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Abilitati academice

• Gandire critica
Citirea unui articol
• Strategii de citire si aspecte
• Dificultati
• Sugestii
• http://www.sciencemag.org/careers/2016/03
/how-seriously-read-scientific-paper
Cum citim?
• I nearly always read the abstract first and only continue on
to the paper if the abstract indicates that the paper will be
of value to me. Then, if the topic of the paper is one I know
well, I generally skim the introduction, reading its last
paragraph to make sure I know the specific question being
addressed in the paper. Then I look at the figures and
tables, either read or skim the results, and lastly skim or
read the discussion if the topic is not one I know well, I
usually read the introduction much more carefully so that
the study is placed into context for me. Then I skim the
figures and tables and read the results.
- Charles W. Fox, professor in the Department of
Entomology at the University of Kentucky in Lexingto
• First I read very fast: The point of the first reading is simply to see
whether the paper is interesting for me. If it is I read it a second
time, slower and with more attention to detail.

• If the paper is vital to my research—and if it is theoretical—I would


reinvent the paper. In such cases, I only take the starting point and
then work out everything else on my own, not looking into the
paper. Sometimes this is a painfully slow process. Sometimes I get
angry about the authors not writing clearly enough, omitting
essential points and dwelling on superfluous nonsense. Sometimes
I am electrified by a paper.
• - Ulf Leonhardt, professor of physics at the Weizmann Institute of
Science in Rehovot, Israel
Dificultati
• Lately, I have had to read a number of papers
outside my area of expertise with a lot of
unfamiliar jargon. In some cases, I am able to
directly extract the information I need from the
results or figures and tables. In other cases, I use
Google searches to define terms and concepts in
the paper or read the cited references to better
understand the points being made. Occasionally,
papers are so incomprehensible (to me, at least)
that I don't bother reading them.
• - Fox
E greu? Ce ne ajuta cand e greu?
• Yes, and in these cases you have to realize that some papers are the result of years
of work by dozens of scientists. Expecting to digest and understand everything in it
in one afternoon is a far-fetched idea.
• - Borniger

• I have often felt overwhelmed! But certain sections might not need as deep an
understanding as others. You also need to know your own limits: Are there some
parts of the paper that you would like to emulate but are not part of your
expertise and might become “accessible” through collaborations?
• - Tubiana

• If I feel the paper is very important to what I’m doing, I’ll leave it a while and go
back to it again a couple of times. But if it’s too overwhelming, then I have to leave
it aside, unless someone among the colleagues I have contacted has been able to
interpret it.
• - McDowell
Sugestii
• If there is a seminal paper I want to thoroughly
understand, I find some way to give a journal
club-style presentation about it. Speaking about a
particular paper and answering questions is the
best way for me to learn the material.

• Also, get a good reference manager. Mendeley


helps me do my research, read literature, and
write papers.
• - Colucci
Analizarea critica a unui articol
Introducere
Metodologie
Rezultate
Evaluarea rezultatelor
Discutii
Abstractul
a) Care este problema adresata?
b) Care este metoda pe care o folosesti ca sa
cercetezi aceasta problema?
c) Care sunt date obtinute?
d) Care sunt lucrurile care vor fi discutate?
• Reguli
• Retine cerintele : nr de cuvinte
• Retine formatul: specific conferintei, revistei
• Tips
• Luati-va destul timp
• Recititi, corectati reveniti, cereti feedback
• Cititi si retineti mai multe abstracte din revista
respectiva
Exemplu 1
• Abstract clasic-limita cuvinte 200 cuvinte
• Attenuated mental simulations for positive events have been recently linked with
the aetiology of depressive-related disorders. However, little is known about how
specific forms of simulations, such as mental simulations of emotional feelings, are
associated to depression related processes. We carried out two studies that
examined whether vividness of imagining emotional feelings in positive situations
(EFP) is attenuated in dysphoric individuals when compared to non-dysphoric
individuals and how it is related with dysphoric and positive feelings. Participants
completed emotional and cognitive scales and then imagined their emotional
feelings in positive, negative and neutral situations. The results showed that
dysphoric participants imagined less vividly feelings in positive situations than non-
dysphoric participants. Generating less vividly simulations of feelings in positive
situations showed robust correlations with low positive feelings and with
increased levels of dysphoric feelings. Vividness of imagining EFP accounted for
group differences in positive and dysphoric feelings beyond well-known cognitive
factors such as optimism, pessimism and hopelessness. These findings endorse the
presence of an attenuation of vividness of imagining feelings in positive situations
in dysphoria which, we suggest, may constitute a separate pathway by which
dysphoric individuals develop reduced optimism and deficiencies of conscious
positive emotions.
• Keywords: dysphoria, affective simulations, mental imagery, optimism, pessimism,
dysphoria, positive emotions
Exemplu 1
• Format pre-cerut Ex JCP
Abstract
• Objective: The vividness of imagining emotional feelings in positive situations (EFP) in
non-clinically dysphoric and non-dysphoric individuals and its relation to dysphoric and
positive feelings was examined.
• Method: Participants were undergraduate students (N=106, 84 women; 18–45 years) in
Study 1 and (N=43, 39 women; 20-47 years) in Study 2 who filled out a set of questionnaires
assessing depressive symptoms, cognition measures and then completed an affective
imagery task, using a cross-sectional design.
• Results: Non-clinically dysphoric participants imagined less vividly EFP than non-dysphoric
participants. Vividness of imagining EFP accounted for group differences in positive and
dysphoric feelings beyond well-known cognitive factors such as optimism, pessimism and
hopelessness.
• Conclusions: In addition to deficits in general imagery of positive events, the attenuation of
vividness of EFP in non-clinical dysphoric individuals warrants clinical attention as a separate
pathway by which non-clinically dysphoric individuals develop deficiencies of conscious
positive emotions.
Keywords: dysphoria, affective simulations, mental imagery, optimism, pessimism, dysphoria,
positive emotions.
Burnett-Heyes et al (2017). Mental Imagery-Based Training to Modify Mood and
Cognitive Bias in Adolescents: Effects of Valence and Perspective

• Mental imagery has a powerful impact on emotion and cognitive processing in


adults, and is implicated in emotional disorders. Research suggests the perspective
adopted in mental imagery modulates its emotional impact. However, little is
known about the impact of mental imagery in adolescence, despite adolescence
being the key time for the onset of emotional dysfunction. We administered
computerised positive versus mixed valence picture-word mental imagery training
to male adolescent participants (N = 60, aged 11–16 years) across separate field
and observer perspective sessions. Positive mood increased more following
positive than mixed imagery; pleasantness ratings of ambiguous pictures increased
following positive versus mixed imagery generated from field but not observer
perspective; negative interpretation bias on a novel scrambled sentences task was
smaller following positive than mixed imagery particularly when imagery was
generated from field perspective. These findings suggest positive mental imagery
generation alters mood and cognition in male adolescents, with the latter
moderated by imagery perspective. Identifying key components of such training,
such as imagery perspective, extends understanding of the relationship between
mental imagery, mood, and cognition in adolescence.
The Effect of Job Stress On Clinical Health Outcomes
Brett H. Neely, Jr.*; Bridget Reynolds, Ph.D; Rena Repetti, Ph.D; Ted
Robles, Ph.D
University of California, Los Angeles

• Approximately 15-25% of the U.S. working population is classified as high-risk for


job stress. This type of stress is known to exert a psychological toll on workers
(Repetti & Wang, 2009). However less is known about the impact of job stress on
physical health and how current findings translate to clinically relevant outcomes
in everyday life, such as susceptibility to the common cold. In an ongoing daily
diary study, 68 adults (37 females) completed measures of job stress and upper
respiratory infection (URI) symptoms every day for eight weeks. Preliminary
analyses show that males who had busier days at work on average also endorsed a
greater number of total URI symptoms.
• Additionally, males who reported lower perceived job security and less supervisor
support were sick with upper respiratory infections on more days across the study
than were those with greater job security and supervisor support.
• Among females, endorsing more busy days (whether at home or at work) was
associated with greater endorsement of URI symptoms. The findings expand our
understanding of links between job stress and immune functioning by elucidating
effects on a clinically-relevant health outcome.
Examining the Links between Social Warmth and Physical Warmth
Brittany Horth* and Naomi Eisenberger, Ph.D.
University of California, Los Angeles

• Phrases such as “warm the heart” suggest that there may be an inherent
relation between social emotions and temperature perception. Thus,
positive and negative social experiences (feeling loved, rejected) may
cause us to feel warm or cold, respectively. In this study, undergraduates
were randomly assigned to write about a time in which they felt a great
deal of love, a time in which they felt rejected, or their route to school
(control condition). Then participants answered seemingly unrelated
questions about their estimate of the room temperature and preferences
for hot and cold drinks and foods. We hypothesized that, compared to
participants in the control condition, participants who wrote about love
would feel warmer—as indexed by higher room temperature estimates
and stronger desires for cold drink and food, and participants who wrote
about rejection would feel colder—as indexed by lower room temperature
estimates and stronger desires for warm drink and food. These analyses
extend previous work (Zhong & Leonardelli, 2008), showing that feeling
rejected increases cold sensitivity.
• Studiu
• Efectul vremii asupra fericirii
• Efectul participarii la AA asupra participarii la
conferinte
• Efectul gesturilor pozitive asupra starii
grupului

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