A diverse employee in a changing workplace.

Source: Date: Citation Information: Author(s): Organization Studies Summer/1996 (v17 n3) Start Page: p449(29) ISSN: 0170-8406 Mamman, Aminu

Introduction In recent years, the topic of managing diversity has received significant attention in human resource management literature. Although research has led to the increasing understanding of the subject (e.g. Copeland 1988; Cox 1991; Cox and Blake 1991; Jackson et al. 1992; Tsui et al. 1992; Motwani et al. 1993; Stephenson and Krebs 1993; Thomas 1993; Tung 1993), most effort seems to have concentrated on how organizations can take advantage of workforce diversity (e.g. Cox 1991; Cox and Blake 1991; Jackson et al. 1992) or how the dominant group in the workplace can adapt to the changes affecting the work setting (Sauers 1993; Tung 1993). Despite evidence which indicates that some diverse groups in the workplace are handicapped by their ability to manage issues pertaining to their backgrounds (Dickens and Dickens 1982), limited attention has been paid to how diverse employees can adapt to the heterogeneity of the workforce. Indeed, Waters (1992) expresses the view that a traditional management course does little to help the business student or practitioner deal with race-based interpersonal conflicts and management textbooks tend avoid the topic of race and its organizational implications. Bell (1988) also expresses concern for the lack of adequate effort towards integrating ethnicity and racial issues into organizational behaviour courses. Similarly, Asante and Davis (1989) highlight the inadequacy of literature on inter-racial encounters at the workplace. This paper has three main objectives. First, to discuss the key factors that can influence a diverse employee's interaction adjustment in a heterogenous workforce. Second, with the aid of relevant literature on interpersonal interaction, organizational socialization, cross-cultural interaction and expatriate adjustment, to propose strategies for managing a diverse employee's backgrounds. Finally, implications and issues for future research directions will be highlighted in the concluding part of the paper. Interaction Adjustment: A Definition In this paper, interaction adjustment refers to a diverse employee's ability to successfully interact (formally and informally) with the members of the organization. Success in interaction refers to meeting one's goal and that of those involved in the interaction (Brislin et al. 1986). By adopting this definitions, the scope of analysis is broadened to take into account cultural as well as other sociobiological and/or psychobiological characteristics of a diverse employee that can impinge on the process

and outcome of interaction with members of the organization. As Figure 1 illustrates, a diverse employee's interaction adjustment is influenced by three main variables. For the sake of convenience, these variables are categorized as primary, secondary and mediating variables. Primary variables are the 'major' characteristics of a diverse employee that distinguishes him/her from other members of the organization. They pertain to characteristics which cannot be easily changed or manipulated (e.g. disability, culture, race, gender). Secondary variables encompass other aspects of a diverse employee's background that can also help in defining his/her 'identity' in the 'eyes' of the members of the organization (e.g. intonation), and his/her psychological disposition (e.g. cognition, personality). The effect of primary and secondary variables on a diverse employee's interaction adjustment is mediated by situational factors (e.g. intensity and frequency of the dominant group's attitudes), interaction strategies and organizational factors (e.g. policy on diversity). The following sections discuss the key variables in detail. Primary Variables Culture For the purpose of this paper, national culture is viewed as shared feelings, thinking, norms and values that guide people's behaviour (Tayeb 1994). Although cultures vary across societies, some cultures are similar while others vary considerably. The terms culture toughness, culture gap and culture novelty have been used to describe the degree of variation between cultures. Arguing for the concept of 'culture toughness', experts contend that adjustment in a new environment is influenced by the culture novelty of the setting (Gullahorn and Gullaborn 1963; Torbiorn 1982; Dinges 1983; Black et al. 1991). According to Black et al. (1991), the greater the difference between two cultures the more difficult it would be for the interactants to adjust, and empirical evidence confirms this view (Babiker et al. 1980; Gudykunst 1985). For example, Gudykunst (1985) found that culturally similar people display high attributional confidence and shared networks which in turn reduce uncertainty and anxiety. There is also research which indicates that cultural similarity generates reciprocal feelings; people who are similar culturally tend to like each other (Brewer and Campbell 1976). Various dimensions of the dominant group's culture can have varying significance on a diverse employee's interaction adjustment. Prominent among these dimensions of culture are power distance, uncertainty avoidance, masculinity - femininity, individualism - collectivism, concept of time, use of language (verbal and body), perception and use of space and orientation to nature. Since the implications of these dimensions of culture on employee's attitudes and behaviour have been widely documented (see Hofstede 1980, 1991; Triandis et al. 1988; Adler 1991), this paper does not intend to spend time on these issues. Suffice it to say that the larger the gap between a diverse employee's culture and that of the dominant group, the more effort will be required on his/her part to improve interaction adjustment. Race That race can affect interpersonal interaction has already been acknowledged (e.g. Brigham 1971; Cauthen et al. 1971; Triandis 1972; Buriel and Vasquez 1982; Davies

and Turner 1984; Casas et al. 1987; Collier and Thomas 1988; Wilson and Lavelle 1990; Wilson and Lavelle 1990). For example, research evidence suggests that in a social intercourse that requires high intimacy, some people are more likely to reject others on the basis of race (Triandis and Davis 1965). Thus, some racial groups can be perceived more favourably than others (Haarmann 1984; Furnham and Bochner 1986; Punetha et al. 1988; Segall et al. 1990; Wallace and Wimalatissa 1992; Lalonde and Cameron 1993). Indeed, empirical evidence indicates that people from different racial backgrounds tend to vary in their level of adjustment and experience in a new environment (Furnham and Trezise 1981; Graham 1983; Punetha et al. 1988; Rubin and Smith 1990; Tanaka et al. 1994). Similarly, empirical evidence indicates that in an organizational setting, some racial groups experience discrimination during selection, promotion and performance appraisal (e.g. McIntire et al. 1980; Cox and Nkomo 1986; Jones 1986; Jackson et al. 1991; Greenhaus and Parasuraman 1993). Although race is a key element in interpersonal interaction, what matters is not the actual race but the meaning people attach to it. As one commentator puts it: 'What matters is not just actual difference in skin colour, but the way these are related to, invested with meaning and importance through interaction. What is significant are the patterns of relations that are established, the lines along which they are drawn, and the myths and assumptions that go along with and inform this' (Figueroa 1984: 19). Thus, the meaning people attach to their own race and how others perceive them can affect interaction adjustment. This is because race is used as a means of social stratification between people (Triandis and Triandis 1960; Meadows 1967; Figueroa 1984; Postiglione 1988). Therefore, central to understanding the role of race in social interaction are the perceptions of the interactants, which are largely influenced by stereotype, prejudice and ethnocentrism (Stening 1979). Country of Origin Experts have emphasized the relevance of country of origin during interpersonal interaction (e.g. Triandis and Triandis 1960; Stening 1979; Collier 1989; Lalonde and Cameron 1993). For example, many researchers note that strangers' intercultural experiences can vary with their country of origin (Dean and Popp 1990; Barker et al. 1991; Cui and Berg 1991). The reason why country of origin is relevant to a diverse employee's interaction adjustment can be found in the meaning attached to being an immigrant from Cambodia, Vietnam, Ghana, Libya, England, Germany, Russia, etc. Country of origin connotes status, competence, friendship or enmity, level of civilization, etc. The meaning attached to country of origin partly influences the attitudes and behaviour of parties to intercultural interaction. Like perception of race, perception of a diverse employee's country of origin is influenced by stereotype, prejudice and ethnocentrism. The stereotypical image the dominant group holds about a diverse employee's country of origin can be influenced by prior experience with people from similar background, international relations and colonial/imperial history. For example, it has been noted that people from developing countries hold a positive stereotype of the 'competencies' of people from developed countries (Ferrari 1972; Kidder 1977; Adler 1991), whereas people from developed countries tend to hold a negative stereotype of the

'competencies' of people from developing countries (Marin and Salazar 1988; Segall 1990; Adler 1991). According to Brewer and Campbell (1976), people who are perceived as backward are less likely to be attractive than people who are not. The relationship that exists or existed between their respective counties can affect the perceptions of the members of the countries (Reigrotski and Anderson 1959; Salazar 1982; Marin and Salazar 1988). Some researchers argue that, when two groups are in a state of conflict, each tends to hold a view of the other that contrasts markedly with the view each holds of itself (Brogenbrenner 1961). Similarly, when two countries are on good terms, respective members of the countries tend to have positive attitudes towards each other (Ogunlade 1971). In a cross-national study of American countries, Marin and Salazar (1988) found that people whose respective countries are in conflict tend to have negative perceptions of each other. Indeed, intergroup theory and research indicates that the process and outcomes of social intercourse can be influenced by prior knowledge and experience between the groups (Brewer and Campbell 1976; Stephen and Stephen 1989; Pittam et al. 1990). Religion It has been observed that religion can influence a stranger's adaptation in a foreign setting (Hoffman 1990; Mahmoudi 1992). However, as will be demonstrated shortly, the relevance of religion to interaction adjustment will depend on the type of religion, the religiosity of the interactants and the stereotype of religions held by the interactants. To appreciate the influence of religion on a diverse employee's interaction adjustment it is necessary to understand the 'meaning' of religion across cultures. For example, in the predominantly 'Christian West', religion is a private matter. In the course of social interaction one's creed does not significantly influence the process and outcome of the interaction. Social intercourse is usually narrowly focused on a specific issue, and, more often than not, people do not openly express their emotional attachment to their religion (Christianity). Thus, in the West, religion may not significantly affect a diverse employee's interaction adjustment. Islam, unlike Christianity, is considered by its followers as a culture in its own right (a way of life). For people who adhere to the teaching of Islam, their daily interaction with the stranger will be governed by the teaching and practice of Phophet Muhammad. According to this teaching, all strangers should be respected and treated well, but, more so, a stranger who is a muslim should be regarded as a brother or sister and be treated accordingly. Thus, a diverse employee might find his/her chances of building and maintaining relationships enhanced by the mere fact that he/she shares the same religion with some co-workers. That religion can affect attitudes and behaviours during social interaction has already been recognized. For example, religious beliefs have been found to influence how people perceive and react to each other. In a study of Muslims, Buddhists and Catholics, Bochner (1976) found that those whose religion is more salient and less differentiated from other societal structures tend to look doubtfully at members of other faiths. Thus, religion could influence an employee's reaction to others, or it could influence his/her co-workers' attitudes and behaviour towards him/her. For example, some people may hold negative stereotypes of certain religions. Thus, a stereotype of religion can affect its followers' ability to interact with others. This is

because stereotype can be used as a justification for 'subordinating outsiders'. Gender Gender refers to the meanings attached to being male or female, as reflected in social status, roles and attitudes regarding the sexes (Segall et al. 1990). Gender role also refers to division of labour between the sexes which varies across and within cultures (Figueroa 1984). Research indicates that gender role equality is higher in individualistic cultures than in collectivistic cultures (Salamon 1977; Hofstede 1980; Tomeh and Gallant 1984; Dowling and Schuler 1990; Chi-Ching 1992). Hence, to many, the varying gender role is essential in explaining female adjustment in a work setting (Kim 1977; Torbiorn 1982; Gudykunst and Kim 1984; Brislin et al. 1986; Collier 1989). In fact, research has confirmed that there are unique cultural difficulties which female workers experience in collectivistic cultures (Brivins and Beck 1992; Westwood and Leung 1992). However, Nancy Adler (1987) argues that collectivists do not always treat all women in a similar way. In other words, they do not treat foreign women in the same way as they treat their own women. In her recent publication, Adler provides evidence to support this view (see Adler 1993). Even within the same culture, attitudes and behaviours between men and women vary (Ayers-Nachamkin et al. 1982; Hall 1984; Segall et al. 1990), and this can help in the patterning of social interaction (Triandis 1972; Powell 1993). For example, research indicates that women are less competitive than their male counterparts. They prefer to collaborate and resolve conflict in a consensual way (Tannen 1990). These variations in attitudes and behaviour between the sexes can be a subject of misinterpretation which can lead to stereotype, prejudice and discrimination (Kanter 1977; Dobbins et al. 1988; Powell 1993). Indeed, research indicates that sometimes women can experience prejudice and discrimination in the areas of promotion, performance appraisal and selection (e.g. Morrison et al. 1987; Ohlott et al. 1994). Age Many researchers argue that age is an important factor in subsequent adaptation to a new environment. The older one becomes the more difficult it is to adapt to a new setting (Kim 1977; Gudykunst and Kim 1984). In other words, setting aside individual differences, younger employees are more likely to be flexible in adjusting to a new environment. Having said that, in some societies age has status connotations. In some societies, the older the person the more likely he/she will be respected. Also, some societies believe that the older one gets, the wiser one becomes (Harris and Moran 1991). According to Harris and Moran '. . . if an American is considerably younger than the African, the latter will have little confidence in the American'. Even in Western societies, sometimes the older one gets the more experienced he/she is expected to be. In fact, research indicates that the number and percentage of social contacts tend to increase with age (Shaw 1981). Indeed, Triandis (1972) argues that biological background, such as age, can help in the patterning of social interaction. Disability

Despite the increasing support for disabled people to have easier access to work, they also have to deal with problems experienced by other diverse employees in the workplace. For example, research indicates that some people perceive disabled people negatively (Parish et al. 1979). Attitudes of co-workers can affect the performance of a disabled employee and that can limit the level of integration and adjustment (Gottlieb and Corman 1975; Hansell 1984; Johnson and Johnson 1984). One of the main reasons why disabled people sometimes experience negative attitudes is because of negative stereotype and prejudice (Gottlieb 1975; Parish et al. 1979). Some people hold unfavourable stereotype of disabled persons' physical and mental capabilities. They are sometimes attributed with certain 'characteristics' which do not merit their level of disability. Hence, stereotype can be used as a justification for 'subordinating' and alienating them (Abrams and Hogg 1988). Secondary Variables Educational Attainment It has been reported that, due to its ability to expand the capacity to learn new things and to adapt to the challenges of life, education enables people to adjust much more easily to unfamiliar situations (Kim 1977; Dodd 1982; Yum 1982; Case et al. 1989). In fact, research indicates that people with more formal education have more positive attitudes to 'new things' (Rogers and Shoemaker 1971; Kimberley and Evanisko 1981). Thus, other things being equal, high educational attainment can improve a diverse employee's ability to interact with the dominant group. In fact, many experts argue that education and training can reduce intercultural conflict and improve understanding between heterogenous groups (e.g. Cox 1991; Cox and Blake 1991; Tung 1993). In some societies, educational qualifications are highly valued and can be a significant determinant of social status. Therefore, other things being equal, if a diverse employee is perceived to have a high level of education, he/she may command respect and hence improve the chances of receiving favourable responses during interaction (Hams and Moran 1991). Indeed, research indicates that educational attainment is likely to influence social acceptance (Schwarzwald and Hoffman 1993). Having said that, high educational attainment could attract jealousy and resentment from some members of the organization, especially if educational attainment is viewed as a source of power or/and career advancement. Thus, managing this aspect of demographic background is essential for successful interaction in a workplace. Position It has been argued that adjusting to a new environment will require a certain degree of control to reduce uncertainty (e.g. Gudykunst 1985, 1988; Black et al. 1991; Witte 1993). Research indicates that employees' strategies for coping in new environments vary across organizational levels. People at the higher level of the organizational hierarchy use 'active' strategies, such as changing organizational rules to enable early adjustment, while employees at the lower level rely on social support (Brett et al. 1990). Therefore, it would seem reasonable to argue that, other things being equal, diverse employees at higher levels of the hierarchy may adjust more easily and quickly than those at lower levels, because the latter will have less control over reducing uncertainty.

Linguistic Factor Experts underscore the relevance of linguistic ability to social interaction. It is assumed that high levels of linguistic ability can break down cultural barriers during intercultural interaction (Stening 1979; Dowling and Schuler 1990). While this assumption is, in many cases, valid, there are other dimensions of linguistic ability that need to be taken into account. For example, language and the style in which it is used can be construed to mean competence (Chebat et al. 1989; Rubin and Smith 1990), friendliness or aggressiveness (Page and Balloun 1978) or a measure of social status (Scotton 1977). In an extensive review of literature on the effect of voice characteristics, Gelinas-Chebat and Chebat (1992) note numerous studies which confirm the relationship between voice characteristics and perception of speaker's emotion, personality, attitudes, influence, competence and expertise. A study by Rubin et al. (1991) revealed that managers who have certain intonations in their speech were rated highly. Another study indicates that reaction to some Asian tutors' teaching by a sample of students in the United States was influenced by the intonation of the tutors as well as their actual abilities (Rubin and Smith 1990). According to Norton (1983: 99), communicator style is 'the way one verbally and paraverbally interacts to signal how literal meaning should be taken, interpreted, filtered, or understood'. What is perceived to be an acceptable communication style is culturally determined (Norton 1983). In an intercultural encounter, the dominant group might expect to hear standard 'appropriate' language and, when faced with linguistic variability, they may react negatively (Inglis 1993). Attitudes towards a diverse employee's linguistic ability can be influenced by the dominant group's level of ethnocentrism. The higher the level of ethnocentrism the more likely that linguistic ability can affect interaction adjustment. A diverse employee's level of ethnocentrism can also prevent him/her from learning other's language. Psychological Factors Cognitive Factor It is widely agreed that the acquisition and use of knowledge can influence the process and outcome of social interaction (Triandis 1976, 1977; Detweiler 1980; Mendenhall and Oddou 1986; Singer 1987; Gudykunst 1988). It has been argued that people process information through categorization which is, to a certain degree, culturally determined (Triandis 1976; Gudykunst and Kim 1984; Oddou and Mendenhall 1984; Singer 1987; Gertsen 1990). Therefore, experts argue that when strangers acquire knowledge of different cultures, the influence of their cultural background on the way they process and use this information will be less (Detweiler 1975). Research supports the utility of this proposition (Detweiler 1978, 1980). As a 'minority' in a multi-cultural workplace, an employee should be aware of the cultural differences between and within groups in the organization. Indeed, even within the same culture, there are cognitive differences between men and women and between old and young (Kim 1977; Gudykunst and Kim 1984; Segall et al. 1990; Thandis et al. 1993). Appreciation of these differences is necessary for accurately interpreting others' attitudes and behaviour. Apart from the acquisition of the knowledge of national culture, knowledge of organizational culture and

group norms can also enhance a diverse employee's interaction adjustment. Behavioural Factor Rules governing social behaviour vary within and across groups. Therefore, experts underscore the significance of demonstrating 'socially appropriate' behaviours in a new setting (Brien and David 1971; Ruben 1976; Hammer et al. 1978; Mendenhall and Oddou 1986). Rather than acquiring new values, a diverse employee should acquire new social skills for use in the work setting and discard them if need be (Furnham and Bochner 1986). Some of the behavioural dimensions that can enhance interaction adjustment, as identified by researchers (e.g. Hammer et al. 1978; Gudykunst and Hammer 1984; Hammer 1987) include: (a) the ability to establish interpersonal relationships. This consists of the ability to develop and maintain satisfying interpersonal relationships with 'strangers', accurately understand their feelings, effectively work with them, empathize and effectively deal with their different social customs; (b) the ability to effectively communicate. This includes the ability to enter into meaningful dialogue, initiate interaction and deal with misunderstandings and interpersonal conflict and different communication styles. Given the diversity of the workforce, what will be considered as appropriate behaviour can vary with the backgrounds of the workforce (e.g. cultural background, ethnicity, gender, age, group/professional/occupational norms). Effective interaction, therefore, will require developing a range of social skills to deal with the heterogeneity of the workforce. Attitudes and Personality Factors Researchers argue that the acquisition and demonstration of socially appropriate social skills should be complemented with the right attitude and personality (Ruben 1976; Brislin 1981). This is because strangers may face situations which will demand unique attitudes and traits. Among the personality and attitudinal factors are flexibility, selfconfidence, self-efficacy, openness, motivation, orientation to knowledge, cultural empathy, openness to information and optimism. Developing appropriate attitudes, as described above, can be essential in a heterogeneous work setting. For example, as a minority, self-confidence and self-efficacy will be vital for managing sociobiological background. This is because, without self-confidence, for example, a diverse employee is likely to confirm the negative stereotype others may hold about him/her. Also, a diverse employee will need empathy to appreciate the dominant group's attitudes and behaviours. Without empathy, the employee is likely to misinterpret others' attitudes and behaviour. This can result in interpersonal conflict and psychological stress, consequently leading to low productivity, absenteeism and turnover. Experience Factor It has been argued that people who have had prior experience with foreign settings are more likely to find it easier to adjust to unfamiliar environments than those who have not (e.g. Klineberg 1981; Furnham and Bochner 1986; Black et al. 1991). Thus, it can be argued that a diverse employee's prior experience with a diverse workforce could enhance his/her interaction adjustment. Similarly, a diverse employee's tenure in the workplace could affect his/her interaction adjustment. This is because research

indicates that adjustment in a new environment is influenced by the duration of stay in the new setting (Adler 1975; Kim 1977; Bardo and Bardo 1980; Dodd 1982; Torbiorn 1982). The longer one stays, or is expected to stay in the new environment, the more likely it will be that he/she will put an extra effort in learning to adjust to that environment (Dodd 1982). Mediating Variables Situational Factors Having demonstrated in the previous sections that various aspects of a diverse employee's background can affect his/her interaction adjustment, this section elaborates on how aspects of an employee's background can influence interaction adjustment. It is an attempt to demonstrate how dimensions of others' attitudes and situations could have varying consequences on an employee interaction adjustment. Stereotype This is a social process in which people are assigned attributes solely on the basis of their group identity (Tajfel 1969; Wiseman et al. 1989). For example, a study of the mutual perceptions of Arabs and Jews indicates that both groups agree that Jews excel intellectually rather than socially, while the opposite holds true for the Arabs (Bizman and Amir 1982). This stereotype (regardless of its accuracy) significantly influences the meaning that Jews and Arabs have of themselves and each other. Similar studies on inter-ethnic perception have been reported elsewhere (Marjoribanks and Jordan 1986; Oliver and Vaughan 1991). Similarly, in an international study of inter-ethnic perceptions of managers in South-East Asia, Everett et al. (1984) revealed that people can have specific perceptions of themselves (autostereotype) which may or may not coincide with how others perceive them (heterostereotype). For example, while Japanese managers perceive themselves as modest, patient and tolerant, their Indonesian counterparts view them as immodest, inflexible, unpredictable, impatient and intolerant. Because people strive to justify the stereotype they hold about others, even to the extent of 'inventing differences' (Summer 1906) and 'projecting similarity' (Adler 1991), the stereotypical image workers hold of each other can influence their attitudes and behaviour during interaction. Proposition 1: A diverse employee's interaction adjustment will depend on the accuracy of stereotype others hold about his/her backgrounds. In other words, his interaction adjustment will depend on whether others' perception of him (heterostereotype) coincide with how he perceives himself (autostereotype). Thus, interaction adjustment is likely to be low when heterostereotype and autostereotype conflict. Ethnocentrism According to Summer (1906), ethnocentrism relates to positive feelings towards one's own group and negative feelings towards others. For example, studies revealed that people like their own groups best and perceive them positively, and perceive 'outgroups' less favourably (Brewer and Campbell 1976; Marjoribanks and Jordan 1986). Generally, ethnocentrism is described as a tendency to identify one's 'in-group' behaviour, and to

evaluate 'out-group' (others) according to that standard (Gudykunst and Kim 1984; Adler 1991). Proposition 2: A diverse employee can improve his interaction adjustment when the dominant group evaluate him/her on the basis of their own behaviour. Presumably, if the employee demonstrates 'acceptable behaviour' he would be perceived favourably by the dominant group. Prejudice According to Allport (1958: 10), prejudice is 'an antipathy based upon a faulty and inflexible generalisation . . . The net effect of prejudice is to place the object of prejudice at some disadvantage not merited by his own misconduct.' Similarly, Adler (1991) notes that people can have stereotypes which can be extremely difficult to modify. Proposition 3: Given the false and inflexible attitudes about other peoples' identity, prejudice can have greater consequence on a diverse employee's interaction adjustment than ordinary stereotype or ethnocentrism. Thus, when others' attitude is characterized by prejudice, an employee's interaction adjustment will be at the mercy of the dominant group. Time Factor The effect of a diverse employee's backgrounds on his/her interaction adjustment can vary over time. For instance, the effect of country of origin can decrease or increase with the state of international relations between countries. Similarly, given that the meaning attached to race can change over time (Fishman 1977), its impact on interaction adjustment may vary accordingly (Pittam et al. 1990). Also, it is plausible that the impact of some variables on interaction adjustment can vary with the stage of entry into the organization. In fact, research indicates that at the 'honeymoon' stage of cultural adjustment, strangers establish superficial friendly relations with the hosts partly because negative attitudes towards each other are not openly expressed (Adler 1975; Dodd 1982; Torbiorn 1982). Proposition 4: A diverse employee's interaction adjustment will vary over time and with tenure in the organization. Other things being equal, the longer he/she stays the more he/she will adjust. Depth This refers to the intensity of the dominant group's negative attitudes towards a diverse employee's background. Other things being equal, a diverse employee's interaction adjustment can vary with the depth of the dominant group's attitudes. For example, 'institutionalized' racism is more likely to have greater consequences on adjustment than day-to-day 'individualized' negative attitudes. Proposition 5: The greater the depth of dominant group's negative attitudes, the lower will be a diverse employee's interaction adjustment, and vice versa.

Breadth This refers to the extent to which the dominant group's negative attitude towards a diverse employee's background transcends formal interactions. For example, on the one hand, a diverse employee may be perceived as incompetent but 'socially attractive'; or he/she may be viewed as competent but 'socially unattractive'. On the other hand, on the basis of his/her sociobiological backgrounds, he/she may be perceived as incompetent and 'socially unattractive'. Indeed, research on social penetration indicates that social attraction is influenced by the degree of intimacy required in the relationship (Gudykunst 1986). Thus, a diverse employee's interaction adjustment can vary with the breadth of the dominant group's attitudes. Proposition 6: The wider the breadth of dominant group's attitudes the lower will be a diverse employee's interaction adjustment, and vice versa. Frequency A diverse employee may not always experience a negative attitude from the dominant group. Thus, the frequency to which a negative attitude is experienced could influence interaction adjustment. In other words, a diverse employee's interaction adjustment would depend on how often he/she experiences the negative attitudes. Proposition 7: The more frequent a negative attitude is experienced, the lower will be a diverse employee's interaction adjustment, and vice versa. Double (Dis)Advantage In the eyes of others, a person's identity can be perceived from many dimensions (Collier and Thomas 1988). When two or more variables are used in defining a diverse employee's identity, for example race and gender, their effect (race and gender) on interaction adjustment is likely to be greater than if one variable (e.g. gender) were to operate (Hall 1989; Bell 1990; Bell et al. 1993). Proposition 8: The more characteristics used to define/identify a diverse employee, the more relevant his/her backgrounds will be to interaction adjustment. Neutralization Factor The effect of a diverse employee's background on interaction adjustment can cancel each other out, thus neutralizing the effect of one or more variables on interaction adjustment. For example, in a given situation, racial background may compensate for lack of linguistic ability, and vice versa. In fact, Adler (1987, 1993) argues that being a foreigner can neutralize the potential effect of gender on adjustment in a new environment. Proposition 9: The more characteristics used to define/identify a diverse employee, the more likely it is that some variables will cancel each other out. This will reduce the potential of a 'double (dis)advantage' of his/her backgrounds on interaction adjustment. The Dominant Group Factor

Members of the dominant group can vary in their attitudes and experience with members of the diverse group. Variation within the dominant group's attitudes and experience ensures that diverse employees do not experience consistent and identical attitudes from each employee with whom they interact. For example, while some people may hold a stereotype of a diverse employee's gender or race, others might not. Proposition 10: A diverse employee's interaction adjustment will vary with whom he/she interacts. Interaction Strategies A diverse employee's interaction adjustment can depend on the strategy he/she adopts when interacting with the members of the organization. This section reviews some literature on intergroup interaction and organizational socialization, followed by proposed strategies for interacting with the dominant group. Reducing uncertainty has been found to be central to interaction adjustment (Gudykunst 1985, 1988; Witte 1993). Uncertainty reduction relates to the idea that perception of each other becomes more accurate the more we know each other (Hunt 1986). According to Berger (1979), individuals use three strategies to reduce uncertainty about others. At first, people use a passive strategy (secondary source of information) to reduce uncertainty. This includes reading books, watching movies and television and observation in order to gain knowledge of the 'object' of uncertainty. As Berger points out, this strategy has the danger of reinforcing stereotype held about others, since people, for example, will not be able to confirm their perception by watching movies. Second, people use active strategy to reduce uncertainty. According to Berger (1979), this strategy has the potential of changing attitude and/or increasing the accuracy of stereotype. Hamilton and Bishop (1976) have confirmed this. The strategy relies on asking others about the' object' of uncertainty. Third, people use interactive strategy. This is when information about the 'object' is obtained through direct contact with the 'object' of uncertainty. In fact, frequent contact has been argued to reduce negative perception and increases social acceptability (Zajonic 1968; Amir 1969; Lindgren and Marrash 1970; Dodd 1982). Research lends support to this proposition (Greenbaum and Wang 1965; Zajonic 1968; Gottlieb and Corman 1975; Willms 1981; Johnson and Johnson 1984; Kealey 1989). In fact, experts have advised organizations to redesign jobs to facilitate inter-racial interaction by encouraging common goals and intergroup interdependence (Amir 1969; Pettigrew and Martin 1987), and research suggests that this approach can produce positive outcomes (Aronson et al. 1978). It is important to note that contact does not always produce positive attitudes among the interactants, unless certain conditions are met (see Amir 1969: 338). However, relative to other contact, workplace interaction is more likely to produce positive outcomes. For example, the organization can promote intercultural contact through valuing diversity programmes; status can be 'equalized' if the diverse employee occupies a high position. Therefore, in line with contact theory, increased contact at the workplace should reduce misunderstanding and create an atmosphere of favourable and effective interaction. Literature on organizational socialization indicates that employees try to adapt to a new

workplace by either changing themselves or the situation (Schein 1978; Dawis and Lofquist 1984; Hall 1986, 1989; Lucas and Kaplan 1994). In other words, they try to change others' attitudes and/or behaviour or prepare to accommodate them. Writing on coping strategies of gays and lesbians in the workplace, Lucas and Kaplan (1994) note three strategies: First, staying in the closet strategy: Here 'closeted employees feel that they have no choice but to avoid talking about their personal life at workplace for fear of giving themselves away'. Second, coming out strategy: Employees who adopt this strategy often reveal their sexuality in the same way as others (heterosexuals) do. According to Lucas and Kaplan, people who use this strategy feel empowered, honest, valued and connected. However, the authors argue that this strategy is not without risk. Third, avoiding the issue strategy: Employees who use this strategy avoid dealing with the issue. They tend to become vague, distant professionals who isolate themselves from close relationships with co-workers, team members and mentors. Studies of lesbians in organizations as reported by Hall (1986, 1989) have confirmed these strategies. In an empirical study of racial dynamics between AfricanAmericans and White Americans, Thomas (1993) found that the groups used two strategies for interaction: (a) denial and suppression and (b) direct engagement. In the former, the parties pretend as if racial differences do not exist, while in the latter, the parties openly discuss their racial differences. Thomas maintains that the effectiveness of the strategy will vary with the situation. In other words, both strategies can be appropriate when used contextually. Based on the literature reviewed so far, three interaction strategies can be proposed. They may be described as avoidance, reactive and proactive strategies. Avoidance Strategy This strategy can be referred to as 'do-nothing' strategy. It is based on the assumption that there are situations when a diverse employee cannot correct the dominant group's negative attitudes, for example if he/she does not interact frequently with them, or they are not willing to 'entertain' him/her, or they hold inflexible attitudes that seem resistant to change or modification. Indeed, research indicates that 'suppression' of sociobiological identity during workplace interaction is one of the strategies used by employees at the workplace (Thomas 1993; Lucas and Kaplan 1994). It has been argued that at an early stage of adjustment in an organization (i.e. sensemaking/settling-in stage) employees take time to assess the extent to which their experiences vary with their expectations (Louis 1980). It therefore follows that avoidance strategy would be appropriate during the early stages of joining the organization or workgroup. Proposition 11: Avoidance strategy will be more appropriate (a) when the employee is new to the organization, (b) the dominant group has inflexible attitudes, (c) the interaction is with peers or superior, (d) interaction is infrequent and less intimate. Reactive Strategy This strategy refers to reacting and/or responding to any question or inquiry regarding a

diverse employee's sociobiological background. Rather than avoiding the question or suppressing it, a diverse employee should be willing to entertain questions. Indeed, selfdisclosure has been argued to be a prerequisite for personal growth and development (Hellriegel et al. 1989). By answering questions and queries the employee is helping to reduce uncertainty on the part of the dominant group. Given that stereotype is usually influenced by ignorance, an employee should take advantage of responding to questions to correct any negative perception of his/her identity by educating the dominant group through provision of information concerning his/her actual rather than perceived identity. This strategy can be appropriate if the diverse employee has passed the early stage of entry into the organization; he/she occupies a lower position, has infrequent interaction with the dominant group and the dominant group exhibit inflexible attitude. Proposition 12: Reactive strategy will be more appropriate when (a) the diverse employee has passed the early stage of entry, (b) the interaction is with peers and superior, (c) the interaction is frequent but the dominant group is less receptive. Proactive Strategy This strategy goes beyond responding to questions or inquiries. Here, a diverse employee is expected to initiate interaction in order to know more about the dominant group's attitudes and to encourage the dominant group to know more about his/her background. A diverse employee should take advantage of this interaction to correct any misconception, misinformation and negative stereotyping by educating the other party through provision of accurate information. Because perception of sociobiological backgrounds sometimes has implications on employee's ability and competence, demonstration of 'appropriate' behaviour, professionalism and competence on the job should contribute to correcting the dominant group's negative attitudes. Stranger's motivation to interact with others has been argued to be a significant determinant of reducing anxiety (i.e. fear of negative consequences of ineffectiveness) (Gudykunst 1988; Witte 1993). Therefore, a diverse employee's willingness and ability to initiate interaction with the dominant group should improve the chance of reducing anxiety. The outcome of this strategy will depend on factors such as the frequency of interaction, the position of the employee (Khan et al. 1964; Asante and Davies 1989), level of intimacy (Gudykunst 1986), stage of entry into the organization or workgroup (Dodd 1982) and willingness of the dominant group to discuss issues pertaining to sociobiological identity (Thomas 1993). Proposition 13: Proactive strategy will be more appropriate when (a) a diverse employee is no longer new to the organization, (b) the interaction is frequent and intimate, (c) he/she occupies a superior position, (d) the interaction is with subordinates and the dominant group is receptive to discussing issues pertaining to a diverse employee's background. Organizational Factor In the previous sections, the emphasis has been on how a diverse employee's background can influence others' attitudes and behaviour towards him/her, and how

his/her attitudes and behaviour can affect his/her interaction adjustment. This section highlights some of the organizational variables that can impinge on his/her interaction adjustment. It is widely agreed that a diverse employee's interaction adjustment and subsequent integration in a diverse workforce can be influenced by organizational factors such as policy on equal opportunity, sexual harassment, diversity training, flexible working hours, job design, organizational culture, workforce profile, etc. (Kanter 1977; Pettigrew and Martin 1987; Cox 1991; Thompson et al. 1992; Offermann and Armitage 1993; Harris 1994). For example, Kanter (1977) and Cox (1991) argue that the composition of the workforce can influence employee integration and adjustment. The fewer the number of diverse employees the more difficult it will be to adjust. In other words, the more heterogenous the workforce, the more likely a diverse employee would find someone 'similar to him/her' in the organization who can act as a role model and provide social and moral support. Many organizations have found that the benefits of diversity can depend on the extent to which they are committed to training their workforce on the value of diversity. For example, training employees to cope with the growing diversity of the workplace has been found to improve employee adjustment and productivity (Jackson et al. 1992; Tung 1993; Smith 1994). Some organizational cultures tend towards preferred management styles and 'ways of doing things' which inadvertently exclude certain categories of employees such as women from occupying senior management positions (Marshall 1993). Harris (1994) argued that stable cultures provide fertile ground for developing effective diversity programmes. This is because diversity programmes require organizational change and such change requires time and 'stability' to bear fruit. Harris argues that volatile culture is characterized by high turnover which is not conducive for developing effective diversity programmes. Many researchers argue that some women find 'traditional' working hours too restricting and the job and organizational design too 'masculine' (Symons 1992; Herr Van Nostrand 1993). This view has been widely used to explain the high turnover rate and low career progression among women. It also partly explains the high percentage of women in part-time jobs. Many organizations respond by developing flexible working hours to enable employees with family commitments to adjust. Another organizational initiative that can relate to employee adjustment is the extent to which an organization is committed to the eradication of discrimination and harassment (McNerney 1994). Conclusion This paper set out to highlight the key factors that can influence a diverse employee's interaction adjustment in a heterogeneous workforce. Also, the paper aimed to propose strategies for interacting with the dominant group in a heterogeneous workforce. Psychological, sociobiological and organizational factors have been identified as the key elements that can impinge on a diverse employee's interaction adjustment. The way a diverse employee chooses to interact with members of the organization can also affect his/her interaction adjustment. Three interaction strategies have been proposed. These are avoidance, reactive and proactive strategies. The paper offers the following recommendations for practitioners and researchers. Given that research has confirmed the relationship between cognitive, behavioural, attitudinal and personality characteristics and interaction adjustment, organizations

should select employees by paying particular attention to these factors. In addition to other factors such as technical skill, people with 'appropriate' behavioural, cognitive, personality and attitudinal characteristics should be selected. Similarly, training programmes should continue to aim at developing 'appropriate' cognitive, behavioural, attitudinal and personality qualities to enable employees to interact effectively with each other. Many training programmes concentrate on the cultural dimension of workplace diversity. Given the relevance of sociobiological factors on employees' interaction adjustment, it would seem reasonable to argue that the content of training programmes should be broadened to cover other employees' backgrounds such as age, gender, religion and race and how they may affect interaction adjustment in a work setting. Given that much of what we know about employees' attitudes and behaviour in a workplace is based on studies carried out in a relatively homogeneous workforce, more studies are needed to explore the dynamics of employees' interaction in a heterogeneous workforce. Such investigations could be central to the effective management of employees in an increasingly changing workplace. In view of this, the following paragraphs propose directions to guide future research: The first issue concerns the proposed interaction strategies. The strategies proposed in this paper might need further refining to ensure their effectiveness. For example, an interaction strategy that works for one person might not work for another. Similarly, what proves successful in a particular interaction might not be in another. Future research should investigate questions such as: What factors impinge on the effectiveness of the proposed strategies?; What are the potential effects of profession/occupation, position, role, competence and performance on the effectiveness of the proposed strategies? Second, research is needed to test other propositions presented in this paper. For instance, further research is needed to explore questions such as: Does the length of service in the organization moderate the impact of employee's sociobiological background on his/her interaction adjustment? To what extent, if at all, does an employee's country of origin affect his/her interaction adjustment during international crises? Third, we also need to know whether a 'hostile' working environment requires aggressive diversity programmes, or would a subtle approach be the most appropriate? Similarly, we need answers to questions such as: Does employees' ability to make friends at work affect their performance, or vice versa?; How does an employee's experience with the dominant group affect his/her performance on the job? Answers to these questions would help in understanding the dynamics of workplace interaction and its implications for productivity. Fourth, perhaps one of the major tasks for researchers is to identify appropriate models for human resource management practices which will suit a diverse workforce. For example, we need to find answers to questions such as: Which organizational structure and job design is most likely to be appropriate for a diverse workforce? Which reward system is most likely to be effective in a diverse workforce? We also need to ponder on

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