sort described by Doug McAdams (1982) political opportunity theory. McAdam outlined several factors in social movementsincluding the double-edged sword of threat and opportunity and the cognitive liberation that explains how disadvantaged actors rise above their subordinate place to respond to threats by exploiting opportunities, using nontraditional means of social protest to form a movement. Hip-hop artists, then, are leaders of a social movement who pull and shape identity in their community and foment action for social change. Watkins (1998) followed this line of reasoning, arguing that the threat of neoconservative ideology faced by African Americans in the Reagan era, which blamed the poor for deteriorating values and poverty, led Black artists to start a social movement through music, capitalizing on opportunities afforded by their position in the music industry. Thus, hip-hop artists adopt a critical even hostilestance toward the White-controlled state, government, and media, often seeking to delegitimize these institutions and draw attention to racial injustice and social neglect.
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AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST
The rhetoric surrounding early hip-hop reflects these two very different portrayals of hip-hop as a movement, encapsulating the dispute concerning whether hip-hop is the cause (see Ogbar, 1999; Rose, 1991) or effect (see Henderson, 1996) of social fractures. I find three concepts from Du Bois to be particularly pertinent when considering these divergent interpretations. First, in The Souls of Black Folk, Du Bois (1903/2000, p. xli) described a veila metaphysical barrierthat separates two distinct worldsthe Black world within and the White world without the veil. A second and related concept that Du Bois characterized is double consciousness: This sensation of always looking at ones self through the eyes of the others, of measuring ones soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity (p. 5). In social movement terms, double consciousness means that for African Americans, cognitive liberationthe knowledge of an unequal place in the social structure that must be overcomepredates the civil rights movement. But Du Bois also spoke of the exceptional man that pulls along his brethren; indeed, improving the situation of African Americans required the insight of exceptional men and women to give voice to the double consciousness, pushing others to see the inferiority of their position behind the veil. Du Boiss expansive work leaves room, then, for both the intuitive view that musicians give voice to silenced segments of society (i.e., push) and the view that hip-hop artists are leaders whose voices are a clarion call to other African Americans that social injustice not only exists but also can be fought (i.e., pull). Double consciousness also instructs gender identity construction. Feminist scholars have argued that identity is so unbounded and pluralistic as to be diverse within a single individual (Butler, 1990; Haraway, 1991). Furthermore, Harding (1998) argued that hierarchical gender relations force women to capitalize on their different political standpoint because of their particular resources and experiences. Sandoval (2000) expanded the concept of differential social movements to African American women functioning within, yet separate from, dominant African American and White ideologies. These movements produce the means of transforming contemporary social conditions and creating space for oppressed consciousness. In this way, genderlike racecan be viewed as an alternate consciousness among a subordinated group that can be developed into a source of strength for a movement. In contemporary society, individuals possess multiple, fluid, and sometimes competing identities based on race, ethnicity, sex, class, or numerous others. Thus, I apply the concept of the double consciousness of race to the African American hip-hop artists who can deliberately reject the system that subordinates their experience. Similarly, I acknowledge the meaningful differences in the experience and perspective of female hip-hop artists. But it is not solely the existence of multiple identities but rather, the manner in which they are shielded from others by a veil that provides a subjugated group a unique perspective on the dominant system and allows for a critique based on the veiled identity.
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But let us not mistake this social movement and its leaders for an attempt to erase distinctive identities, nor should that be misunderstood as the goal. Du Bois (1903/2000, p. 10) himself had no wish to lose either consciousness, but he refused to see himself through the eyes of the other. Hip-hop seeks not to obviate African American identity but, rather, to provide equal room for it as a distinct and legitimate identity within society. Thus, the music may be a continuous carrier of oppositional Black consciousness. Alternately, it may be the spark for collective action in response to threats perpetrated by the political and legal systems. My intent is not to reduce hip-hop to the function of either an engine of social change or a mirror of culturemost likely it can be both or neither depending on the context, as the work of Du Bois suggests. DATA AND METHOD Far more data than are currently available would be required to demonstrate fully how hip-hop could be both an engine and mirror of social transformation. Facing such a situation, Clemens and Hughes (2002) suggested analyzing periodicals and ephemera of the era. In this case, I rely on the primary evidence that hip-hop leaves behindthe work of its key artists. I first analyze the work of Queen Latifah, an early female rapper who exhibited the staying power of many male artists. Although others, particularly Sister Soulja, were more overtly political, I selected Latifah to examine how a commercially successful artist may undertake a role as commentator and leader. I analyze all of Latifahs solo albums from 1989 to 1998, excluding songs from films, which likely reflect themes in the film. I sought evidence of the two possible directions addressed earlier: descriptions of existing social life and interpretive and instructive messages to reshape social reality. I also discovered two themes that I did not anticipate: an internal debate in hip-hop about the portrayal and role of women in society and a response to gender-based criticism about Latifahs hip-hop virtuosity. I then contrast these themes in Latifahs work with a prominent male artist of the timeTupac Shakur. In addition to commercial success, Tupac enjoyed some of the most intense adoration and hatred of any hip-hop artist and was viewed as an outspoken social commentator. I present a limited analysis of Tupacs work as an abbreviated comparison to Latifahs gender-specific ideas and as a result, bring to the fore the message found in Latifahs music. In addition to songs, I analyze Latifahs autobiography and a biography of Tupac Shakur so as to understand better the motivations and standpoints of each. The work of two artists does not represent the totality of a dynamic and heterogeneous art form with several decades of history, nor does it capture how the art is received and interpreted by different audiences.1 Nevertheless, I characterize the work of these exemplary artists first in terms of descriptive
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social commentarygiving explicit voice to existing identitiesand alternatively, as providing a vision of a different type of society in reaction to specific threats. This analysis, then, begins to frame an ongoing discussion of how and why these artists can affect segments of society in multitudinous ways and in particular, how these artists demonstrate the push and pull of hip-hop. EXCEPTIONAL MEN AND WOMEN Latifah and Tupac possess backgrounds that provide them with unique perspectives on their communities because of firsthand knowledge of poverty and significant intellectual preparation for advocacy. Queen Latifah was raised by a single mother in a public housing project (Latifah, 2000, p. 25). Despite economic privation and a barren inner-city setting, Latifahs mother, a teacher working three jobs, fostered a sense of empowerment in the face of a dishonorable mentality bred in the inner city (Latifah, 2000, p. 25) and nurtured her daughter with a sense of strong self-esteem buoyed by a positive female role model. Tupac Shakur possessed a similarly contradictory background. Tupacs single mother was a leader in the revolutionary Black Panther movement and politically active until crack addiction robbed her of her productive abilities (Dyson, 2001). Tupac grew up in sometimes-desperate poverty while nurtured by a considerable intellectual community of his mothers activist friends. He was extremely well read and benefited from high-quality arts education in public schools (Dyson, 2001). Like Latifah, Tupac experienced many different sides of the African American experience, and he was perhaps uniquely suited to reflect on the worst of the ravages of late 20th-century poverty and inequity. Although Du Bois (1903/2000) did not outline specific characteristics of exceptional leaders, I feel confident in portraying both Latifah and Tupac in this category, as both experienced the worst effects of poverty and racism yet were equipped with education and motivation to change the society they found. LADIES FIRST Queen Latifahs (1989) debut album All Hail the Queen set the stage for her career, advocating self-esteem among African American women. Many songs on the albumincluding Dance for Me, Come Into My House, Latifahs Law, Wrath of My Madness, and The Prosexplicitly claim the label of hip-hop virtuoso. Lines such as those from Latifahs Wrath of My Madness (Owens & James, 1989, track 14)2Im coolin teachin those needing schoolin / this mic, this mic in my hand, Im rulinsimultaneously address Latifahs own proficiency as a freestyler and the criticism she faces as a woman in a field dominated by men. In her early work, such as Ladies First (Owens,
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Johnson, Apache, & James, 1989, track 7), Latifah expressed a female standpoint: Who said the ladies couldnt make it, you must be blind / if you dont believe, well here, listen to this rhyme / a female rapper with the message to send. Also in Ladies First (Owens et al., 1989, track 7), Latifah defended herself against negative characterizations of female rappers, daring the audience to listen to her work and maintain that women are inferior, but her commentary is not limited to an internal debate within hip-hop. She also consciously defied feminine stereotypes and noted in her biography, I dont act the way society dictates that a woman should.Im defining what a woman is for myself (Latifah, 2000, p. 126). She expressed similar sentiments in her music. In Evil That Men Do (Parker & Owens, 1989, track 10), Latifah depicted some of the most difficult social problems of the day: A woman strives for a better life, but who the hell cares? / because shes living on welfare. Latifah has characterized her work as message music, and in this song, she directly addressed the phenomenon of impoverished women living on welfare with inadequate housing, describing a society ambivalent to their plight. Latifahs stance is defiantIts a sucker who tells you youre equal (Parker & Owens, 1989, track 10)and she ridiculed the notion that women have equal opportunities to better themselves. Latifah has reacted explicitly to inequality in society and the irony of public officials who deride the poor but fail to provide solutions to rampant problems such as drug addiction, instead choosing to criminalize it: Someones living the good life tax-free . . . the government cant come up with a decent housing plan / So shes in no mans land (Parker & Owens, 1989, track 10). Latifahs work is more than mere commentary. Although she initially described a threat to African American women from an unequal system, she instructed listeners about a new way to react to problems they seecomparing a consumptive culture with help for the homeless and daring the listener to understand the irony of want in the midst of waste. Finally, she has taken on hypocrisy within the Black community. In Evil That Men Do (Parker & Owens, 1989, track 10), Latifah rapped, Black-on-Black crime only shackles and binds / you to a doom, a fate worse than death, arguing that crimes among Blacks hurt the entire community as much as external attacks. But her ultimate message in this song is not one of despair but hope, and Latifah called for a change in attitudes and behavior: Stop putting your conscience on cease / and bring about some type of peace / not only in your heart, but also in your mind / it will benefit all mankind. Thus, in her first album, Queen Latifah (1989) surpassed mere description, identifying threats from within and without, discussing inequity and hypocrisy in the system, and proposing positive change. In her autobiography, Latifah (2000) discussed her role as advocate, describing rap as a common language of youth: It wasnt even just communication. It was an expression, a culture, an attitude. . . . The consciousness movement was emerging. It was not just simple rhymes over the most popular songs (p. 48). Latifah, who considered a career in law, noted that hip hop showed me another way to communicate, another way
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to reach people, another way to state my case (p. 58). Thus, from her own words, a picture of an artist intent on not only entertaining or portraying a reality but also informing and shaping society emerges. Furthermore, Latifah has expressed specific intent in crafting a message of social uplift. In addition to rejecting misogynistic language, she has rejected gangsta culture. Latifah (2000) acknowledged the role of hip-hop in shaping such culture, noting, I dont want any business glorifying the fast lifestyle that a lot of rappers promote when they talk about smoking blunts, drinking fortyounce beers, and getting fucked up. My music is too powerful to put drugs into the mix (p. 122). Latifah has acknowledged the realities of poverty, with which she is intimately familiar, and the seductive power of drugs and crime, but she believes that All I can do is put a message in my music about what it means to feel good. . . . Thats why I have chosen to make my music about being grounded, about treating yourself as royalty (p. 122). Latifahs (1991) album Nature of a Sista continues her role as womens advocate. In Nuff of the Ruff Stuff (Owens, 1991d, track 2), Latifah acknowledged and accepted this role of feminine teacher and noted, Love my culture and show appreciation / youre looking for the Black influ? / I do want to give it to you. In Latifahs Had It Up 2 Here (Owens, 1991b, track 1), Latifah again reacted to her detractors, but again with a positive message, noting Mama Zulu [Latifahs nickname] stands for positivity and grace; yet she acknowledged attacks from commercial entertainers but distained their words: Talk is cheap and if talk got any cheaper / theyd be sellin Nike tongues instead of sneakers. Latifah is clearly situated within hip-hop and engaged in an internal debate that includes polarizations between commercial and message music. So although the debate is internal to the movement, inasmuch as the movement addresses the larger society, internal debates have relevance beyond hip-hop. In criticizing commercial entertainment and the pervasiveness of must-have name brands, Latifah criticized not only rappers of this genre but also the society that valorizes sneakers but fails to address pressing social problems. Throughout her album, Latifah (1991) explicitly claimed hip-hop virtuosity while weaving social critique into every song. In Love Again (Owens, 1991c, track 5), Latifah expressed despair that were living in an age / where people dont care about their fellow man, and she asked, Why is it so hard to be sisters and brothers? Again, Latifah has addressed external threats but also named internal divisions along gender lines that highlight the lack of cohesiveness in addressing social problems. She has advocated attitudinal and behavioral change: The things that you good do in life will always come on back to you its true / you can do the right thing now and it will be alright I know somehow (Owens, 1991c, track 5). Although the solution Latifah proposedlearning to love againis more ambiguous than those of many typical social movement leaders, her words echo the eloquent attempts of Dr. Martin Luther King and many others to change the hearts and minds of citizens.
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Latifah has taken particular aim at the pervasive misogynistic language in many rap songs. In Fly Girl (Owens, 1991a, track 7), Latifah addressed the stereotype of sexual promiscuityputting herself forth as a positive role model, addressing and rejecting the typical advances of a fictional male suitorTreat me like a lady / and, no, my name aint yo and I aint your baby. Latifah, furthermore, addressed the dangers of promiscuity in Thats the Way We Fly (Owens, 1991e, track 10), attempting to bolster women who resist stereotypesAnd I say peace to all the girls who tryinnot to be hosand acknowledging both the tremendous pressure and danger involved in sexual promiscuity. Resistance in the face of sexual stereotyping is a recurring theme in Latifahs work. Perhaps the pinnacle of her work is the song U.N.I.T.Y. (Owens & Sample, 1993, track 12) from the album Black Reign (Latifah, 1993), for which she won a Grammy Award. The song directly attacks the use of bitch and ho to deride African American women. In her autobiography, Latifah (2000) described her motivation to respond to the portrayal of women by both male and female artists:
But I decided to address the ladies first. We have the power to set the men straight. If you dont feel like a bitch, no one can call you that and make it stick. I realized it was more important to start building women up and making them look inside themselves than to bash the fellas. (p. 4)
This passage provides clear evidence for Latifah as movement leader. She reacts to specific cultural threatsmisogyny in rap or abuseand suggests a remedyaction, rather than shame, and positive self-esteem. Throughout her first three albums, several themes recur in Latifahs work. She has trumpeted her own virtuosity, presumably in response to critics. At the same time, she has claimed the label of female role model and addressed specific misogynistic threats from within hip-hop and the larger culture. Latifahs (1998) album Order in the Court often is seen as a departure for her. Latifah (2000) herself called the album edgier than prior work that was starting to feel too safe (p. 124). And although her words on the album are somewhat more militant, topically, Latifah remained true to her message, defending her stature as a preeminent rapper and role model. I believe repeated questioning of Latifahs sexual orientation (which fueled the song Get Off Mine), along with the cover art portraying Latifah in midroar with hair ablaze, fueled the portrayal of Order in the Court (Latifah, 1998) as a departure; yet her message and style are true to previous albums. If there is a significant change in this album, released after several years of absence from recording, it is Latifahs impatience with the continued criticism of her work. In Paper and Bananasduring which Latifah roared Im tellin you straight up / all sleepinbeauties better wake up / Ill tear your state up / so set the date up (Owens, Siskind, Peaks, & Crapps, 1998, track 1)she has expressed fatigue at the constant criticism. Here, the queen personaLatifahs metaphor for a
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strong womanis under continued attack, and Latifah reacted to her inability to change her own image. Although it would be difficult, if not impossible, to attribute the change in Latifahs demeanor to events in the larger society, it is possible to say that events of the era chart a temporal terrain of continued subjugation of African American women. The sex-specific debates in hip-hop and Latifahs own progression point to a similar pattern, one born of defiance, but a defiance that is weathered by years of struggle. Latifahs early work pushes a message and continually stands up to critics and societal forces denigrating Black women. Latifahs (1998) later album carries these themes, but it also portrays impatience and fatigue. After a decade and a half characterized by rioting in the streets, subjugation of African American women at the hands of men (as in the Anita Hill/Clarence Thomas hearings), and a continual failure of political leaders to address pressing social problems, Latifahs fatigue almost undoubtedly represents a similar sentiment among thousands of voiceless other women. Thus, Latifahs work expresses both fuel for social change and its residue. She can be judged by her songs and her words to be an exceptional leader committed to fomenting social change by prodding her community to change behaviors and address pressing problems and by encouraging African American women to develop high self-esteem. Yet she also is a mirror of the heartache and disillusionment of unfulfilled promises and in this sense, very much a woman of her era. GHETTO ELVIS Like Latifah, Tupac Shakurs music is at times overtly political. But unlike Latifah, Tupac was an active participant in a gangsta rapa subgenre that to many critics personified the breakdown in values that created cultural poverty in the 1990s. According to Kephra Burns, hip-hop music shapes a worldwide negative impression of African Americans, and it undermines efforts to combat negative stereotypes (Dyson, 2001). Burns wrote, Despite years of striving to distance ourselves from the negative ways in which white folk once portrayed us, we have come at last to the point of portraying ourselves to the world in this way (as quoted in Dyson, 2001, p. 111). Artists such as Tupac answered such critics, claiming that their music did not create but rather, described the desperate conditions of urban poverty. The motto Keepin It Real expressed the authentic hip-hop experience of artists such as Tupac who said, Im just trying to speak about things that affect me and about things that affect our community. . . . Sometimes Im the watcher, and sometimes Im the participant, and sometimes its just allegories or fables that have an underlying theme (Dyson, 2001, p. 111). Although artists such as Tupac intended to portray reality, their community is far from homogeneous, and much of the description in hip-hop is antithetical to
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many African Americansparticularly those older than age 40who believe that giants of black faith have in their latter years been replaced by young men whose talent has lifted them to a height whereby they gained the ear of America prematurely, having more talent than statement (Dyson, 2001, p. 124). And yet, artists such as Tupac arguably had the same impact on their communities as many acknowledged leaders. Dyson (2000) compared Tupac with Dr. King not as moral equivalents but as defining figures. Although the comparison enrages some, it is difficult for critics to deny the impact of hip-hop when in fact it is the pervasive proliferation of rap that fuels such criticisms. Tupac often used bitch and ho to describe Black women and exhibited troubling sexism in many of his songs. Yet he and his work expressed conflicting thoughts on gender. In an interview, Tupac decried the success of bad boys, arguing that his approach of respecting women and telling girls not to let them call you these names will eventually catch on if he keeps saying it (Dyson, 2001, p. 176). In Keep Ya Head Up, on the album Strictly 4 My N.I.G.G.A.Z, Tupac (Shakur, Anderson, & Troutman, 1993, track 11) acknowledged and praised my sisters on welfare while condemning the men that abandoned them. He advised abused women that when he tells you aint nuttin dont believe him / and if he cant learn to love you should leave him / cause sistayou dont need him. Despite Tupacs rampant descriptions of sexual conquests, acknowledgements of single mothers are common in his work. In Cradle 2 the Grave, on the Thug Life album, Tupac (Shakur, Harding, Himes, Burns, Rivers, & Gass, 1994, track 9) sang of Mama always workin tryin to make ends meet, leaving her children to be raised on the street. He addressed some of the worst abuses of women directlyincluding paternal abandonment, rape, and misogyny. Here, Tupac acknowledged the important role of women, particularly single mothers, in the lives of African American men; but rather than simply describing, he lamented their poor treatment and suggested a different path: I think its time to kill for our women / time to heal our women, be real to our women (Shakur et al., 1994, track 9). Tupac went on to describe the possible consequences of inaction and invoked a powerful image of a real man as a dare to those who would mistreat women. He maintained a militant stance of opposing wrongs with strength but turned his ire back on his own community, and he represented a clear instance of an artist attempting to pull society in a particular direction rather than merely advocating for the acceptance of a particular reality. But Tupacs social commentary extended far beyond hip-hop. In the music video, 2 of Americas Most Wanted, Tupac, with Snoop Dogg, portrayed gangsters from classic mob movies and commented, We wanted to put the mirror up to show you where we got these gangster ideas (Dyson, 2001, p. 127). Thus, he again described a segment of society that is not a deviation of the larger society but rather, a product of its excesses. Still, Tupacs work is indelibly linked to Thug Life (Shakur, Syke, Macadoshis, Mopreme, & The Rated R, 1994), an album rife with obscenity, describing dope fiends, bitches, and hos, along with murders, substance abuse, and crime in unrelenting detail. Most of the
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work is descriptive, not portrayed with a message of uplift but edgy, in-yourface representing. Perhaps the most poignant theme of Tupacs music, in light of his violent death at age 25, is his obsession with death, no doubt reflective of the tremendously high rate of mortality among young African American men in the era (Anderson, 1999). In How Long Will They Mourn Me, Tupac (Shakur, Himes, Burns, Rivers, & Gass, 1994, track 6) sang, Its hard to be optimistic / when your homies lyin dead on the pavement twisted. A key difference from Latifah is that despair populates Tupacs music from the start, and his response is militancy in the face of a racist system rather than the moderate cultural change Latifah advocates. Tupac (Shakur & Ervin, 1993, track 6) specifically cited the Rodney King riots as a justification for killing police in Souljas Revenge, and the pervasive theme in his work is the relentlessly negative and destructive reality of the street. Tupac, whose premature death granted him iconic status, continues to survive through his work, which frequently is sampled by other artists. His legacy is a fairly unsubtle critique of a society that produces the need for the thug persona Tupac grew into during his twenty-five years (Dyson, 2001, p. 263). As a movement leader, Tupac comfortably occupies the place described by Melucci (1996) as prophet of the present. Like Latifah, however, Tupac defies simple description, at times annotating description with social instruction for changes within the community. There can be little doubt that although Tupac provided a mirror on the urban reality of his timeincluding misogynistic views of womenhe also stepped out of that role to orchestrate changes in the reality he represented to the world, at times advocating more respectful treatment of women. CONCLUSION This consideration of two important hip-hop artists underscores how movement leadership helps explain the roots of action. If hip-hop exists to reflect identityto push forward an existing agendathen artists merely are conduits for the ideas of others. If, however, the hip-hop artist creates and activates movement consciousness, then she or he is more appropriately viewed as a movement leader. One principle of general agreement in social movement theory is that innovative leadership is important to the success of movements and that leaders can create new and culturally resonant frames that inspire action in a previously inactive population (McAdam, 1982). Perhaps the most widely accepted example of a movement leader of tremendous importance is Dr. King, who drew on religious symbols to frame the civil rights movement in terms of equality. So although Dr. Kings value as a leader is not in doubt, the components of transformative leadership are less well understood. Du Bois (1903/2000) noted the importance of the leader that is very much grounded in a community yet who
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may take many different forms. Although Dr. King was a leader in a traditional sense, the possibility of different forms and modes of leadership makes possible hip-hop artists as movement leaders, particularly a woman such as Latifah who uses self-esteem as a lever for change. Although many hip-hop artists have embraced the lexicon that relegates Black women to Other, Latifah has employed forms of resistance to counteract the negative portrayal of women in hip-hop and recommended another course. To understand the impact of hip-hop, we must view it not as monolithic but as one of the most diverse contemporary cultural expressions that possesses something of a triple consciousness in terms of race and gender. As a diverse form, it seems inevitable that female artists would respond to the misogyny within hiphop and society at large with a new strain of commentary. Although Dr. King was known for nonviolence, Latifahs legacy may be an inner transformation that is violent only in militantly rejecting misogyny and subjugation of African American women and insistent in its construction of positive identities. In light of such diversity and triple consciousness, Tupac is not an anarchic threat to American values but instead, a leader who pushes society to understand and confront the realities behind the veil of the urban African American experience. The role of hip-hop in reflecting and shaping culture is not easily characterized. Du Bois (1903/2000, p. 203) recognized both the velocity and stagnancy of identity 100 years ago, writing that doubleor in this case multiplelives must give rise to double words and double ideals, and tempt the mind to pretence or revolt, to hypocrisy or radicalism (p. 203). Hip-hop exploded out of an era of desperate poverty and savage racial inequality, and extricating cause from effect is problematic at best. No doubt, hip-hop has both shaped and been shaped by culture, perhaps in a cyclic fashion. This examination of how hip-hop responded to and shaped African American identity provides evidence for both perspectives. Exceptional figures such as Latifah and Tupac leave a mark on society, and their work clearly is shaped by their own cultural seatedness. Queen Latifah, a product of an impoverished home rich in character, set out to criticize the worst ravages of poverty and self-hatred she observed in her community. Her vehicle was not political office or the bar but instead, a form of music arising from her community, from which she stood apart. She self-consciously has conveyed messages in her work and at times, expressed identities and experiences that help advance this consciousness into the mainstream. Likewise a product of both privation and wealth, Tupac was an artist of his time and community who sometimes struggled against its misogyny and hatred but ultimately brought the reality of the harsh conditions of life to an awestruck world. Both of these artists represent the complex and diverse influences of hip-hop, and both deserve a place in the realm of social movement scholarship. The analyses in this article provide fertile ground for future research, which could explore the symbiotic role of cultures and movements and discuss the recursive manner in which identity and culture interact. The field of social
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movement scholarship is rich and complex, and examining cultural movementssuch as hip-hopand their respective leaders should both clarify and add complexity to the phenomena it seeks to understand. NOTES
1. Although the presence of White rappers and fans is a worthy point of consideration, as Wimsatt, West, and Ignatiev (1997) pointed out, appreciation does not by itself challenge White superiority. Space limitations prevent a full discussion here. 2. Queen Latifah uses her given name, Dana Owens, in writer credits.
REFERENCES
Anderson, R. (1999). United States life tables eliminating certain causes of death, 1989-91. In U.S. decennial life tables for 1989-91 (Vol. 1, No. 4, pp. 75-87). Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics. Butler, J. (1990). Gender trouble. New York: Routledge. Clemens, E., & Hughes, M. (2002). Recovering past protest. In B. Klandermans & S. Staggenborg (Eds.), Methods of social movement research (pp. 201-230). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Du Bois, W. E. B. (2000). The souls of Black folk. New York: Modern Library. (Original work published 1903) Duncan, G. (1996). Space, place, and the problematic of race. Journal of Negro Education, 65, 133150. Dyson, M. (2000). I might not get there with you. New York: Free Press. Dyson, M. (2001). Holler if you hear me. New York: Perseus. Gladney, M. (1995). The Black arts movement and hip-hop. African American Review, 29, 291-302. Haraway, D. (1991). Simians, cyborg, and women. New York: Routledge. Harding, S. (1998). Is science multicultural? Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Henderson, E. (1996). Black nationalism and rap music. Journal of Black Studies, 26, 308-339. Latifah, Q. (1989). All hail the queen [CD]. New York: Tommy Boy. Latifah, Q. (1991). Nature of a sista [CD]. New York: Tommy Boy. Latifah, Q. (1993). Black reign [CD]. Los Angeles: Motown. Latifah, Q. (1998). Order in the court [CD]. Los Angeles: Motown. Latifah, Q. (with Hunter, K.) (2000). Ladies first. New York: William Morrow. McAdam, D. (1982). Political process and the development of Black insurgency, 1930-1970. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Melucci, A. (1996). Challenging codes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ogbar, J. (1999). Slouching toward Bork. Journal of Black Studies, 30, 164-183. Owens, D. (1991a). Fly girl [Recorded by Queen Latifah]. On Nature of a sista [CD]. New York: Tommy Boy. Owens, D. (1991b). Latifahs had it up 2 here [Recorded by Queen Latifah]. On Nature of a sista [CD]. New York: Tommy Boy. Owens, D. (1991c). Love again [Recorded by Queen Latifah]. On Nature of a sista[CD]. New York: Tommy Boy. Owens, D. (1991d). Nuff of the ruff stuff [Recorded by Queen Latifah]. On Nature of a sista[CD]. New York: Tommy Boy.
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Owens, D. (1991e). Thats the way we fly [Recorded by Queen Latifah]. On Nature of a sista[CD]. New York: Tommy Boy. Owens, D., Siskind, M., Peaks, A., & Crapps, G. (1998). Bananas [Recorded by Queen Latifah]. On Order in the court [CD]. Los Angeles: Motown. Owens, D., & James, M. (1989). Wrath of my madness [Recorded by Queen Latifah]. On All hail the queen [CD]. New York: Tommy Boy. Owens, D., Johnson, S., Apache, & James, M. (1989). Ladies first [Recorded by Queen Latifah]. On All hail the queen [CD]. New York: Tommy Boy. Owens, D., & Sample, J. (1993). U.N.I.T.Y. [Recorded by Queen Latifah]. On Black reign [CD]. Los Angeles: Motown. Parker, L., & Owens, D. (1989). Evil that men do [Recorded by Queen Latifah]. On All hail the queen [CD]. New York: Tommy Boy. Rose, T. (1991). Fear of a Black planet. Journal of Negro Education, 60, 276-290. Sandoval, C. (2000). The methodology of the oppressed. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Shakur, T., Anderson, D., & Troutman, R. (1993). Keep ya head up [Recorded by Tupac Shakur]. On Strictly 4 my N.I.G.G.A.Z. [CD]. Los Angeles: Jive. Shakur, T., & Ervin, B. (1993). Souljas revenge [Recorded by Tupac Shakur]. On Strictly 4 my N.I.G.G.A.Z. [CD]. Los Angeles: Jive. Shakur, T., Harding, M., Himes, T., Burns, W. Rivers, D., & Gass, J. (1994). Cradle 2 the grave [Recorded by Tupac Shakur]. On Thug life [CD]. Los Angeles: Jive. Shakur, T., Himes, T., Burns, W., Rivers, D., & Gass, J. (1994). How long will they mourn me [Recorded by Tupac Shakur]. On Thug life [CD]. Los Angeles: Jive. Shakur, T., Syke, Macadoshis, Mopreme, & The Rated R. (1994). Thug life [CD]. Los Angeles: Jive. Watkins, S. (1998). Representing. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Wimsatt, C., West, C., & Ignatiev, N. (1997). Im ofay, youre ofay. Transition, 73, 176-198. ERIN M. TRAPP is a doctoral student and research associate at the Institute of Behavior Sciences at the University of ColoradoBoulder. Her current research focuses on youth social and cultural movements and child and adolescent human capital in developing countries.

The Push and Pull of Hip-Hop

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American Behavioral Scientist

http://abs.sagepub.com The Push and Pull of Hip-Hop: A Social Movement Analysis

The Push and Pull of Hip-Hop

Trapp / THE PUSH AND PULL OF HIP-HOP

AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST

Trapp / THE PUSH AND PULL OF HIP-HOP

AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST

Trapp / THE PUSH AND PULL OF HIP-HOP

AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST

Trapp / THE PUSH AND PULL OF HIP-HOP

AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST

Trapp / THE PUSH AND PULL OF HIP-HOP

AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST

Trapp / THE PUSH AND PULL OF HIP-HOP

AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST

Trapp / THE PUSH AND PULL OF HIP-HOP

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