1.

Imperiul roman, care n secolele III-IV trece prin profunde transformari, ofera cadrul
institutional pe care l vor prelua regatele succesoare, astfel nct trebuie sa-i reamintim n cteva
cuvinte situatia. n secolul al III-lea, Imperiul fusese atins de o criza institutionala, economica,
sociala si militara, care fusese solutionata prin reformele realizate de Diocletian si Constantin.
Criza demografica afectase potentialul economic si militar al statului roman; solutia paruse sa fie
apelul la barbari care sa lupte n locul romanilor si sa cultive tot n locul lor pamnturile.
Cresterea importantei armatei dusese la instabilitate politica, legiunile fiind acelea care ridicau
sau doborau mparatii. Vechile institutii romane, precum magistraturile ori Senatul si pierdusera
orice influenta. Criza morala se reflecta n cautarile pe plan religios, n succesul religiilor
orientale care aduceau speranta unei mntuiri dintr-o lume marcata de nenorociri. ntre aceste
religii orientale, crestinismul se raspndea ncet dar sigur, ca religie persecutata uneori, dar cel
mai adesea ignorata. Diocletian este cel ce reuseste ntr-un timp destul de scurt sa puna capat
crizei, instituind n plan politic regimul tetrarhiei, n care, pastrnd unitatea teoretica a
imperiului, mpartea responsabilitatile ntre patru comparati, capabili sa administreze mai bine
teritoriul si problemele aparute. Se reorganizau si armata si sistemul mpartirii administrative.
Constantin i continua politica, sporind centralizarea, puterea aparatului birocratic si forta
armatei. Masurile n plan economic revigoreaza productia si comertul si redau monedei, acum de
aur, puterea care avea sa se mentina multe secole n partea rasariteana a imperiului. Datorita
acestor reforme, Imperiul se transformase ntr-o monarhie absoluta, cu caracter militar si
autocratic. Marile migratii au adus cu ele distrugeri materiale si pierderi de vieti omenesti, dar
evaluarea acestora trebuie facuta cu grija si fara exagerari. Societatea europeana s-a ruralizat,
centrul de greutate al vietii oamenilor ncetnd sa mai fie orasul, dar procesul ncepuse nca din
timpul crizei Imperiului roman. S-a schimbat si nfatisarea etno-lingvistica a Europei, dnd
nastere n Occident popoarelor moderne, de origine romanica, pe de o parte, sau germanica, pe
de alta, iar n Orient popoarelor slave sau romanice, precum romnii. Transformarea Imperiului
roman de Apus s-a accentuat, si, n cele din urma, acesta a disparut, lasnd locul unor state
succesoare, n care elementul germanic se suprapune peste vechile structuri romane, dnd nastere
unei sinteze originale ce a stat la baza civilizatiei medievale.

In est, Imperiul Bizantin perpetueaza mostenirea romana, n forme nsa din ce n ce mai diferite
de cele originare, pe de o parte, iar pe de alta parte, transmite modelul bizantin formatiunilor
politice ale slavilor. Spiritualitatea s-a modificat si ea, att pe baza aportului germanic sau slav,
ct si datorita crestinismului, acceptat n toate statele succesoare, si care vine cu propriile sale
valori si conceptii. ntre oameni s-au instituit relatii personale, fie ca era vorba de proprietarul de
pamnt si taranii care l lucrau sau de seniorul si de cei care i datorau serviciul militar. Germenii
relatiilor feudale care aveau sa caracterizeze Europa medievala apareau deja n statele
succesoare.

La mijlocul secolului al V-lea, Galia romana era mpartita n mai multe regate, majoritatea
conduse de regi franci sau vizigoti. Clovis, al carui nume era de fapt Chlodovecus (de aici
Ludovic), a reusit astfel sa-i aduca sub ascultarea sa pe britonii veniti de peste Canalul Mnecii
n Armorica (viitoarea Bretanie). Tot el i-a supus si pe turingieni, alamani si burgunzi. Cnd n
507 reusea sa-i nfrnga la Vouill si pe vizigotii ce stapneau nca sudul Galiei, obligndu-i sa se
replieze definitiv n Spania, se poate spune ca ramasese cel mai important rege barbar al
Occidentului alaturi de Teodoric ostrogotul. O recunoastere a acestei pozitii pare sa-i fi venit din
partea mparatului Anastasie, care i confera titlul de consul onorific, integrndu-l astfel, chiar
daca fictiv, ierarhiei romane. Dupa victoria mpotriva vizigotilor, din 507, ntreaga Galie era
unificata ntr-un regat franc. Elementul cel mai important al domniei lui Clovis pare sa fi fost
convertirea sa la forma de crestinism mpartasita n acel moment de populatia romanizata, si nu
la forma ariana, specifica altor germanici (anul 496 sau 506). Aceasta a pus bazele realizarii unei
solidaritati ntre romani si barbari care avea sa dea forta statului franc.

Un alt aspect specific statului franc este obiceiul de a se mparti regatul ntre toti fii la
moartea regelui. Aceasta se ntmpla pentru prima data n 511, la moartea lui Clovis, cnd regatul
se mparte n patru, si aceste subdiviziuni se pastreaza vreme destul de ndelungata, fara a fi la
rndul lor mpartite. Se mentinea deci o constiinta a unitatii regatului francilor, dincolo de
existenta mai multor regi. Aceasta arata nsa ca statul era conceput de franci ca un patrimoniu al
familiei domnitoare, care l putea mparti atunci cnd existau mai multi succesori. Pe de alta
parte, ne putem ntreba daca solutia mpartirii nu este mai degraba de origine romana dect
germanica. Imperiul roman cunoscuse asemenea mpartiri ale puterii care trebuiau sa conduca la
o mai buna aparare si administrare. Fiecare dintre cei patru fii ai lui Clovis erau confruntati la
granita cu pericole carora o astfel de mpartire a competentelor ar fi permis sa li se raspunda mai
eficient. Frontierele ntre cele patru subdiviziuni create n 511 urmau limitele dintre civitates,
unitatile administrative romane. Fruntasii galo-romani i asistau pe regii franci, fiind detinatorii
traditiilor de guvernare de sorginte imperiala, pe care francii continua sa le respecte. Indiferent
de ratiunile acestei mpartiri, ea a fost un fapt cu consecinte foarte importante asupra viitorului
statului franc, deoarece a creat traditia partajului ntre succesori, ce se va ntlni si n timpul
carolingienilor. Regatul este reunificat pentru scurta vreme sub Dagobert I (629-639), n timpul
caruia de altfel se poate vorbi si de apogeul dinastiei merovingiene.

Ulterior se contureaza trei subdiviziuni cu existenta proprie: Austrasia (la est), Neustria (la
vest) si Burgundia (sud-est), dintre care se impun primele doua. Dinastia merovingiana decazuse,
regii lipsiti de putere reala cednd conducerea efectiva majordomilor, sefii palatului regal.
Majordomii din Austrasia au reusit chiar reunificarea regatului, prin cucerirea Neustriei de catre
Pepin de Herstal (680-714). Din aceasta familie majordomala s-a ridicat la 751 Pepin cel Scund,
care l-a detronat pe ultimul rege merovingian si s-a proclamat el nsusi rege, instaurnd o noua
dinastie, cea a carolingienilor.

Dizlocarea regatului gotilor din regiunile nord-pontice de catre huni n anul 375, reprezinta
nu numai declansarea marilor migratii, dar si o schimbare decisiva n natura raporturilor dintre
Roma si barbari. Obisnuit cu prezenta si cu raidurile frecvente ale populatiilor germanice din
nord, Imperiul, n cautare permanenta de soldati si de forta de munca, i-a folosit pe barbari n
armata si i-a colonizat n grupuri mici de agricultori de conditie servila. n deceniile care au
urmat invaziei hunilor nsa, ostrogoti si vizigoti, vandali, suevi si alte neamuri germanice au
inundat provinciile apusene, obligndu-l pe mparat sa le legitimeze prezenta prin tratate
(foedera) aplicate pna atunci doar n afara granitelor.

Detronarea lui Romulus Augustulus n 476 reprezinta, din aceasta perspectiva, o urmare
fireasca a cresterii rolului barbarilor si subliniaza directiile diferite n care au evoluat cele doua
parti ale Imperiului a caror separare fusese subliniata de mpartirea din 395 ntre Arcadius si
Honorius. Partea rasariteana nu numai ca va reusi sa-si pastreze integritatea teritoriala, dar
supravietuirea structurilor fundamentale ale statului va permite chiar o ultima tentativa de
refacere a unitatii Imperiului n timpul lui Iustinian. Realitatile din Occident au determinat insa,
n mod inexorabil, accentuarea separarii. Statele ntemeiate de barbari n partea occidentala au
durat, unele doar cte o jumatate de veac, altele 2-3 secole.
Regatul vizigot, ntemeiat n Gallia de sud-est dupa o ncercare nereusita de a trece n Africa
si dupa devastarea Romei n 410, a fost acceptat de mparat n formula tratatului de foederati din
nevoia protejarii provinciilor occidentale asupra carora se dezlantuisera barbarii n urma
prabusirii limesului renan n 406. Consolidndu-se progresiv, profitnd de evacuarea Spaniei de
catre vandali, regatul care-si avusese centrul de putere la Toulouse, se extinde treptat si la sud de
Pirinei, astfel ca, n momentul n care pierde n confruntarea cu francii de la nord de Loara n
urma bataliei de la Vouill din anul 507, se salveaza retragndu-se n Spania si mutndu-si
resedinta regala la Toledo. n ciuda arianismului lor, vizigotii au gasit caile convietuirii cu
populatia hispano-romana majoritara, reusind sa dureze o constructie politica solida ce parea si
mai durabila dupa convertirea la catolicism n 589. Totusi, regalitatea nereusind sa-si
construiasca o armatura institutionala care sa o detaseze n mod suficient de presiunile noii
aristocratii, statul vizigot va fi o prada neasteptat de usoara pentru arabii care l-au cotropit n
doar ctiva ani dupa debarcarea lor din anul 711.
Regatul vandal reprezinta prin mai multe trasaturi ale sale o exceptie n rndul statelor
succesoare ale Imperiului. Forta militara redutabila, dar izolata de populatia romana din cauza
brutalitatii cu care au luat n stapnire teritoriile cucerite, vandalii si descopera o neobisnuita
vocatie maritima care va deveni utila n expansiunea lor. Dupa o scurta si devastatoare sedere n
Spania, n anul 429 vandalii, nu mai mult de 80.000, au trecut n Africa de Nord condusi de
regele Geiserich. ntr-o prima etapa, Roma a fost nevoita sa accepte prezenta lor n Numidia,
Africa proconsulara si n Mauretania printr-un foedus oferit n 435. Reluarea ofensivei vandale l
va obliga nsa pe mparatul Valentinian al III-lea sa recunoasca stabilirea lor n provinciile cele
mai bogate din Africa, n primul rnd n Africa Proconsulara, n jurul Cartaginei (442). n
deceniile urmatoare, longevivul rege Geiserich a cucerit insulele Baleare, Corsica, Sardinia si
Sicilia (468), expeditiile de jaf ntreprinse mpotriva tuturor vecinilor din nord culminnd cu
jefuirea Romei n 455. Exproprierile masive, impunerea arianismului cu forta, excluderea
romanilor din posturile de conducere au mpiedicat orice forma de convietuire a cuceritorilor cu
populatia romana si au dus, pe de o parte la disolutia aproape completa a institutiilor romane, iar
pe de alta parte la mentinerea n izolare a vandalilor care au pastrat structurile lor militare,
singurele n masura sa le asigure dominatia. Fragilitatea statului vandal s-a dovedit n scurta
confruntare cu armatele bizantine, o singura campanie fiind suficienta pentru a sterge de pe harta
aceasta primitiva njghebare (534).
Regatul ostrogot, ntemeiat n chiar inima Imperiului de catre Teodoric, crescut la
Constantinopol ca ostatic, ntruchipeaza cel mai bine formula convietuirii romano-barbare
menita sa afecteze ct mai putin posibil cadrele civilizatiei romane. Trimis n Italia de catre
mparatul Zenon pentru a-l ndeparta pe Odoacru, regele ostrogot va institui un regim dualist al
carui element de legatura va fi chiar regalitatea. Ca rege germanic, Teodoric stapneste poporul
sau care si asigura dominatia prin exercitarea puterii militare, iar printr-un sistem de relatii
matrimoniale el va reusi sa dobndeasca o adevarata hegemonie n lumea germanica. Gotii sunt
asezati mai ales n regiunile nordice ale Italiei, Teodoric straduindu-se sa fie evitate excesele care
ar fi deranjat aristocratia romana, fiind guvernati prin comiti numiti de rege care cumulau
atributiile militare si civile. Pentru romani, sunt mentinute functiile si ierarhia aulice si
senatoriale, regele asigurndu-si controlul prin alegerea unor colaboratori de ncredere cum au
fost Cassiodorus, si altii.
Functionarea echilibrata a ntregului sistem era asigurata de Teodoric, curtea de la Ravenna
stralucind prin noile edificii de traditie romana ridicate de rege, printr-o viata intelectuala
nentnita la nici una din resedintele regilor barbari ai vremii. Dependenta exagerata a regimului
de persoana regelui a fost nsa si cauza precaritatii sale. Esecurile nregistrate de Teodoric n
ultimii ani de domnie, n special n colaborarea cu aristocratia romana, prevesteau dificultatile pe
care aveau sa le nfrunte urmasii sai. Profitnd de confuzia generata de asigurarea succesiunii
marelui rege, mparatul Iustinian a initiat recucerirea Italiei n anul 536.
Regatul romano-gotic a rezistat timp de doua decenii asaltului imperial nu numai datorita
capacitatii militare a ostrogotilor, dar si datorita atitudinii rezervate a romanilor fata de noua
putere, n special n regiunile nordice. Aristocratia senatoriala a fost eliminata din posturile de
conducere, multi fiind ruinati n timpul si n urma razboiului. Ca urmare a rezistentei
ncrncenate a regelui Totila, Iustinian a recurs la solutia radicala a eliminarii ostrogotilor, care
au fost deportati n Orient sau transformati n sclavi.
Regatele anglo-saxone constituie rezultatul unei migratii si colonizari care difera radical de
cazurile de pe continent. Daca regatele continentale se formeaza n provinciile romane n care
exista o populatie romana majoritara, pastratoare a structurilor si civilizatiei Imperiului, cu care
barbarii au convietuit mai mult sau mai putin intens, anglii, saxonii si iutii, veniti de pe
continent, se vor instala n teritoriile n care populatia romana si institutiile imperiale fusesera
dislocate n mare masura de celtii britoni care revenisera dupa parasirea Britanniei de romani la
nceputul secolului al V-lea. Cucerirea Britanniei a nceput prin incursiuni si crearea apoi a unor
puncte de sprijin, dar abia n veacul al VI-lea are loc colonizarea teritoriilor cuprinse si
ntemeierea unor mici regate care au progresat dinspre sud-est spre nord-vest. Cele peste zece
formatiuni (Kent, Wessex, Essex, Sussex, East Anglia, Mercia, Deira, Northumbria, etc.) aparute
prin regruparea invadatorilor, instabile si n permanenta competitie, vor da nastere n secolul al
VII-lea unor regate mai puternice, cunoscute sub denumirea de heptarhie. Populatia celta s-a
retras peste mare, n Armorica, actuala peninsula franceza Bretagne, sau a supravietuit n
Cornwall si Wales; restul teritoriului cunoaste nsa un proces de omogenizare etno-culturala care
va fi accentuata prin crestinarea anglo-saxonilor din initiativa pontificala.
Irlanda si Scotia au ramas n afara ariei de cucerire anglo-saxona, scotii irlandezi reusind sa
cucereasca mare parte a regiunii careia i vor da si numele: Scotia. Crestinati de Sfntul Patrick,
un romano-briton capturat catre anul 400, irlandezii au dezvoltat o formula originala a
structurilor eccleziastice, bazata pe numeroasele mnastiri care au devenit puternice centre de
iradiere crestina.
Clovis, ntemeietorul regatului franc, va reusi n decursul a doar doua decenii sa transforme
mica stapnire din jurul orasului Cambrai, mostenita de la parintele sau Childeric, ntr-un
puternic regat ce se ntindea de la Rin pna la Pirinei. Eliminnd ultimul punct de rezistenta a
galo-romanilor, reprezentat de Syagrius la Soissons (486), si pe ceilalti regisori franci care l-ar fi
putut concura, Clovis va face un pas decisiv pentru cstigarea sprijinului populatiei galo-romane:
se crestineaza n ritul niceean, profesat de romanitatea occidentala. Bucurndu-se probabil si de
acordul tacit al mparatului Anastasie si al burgunzilor, Clovis se angajeaza n confruntarea finala
cu vizigotii pe care-i nfrnge la Vouill (507) si ocupa partile de la sud si vest de Loara ale
regatului vizigot. Consacrarea noii monarhii crestine, prin acordarea titlului de consul, soseste de
la Constantinopol din obisnuita dorinta de afirmare a pretentiilor imperiale asupra provinciilor
occidentale, dar care slujeste mai mult legitimarii puterii regelui n ochii galo-romanilor si
superioritatii lui Clovis fata de ceilalti regi franci, dect autoritatii efective a mparatului.

The Fall of the Western Roman Empire was the process of decline in the Western Roman
Empire in which it failed to enforce its rule, and its vast territory was divided into several
successor polities. The Roman Empire lost the strengths that had allowed it to exercise effective
control; modern historians mention factors including the effectiveness and numbers of the army,
the health and numbers of the Roman population, the strength of the economy, the competence of
the Emperor, the religious changes of the period, and the efficiency of the civil administration.
Increasing pressure from "barbarians" outside Roman culture also contributed greatly to the
collapse. The reasons for the collapse are major subjects of the historiography of the ancient
world and they inform much modern discourse on state failure. Relevant dates include the
accession of Diocletian in 284. Irreversible major territorial loss, however, began in 376 with a
large-scale irruption of Goths and others. By 476 when Odoacer deposed the Emperor Romulus,
the Western Roman Emperor wielded negligible military, political, or financial power and had no
effective control over the scattered Western domains that could still be described as Roman.
Invading "barbarians" had established their own power in most of the area of the Western
Empire. While its legitimacy lasted for centuries longer and its cultural influence remains today,
the Western Empire never had the strength to rise again.
In 410 C.E., the Visigoths, led by Alaric, breached the walls of Rome and sacked the capital
of the Roman Empire. The Visigoths looted, burned, and pillaged their way through the city,
leaving a wake of destruction wherever they went. The plundering continued for three days. For
the first time in nearly a millennium, the city of Rome was in the hands of someone other than
the Romans. This was the first time that the city of Rome was sacked, but by no means the last.
In 313 C.E., Roman emperor Constantine the Great ended all persecution and declared toleration
for Christianity. Later that century, Christianity became the official state religion of the Empire.
This drastic change in policy spread this relatively new religion to every corner of the Empire.
Constantine enacted another change that helped accelerate the fall of the Roman Empire. In 330
C.E., he split the empire into two parts: the western half centered in Rome and the eastern half
centered in Constantinople, a city he named after himself. The western Empire spoke Latin and
was Roman Catholic. The eastern Empire spoke Greek and worshipped under the Eastern
Orthodox branch of the Christian church. Over time, the east thrived, while the west declined. In
fact, after the western part of the Roman Empire fell, the eastern half continued to exist as the
Byzantine Empire for hundreds of years. Therefore, the "fall of Rome" really refers only to the
fall of the western half of the Empire. Other fundamental problems contributed to the fall. In the
economically ailing west, a decrease in agricultural production led to higher food prices. The
western half of the empire had a large trade deficit with the eastern half. The west purchased
luxury goods from the east but had nothing to offer in exchange. To make up for the lack of
money, the government began producing more coins with less silver content. This led to
inflation. Finally, piracy and attacks from Germanic tribes disrupted the flow of trade, especially
in the west.
 By convention, the Western Roman Empire is deemed to have ended in 476, when Odoacer
deposed Romulus Augustulus and proclaimed himself ruler of Italia, but this convention is
subject to many qualifications. In Roman constitutional theory, the Empire was still simply
united under one emperor, implying no abandonment of territorial claims. In areas where the
convulsions of the dying Empire had made organized self-defence legitimate, rump states
continued under some form of Roman rule after 476. The indigenous inhabitants of Mauretania
developed kingdoms of their own, independent of the Vandals, with strong Roman traits. They
again sought Imperial recognition with the reconquests of Justinian I, and they put up effective
resistance to the Muslim conquest of the Maghreb. While the civitates of Britannia sank into a
level of material development inferior even to their pre-Roman Iron Age ancestors, they
maintained identifiably Roman traits for some time, and they continued to look to their own
defence as Honorius had authorized. The Ostrogothic Kingdom, which rose from the ruins of the
Western Roman Empire. Odoacer began to negotiate with the East Roman (Byzantine) Emperor
Zeno, who was busy dealing with unrest in the East. Zeno eventually granted Odoacer the status
of patrician and accepted him as his own viceroy of Italia. Zeno, however, insisted that Odoacer
had to pay homage to Julius Nepos as the Emperor of the Western Empire. Odoacer never
returned any territory or real power, but he did issue coins in the name of Julius Nepos
throughout Italia. The murder of Julius Nepos in 480 prompted Odoacer to invade Dalmatia,
annexing it to his Kingdom of Italia. In 488 the Eastern emperor authorized a troublesome Goth,
Theoderic to take Italia. After several indecisive campaigns, in 493 Theoderic and Odoacer
agreed to rule jointly. They celebrated their agreement with a banquet of reconciliation, at which
Theoderic's men murdered Odoacer's, and Theoderic personally cut Odoacer in half.

2.
Urmasii lui Clovis au reusit sa continue expansiunea teritoriala a statului franc, supunnd
teritoriile de la rasarit de Loara, regatul burgund, Provence, iar la est de Rin si-au impus
protectoratul asupra Thuringiei, Alamaniei si Bavariei. Luptele pentru putere dintre nepotii lui
Clovis din a doua jumatate a secolului al VI-lea vor determina nsa un puternic recul al puterii
regale si al initiativei externe care, corelate cu ascensiunea rapida a noii aristocratii, vor duce la
cristalizarea unor evolutii regionale ce s-au stabilizat sub forma celor trei regate merovingiene:
Austrasia (n est), Neustria (n vest) si Burgundia (n sud-est). Reunificarea realizata de Clotar al
al II-lea s n prima jumatate a secolului al VII-lea s-a dovedit a fi efemera n lipsa unificarii
institutionale si a sprijinjului elitelor politico-sociale. Cu toate acestea, beneficiarii noilor
evolutii, n primul rnd aristocratia austrasiana, vor reusi sa salveze regatul franc si sa-l ndrepte
spre o cariera imperiala.
 Regatul longobard se formeaza n Italia de nord ca urmare a invaziei longobarzilor n spatiul
creat prin eliminarea ostrogotilor de catre bizantini. Cantonati n Pannonia n prima jumatate a
secolului al VI-lea si recunoscuti de Iustinian printr-un foedus n anul 540, langobarzii vor trece
n cmpia Padului n 568 sub presiunea avarilor. Cucerirea a fost relativ rapida si neasteptat de
dura pentru o populatie germanica ce traia de cel putin de un secol n fostele provincii romane,
Bizantul reusind totusi sa pastreze teritorii importante care vor forma exarhatul Ravennei, n
partile centrale si de sud ale peninsulei longobarzii neavnd dect cele doua ducate, Spoleto si
Benevent. Segregatia fata de romani, sustinuta si de interdictia casatoriilor mixte si de arianismul
langobarzilor, a mentinut structuri paralele, cele romane fiind grav afectate de eliminarea
cvazitotala a aristocratiei si de degradarea juridica a romanilor liberi care n-au avut voie nici
macar sa poarte arme pna n secolulu al VIII- lea.

n zonele de colonizare longobarda structurile militare, comandate de duci atotputernici care

au reusit chiar sa elimine regalitatea ntre 574-584, au nlocuit administratia romana. Abia dupa
stabilirea resedintei regale la Pavia (626) si dupa adoptarea unei atitudini mai conciliante fata de
romani dupa mijlocul secolului al VII-lea, regalitatea reuseste sa echilibreze puterea ducilor.
Dreptul cutumiar langobard este codificat de regele Rotari (643), iar suprimarea arianismului n a
doua jumatate a secolului al VII-lea, obtinuta n ciuda unei puternice rezistente a unor duci, va
asigura sprijinul populatiei romane.

Asezarea barbarilor n Imperiu s-a facut n conformitate cu sistemul de ncartiruire a

soldatilor romani, numit al ospitalitatii. Potrivit acestuia, proprietarii romani erau obligati sa
puna la dispozitia barbarilor ntre o treime si doua treimi din pamnt, locuinta, sclavi. n unele
cazuri se pare nsa ca n-a fost vorba de o preluare a pamntului, ci doar de ncasarea unei cote-
parti din veniturile aferente acelui pamnt. Vandalii au confiscat pe scara larga pamntul
proprietarilor romani, iar anglo-saxonii i-au izgonit din tinuturile lor pe celtii romanizati. Astfel,
asezarea neamurilor germanice pe teritoriile romane a avut ca urmare un anumit transfer de
proprietate. n unele zone, germanicii au adus cu ei organizarea de marca sau obste sateasca
(longobarzii), dar, n general, au adoptat sistemul roman al proprietatii private asupra pamntului.

n momentul n care se aseaza pe teritoriul Imperiului, neamurile germanice sunt conduse de

sefi militari, care, din punctul de vedere al poporului lor, poarta numele de regi, dar care, din
punctul de vedere al Imperiului, snt considerati generali sau functionari romani. Regii barbari
respectau n mod teoretic drepturile mparatului din rasarit si se proclamau drept reprezentanti ai
acestuia, n general n virtutea unui foedus, tratat de alianta militara. Conceptia despre autoritatea
monarhica ramne, n esenta, una de tip roman. Suveranul tinde sa aiba o putere absoluta, pe care
vechile institutii tribale n-o mai pot controla. Se contura si o anumita conceptie despre stat vazut
ca patrimoniul unei familii, care poate fi mpartit urmasilor, ca n cazul francilor. Regalitatea
barbara ncearca sa pastreze aparenta imperiala, regii prelund o serie de prerogative ale
mparatului roman. Functiei lor prioritar militare, acestia i adauga si calitatea de legislatori,
mpartitori de dreptate, sefi ai administratiei si aparatori ai bisericii.

n statele barbare ntemeiate pe continent a existat regimul personalitatii legilor, potrivit

caruia un om era judecat dupa legea neamului sau: romanii dupa dreptul scris roman, iar barbarii
dupa cutumele lor. Regii reprezentau si instanta suprema de judecata, fiind usor de contactat de
cei care doreau sa faca apel la ei. Ca sefi ai administratiei, regii barbari din Italia, Galia, Spania,
pastreaza n mare parte aparatul de stat roman, pe care nu aveau cu ce sa-l nlocuiasca. O situatie
deosebita se ntlneste doar n Britania anglo-saxona, unde structurile romane s-au prabusit total,
si unde migratorii germanici nu au mai gasit elemente de administratie pe care sa le preia direct.
Aici, institutiile impuse au fost n prima instanta cele specifice sefiilor barbare de pe continent.

Merita mentionat, n problema organizarii bisericii, cazul special al episcopilor, care, foarte
frecvent, n cazul n care disparea administratia laica de sorginte romana, preluau unele din
atributiile vechilor functionari imperiali, mai ales la nivelul oraselor, carora le asigurau apararea.
Regii barbari i imita pe mparati si n ceea ce priveste functia de aparatori ai bisericii. Un caz
aparte l constituie Clovis, regele francilor, care trece de la pagnism direct la ortodoxie, fara a
mai parcurge o etapa ariana, ca alti regi germanici. Convertirea lui la crestinism (in jurul anului
500) a creat premisele sintezei rapide dintre franci si populatia galo-romana, conditie a soliditatii
statului franc. n 589 se converteau si vizigotii de la arianism la drepta credinta, si pe la mijlocul
secolului al VII-lea arianismul disparea si din statul longobard. n 597 ncepea convertirea anglo-
saxonilor, prin botezul regelui Aethelbert din Kent. Pretutindeni se instaurau relatii foarte bune
de colaborare ntre stat si biserica, regalitatea oferind acesteia surse de venit (mai ales danii de
pamnturi) si protectie, iar biserica punnd la dispozitia regilor mijloace de legitimare ideologica
(ungerea apare pentru prima data n Spania vizigota) si cadre pregatite pentru ndeplinirea
functiilor administrative. Colaborarea regilor cu episcopii si abatii este o caracteristica a
regatelor succesoare europene.

Datorita unei succesiuni de regi slabi si a epuizarii pamnturilor pe care le daruisera pentru
a-si asigura fidelitatea aristocratiei, dinastia merovingiana a pierdut treptat puterea reala. Ultimii
reprezentanti ai ei, "regii trndavi" lasasera majordomilor conducerea regatului. Pipinizii aveau
domenii importante n zona Belgiei actuale si reprezentau marea aristocratie franca din nord,
ceea ce explica si treptata consolidare a puterii lor. Carol Martel (719-741) consolideaza pozitia
familiei si si sporeste prestigiul prin nfrngerea arabilor, ce efectuau raiduri din ce n ce mai
ndraznete n Occident, la Poitiers (732). Pepin cel Scund (majordom ntre 741-751) hotaraste sa
transforme puterea efectiva pe care o detinea ntr-o regalitate de drept.

Majordomul Pepin dorea sa devina rege si sa-si asigure legitimitatea, iar sprijinul putea veni
din partea papei de la Roma, cel mai important episcop din Occident. Acesta era amenintat de
longobarzi, care doreau sa cucereasca n sfrsit Roma si sa faca din ea centrul unei regat italian
unificat. Teoretic, papa era supusul mparatului de la Constantinopol, dar n contextul framntat
al secolului al VIII-lea (criza iconoclasta, atacurile arabe) devenise clar ca de la Bizant nu poate
veni nici un ajutor. De aceea, episcopul de Roma s-a adresat celei mai mari puteri a Apusului din
momentul respectiv, care era regatul francilor, crmuit de fapt de majordom. n urma ntelegerii
dintre cele doua parti, oastea trimisa de Pepin intervine n Italia, i nvinge pe longobarzi si
cedeaza papei o parte din teritoriile cucerite, care vor constitui de acum ncolo baza teritoriala a
statului pontifical. n schimb, n 751 legatul papal l unge pe Pepin rege, consfintind astfel
nlaturarea ultimului merovingian. Trei ani mai trziu, papa n persoana l unge din nou ca rege
pe Pepin, mpreuna cu sotia si cu cei doi fii, ceea ce conferea o si mai mare legitimitate noii
dinastii.

Pipinizii aveau aceeasi conceptie patrimoniala despre stat precum merovingienii, astfel ca la
moartea lui Pepin cel Scund, n 768, regatul se mparte ntre fii sai Carloman si Carol. Acesta din
urma ramne nsa foarte repede singurul rege si continua opera tatalui sau. n vremea lui Carol
Martel fusese deja cucerita Frizia, zona din nordul Olandei actuale, si acum stapnirea acesteia
este consolidata. Carol cel Mare continua expansiunea nceputa de naintasii sai pe trei directii
pricipale: sud- est: Italia, sud-vest: Spania si est: Germania. n Italia intervine mpotriva
longobarzilor pe care i supune n 774, lundu-l prizonier pe regele lor Dezideriu si intitulndu-se
el nsusi "rege al francilor si al longobarzilor". n Spania declanseaza un "razboi sfnt" mpotriva
musulmanilor, si reuseste sa cucereasca teritorii pna n zona Barcelonei (778), care devine si
capitala "marcii Spaniei".

n est, s-au purtat lupte ncrncenate cu saxonii (772-803), n care cucerirea s-a combinat cu
crestinarea fortata, prin masuri draconice mpotriva celor care, refuznd credinta lui Carol,
respingeau de fapt autoritatea lui. n Germania centrala au fost cucerite Bavaria si Carintia. Tot
n est, expansiunea a ajuns pna n Panonia, unde avarii si stabilisera un important centru de
putere. Prin distrugerea ringului (structura politica organizata de avari) n 796, stapnirea lui
Carol ajungea pna la Dunarea mijlocie si Drava.

Statul franc devenise acum un conglomerat de popoare, de origini si limbi diferite

(germanici, romanici, slavi), ceea ce punea probleme de aparare si de organizare. Pentru aparare,
n regiunile limitrofe au fost organizate marci de granita (provincii cu rol militar, aflate la
frontierele statului): marca Spaniei, marca panonica, marca de rasarit, marca daneza.
Consolidarea stapnirii sale avea nsa nevoie si de un suport ideologic gasit n restaurarea
imperiului n Occident.

In urma cuceririlor, regatul francilor devenise cel mai important din Occident, si papa,
dornic sa-si asigure protectia suveranului franc, si sa restaureaze autoritatea imperiala n
Occident, l-a proclamat pe Carol mparat la 25 decembrie 800. Statul condus de Carol, chiar daca
se voia o restaurare a imperiului roman, era n multe privinte diferit de acesta. Din punct de
vedere teritorial, nu ncorpora teritorii altadata romane (Spania, Britania), iar pe de alta parte se
extinsese n zona germana ce nu fusese niciodata stapnita de romani. Era un stat centrat pe
spatiul franc si orientat din punct de vedere economic spre nord, si nu spre Mediterana, n acel
moment controlata de arabi. Desi la suprafata parea inspirat de modele romane, imperiul a ramas
unul franc, n care se mentinea conceptia patrimoniala despre stat, vazut nu ca un domeniu public
(res publica) ci drept o proprietate personala a suveranului, care l lasa mostenire si mai ales l
poate mparti.

Charles Martel (686-741) was a Frankish statesman and military leader who as Duke and
Prince of the Franks and Mayor of the Palace, was de facto ruler of Francia from 718 until his
death. The son of the Frankish statesman Pepin of Herstal and a noblewoman named Alpaida,
Charles successfully asserted his claims to power as successor to his father as the power behind
the throne in Frankish politics. Continuing and building on his father's work, he restored
centralized government in Francia and began the series of military campaigns that re-established
the Franks as the undisputed masters of all Gaul. After the work to establish a unity in Gaul,
Charles' attention was called to foreign conflicts, and dealing with the Islamic advance into
Western Europe was a foremost concern. Arab and Berber Islamic forces had conquered Spain
(711), crossed the Pyrenees (720), seized a major dependency of the Visigoths, and after
intermittent challenges, under the Arab Governor of al-Andalus, advanced toward Gaul and on
Tours, "the holy town of Gaul"; in October 732, the army of the Umayyad Caliphate led by Al
Ghafiqi met Frankish and Burgundian forces under Charles in an area between the cities of Tours
and Poitiers (modern north-central France), leading to a decisive, historically important Frankish
victory known as the Battle of Tours, ending the "last of the great Arab invasions of France," a
military victory termed "brilliant" on the part of Charles. Charles further took the offensive after
Tours, and engaging Islamic forces at Nimes, though ultimately failing to recover Narbonne
(737) or to fully reclaim the Visigoth's Narbonensis. He thereafter made significant further
external gains against fellow Christian realms, establishing Frankish control over Bavaria,
Alemannia, and Frisia, and compelling some of the Saxon tribes to offer tribute (738).
Apart from the military endeavours, Charles is considered to be a founding figure of the
European Middle Ages. Skilled as an administrator as well as a warrior, he is credited with a
seminal role in the emerging responsibilities of the knights of courts, and so in the development
of the Frankish system of feudalism. Moreover, Charlesa great patron of Saint Boniface
made the first attempt at reconciliation between the Franks and the Papacy. Pope Gregory III,
whose realm was being menaced by the Lombards, wished Charles to become the defender of
the Holy See and offered him the Roman consulship, though Charles declined. He divided
Francia between his sons Carloman and Pepin. The latter became the first of the Carolingians.
Charles' grandson, Charlemagne, extended the Frankish realms to include much of the West, and
became the first Emperor in the West since the fall of Rome.
Pepin the Short was the King of the Franks from 751 until his death. He was the first of the
Carolingians to become king. The younger son of the Frankish prince Charles Martel, Pepin's
upbringing was distinguished by the ecclesiastical education he had received from the monks of
St. Denis. Succeeding his father as the Mayor of the Palace in 741, Pepin reigned over Francia
jointly with his elder brother Carloman. Pepin ruled in Neustria, Burgundy, and Provence, while
his brother Carloman established himself in Austrasia, Alemannia and Thuringia. The brothers
were active in suppressing revolts led by the Bavarians, Aquitanians, Saxons, and the Alemanni
in the early years of their reign. In 743, they ended the Frankish interregnum by choosing
Childeric III, who was to be the last Merovingian monarch, as figurehead king of the Franks.
Being well disposed towards the church and Papacy on account of their ecclesiastical
upbringing, Pepin and Carloman continued their father's work in supporting Saint Boniface in
reforming the Frankish church, and evangelising the Saxons. After Carloman, who was an
intensely pious man, retired to religious life in 747, Pepin became the sole ruler of the Franks.
He suppressed a revolt led by his half-brother Grifo, and succeeded in becoming the undisputed
master of all Francia. Giving up pretense, Pepin then forced Childeric into a monastery and had
himself proclaimed king of the Franks with support of Pope Zachary in 751. The decision was
not supported by all members of the Carolingian family and Pepin had to put down a revolt led
by Carloman's son, Drogo, and again by Grifo.
As King, Pepin embarked on an ambitious program to expand his power. He reformed the
legislation of the Franks and continued the ecclesiastical reforms of Boniface. Pepin also
intervened in favour of the Papacy of Stephen II against the Lombards in Italy. He was able to
secure several cities, which he then gave to the Pope as part of the Donation of Pepin. This
formed the legal basis for the Papal States in the Middle Ages. The Byzantines, keen to make
good relations with the growing power of the Frankish empire, gave Pepin the title of Patricius.
In wars of expansion, Pepin conquered Septimania from the Islamic Umayyads, and subjugated
the southern realms by repeatedly defeating Waifer of Aquitaine and his Basque troops, after
which the Basque and Aquitanian lords saw no option but to pledge loyalty to the Franks. Pepin
was, however, troubled by the relentless revolts of the Saxons and the Bavarians. He campaigned
tirelessly in Germany, but the final subjugation of these tribes was left to his successors. Pepin
died in 768 and was succeeded by his sons Charlemagne and Carloman. Although
unquestionably one of the most powerful and successful rulers of his time, Pepin's reign is
largely overshadowed by that of his more famous son.
Charlemagne, also known as Charles the Great, was King of the Franks. He united much of
Europe during the early Middle Ages and laid the foundations for modern France, Germany and
the Low Countries. He took the Frankish throne in 768 and became King of Italy in 774. From
800, he served as the first Holy Roman Emperorthe first recognised emperor in Western
Europe since the fall of the Western Roman Empire three centuries earlier. The expanded
Frankish state that Charlemagne founded was called the Carolingian Empire. Charlemagne was
the oldest son of Pepin the Short and Bertrada of Laon. He became king in 768 following his
father's death, initially as co-ruler with his brother Carloman I. Carloman's sudden death in 771
in unexplained circumstances left Charlemagne as the undisputed ruler of the Frankish Kingdom.
Charlemagne continued his father's policy towards the papacy and became its protector,
removing the Lombards from power in northern Italy and leading an incursion into Muslim
Spain. He campaigned against the Saxons to his east, Christianising them upon penalty of death,
leading to events such as the Massacre of Verden. Charlemagne reached the height of his power
in 800 when he was crowned Emperor of the Romans by Pope Leo III on Christmas Day at Old
St. Peter's Basilica.
Charlemagne has been called the "Father of Europe" as he united most of Western Europe
for the first time since the Roman Empire. His rule spurred the Carolingian Renaissance, a period
of energetic cultural and intellectual activity within the Western Church. All Holy Roman
Emperors up to the last Emperor Francis II, as well as both the French and German monarchies,
considered their kingdoms to be descendants of Charlemagne's empire. However, the Eastern
Orthodox Church views Charlemagne more controversially, labelling as heterodox his support of
the filioque and recognition by the Bishop of Rome as legitimate Roman Emperor rather than
Irene of Athens of the Eastern Roman Empire. These and other machinations led to the eventual
split of Rome and Constantinople in the Great Schism of 1054. Charlemagne died in 814, having
ruled as emperor for over thirteen years. He was laid to rest in his imperial capital of Aachen in
what is today Germany. He married at least four times and had three legitimate sons, but by the
time he died only one son, Louis the Pious, survived and succeeded him.
The mayor of the palace was the manager of the household of the Frankish king. The office
existed from the sixth century, and during the seventh it evolved into the "power behind the
throne" in the northeastern kingdom of Austrasia. In 751, the mayor of the palace, Pepin the
Short, orchestrated the deposition of the king, Childeric III, and was crowned in his place.
The mayor of the palace held and wielded the real and effective power to make decisions
affecting the kingdom, while the kings had been reduced to performing merely ceremonial
functions, which made them little more than figureheads. In Austrasia, the mayoral office
became hereditary in the family of the Pippinids. In 687, after victory over the western kingdom
of Neustria, the Austrasian mayor, Pippin of Herstal, took the title Duke of the Franks to signify
his augmented rule. His son and successor, Charles Martel, ceased bothering with the faade of a
king, and the last four years of his reign (74347) were an interregnum.

3.
The Christianization of the Roman Empire is typically divided into two phases, before and
after the year 312, which marked the momentous quasi-conversion of Constantine. By this date,
Christianity had already converted a significant but unknown proportion of at least the urban
population of the empire, including a number of the elite classes. Constantine ended the
intermittent persecution of Christianity with the Edict of Milan, which granted tolerance to all
religions, but specifically mentioned Christianity.
Constantine's sons banned pagan state religious sacrifices in 341, but did not close the
temples. Although all state temples in all cities were ordered shut in 356, there is evidence that
traditional sacrifices continued. Under Julian, the temples were reopened and state religious
sacrifices performed once more. When Gratian declined the position and title of Pontifex
Maximus, his act effectively brought an end to the state religion due to the position's authority
and ties within the Imperial administration. Again, however, this process ended state official
practices but not private religious devotion. As Christianity spread, many of the ancient pagan
temples were defiled, sacked, destroyed, or converted into Christian sites by such figures as
Martin of Tours, and in the East often by militant monks. However, many temples remained open
until Theodosius I's edict of Thessalonica in 381 banned the pagan religious practices. From 389
to 393 he issued a series of decrees which led to the banning of pagan religious rites and by
confiscating their property and endowments. Further laws were passed against remaining pagan
practices over the course of the following years. The effectiveness of these laws empire-wide is
debatable.
A turning point came after the Battle of the Frigidus of 395, ending the last serious attempt at
a pagan revival in the now Christianized Roman Empire. After the defeat of Eugenius, the
conservative pagan families of Rome gave up their resistance to Christianity and began to re-
invent themselves to maintain their social leadership. By this time the Christian hierarchy had
adopted classical education and culture as the marks of the civilized person, thus bringing the
two social groups into alliance. Under the regency of Stilicho (395-408), some paganism was
still tolerated, but later in the 5th century, legislation against pagan possessions, and other pagan
practices, became increasingly strict. There appear to have been later attempts at a pagan revival,
in 456 in circles surrounding the general Marcellinus and under Anthemius (r. 467-472), but
these came to nothing. Marcian in 451 put the death penalty on the practice on pagan rites, and
Leo I in 472 reinforced this by penalizing anyone who was aware that pagan rites were
performed on his property.
The early Christianization of the various Germanic peoples was achieved by various means,
and was partly facilitated by the prestige of the Christian Roman Empire amongst European
pagans. The early rise of Germanic Christianity was, thus, mainly due to voluntary conversion on
a small scale. In the 4th century some Eastern Germanic tribes, notably the Goths, an East
Germanic tribe, adopted Arianism. From the 6th century, Germanic tribes were converted (and
re-converted) by Catholic missionaries, firstly among the Franks, after Clovis I's conversion to
Catholicism in 496. Christianity at this time then constituted of a mix of Arian Christianity,
Catholic Christianity, and Christianized Germanic paganism. The Lombards adopted Catholicism
as they entered Italy, also during the 6th century. Conversion of the West and East Germanic
tribes sometimes took place "top to bottom", in the sense that missionaries sometimes aimed at
converting Germanic nobility first, after which time their societies would begin a gradual process
of Christianization that would generally take a matter of centuries, with some traces of earlier
beliefs remaining. The Franks were converted in the 5th century, after Clovis I's conversion to
Catholic Christianity. In 498 he let himself be baptized in Rheims. With this act, the Frankish
Kingdom became Christian, although it would take until the 7th century for the population to
abandon some of their pagan customs. This was typical of the Christianization of Europe.
Christian and pagan practices would effectively exist in parallel. The native Britons were already
partly Christianized by the time of the Anglo-Saxon settlement of Britain; it is not clear how
thorough this process had been. Romano-British Christians, led by Saint Patrick, had converted
Ireland and some of Scotland. However, ecclesiastics of the time such as the British Gildas and
later Anglo-Saxon Bede, criticized them for generally refusing to work at all for the conversion
of the Anglo-Saxons, in fact many were absorbed into the religion and culture of the new
settlers.
The conversion of the Anglo-Saxons was begun at about the same time at the far north and
south of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms in two unconnected initiatives. Irish missionaries led by
Saint Columba based in Iona (from 563) and elsewhere, converted many Picts. The court of
Anglo-Saxon Northumbria, and the Gregorian mission, who landed in 596, did the same to the
Kingdom of Kent. They had been sent by Pope Gregory I and were led by Augustine of
Canterbury with a mission team from Italy. In both cases, and in other kingdoms, the conversion
was generally "top down", with the royal family and nobility adopting the new religion first. The
Viking invasions of Britain destroyed many monasteries and new Viking settlers restored
paganism-though of a different variety to the Saxon or classical religions-to areas such as
Northumbria and Dublin for a time before their own conversion.
The Germanic peoples underwent gradual Christianization in the course of the Early Middle
Ages, resulting in a unique form of Christianity known as Germanic Christianity that was
frequently some blend of Arian Christianity and Germanic paganism. The Eastern and Western
tribes were the first to convert through various means. However, it would not be until the 12th
century that the North Germanic Tribes had Christianized.
In the polytheistic Germanic tradition, it was possible to worship Jesus next to the native
gods like Woden and Thor. Before a battle, a pagan military leader might pray to Jesus for
victory, instead of Odin, if he expected more help from the Christian God. According to legend,
Clovis had prayed thus before a battle against one of the kings of the Alemanni, and had
consequently attributed his victory to Jesus. The Christianization of the Franks laid the
foundation for the further Christianization of the Germanic peoples.
The next impulse came from the edge of Europe. Although Ireland had never been part of
the Roman Empire, Christianity had come there and developed, largely independently, into
Celtic Christianity. The Irish monks had developed a concept of peregrinatio. This essentially
meant that a monk would leave the monastery and his Christian country to proselytize among the
heathens, as self-chosen punishment for his sins. From 590 onwards, Irish missionaries were
active in Gaul, Scotland, Wales and England. During the Saxon Wars, Charlemagne, King of the
Franks, Christianized the Saxons by way of warfare and law upon conquest.
The Christianization of Scandinavia started in the 8th century with the arrival of
missionaries in Denmark and it was at least nominally complete by the 12th century, although
the Samis remained unconverted until the 18th century. In fact, although the Scandinavians
became nominally Christian, it would take considerably longer for actual Christian beliefs to
establish themselves among the people. The old indigenous traditions that had provided security
and structure since time immemorial were challenged by ideas that were unfamiliar, such as
original sin, the Immaculate Conception, the Trinity and so forth. Archaeological excavations of
burial sites on the island of Lovn near modern-day Stockholm have shown that the actual
Christianization of the people was very slow and took at least 150200 years, and this was a very
central location in the Swedish kingdom. Thirteenth-century runic inscriptions from the bustling
merchant town of Bergen in Norway show little Christian influence, and one of them appeals to a
Valkyrie. At this time, enough knowledge of Norse mythology remained to be preserved in
sources such as the Eddas in Iceland.
Saint Patrick was a fifth-century Christian missionary and bishop in Ireland. Known as the
"Apostle of Ireland", he is the primary patron saint of Ireland, along with saints Brigit of Kildare
and Columba. He is also venerated in the Anglican Communion, the Old Catholic Church and in
the Eastern Orthodox Church as equal-to-apostles and the Enlightener of Ireland. The dates of
Patrick's life cannot be fixed with certainty but there is broad agreement that he was active as a
missionary in Ireland during the second half of the fifth century. Early medieval tradition credits
him with being the first bishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland, and they regard him as the
founder of Christianity in Ireland, converting a society practising a form of Celtic polytheism.
He has been generally so regarded ever since, despite evidence of some earlier Christian
presence in Ireland. According to the Confessio of Patrick, when he was about 16, he was
captured by Irish pirates from his home in Great Britain, and taken as a slave to Ireland, looking
after animals, where he lived for six years before escaping and returning to his family. After
becoming a cleric, he returned to northern and western Ireland. In later life, he served as a
bishop, but little is known about the places where he worked. By the seventh century, he had
already come to be revered as the patron saint of Ireland.
By the beginning of the fourth century official persecution of Christianity had ended in the
Roman Empire, and support for the religion grew even among elites. It was under the reign of
Constantine I (306-337) where Christianity became an official religion of the empire.
Constantine himself had been introduced to the religion by his mother Helena, and according to
Christian sources, he himself witnessed a miraculous cross in the sky before a battle. While
Constantine himself did not become a Christian until he was on his deathbed, he supported the
Church financially and oversaw its administration, even judging which religious beliefs were to
be followed.
The fourth-century also saw the rise of a new branch of Christianity, known as Arianism.
Based on the teachings of a scholar named Arius, it advocated the position that Jesus Christ was
created by God and not completely equal to him. While the mainstream Christian churches
considered Arianism a heresy, it did find many followers, including a couple of Roman
emperors. More importantly, some Germanic tribes accepted the Arian version of Christianity,
including the Ostrogoths, who took over parts of Italy, the Visigoths, who seized control of the
Iberian Peninsula, and the Vandals, who moved all the way into North Africa and ruled what is
now Tunisia. The Vandal persecution of other Christians was one of the reasons why the
Byzantine Empire conquered their territories in the years 533-34.
Even in the early centuries of Christianity, the Bishop of Rome made claims to be the head
of the church, although it is unclear how much other parts of the Christian world accepted this
claim or what it meant it practically. The Roman bishops, who were known as Popes, at times
had considerable influence, but during parts of the Early Middle Ages the Popes were overseen
and controlled by the Byzantine Empire. However, the Popes were also prominent in sending out
missions to convert other parts of Western Europe.
There was a Christian presence in Ireland by the year 400, and it is believed that during the
5th century that St Patrick, a Romano-British man who was once captured by Irish pirates and
served as a slave, returned to Ireland and led efforts to convert the population. Through the work
of him and others, a thriving Christian community was established in the fifth and sixth
centuries, with Irish monasteries becoming centres of learning and many missionaries leaving
Ireland to spread the Christian faith in the British Isles and continental Europe. Efforts to bring
Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England were not as smooth, but during the seventh century
Christian missionaries, sent from both Ireland and the Papacy, were able to convert various
rulers. However, parts of the country would revert to paganism as the Vikings invaded and
established their rule during the ninth and tenth centuries.
The baptism of Clovis I, ruler of the Franks, which took place on Christmas Day, 496, was
an important milestone in the establishment of Christianity in continental Europe. Medieval
historians have pointed out that conversion of efforts of Christian missionaries were often a top-
down process, in which they looked to convert their leaders of various peoples, with the hopes
that the lower classes would gradually fall in line.
The Carolingian Emperor Charlemagne led a series of campaigns against the Saxons, a
Germanic tribe, in order to pressure them to convert to Christianity. This included the destruction
of the Saxons holy site at Irminsul and the massacre of 4500 Saxon captives at Verden in 782.
Three years later the Saxon leadership and peoples surrendered and accepted baptism.
While missionaries came to bring Christianity to parts of Scandinavia as early as the 8th
century, it took a considerably long time before most of the region would abandon the Norse
religion. Rulers such as Norways Olaf Tryggvason attempted to impose Christianity on his
subjects, only to see them rebel and overthrow him. The Sami peoples who live on the northern
stretches of Scandinavia did not accept Christianity until after the Middle Ages.
While Christian missionaries had come to Iceland in the 10th century and converted some
people, others remained committed to their old religion. In the year 1000, during the Aling a
general assembly of the Icelandic people it was decided that law speaker of the Aling,
Thorgeir Thorkelsson, would be given the role to arbitrate on which religion to choose for the
people. After spending a day and a night thinking about the matter, Thorgeir decided that
Christianity would become the official religion, while the Norse faith could still be practiced in
private.
After the Magyars invaded and conquered the Carpathian Basin at the end of the 9th century,
efforts were made to convert them, with mild success. It was during the reign of King Stephen I
that the monarchy undertook considerable actions to promote Christianity and remove their
pagan religion. Stephen, who is regarded as the national saint of Hungary, made sure that
churches were built and those who did not follow Christian practices were punished.
The last major holdouts to Christianity in Europe were peoples in the Baltic region and
during the 12th to the 14th centuries crusades were undertaken to force these people to convert.
The Teutonic Order was able to carve out a state for themselves in parts of the Baltic region, but
the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was unconquered and becoming an important regional power. It
was not until Grand Duke Jogaila (1377-1434) married the Polish Queen Jadwiga in 1386 (and
becoming Wadysaw II Jagieo) that he was baptized a Roman Catholic Christian. A year later
he had the Lithuanian people baptized, although elements of the pagan faith survived past the
Middle Ages.

4.
De la sfrsitul secolului al VII-lea si nceputul secolului al VIII- lea, ca urmare a diminuarii
efectelor ciumei, a mbunatatirii climei si a stabilizarii situatiei politice, n Occident se constata o
ameliorare a situatiei economice. n primul rnd, exista o crestere demografica, lenta dar sigura,
care stimuleaza cautarile pentru mbunatatirea nzestrarii tehnice. Mai multe unelte de fier, de
calitate mai buna, contribuie la nmultirea defrisarilor, care dau nastere unor asezari noi sau le
largesc pe cele existente. Prin secolul al VIII-lea ncepe sa se raspndeasca sistemul de njugare a
animalelor cu tractiune pe piept, care nu le mai sufoca precum cel vechi, cu tractiune pe gt, si le
permite sa-si utilizeze mai bine forta. De asemenea, se trece la potcovirea cailor si, mai trziu, la
folosirea scarii de sa, cu efecte si n plan militar. Muncile agricole se pot face acum mai usor, se
pot lucra mai repede suprafete mai mari de teren, productiile pot creste.

Se raspndeste acum si folosirea asolamentului trienal. Pamntul ntregii comunitati rurale

era mpartit n trei, dintre care o parte era semanata cu cereale de toamna (gru, secara), o parte
cu cereale de primavara, folosite mai ales pentru hrana animalelor (orz, ovaz, mei), iar o alta
parte era lasata n prloaga. Avantajul sistemului era ca se puteau obtine doua recolte, ceea ce
dadea o securitate mai mare oamenilor mpotriva capriciilor climatice, si ca se asigura astfel si
hrana animalelor, mai ales a cailor, care pot fi folositi pe scara mai larga n muncile agricole.

Structura domeniului se contureaza deja n aceasta perioada: pe de o parte pamntul

exploatat spre profitul integral al marelui proprietar (rezerva senioriala), iar pe de alta parte
gospodariile taranilor aflati n diferite grade de dependenta. Rezerva cuprinde resedinta
stapnului, o parte a terenului arabil, a pasunilor, viile, padurea, helesteie sau lacuri. Loturile
lucrate de tarani cuprind casa, gradina de legume, parcele de teren arabil amplasate sau nu de o
maniera compacta. Unitatea de exploatare agricola poarta n documente numele mansa, si poate
avea, n functie de zona si de calitatea solului, ntre 5 si 30 de ha. n functie de conditiile
specifice fiecarui domeniu, taranii pot avea anumite drepturi la exploatarea padurii si pasunilor
(eventual n schimbul unor redevente), asa cum pot la rndul lor sa aiba vie sau arbori fructiferi.
n aceasta perioada, obligatiile taranilor fata de stapnii de domenii sunt n principal n munca
(robota, corvezi) sau n produse, datorita unei relative lipse de moneda si faptului ca mna de
lucru este mai importanta dect banii pentru punerea n valoare a pamntului. Exista nsa si
obligatii n bani, ceea ce arata ca economia acestei perioade nu era de loc autarhica, existnd
posibilitatea comercializarii unei parti a produselor.

Marele domeniu apartine aristocratiei laice sau ecleziastice, beneficiara din ce n ce mai
frecvent de privilegiul imunitatii (interdictia pentru agentii suveranului de a patrunde pe domeniu
pentru a exercita justitia, a pretinde taxe sau a face recrutari). Mai exista nca o mica proprietate
taraneasca libera, dar aceasta este n continua scadere, si ca atare numarul taranilor liberi scade
treptat. Taranii dependenti provin din surse diferite: descendenti ai sclavilor nzestrati cu
gospodarie, ai colonilor, fosti proprietari liberi care si-au cedat pamntul unui mare proprietar n
schimbul protectiei. n secolul al IX-lea, documentele care vorbesc despre organizarea marelui
domeniu, polipticele, arata ca existau nca numeroase diferente ntre diferitele categorii de tarani,
reflectate n nivelul obligatiilor lor. Tendinta era nsa de uniformizare a situatiei lor n categoria
taranilor dependenti. Servus, termenul care n antichitate l desemna pe sclav, ncepe acum sa
nsemne serb, taran aservit.

Sistemul organizarii domeniale de acest tip se pare ca a aparut pentru prima oara n zonele
nordice ale Frantei, de unde, datorita extinderii Imperiului carolingian, s-a raspndit n aproape
ntreg Occidentul. Intrarea n dependenta a taranilor a contribuit la fixarea populatiei pe vetre
mai stabile, dnd astfel nastere satelor medievale. Generalizarea ridicarii de Biserici si n mediul
satesc a contribuit si ea la nradacinarea satelor, care de acum nainte se organizeaza n jurul
Bisericii si al cimitirului, care nu mai e exterior asezarii ci inclus n aceasta, ilustrnd un alt fel
de legatura ntre cei vii si naintasii lor. Din secolul al X-lea putem vorbi de aceasta nradacinare
a satelor occidentale, care din acest moment ncep sa aiba nfatisarea lor medievala.

The government, administration, and organisation of the Carolingian Empire were forged in
the court of Charlemagne in the decades around the year 800. In this year, Charlemagne was
crowned emperor and adapted his existing royal administration to live up to the expectations of
his new title. The political reforms wrought in Aachen were to have an immense impact on the
political definition of Western Europe for the rest of the Middle Ages. The Carolingian
improvements on the old Merovingian mechanisms of governance have been lauded by
historians for the increased central control, efficient bureaucracy, accountability, and cultural
renaissance.
The Carolingian Empire was the largest western territory since the fall of Rome, but
historians have come to suspect the depth of the emperor's influence and control. Legally, the
Carolingian emperor exercised the bannum, the right to rule and command, over all of his
territories. Also, he had supreme jurisdiction in judicial matters, made legislation, led the army,
and protected both the Church and the poor. His administration was an attempt to organise the
kingdom, church and nobility around him, however, its efficacy was directly dependent upon the
efficiency, loyalty and support of his subjects.

The royal household was an itinerant body (until 802) which moved round the kingdom
making sure good government was upheld in the localities. The most important positions were
the chaplain (who was responsible for all ecclesiastical affairs in the kingdom), and the count of
the palace who had supreme control over the household. It also included more minor officials
e.g. chamberlain, marshal. The household sometimes led the army. Possibly associated with the
chaplain and the royal chapel was the office of the chancellor, head of the chancery, a non-
permanent writing office. The charters produced were rudimentary and mostly to do with land
deeds. There are 262 surviving from Charles reign as opposed to 40 from Pepins and 350 from
Louis the Pious.
Coinage had a strong association with the Roman Empire, and Charlemagne took up its
regulation with his other imperial duties. The Carolingians exercised controls over the silver
coinage of the realm, controlling its composition and value. The name of the emperor, not of the
minter, appeared on the coins. Charlemagne worked to suppress mints in northern Germany on
the Baltic sea.

5.
Carol Martel, majordom al regatului francilor, (714-740), confruntat cu problema asigurarii
capacitatii militare a statului pe care l guverneaza, efectueaza secularizari ale pamnturilor
bisericii pentru a putea oferi beneficii soldatilor sai (sistemul numit precaria verbo regis).
Aceasta politica, prin care se trageau ultimele consecinte ale considerarii bisericii drept o
institutie a statului, a fost dusa, n alt fel, de monarhii carolingieni. Carol cel Mare a numit
frecvent n fruntea mnastirilor laici care aveau mai degraba rolul de a gestiona resursele
acestora, si care reusesc frecvent sa le restaureze bogatia si chiar sa faca noi achizitii de
pamnturi. Pe de alta parte, nca de la instaurarea dinastiei carolingiene, n 751, se inaugureaza
colaborarea cu papalitatea. n schimbul recunoasterii sale ca rege, Pepin cel Scund daruieste
episcopului de la Roma o serie de pamnturi care vor constitui nucleul statului papal. Primind n
anul 800 coroana din minile papei, Carol cel Mare si asuma si functia imperiala de aparator al
bisericii si responsabil de expansiunea crestinismului pe tot teritoriul statului sau. El foloseste
crestinismul ca un mijloc de guvernare a imperiului, care fiind att de eterogen din punct de
vedere etnic si cultural, avea nevoie de un element de unitate. De aceea monarhii carolingieni
ncearca sa impuna o organizare unitara bisericii din statul lor. Carol face sa se adopte
pretutindeni ritualul bisericii de la Roma, cere ca n biserici sa fie folosite aceleasi carti sfinte,
scrise n aceeasi latina clasica. Fiul sau, Ludovic cel Pios, impune ca n toate mnastirile de pe
cuprinsul imperiului sa fie urmata doar regula benedictina, iar clerul secular sa se organizeze n
capitluri de canonici, unde sa duca o viata comunitara asemanatoare cu cea a calugarilor. Aceste
masuri, luate n anii 816-817, au avut o eficacitate limitata de destramarea n 843 a unitatii
carolingiene.

Principii, ducii, comitii care detin de la sfrsitul secolului al IX-lea puterea la nivel local nu
beneficiaza de ungerea de catre clerici, asemenea monarhilor. n acest fel, ei nu au ndreptatirea
religioasa de a interveni n treburile bisericii, si clerul prefera sa sprijine mpotriva lor autoritatea
monarhica. n acelasi timp nsa, acesti principi teritoriali si asuma rolul de aparatori ai bisericii,
fac ctitorii pe care le asimileaza cu proprietatile lor, astfel nct ajung sa pretinda controlul
asupra bisericii. Membri ai familiilor lor sunt impusi n nalte functii ecleziastice, ceea ce
conduce, pe de o parte, la confuzia ntre patrimoniul bisericesc si cel privat, iar pe de alta parte la
solidaritatea de interese dintre episcopi si abati si familiile aristocratice. Lafel ca mparatii si
regii, detinatorii puterii impun pe scaunele episcopale proprii lor frati mai mici, fii (adesea
bastarzii, care nu puteau pretinde n mod legal dreptul la o parte semnificativa din averea
parinteasca). Desigur, nu ntotdeauna este vorba de impunerea unor persoane nepotrivite,
calitatea clerului, mai ales a celui nalt, fiind strns legata de profilul moral al principelui care
hotaraste cine va ocupa un anume post bisericesc. Oricum nsa, aceste practici conduc la o
recrutare aproape exclusiv aristocratica a naltului cler. Aceste interventii ale principilor laici n
treburile bisericii sunt chiar mai semnificative dect ale suveranilor si conduc la cresterea
amestecului ntre puterea temporala si cea spirituala, ceea ce a antrenat miscarea de reforma
religioasa din secolele X-XI.

Vechile structuri carolingiene sunt mentinute n Imperiul ottonian, care sustine colaborarea
dintre stat si biserica. n Germania, regalitatea, confruntata cu marii duci, sprijinise dezvoltarea
unei feudalitati ecleziastice, investind episcopii cu functii publice. Astfel, Germania, mai mult
dect alte zone ale Occidentului, era caracterizata de evolutia episcopiilor si arhiepiscopiilor spre
transformarea n principate teritoriale, iar pe de alta parte, aici se instituia sistemul unei biserici
de stat. Otto I i-a preferat pe clerici ca auxiliari n opera de conducere a imperiului ntruct
acestia depindeau, pentru numire si pentru mentinerea n functie, de favoarea regala (imperiala),
si nu puteau ajunge cu usurinta la nivelul de autonomie pe care l aveau feudalii laici. Pe de alta
parte, obligatia respectarii celibatului nu le permitea clericilor sa aiba descendenta oficiala, astfel
nct pericolul transmiterii ereditare a puterii ntr-o functie ecleziastica era diminuat. Pentru ca
ajutorul bisericii sa fie eficient, Otto I s-a preocupat ca n functiile importante sa fie numite
persoane capabile si de ncredere, uneori chiar membri ai propriei familii, precum fratii sai
Bruno (episcop la Kln) si Wilhelm (episcop de Mainz) sau alti membrii ai familiei sale.

Colaborarea cu biserica si-a pus amprenta pe readucerea la viata a Imperiului occidental, n

urma ncoronarii din 962, a lui Otto I, de catre papa Ioan al XII-lea. Dupa ncoronarea imperiala,
Otto I s-a implicat mai mult dect predecesorul sau, Carol cel Mare, n destinele papalitatii, prin
privilegiul ottonian cernd aplicarea masurii de origine carolingiana, dar cazuta n desuetudine,
potrivit careia papa trebuia sa depuna juramnt de credinta mparatului. Se pare ca n 963 Otto a
obtinut de la romani juramntul ca nu vor mai alege papa fara a fi obtinut consimtamntul
mparatului, si toata politica ulterioara a Ottonienilor legata de scaunul papal demonstreaza
aplicarea practica a dorintelor de a impune la Roma papi credinciosi politicii imperiale.

Renasterea imperiului a presupus si reluarea misiunii crestine a acestuia, concretizata n

convertirea unor principi pagni. Datorita infuentei germane, n spatiul ceh, n 973 se ntemeiaza
un episcopat la Praga, n regatul polonez, n 966, are loc crestinarea regelui Mieszko, iar n zona
maghiara, n 985 se petrece botezul principelui Geyza, mpreuna cu fiul sau Vayk, viitorul rege
sfnt Stefan. De altfel, monarhii polonez si maghiar primesc coroana regala din initiativa
mparatului german, ceea ce marca integrarea lor ntr-un sistem politico-religios patronat de
Imperiul occidental.

Colaborarea cu biserica si afla expresia desavrsita n timpul lui Otto al III-lea, fiul unei
principese bizantine, Theophano. Crescut de mama sa n amintirea gloriei bizantine, nconjurat
din copilarie de preoti, tnarul mparat visa sa restabileasca imperiul n traditia carolingiana si cu
o stralucire de tip bizantin. Capitala imperiului, n jurul caruia trebuiau sa graviteze si regatele
independente din Europa (cele din spatiul central-european datornd, de altfel, constituirea si
organizarea lor influentei germane), urma sa fie la Roma, sediu, n acelasi timp, al puterii politice
si al celei religioase. Papa si mparatul ar fi urmat sa guverneze n consens lumea crestina, de
aceea Otto al III-lea s-a preocupat sa impuna pe tronul Sfntului Petru apropiati ai sai, precum
Bruno de Carintia, varul sau, devenit papa sub numele de Grigore al V-lea (996-999). Dupa
moartea lui Grigore al V-lea, Otto al III-lea impune pe tronul roman un alt apropiat al sau,
nvatatul Gerbert, fostul magistru al tnarului mparat. Preluarea numelui de Silvestru al II-lea de
catre Gerbert este foarte semnificativa, ntruct se facea astfel referire la papa contemporan cu
Constantin cel Mare, cel caruia, n momentul stabilirii n Orient, marele mparat i-ar fi lasat
stapnirea asupra Occidentului (prin Donatio Constantini).

Colaborarea dintre imperiu si biserica a functionat foarte bine n timpul domniei lui Otto,
care nsa a murit n 1002, la doar 22 de ani, urmat un an mai trziu de Gerbert. Programul lui
Otto al III-lea de a realiza un imperiu crestin universal se dovedise nerealist, si era abandonat de
urmasii sai. Biserica germana ramnea nsa caracterizata de existenta unui episcopat aflat n
strnse relatii de colaborare cu mparatul (biserica imperiala).

Un rol deosebit de important n schimbarea raportului ntre domeniul secular si cel spiritual
l-a avut miscarea declansata n secolul al X-lea la mnastirea Cluny, din Burgundia. n anul 909,
ducele Guillaume de Acvitania ctitoreste o mnastire benedictina, pe care o scoate de sub orice
autoritate laica, punnd-o sub directul patronaj al Romei, n scopul ca acolo sa se tina n
permanenta slujbe pentru sufletele celor din familia donatorului. n acest fel, calugarii, care si
alegeau singuri abatele, erau la adapost de amestecul oricaror principi locali dar si al episcopilor,
aflati adesea n strnse relatii cu acestia. Papalitatea esra suficient de departe pentru ca
dependenta de ea sa nu devina suparatoare, dar si suficient de prestigioasa pentru ca drepturile
asupra mnastirii sa-i fie respectate. Foarte curnd, calugari plecati de la Cluny reformeaza dupa
acelasi model si alte mnastiri, care intra n relatii de dependenta cu mnastirea mama.
Occidentul este repede mpnzit de zeci de asezaminte clunisiene, n care calugarii nalta zi si
noapte rugaciuni pentru sufletul mortilor, duc o viata n mai mare acord cu exigentele crestine.
Credinciosi papei, acesti calugari promoveaza n toata crestinatatea occidentala drepturile
scaunului de la Roma.

Episcopul de Roma se bucurase la nceputurile crestinismului de un prestigiu superior

celorlalti episcopi n calitatea sa de urmas al sfntului Petru si pentru ca rezida n prima capitala
a Imperiului roman. Pe baza acestei autoritati s-a impus ideea ca el este un arbitru n probleme de
credinta si apoi la el a nceput sa se faca apel n cazul nentelegerilor din rndul bisericii. Din
momentul n care el i ncoroneaza pe mparati se poate afirma ca detine autoritatea suprema n
societatea crestina, desi n realitate el ramne un supus al mparatilor cu adevarat puternici. n
secolul al XI-lea, puterea imperiala decazuse ntr-o masura suficienta iar cea regala era de
asemenea putin semnificativa pentru ca biserica sa ncerce emanciparea sa de sub autoritatea
laicilor.

Prima conditie era o papalitate independenta de amestecul laicilor, si n anul 1059, papa
Nicolae al II-lea decreteaza ca alegerea papei se realizeaza de catre colegiul cardinalilor,
mpiedicndu-i astfel, cel putin teoretic, pe mparati sa-si impuna proprii candidati. O alta
conditie era realizarea unei purificari morale a clerului, care sa se conformeze idealului crestin
primitiv. De aceea se duce o lupta ndelungata si dificila pentru a combate simonia, vnzarea si
cumpararea functiilor bisericesti. Papalitatea impune etichetarea acesteia drept erezie, ntruct
presupunea ca laicii sunt cei care dispun de functiile bisericesti, care de fapt ar fi apartinut doar
domeniului spiritual. O alta directie a fost lupta mpotriva nicolaismului, adica a casatoriei
protilor. Celibatul preotesc se lega tot de ideea de model pe care clerul trebuia sa l ofere celorlati
crestini, dar avea si rostul de a nu permite transmiterea ereditara a bunurilor bisericesti. Toate
aceste revendicari de natura morala duc la impunerea unui climat reformator, care a culminat n
timpul pontificatului lui Grigore al VII-lea.

7.

Datorita ruralizarii care a urmat dezagregarii Imperiului roman si instalarii barbarilor n

Occident, precum si decaderii oraselor si a sistemului lor economic, datorita reducerii circulatiei
monetare, pamntul ncepe sa reprezinte cea mai sigura bogatie si un mijloc frecvent folosit
pentru a recompensa servicile aduse. n schimbul slujbelor care le-au fost prestate, regii
merovingieni fac danii n pamnturi apropiatilor lor, pentru a-si asigura credinta acestora si a-si
spori autoritatea asupra lor. Dar cum aceste danii sunt cel mai adesea neconditionate, si facute
pentru slujbe trecute, credinta celui ce le-a primit exista atta vreme ct se mai gaseste la
dispozitia regelui pamnt din care sa faca noi daruri. n momentul n care fondul funciar este
epuizat, regii si pierd autoritatea, asa cum s-a ntmplat cu ultimii merovingieni, care din pricina
neputintei de a se impune au fost denumiti regi trndavi. Numele sub care este cunoscuta
aceasta danie neconditionata este beneficiu, de la cuvntul latin beneficium, care nsemna chiar
binefacere.
 nca din antichitate, sefii militari germanici sau puternicii proprietari romani erau nconjurati
de razboinici si de alte persoane, care, n schimbul protectiei si ntretinerii, le prestau diferite
slujbe. n epoca franca, aceasta practica prin care un om liber intra n serviciul unui personaj
important se raspndeste pe scara tot mai larga si este cunoscuta sub numele de vasalitate. Cel ce
intra n slujba cuiva, oferindu-i serviciile sale si supunerea sa desavrsita, ncepe din secolul al
IX-lea sa fie numit vasal. Cel care l ia sub protectia sa, asigurndu-i si mijloacele de subzistenta
poarta numele de senior. Legatura ntre cei doi este una personala, ntarita prin juramnt, astfel
nct sa se garanteze ca vasalul si va ndeplini obligatiile, n general militare, si ca seniorul i va
asigura existenta. Aceasta se realizeaza prin ntretinerea vasalului la curtea seniorului, sau prin
oferirea de hrana, haine, arme si alte daruri. n secolul al VIII-lea, pentru ntretinerea vasalului
ncepe tot mai frecvent sa fie cedata o bucata de pamnt, numita n acte beneficiu, apoi fief sau
feud. Se constata deci fuzionarea celor doua institutii, pna atunci separate, beneficiul si
vasalitatea. Vasalii ncep astfel sa fie casati, adica nzestrati cu gospodarie proprie si nu
ntretinuti la curtea seniorului lor. Ca sa faca fata unor probleme noi, precum pericolul
reprezentat de invaziile arabe, majordomul Carol Martel recurge la acordarea de beneficii pe
scara larga luptatorilor sai, de aceasta data conditionndu- le de prestarea slujbei militare. Ca sa
acopere aceasta nevoie de beneficii a recurs la folosirea de pamnturi ale Bisericii, pe care le
acorda unor ostasi care si ndeplineau obligatiile militare fata de rege, dar mentineau legaturi si
cu manastirea sau Biserica de la care primisera terenul. Acest tip de beneficiu poarta numele de
precaria verbo regis. In timpul lui Carol cel Mare, intrarea n vasalitate este asociata aproape
automat cu acordarea unui beneficiu funciar.

Stabilirea relatiilor vasalice, ntr-o societate care cunoaste prea putin scrisul, este exprimata
printr-o ceremonie publica, alcatuita din acte riguros codificate, care presupun un ansamblu de
comportamente simbolice (gesturi si cuvinte) ale celor doi participanti. La nceput, ceremonia
poarta numele de recomandare (commendatio), ntruct viitorul vasal se recomanda protectiei
seniorului. Din secolul al XI-lea se foloseste numele de omagiu vasalic. In momentul n care
etapele acesteia au fost fixate, ceremonia intrarii n vasalitate ncepe cu omagiul, act prin care
vasalul ngenuncheaza n fata seniorului, si punndu-si minile mpreunate n minile acestuia
(immixtio manuum), n semn de supunere, declara ca vrea sa devina omul lui. Seniorul trebuie
sa-i strnga minile, n semn de acceptare si de asigurare a protectiei, apoi cei doi se saruta pe
buze, pentru a marca ntelegerea si a arata ca ea s-a facut ntre oameni egali. Apoi, vasalul
trebuie sa depuna un juramnt de credinta fata de seniorul sau, pe Evanghelii sau pe sfinte
moaste, obiecte sfintite menite sa ntareasca forta cuvintelor rostite. n final, seniorul da vasalului
investitura fiefului, care consta din nmnarea unui obiect simbolic (sceptru, steag, nuia, sabie,
bucata de pamnt etc.) care desemneaza feudul ce va intra astfel n posesia vasalului. In sistemul
relatiilor feudo-vasalice, feudul reprezinta elementul real care sta la baza relatiei personale.
Trebuie precizat ca, desi n general feudul reprezinta un teren, vasalul poate primi si altfel de
venituri, cum ar fi dreptul de a percepe anumite vami sau taxe, sau chiar i se poate da regulat o
anumita suma de bani, important fiind doar ca seniorul sa-i puna la dispozitie mijloace prin care
acesta sa se ntretina si sa-si procure armamentul, din ce n ce mai costisitor (cal, zale, armura,
spada, lance etc.), care-i era necesar pentru a-si ndeplini functia militara. Legatura stabilita ntre
cei doi printr-un astfel de contract vasalic este personala, si trebuie rennoita la moartea uneia
dintre parti. Aceasta nseamna si ca feudul ramne de drept n proprietatea seniorului, vasalul
avnd asupra lui doar drepturi de posesie si de folosinta. n fapt nsa, feudul ncepe sa se
transmita ereditar n familia vasalului, cu conditia ca urmasii acestuia sa presteze, la rndul lor,
omagiu si juramnt de credinta seniorului.

Contractul vasalic creeaza drepturi si obligatii reciproce. Vasalul are fata de seniorul sau
ndatoriri negative: de a nu-i prejudicia n vreun fel bunurile, persoana, familia si onoarea, si
ndatoriri pozitive, rezumate n formula sfat si ajutor. Sfatul presupunea obligatia vasalului de a-l
asista pe seniorul sau cnd acesta mparte dreptatea n tribunalul seniorial, de a-l ajuta sa
gaseasca solutii n situatii dificile, ca de exemplu n timpul luptelor, de a fi prezent la castel n
ocazii solemne, cum ar fi depunerea omagiului de catre alti vasali. Prezenta vasalului alaturi de
senior, fie si cnd e vorba doar de o masa oferita de acesta, are menirea de a sublinia puterea si
importanta seniorului, care sunt strns legate de numarul de persoane pe care le poate aduna n
jurul sau.

Ajutorul este n principal de doua feluri: banesc (rascumpararea seniorului cazut prizonier,
armarea drept cavaler a primului fiu, casatoria primei fiice, plecarea seniorului n cruciada) si
militar. Aspectul militar fiind componenta cea mai importanta a acestui tip de relatii, la nceput
vasalul era obligat sa dea sprijin armat seniorului sau ori de cte ori acesta avea nevoie, dar cu
trecerea timpului, beneficiind si de ncercarile Bisericii de a limita razboaiele, acest sprijin a fost
restrns la participarea timp de 40 de zile pe an la o campanie. Dupa aceea, el putea sa plece sau
sa ramna n schimbul unei compensatii banesti platita de seniorul sau. Posibilitatea vasalului de
a parasi lupta n momentul cnd considera ca si- a ndeplinit obligatia militara facea ca trupele
recrutate pe acest principiu feudal sa fie lipsite de disciplina si de coeziune.

La rndul sau, seniorul are obligatii fata de vasal, ntre care sa-i puna la dispozitie mijloace
de ntretinere si sa nu-l lipseasca n mod nejustificat de ele, sa-i ofere protectie, sprijin armat si
banesc la nevoie. n cazul n care vasalul si ncalca obligatiile asumate, este considerat tradator
(felon), iar feudul poate fi reluat de senior. Daca acesta din urma si nedreptateste grav vasalul,
atentnd la viata sa ori a familiei sale, la onoarea sotiei sau refuznd sa-l ajute la nevoie, acesta
poate rupe juramntul de fidelitate, pastrnd feudul si depunnd juramnt seniorului seniorului
sau. Daca nu exista un senior suprem, atunci el poate pastra feudul ca alodiu, adica liber de
obligatii vasalice.

Sistemul a fost privit de catre carolingieni si ca un mijloc de guvernare a imperiului,

deoarece cuprindea pe toti supusii ntr-o retea de legaturi feudo-vasalice, toti detinatorii unei
functii importante fiind obligati sa depuna juramnt de credinta n fata mparatului, si devenind
astfel vasalii sai. Pe de alta parte, retribuirea functionarilor imperiali se facea prin atribuirea unui
domeniu, care purta numele de honor. Tendinta a fost ca n timp aceste honores, care reprezentau
de fapt un fel de salariu, pentru perioada n care se exercita functia, sa fie transmise ereditar.
Capitularul de la Quierzy, din 877, ilustreaza felul n care functia de comite tindea sa devina
ereditara, ceea ce presupunea si ca pamntul atribuit o data cu aceasta scapa controlului
mparatului. Functionarea sistemului a mai fost complicata printr-o serie de fenomene. n
momentul decaderii autoritatii Carolingienilor se constata noi invazii, ale vikingilor sau
ungurilor, fata de care apararea trebuie organizata la nivel local. Astfel, si un vasal al mparatului
putea sa-si creeze proprii vasali pentru a avea la dispozitie oameni narmati. Acestia, datorita
relatiei personale stabilite, i datorau credinta lui, dar nu si seniorului lui. Pe de alta parte, o
persoana putea avea mai multi seniori, carora le jura credinta (omagiu multiplu), astfel ca era
posibil sa apara dificultati daca seniorii intrau n lupta unii mpotriva altora. Pentru a se rezolva
astfel de situatii, s-a inventat omagiul ligiu (principal), mai important dect omagiile plane
(secundare). Astfel, numai seniorului caruia i se prestase omagiul ligiu i se datora credinta
mpotriva tuturor, inclusiv a unor seniori carora li se prestase omagiul plan. Nici aceasta nu
reprezenta o solutie, deoarece de prin secolul al XIII-lea, se constata ca omagiul ligiu a devenit
multiplu, fiind prestat mai multor seniori, ceea ce i neutraliza efectul. Problema cea mai mare a
sistemului realizat prin relatiile feudo-vasalice este nsa aceea ca, prin caracterul lor personal,
creeaza o ruptura ntre monarh si masa supusilor sai, care si vor asculta proprii seniori n
detrimentul regelui, suveran pentru toti, dar suzeran (senior) doar pentru vasalii sai directi.
Aceasta a condus la fenomene de fragmentare a autoritatii politice n regat, crearea principatelor
teritoriale care marcheaza o parte importanta a istoriei medievale europene.

10.

Transformarile care marcasera societatea occidentala faceau ca pe la 1200 n Biserica sa se

resimta nevoia unor inovatii. n primul rnd crescuse mult rolul oraselor, cu bogatia lor dar si cu
marginalii care nu beneficiau de asistenta nimanui, canonicii seculari fiind dezinteresati de aceste
probleme. Pe de alta parte, exponentii noilor idealuri religioase actionau n afara oraselor,
precum cistercienii dornici sa se izoleze de lume n adncimea padurilor. Miscarile eretice
parusera sa sesizeze deschiderea oraselor spre mesajul religios, valdenzii sau catarii bucurndu-
se de o nradacinare urbana destul de importanta. De aceea, papalitatea iese n ntmpinarea
initiativelor care vizeaza aparitia unor noi ordine calugaresti care sa actioneze n mediul urban,
ca purtatoare ale noilor idealuri de saracie si austeritate.

Dominicanii sunt un ordin creat n 1215 de catre spaniolul Domingo de Guzman (1170-
1221), cu principalul scop de a lupta mpotriva catarismului afirmat n Toulouse si Languedoc.
Principalele mijloace de actiune erau predica si argumentarea, de aceea calugarii dominicani s-au
remarcat printr-o formatie intelectuala foarte serioasa, adesea universitara. De altfel, n scurt
timp, cu sprijinul papalitatii, profesorii dominicani vor ocupa numeroase catedre n universitati,
ceea ce va strni tensiuni n mediul universitar. Pe de alta parte, implicarea lor n domeniul
intelectual si al nvatamntului a facut ca dintre ei sa se recruteze cei mai marcanti gnditori ai
secolului al XIII-lea, precum Toma d'Aquino. Noul ordin se baza pe regula Sfntului Augustin si
depindea direct de papa. Calugarii dominicani nu puteau avea proprietati si trebuiau sa traiasca
din ceea ce le era oferit, ncadrndu-se astfel n categoria calugarilor cersetori. n 1232
dominicanii obtin de la papa functia de inchizitori, adica de a repera ereticii si de a-i preda
autoritatii laice.

The Dominican Order came into being in the Middle Ages at a time when religion began to
be contemplated in a new way. Men of God were no longer expected to stay behind the walls of
a cloister. Instead, they travelled among the people, taking as their examples the apostles of the
primitive Church. Out of this ideal emerged two orders of mendicant friars: one, the Friars
Minor, was led by Francis of Assisi; the other, the Friars Preachers, by Dominic of Guzman. Like
his contemporary, Francis, Dominic saw the need for a new type of organization, and the quick
growth of the Dominicans and Franciscans during their first century of existence confirms that
the orders of mendicant friars met a need. Dominic sought to establish a new kind of order, one
that would bring the dedication and systematic education of the older monastic orders like the
Benedictines to bear on the religious problems of the burgeoning population of cities, but with
more organizational flexibility than either monastic orders or the secular clergy. Dominic's new
order was to be a preaching order, trained to preach in the vernacular languages. Rather than
earning their living on vast farms as the monasteries had done, the new friars would survive by
begging, "selling" themselves through persuasive preaching. Dominic inspired his followers with
loyalty to learning and virtue, a deep recognition of the spiritual power of worldly deprivation
and the religious state, and a highly developed governmental structure. At the same time,
Dominic inspired the members of his order to develop a "mixed" spirituality. They were both
active in preaching, and contemplative in study, prayer and meditation. The brethren of the
Dominican Order were urban and learned, as well as contemplative and mystical in their
spirituality. While these traits affected the women of the order, the nuns especially absorbed the
latter characteristics and made those characteristics their own. In England, the Dominican nuns
blended these elements with the defining characteristics of English Dominican spirituality and
created a spirituality and collective personality that set them apart. The order's origins in battling
heterodoxy influenced its later development and reputation. Many later Dominicans battled
heresy as part of their apostolate.

Ordinul franciscan a fost ntemeiat de Francesco din Assisi (1182-1226), dintr-o familie de
negustori, care dupa o tinerete zbuciumata, se converteste la idealul de saracie si simplitate de tip
apostolic. Prin atacurile sale la adresa bogatiei, Francisc parea sa puna n primejdie ordinea
constituita, de aceea la nceput episcopul din Assisi ncearca sa obtina condamnarea sa. Papa
ezita si, n cele din urma, accepta n 1223 crearea unui nou ordin calugaresc, numit Ordo
fratrum minorum, sau al minoritilor, care depinde direct de papa. Prin actiunea sfintei Clara
apare si o ramura feminina, a clariselor si, de asemenea se accepta prezenta unor laici, care
traiesc n conformitate cu anumite aspecte ale regulei monastice. Scopul principal al
franciscanilor, de asemenea calugari cersetori, este sa duca o viata de saracie si sa se ocupe de
sectorul caritativ din orase. Se poate observa ca prin preocuparile lor privind nvatamntul sau
caritatea, dominicanii si franciscanii reprezinta doua ordine complementare, si cel putin la
nceputurile lor au avut contributii importante la renovarea spirituala a Occidentului.

Francis began preaching around 1207, and travel to Rome to seek approval from the Pope in
1209. The original Rule of Saint Francis approved by the pope disallowed ownership of property,
requiring members of the order to beg for food while preaching. The austerity was meant to
emulate the life and ministry of Jesus Christ. Franciscans traveled and preached in the streets,
while boarding in church properties. Saint Clare, under Francis's guidance, founded the Poor
Clares (Order of Saint Clair) in 1212, which remains a Second Order of the Franciscans. The
extreme poverty required of members was relaxed in final revision of the Rule in 1223. The
degree of observance required of members remained a major source of conflict within the order,
resulting in numerous secessions.
11.

THOSE WHO WORK

By the 11th and 12th centuries, the vast majority of European men and women were
peasants who worked the land of their lords. We know very little about these people for the
simple fact that the nobility and clergy did not keep written records about them. When the
peasantry of Europe was mentioned, it was usually in relation to the obligations they owed their
superiors. In the centuries that followed the collapse of the Roman Empire the line separating
slave and serf became less distinct. Of course, both slaves and serf lacked freedom and were
subject to the will of the lord. Throughout the long history of medieval serfdom, the serf was
required to perform labour services for his lord. Although the number of days devoted to
working the lord's land varied from place to place, it was usually three days a week, accepted
harvest time, when the lord would expect even more. Furthermore, the serf was tied to the land
and his condition was hereditary. By the 12th century, it was indeed common for some serfs to be
made free. With the rise of towns, the increased productivity of the land, long-distance trade,
and the development of a money economy, more and more serfs managed to find themselves
living in a condition of freedom. Of course, what this really meant was that the peasants could
now rent his land from the lord for a certain period of time. Equally important, with the passage
of time many serfs no longer owed their lords a labour obligation, but rather various direct and
indirect taxes on almost every task on the medieval manor. Because many landlords had lost
their serfs, the lords relaxed ancient obligations and duties.
The land of the manor was divided into two parts: the demense was the lord's land worked
by the peasants. The other part was held by the peasants. Their plot was usually much larger
based on the condition that they cultivate the lord's demense before their own. The land itself was
divided into long strips and it was entirely possible that one serf would have to work in number
of strips spread out across the manor. Furthermore, the medieval estate required cooperation
among all serfs since horses and ploughs were few. Medieval manors also had tracts of forest as
well as open meadow for the grazing of cattle and sheep. It was from the forest and meadow that
the serf could practice gleaning - the gathering of firewood or thatch, fishing and hunting - in
order to subsidize the rather meagre diet of his family.

Of all the characteristics of medieval peasant society that European historians have
discussed over the last several decades, none was perhaps more important than the Christian
religion as practiced by ordinary men and women. Unlike the practice of religion today,
medieval men and women saw Christian belief and practice permeate all aspects of everyday
life. In other words, Christianity was a matrix of ideas and modes of behaviour not easy to
dislodge from the mind set of medieval men and women.
The village Church was the centre of the medieval community. Nearly all of the important
events in the short life of medieval men and women took place within the confines of the Church
or churchyard. A person was usually baptized within hours of birth. Men and women confessed
their sins to the priest and received the sacraments of Eucharist on Holy Days. There were also
feasts that accompanied baptisms, weddings and generals, and were held in the churchyard. The
village priest also read messages from secular and Church authorities.

THOSE WHO FIGHT

The nobility influenced all aspects of medieval politics, economics, religion, and culture. It
is perhaps for this reason alone that European society from about the 12th century on may be
termed aristocratic. In fact, the aristocracy continue to hold within its grasp political and social
power right down to the eve of the Great War of 1914-1918. Although the nobility of medieval
Europe varied from place to place, and from time to time, a few general conclusions can be
made. As the second Estate, the medieval nobility had special legal status. A man who was a
member of the nobility was free in his person and in his possessions. His only limitation
concerned his military obligation to his lord. As a member of the nobility, he had certain rights
and responsibilities: he could raise troops and command them in the field, he held his own courts
of justice, he could coin his own money. He was the lord of all those people who settled on his
land.
The medieval nobility was, of course, was an Estate of warriors - those who fight. His social
function was to protect the weak and the poor. And this was to be accomplished with a horse and
a sword, the two visible signs of his nobility. He was also encouraged to display the virtues of
chivalry, a code of conduct created by the clergy to curb the brutality of this order of knights.
When a young member of the nobility finally came into possession of his property, he acquired
authority over land and people. The problem was, there were many times when the nobility was
not involved in warfare either with foreign enemies or rival lords. In other words, in times of
peace the nobility needed an outlet for their warlike aggression. This came with their
participation in the medieval tournament.
The medieval nobility lived without working. Instead, one's identification with the nobility
came from their ability as a warrior and also with their complete jurisdiction over their property.
Such jurisdiction allowed them to gratify their desires for lavish living. Since the status of the
medieval noble depended on his household, it seems obvious that he would make every attempt
to increase the number of retainers, or vassals, he could maintain. His clothes grew more elegant,
his castle larger, his food and table more ornate.
 The noble also had to look after his own land. He had to appoint wise stewards who would
watch his estate, collect direct and indirect taxes as well as rents, while he made every effort to
obtain more status by fighting. And since a great lord's estates were usually scattered over wide
area, he was constantly on the move. Although the Church condemned fighting and killing, it
was not able to stop the violence so characteristic of the medieval nobility. As a result, the
nobility of Europe became a constant thorn in the side for nearly all European monarchs. From
the 13th century on, the medieval kings began to draw upon the middle classes in order to create
a bureaucracy that would eventually lay the foundation for royal absolutism of the 16th and 17th
centuries.

THOSE WHO PRAY

At the top of medieval society was the first Estate, the clergy, those who pray. It was the
village priest who was to oversee the spiritual life of his flock on the medieval manor. His duties
were to administer the necessary sacraments with regularity and consistency. He was also
important to absolve men and women of their sins for the act of confession. He was also, as we
have already seen, the usual source of secular and ecclesiastical pronouncements. His role, then,
in the medieval village was extraordinary.
Although monasticism was firmly entrenched in medieval society by the time of
Charlemagne, by the 11th or 12 century, monks had become more visible members of town and
village alike. The monasteries were dedicated to prayer and supplying the evil Europe with the
ideal of a Christian civilization. Monasteries also produced and educated elite that were utilized
in service to lords and kings. The monks also kept alive classical culture and introduced the
techniques of efficient and profitable land management.
By the 11th or 12 century, the original mission of the monastic movement had been altered
to accommodate the children of the nobility with an honourable aristocratic life. Such a life also
held out the possibility for an ecclesiastical career. By the 13th century the older Benedictine
monasteries had to compete with new orders such as the Dominicans and Franciscans. As a
result, more monks had to be recruited from the middle classes who inhabited the area near an
abbey.
As medieval Europe prospered during the 12th century Renaissance and after, there was a
marked increase in the number of cities in large towns. In these sorts of places one could see the
representatives of the Church. What the townspeople began to observe was a clergy who seemed
more willing to live the life of a European prince or noble, then someone whose sole duty was
the spiritual guidance of the people. The Church, it was commonly believed, seemed to be
inhabited by people who were interested only in the aggrandizement of their own wealth, power,
and prestige. The stage seemed to be said for the rise in heresy of the 12th century and after.
Most medieval men and women regarded their Christianity with seriousness and genuine faith.

13.

Organizarea cruciadei, pelerinaj armat cu scopul de a elibera Locurile Sfinte de sub

stapnirea necredinciosilor, pune n evidenta forta bisericii romane, capabila n secolul al XI-lea
sa se reformeze, renuntnd la o serie de vicii care-i erau imputate, si sa conduca o miscare de
expansiune care antreneaza cavalerii si capetele ncoronate din ntreg Occidentul. La originea
ideii de cruciada stau mai multi factori, dintre care putem sublinia n primul rnd traditia
pelerinajului la Ierusalim, centrul lumii spirituale a crestinilor. Greutatile si primejdiile drumului
transforma calatoria la Locurile Sfinte ntr-o pocainta, care poate aduce omului medieval iertarea
de pacate. Pe de alta parte, cuceririle islamice nsufletite de spiritul djihadului, razboiul sfnt
musulman, creeaza reactii de raspuns n lumea crestina si contribuie la formularea ideii
legitimitatii razboiului mpotriva necredinciosilor. Ideea de cruciada se naste din ntlnirea
acestor doua traditii, dar succesul predicii papei Urban al II-lea, la Clermont, care conduce la
declansarea cruciadei I, trebuie explicat si prin alte elemente.

Religiozitatea profunda, chiar daca uneori mbibata de superstitii, a majoritatii populatiei

occidentale, este de luat n considerare atunci cnd cautam cauzele cruciadelor. Orientul are
pentru crestinii occidentali nfatisarea unei lumi mirifice, a bogatiei fabuloase, pentru care
Bizantul vizitat deja de unii cavaleri reprezinta o mostra graitoare. Nivelul culturii materiale si
spirituale a orientului bizantin sau islamic este mult superior celei din occident, constituind astfel
un ndemn pentru ncercarea de cucerire si luare n stapnire a acestor tinuturi. n Occident
ncepuse deja avntul economic care sta la baza dezvoltarii sale de mai trziu, dar consecinta sa
imediata este o anumita crestere a populatiei la toate nivelele societatii. Resursele nca
insuficiente nu puteau oferi tuturor posibilitatile dorite, astfel ca dirijarea surplusului de oameni
spre Orient, ntr-un scop n realitate expansionist, putea fi o solutie.

Structura ierarhica a societati occidentale permite si chiar face necesara o astfel de miscare.
Exista o numeroasa categorie de cavaleri, profesionisti ai mnuirii armelor, dintre care multi erau
nsa ndepartati de la mostenirea averii parintesti, care revenea primului nascut, si care erau
obligati sa ncerce sa-si croiasca o situatie prin forta propriei sabii. Pentru ei, razboiul era modul
cotidian de existenta, dar eforturile bisericii de a instaura un climat de pace n Occident tindeau
sa le ngradeasca aici posibilitatile de manifestare. Biserica, proclamnd paci si armistitii ale lui
Dumnezeu, pe parcursul carora luptele erau interzise, crestinnd idealul cavalersc, ncerca sa
orienteze potentialul militar al acestor razboinici spre scopuri care sa-i serveasca interesele. Avea
acum si puterea de a o face, deoarece n urma reformei interne a bisericii, papalitatea se ntarise,
detinea autoritatea morala suprema n Occident, si preluase o serie de atributii si nsemne ale
puterii seculare. Un cler disciplinat si supus papei de la Roma contribuise la ridicarea nivelului
religios al oamenilor, transformnd crestinatatea ntr-o realitate vie si sigura de ea. Acest cler
duce mesajul chemarii la lupta mpotriva necredinciosilor n toate colturile Europei apusene,
declansnd o miscare de adeziune nesperata nici de initiatorii proiectului.

n planul evenimentelor concrete, trebuie amintite si interesele Imperiului bizantin de a

beneficia de ajutorul cavalerilor occidentali n lupta mpotriva musulmanilor. Exista deja traditia
recrutarii de catre mparatul bizantin a mercenarilor normanzi, numai ca acestia se dovedisera
nesiguri, gata oricnd de revolta sau dornici mai degraba sa realizeze n propriul beneficiu (si n
detrimentul nu doar al arabilor ci si al bizantinilor) un imperiu mediteraneean. Spre sfrsitul
secolului al XI-lea, mparatul de la Constantinopol alege sa ceara ajutorul papei care sa-i pledeze
cauza n ntreaga crestinatate, oferindu-i astfel posibilitatea de a beneficia de forta militara a
cavalerilor occidentali.

Cresterea puterii Venetiei si a altor republici italiene si interesul acestora de a sprijini, din
ratiuni comerciale (dorind sa-si extinda activitatile negustoresti), expansiunea crestina n spatiul
stapnit de musulmani, este un alt factor de luat n considerare atunci cnd se ncearca explicarea
succesului ideii de cruciada. Desi cererile de ajutor ale mparatului bizantin Alexios I Comnenul
nu chemau neaparat spre un razboi sfnt, desi situatia crestinilor aflati sub stapnirea selgiucida
nu era dramatica si pelerinii spre Sfntul Mormnt nu aveau n general de suferit, n 1095 n
Occident era creat un climat favorabil ideii unei expeditii generale mpotriva necredinciosilor. n
iarna lui 1095, papa Urban al II-lea lanseaza chemarea la lupta pentru eliberarea mormntului lui
Christos de la Ierusalim, promitnd iertarea pacatelor pentru cei ce vor raspunde pozitiv.

Reactia este extraordinara, n cautarea mntuirii, multimi nenumarate de oameni din toate
straturile societatii pornesc la drum, cu un entuziasm nu ntotdeauna dublat de o pregatire
adecvata. Participantii la "cruciada saracilor", cum a fost numita aceasta ridicare populara, lipsiti
de cunostinte militare si de organizare, erau condusi de un cleric, Petru Eremitul si de cavalerul
sarac Gautier fara Avere. Drumul pna la Bizant este marcat de violente mpotriva evreilor,
considerati ucigasii lui Christos, si de jafuri. Fiind debarcati n Asia Mica de mparatul bizantin
pentru care turbulenta lor n momentul cnd ajunsesera la Constantinopol reprezenta un pericol,
sunt foarte repede masacrati de turci. "Cruciada cavalerilor", care a urmat, a fost mult mai bine
organizata, a beneficiat de o conducere mai coerenta, deoarece comandantul suprem era
considerat papa, prin reprezentantul sau Adhmar du Puy. Dintre cruciati, s-au remarcat mai ales
Godefroy de Bouillon si Bohemund de Tarent. Trecuti n Asia Mica de flota bizantina dupa ce au
depus juramnt de vasalitate mparatului, armata cruciatilor a reusit sa elibereze ntinse teritori n
Orientul Apropiat (Antiohia, Tripoli) inclusiv Ierusalimul, cucerit n 1099.

Aceste cuceriri aveau sa puna bazele principatelor latine din Tara Sfnta (regatul
Ierusalimului, principatul Antiohiei, comitatul de Tripoli), zone de aplicare a unor modele ale
feudalitatii occidentale pna atunci necunoscute orientului. Ele sunt confruntate cu problemele
lipsei de coordonare ntre feudalii asezati n orient, astfel ca rolul cel mai important n apararea
lor revine ordinelor calugaresti militare (Ioanitii sau Ospitalierii, Templierii si Teutonii).
Stapnirea latina aici este contestata de musulmani, care obtin n secolele urmatoare succese ce
conduc la organizarea de noi cruciade. Recucerirea Edessei de catre musulmani a condus la
predicarea celei de-a doua cruciade (1147-1149) de catre papa Eugeniu al II-lea si Bernard din
Clairvaux. Este o cruciada a monarhilor, ntruct la ea participa regele Ludovic al VII-lea al
Frantei si mparatul german Conrad al III-lea. Coordonarea lasa nsa mult de dorit, si dupa
nfrngeri n Asia Mica, cruciatii esueaza n fata Damascului.

Cea de-a treia cruciada (1189-1192) a fost declansata datorita unificarii musulmanilor de
catre Saladin (1171-1193), sultanul Egiptului. Recucerirea de catre acesta a Ierusalimului (1187)
i-a ndemnat sa ia crucea pe mparatul Germaniei Frederic I Barbarossa, pe regele Angliei
Richard Inima de Leu si pe regele Frantei, Filip al II-lea August. Cruciatii recuceresc Accra,
Antiohia, teritorii de coasta ntre Tripoli si Jaffa. Richard smulge insula Cipru bizantinilor.
Nentelegerile dintre monarhi, moartea lui Frederic n Asia Mica, au mpiedicat recucerirea
Ierusalimului. Aceasta ramne ideea-forta a cruciadelor urmatoare, niciodata reusita (cu exceptia
dobndirii sale prin tratatice de catre Frederic al II-lea, pentru o scurta perioada de timp).

O mentiune aparte merita Cruciada a IV-a (1202-1204), care este deturnata de venetieni de la
scopurile sale initiale, sfrsind cu cucerirea Constantinopolului, pe tronul caruia se gasesc pna
la 1261 mparati latini (occidentali si catolici). Pierderea posesiunilor occidentale din Siria
continua tot cursul secolului al XIII-lea, n 1291 fiind cucerita Acra, ultimul punct al rezistentei
latine. Cruciada ramne nsa ca o permanenta a istoriei occidentale, extinzndu-si sfera de
cuprindere asupra luptei cu orice fel de necredinciosi, nu doar cu cei ce stapneau Locurile
Sfinte. Astfel, luptele cu arabii n Spania, cu pagnii de la Marea Baltica, mai trziu cu turcii
otomani n Europa rasariteana si centrala s-au dus sub semnul cruciadei.

Dincolo de achizitiile teritoriale de moment, cruciada a avut consecinte mai ales pe plan
economic si cultural, punnd din nou n legatura directa Occidentul dinamic cu un Orient care i
este mult superior, si de la care mprumuta masiv, prin intermediul arabilor, n stiinta, arta si
literatura. Modul de viata al nobililor se transforma n urma contactului cu luxul orientului,
taranilor li se cere tot mai mult pentru a se putea finanta asemenea expeditii, comertul se
dezvolta prin deschiderea de noi drumuri. Cruciada s-a transformat ntr-un instrument la
dispozitia papalitatii, care a folosit-o n lupta mpotriva ereticilor si a adversarilor politici.
Cruciadele si n special a IV-a, au contribuit la definitiva ndepartare dintre Occident si Bizantul
care va pastra pentru totdeauna resentimente mpotriva latinilor si care va refuza unirea
religioasa cu Roma chiar n conditiile n care turcii se aflau sub zidurile Constantinopolului.

Different perspectives of the actions carried out, at least nominally, under Papal authority
during the crusades have polarised historians. To some their behaviour was incongruous with the
stated aims and implied moral authority of the papacy and the crusades, in one case to the extent
that the Pope excommunicated crusaders. Crusaders often pillaged as they travelled, while their
leaders retained control of much captured territory rather than returning it to the Byzantines. The
People's Crusade included the Rhineland massacres: the murder of thousands of Jews.
Constantinople was sacked during the Fourth Crusade, rendering the reunification of
Christendom impossible. The crusades had a profound impact on Western civilisation: they
reopened the Mediterranean to commerce and travel (enabling Genoa and Venice to flourish);
consolidated the collective identity of the Latin Church under papal leadership; and were a
wellspring for accounts of heroism, chivalry and piety. These tales consequently galvanised
medieval romance, philosophy and literature. The crusades also reinforced the connection
between Western Christendom, feudalism, and militarism.
The First Crusade arose after a call to arms in a 1095 sermon by Pope Urban II. Urban urged
military support for the Byzantine Empire and its Emperor, Alexios I, who needed
reinforcements for his conflict with westward migrating Turks in Anatolia. One of Urban's stated
aims was to guarantee pilgrims access to the holy sites in the Eastern Mediterranean that were
under Muslim control, but scholars disagree whether this was the primary motivation for Urban
or the majority of those who heeded his call. Urban's wider strategy may have been to unite the
Eastern and Western branches of Christendom, which had been divided since their split in the
EastWest Schism of 1054, and establish himself as head of the unified Church. Similarly, some
of the hundreds of thousands of people who became crusaders by taking a public vow and
receiving plenary indulgences from the church were peasants hoping for Apotheosis at
Jerusalem, or forgiveness from God for all their sins. Others participated to satisfy feudal
obligations, gain glory and honour, or find opportunities for economic and political gain.
Regardless of the motivation, the response to Urban's preaching by people of many different
classes across Western Europe established the precedent for later crusades.
In 1095 at the Council of Piacenza, Byzantine Emperor Alexios I Komnenos requested
military aid from Pope Urban II to fight the Turks, probably in the form of mercenary
reinforcements. It is also likely he exaggerated the danger facing the Eastern Empire while
making his appeal. At the Council of Clermont later that year, Urban raised the issue again and
preached for a crusade. Almost immediately thereafter Peter the Hermit began preaching to
thousands of mostly poor Christians, whom he led out of Europe in what became known as the
People's Crusade. Peter had with him a letter he claimed had fallen from heaven instructing
Christians to seize Jerusalem in anticipation of the apocalypse. In Germany the Crusaders
massacred Jewish communities. The Rhineland massacres were the first major outbreak of
European Antisemitism. In Speyer, Worms, Mainz and Cologne the range of anti-Jewish activity
was broad, extending from limited, spontaneous violence to full-scale military attacks. Despite
Alexios' advice to await the nobles, the People's Crusade advanced to Nicaea and fell to a
Turkish ambush at the Battle of Civetot, from which only about 3,000 crusaders escaped. Both
Philip I, king of France and Henry IV, Holy Roman Emperor were in conflict with Urban and did
not participate; the noble armies embarked in August and September 1096 divided into four
separate parts. The armies travelled eastward by land to Byzantium where they received a
welcome from the Emperor. The combined force including non-combatants may have contained
as many as 100,000 people. The army, mostly French and Norman knights under baronial
leadership, pledged to restore lost territories to the empire and marched south through Anatolia.
The crusaders besieged Antioch, massacring the inhabitants and pillaging the city. They were
immediately besieged by a large army The remaining crusader army marched south along the
coast reaching Jerusalem with only a fraction of their original forces. The Jewish and Muslim
inhabitants fought together to defend Jerusalem, but the crusaders entered the city on 15 July
1099. They proceeded to massacre the inhabitants and pillage the city. As a result of the First
Crusade, four primary crusader states were created: the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the County of
Edessa, the Principality of Antioch, and the County of Tripoli. On a popular level, the First
Crusade unleashed a wave of impassioned, pious Catholic furyexpressed in the massacres of
Jews that accompanied the crusades and the violent treatment of the "schismatic" Orthodox
Christians of the east. A second, less successful crusade known as the Crusade of 1101 followed
in which Turks led by Kilij Arslan defeated the crusaders in three separate battles.
The military orders, especially the Knights Hospitallers and the Knights Templars, played a
major role in providing support for the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem and the other Crusader
states, providing decisive forces of highly trained and motivated soldiers at critical moments.The
Hospitallers and the Templars became international organisations with depots beyond the Levant,
spreading across Europe. The Teutonic Knights and the Livonian Brothers of the Sword focused
on the Baltic. The Order of Santiago, Order of Calatrava, Order of Alcntara, and Order of
Montesa concentrated on the Iberian Peninsula and its Reconquista. The Knights Hospitallers
(Order of Knights of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem) had been founded in Jerusalem
before the First Crusade but greatly enlarged its mission once the Crusades began. After the fall
of Acre they relocated to Cyprus, conquering and ruling Rhodes (13091522) and Malta (1530
1798). The Poor Knights of Christ and its Temple of Solomon were founded in 1118 to protect
pilgrims en route to Jerusalem. They became wealthy and powerful through banking and real
estate. In 1322 the king of France suppressed the Knights Templar, ostensibly for sodomy, magic
and heresy, but probably for financial and political reasons.
20.
nca de la nceputul secolului al XIV-lea apar semne care anunta ncetarea cresterii
economice nregistrate n Europa apuseana n ultima vreme si chiar aparitia unei noi crize. n
primul rnd, clima pare sa se fi schimbat n nord-vestul Europei, devenind mai umeda, mai rece
si mai instabila, cu consecinte asupra recoltelor care sunt mai slabe, iar n anumiti ani chiar
dezastruoase. Apoi, se constata o anumita epuizare a pamnturilor, mai ales a celor de slaba
calitate, puse n valoare mai trziu, n urma presiunii demografice. Pe aceste terenuri,
randamentele erau mai slabe, dar se mentin si zone cu randamente mai nalte, ceea ce nu ofera
nsa solutii pentru evitarea tuturor problemelor. Consecinta acestor schimbari este frecventa
perioadelor de foamete, care n unele regiuni ale Occidentului sunt prezente cam la fiecare doi
ani. De exemplu, marea foamete dintre 1315-1317, prelungita n unele zone pna n anii '20 ai
secolului, a determinat o mortalitate de 6-15%, n functie de regiuni. Complementul obligatoriu
al perioadelor de lipsuri si al schimbarilor climatice a fost raspndirea epidemiilor care lovesc
oameni si animale, fragiliznd si mai mult echilibrul economic si demografic. O astfel de
epidemie, cu consecinte extrem de grave, a fost cea de tifos din anii 1322-1323. Drept urmare,
cresterea demografica din ultimele secole nu numai ca se opreste, dar ncepe si un anumit recul,
datorat cresterii mortalitatii, reducerii natalitatii si scurtarii sperantei de viata. Conditiile de viata
ale oamenilor obisnuiti sunt nrautatite si mai mult de cresterea fiscalitatii n statele pornite pe
calea centralizarii sau angrenate n confruntari militare de amploare, precum razboiul de 100 de
ani. Stngaciile inerente nceputului unei fiscalitati de stat, ineficienta si inechitatile prelevarii
impozitelor lovesc n diferite categorii ale populatiei, dar cei mai afectati sunt cei aflati deja n
dificultati economice, datorita recoltelor proaste din unii ani, prabusirii preturilor la produsele
agricole n altii sau nivelului scazut al salariilor.

Semnele crizei sunt aratate si de faptul ca negustorii ncep sa aiba rezerve n a risca n
ntreprinderi comerciale la mare distanta, prefernd sa se "sedentarizeze" si chiar sa investeasca
n pamnt, cumparndu-si eventual si titluri nobiliare si renuntnd la viata activa. O explicatie
globala pentru toate aceste fenomene este greu de dat. Unii istorici au vorbit de o criza de sistem
a feudalismului. Altii au propus o explicatie bazata pe functionarea mecanismului agro-
demografic. Este posibil ca la sfrsitul secolului al XIII-lea sa se fi atins pragul posibil al cresterii
demografice la nivelul respectiv de dezvoltare tehnologica, si n consecinta sa se fi manifestat
factorii de corectie negativa care au determinat scaderea populatiei europene. Cel mai agresiv
dintre acesti factori de corectie negativa a fost, nendoielnic, Marea Ciuma de la mijlocul
secolului.

Disparitia ciumei din Europa, probabil din secolul al VIII-lea, fusese unul dintre factorii
favorizanti ai cresterii demografice din perioada urmatoare. Boala continua nsa sa se manifeste
n Asia centrala, de unde a fost adusa de mongoli spre apus, germenii patogeni urmnd si ei
drumurile devenite mai usoare datorita impunerii asa-numitei "pax mongolica". Venetienii si
genovezii, intrati cu ocazia asediului Caffei n contact cu mongolii, n rndul carora se declansase
epidemia, au dus boala la Constantinopol, de unde aceasta s-a raspndit rapid, urmnd drumurile
comerciale, n Balcani, Egipt, Sicilia, porturile italiene. De aici a trecut n Franta, care a
transmis-o Angliei, n special datorita celor ce luptau pe continent n razboiul de 100 de ani.
Epidemia s-a raspndit apoi si n Germania si Scandinavia. Cele mai afectate au fost orasele si n
general zonele bine populate, deoarece boala se transmitea cu deosebita rapiditate n
aglomerarile umane. De asemenea, comunitatile nchise, de genul mnastirilor, o data infectate,
puteau fi distruse aproape n ntregime. Curtea papala situata atunci la Avignon a fost decimata
de molima. Caracterul devastator al epidemiei a fost datorat fondului pe care boala s-a declansat,
cu organisme slabite de foametea si de bolile din perioada anterioara. Pe de alta parte, nu se
cunosteau mecanismele transmiterii ciumei, nu se stia ca agentii patogeni erau purtati de puricii
de pe sobolani, si tratamentele ncercate la vremea aceea nu aveau nici o eficacitate. Boala se
transmitea prin contact fizic direct, dar si prin atmosfera, iar oamenii epocii, n momentul n care
se declansa epidemia, se adunau sa se roage n comun n biserici, ceea ce favoriza, evident, si
mai mult raspndirea ciumei.
 Consecintele epidemiei de ciuma de la 1346-1351 au fost extrem de grave. Nu avem date
globale, dar pe baza marturiilor de epoca si a estimarilor partiale, se presupune ca pierderile
demografice nregistrate n Europa s-au plasat ntre un sfert si o treime din populatie. Prabusirea
demografica a fost att de catastrofala, nct a fost nevoie de aproximativ un secol si jumatate
pentru a se reveni la nivelul de la nceputul secolului al XIV-lea. Pierderile au fost agravate si de
faptul ca epidemia nu a disparut, datorita unor puturi izolate revenind la fiecare ctiva ani. n
Europa apuseana, ciuma a ramas activa pna n secolul al XVIII-lea, iar n cea de est, pna n
secolul al XIX-lea, cu consecintele negative asupra cresterii demografice si economice.

Urmarile Marii Ciume au fost foarte variate, depinznd foarte mult si de zona de referinta. n
plan psihologic, efectul a fost devastator, pierderile de vieti omenesti la care au fost martori
facndu-i pe supravietuitori sa considere moartea o prezenta cotidiana n existenta lor. Nu
ntmplator, ncepnd din aceasta epoca se raspndeste motivul artistic al Dansului Macabru, care
exprima constiinta unei existente precare, aflata la cheremul Mortii. Reactiile, mai ales n timpul
epidemiei, au fost foarte diverse, de la renuntarea la bunurile pamntesti si dedicarea rugaciunii,
n speranta salvarii, daca nu a trupului, cel putin a sufletului, pna la dedarea la o viata de
desfru, n ideea ca trebuie trait repede si intens att ct se poate.

Pe plan economic, caderea demografica brusca a generat initial o dezorganizare a

activitatilor economice. n timp nsa, oamenii ramasi au reusit sa se adapteze si sa reia, chiar
daca la un nivel mai redus, activitatile economice. ntr-un fel, soarta supravietuitorilor chiar s-a
putut mbunatati, deoarece penuria de forta de munca putea determina cresterea salariilor.
Binenteles, elitele au ncercat sa blocheze procesul, si n Anglia, ncercarea acestora, prin apelul
la regalitate, de a ngheta salariile la nivelul anterior ciumei, a fost una dintre cauzele declansarii
rascoalei lui Watt Tyler. De asemenea, cum molima a afectat ntr-o masura mai mica septelul, cei
scapati au putut sa-si mbunatateasca alimentatia, consumnd mai multa carne dect la nceputul
secolului. Scaderea numarului de oameni si dezorganizarea activitatii economice i-a afectat ntr-o
masura serioasa pe seniori, ale caror venituri scad. Pentru a remedia situatia, ei ncearca sa obtina
mai mult de la tarani, sporind exploatarea, ceea ce genereaza nsa conflicte violente, de tipul
Jacqueriei din Franta sau al rascoalei de la 1381 din Anglia. Desi nfrnte, aceste rascoale au
determinat pe termen mediu si lung nmultirea eliberarilor din serbie si mbunatatirea relativa a
situatiei taranilor.

n concluzie, criza secolului al XIV-lea este un fenomen complex, Marea Ciuma

reprezentnd numai unul dintre aspecte. Oprirea cresterii economice, reculul demografic,
urmarile psihologice si sociale au necesitat o perioada ndelungata de refacere. Europa
occidentala si relua treptat cresterea de-abia la mijlocul secolului al XV-lea, dar din acel moment
avea sa se instaleze n avangarda economica a lumii.