Anul VI, nr.

2/2009
 REVISTA UNIVERSITARA DE SOCIOLOGIE
REVUE UNIVERSITAIRE DE SOCIOLOGIE
UNIVERSITARY JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Anul VI - nr. 2(12)/2009

Editura Universitaria Editura Beladi

Craiova, 2009
 Colegiul de onoare:

Ctlin Zamfir - Universitatea din Bucureti, membru corespondent al

Academiei Romne
Ion Dogaru - Universitatea din Craiova, membru corespondent al
Academiei Romne
Maria Sampelayo Universidad Camilo Jose Cela de Madrid, Espana
Ugo de Ambrogio Insitutul Social Milano, Italia
Gilles Frigoli, Universit de Nice Sophia Antipolis, Frana
Marie-Carmen Garcia, Universit Lumire- Lyon 2, Frana
Bernard Lahire, Ecole Normale Suprieure Lettres et Sciences Humaines,
Frana
Efstratios Papanis, University of the Aegean, Grecia
Philippe Joron, Universit Montpellier III, Frana
Michel Crespy, Universit Montpellier III, Frana

Comitetul de redacie:

Ilie Bdescu, Septimiu Chelcea, Maria Voinea, Marian Preda, Lazr

Vlsceanu, Dumitru Sandu, Ioan Mrginean, Radu Baltasiu,
Zoltan Rostas (Universitatea din Bucureti), Constantin Schifirne
(SNSPA),
Vasile Miftode, Ion Ionescu, Nicu Gavrilu (Universitatea A.I. Cuza -
Iai), Traian Rotariu, Petru Ilu (Universitatea din Cluj-Napoca), Ion
Vladimirescu, Cristina Otovescu-Frsie (Universitatea din Craiova),
tefan Buzrnescu, Romulus Dabu (Universitatea de Vest din
Timioara), Floare Chipea, Adrian Hatos (Universitatea din Oradea),
Dumitru Batr (Universitatea "Lucian Blaga" - Sibiu), Mihai Pascaru
(Universitatea 1 Decembrie 1918 Alba Iulia), Maria Constantinescu
(Universitatea din Piteti), Dorel Abraham (CURS Bucureti)
Anul VI, nr. 2/2009 Numere aprute: 12

REVISTA UNIVERSITAR DE SOCIOLOGIE

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 CUPRINS
CONTENTS TABLE DE MATIERES

Pascal LAFONT, Marcel PARIAT (Universit Paris Est Val de Marne)

La Validation des Acquis de lExprience. Interdpendance des orientations
politiques et stratgiques des acteurs institutionnels et individuals /7

David LE BRETON (Universit Marc Bloch de Strasbourg)

Devenir ingnieur de soi : corps et mondes contemporains /16

Jean LAGANE (Universit de Provence)

Les leons de la contamination industrielle de Minamata. Analyse de la
mobilisation de lopinion japonaise et de lmergence dune conscience
coresponsable / 28

Yvonne GUICHARD-CLAUDIC (Universit de Bretagne Occidentale Brest)

Le maintien domicile ou lentre en institution des personnes ges : une
affaire de genre ? / 39

Dumitru OTOVESCU, Adrian OTOVESCU (University of Craiova)

Istoricul i tipologia crizelor / 50
The history and typology of crisis / 60

Maria PESCARU (University of Piteti)

Factori sociali determinani ai alcoolismului i efectele consumului de alcool
asupra vieii sociale / 70
Social factors determinants of alcoholism and effects of alcohol on social life / 85

Andreea NI (University of Craiova)

Evoluia intercomunalitii n Romnia / 99
The evolution of intercommunality in Romania / 106

Gabriela MOTOI, Cristina OTOVESCU-FRSIE (Universit de Craiova)

Implementarea reglementrilor Bologna n statele Europei / 113
Limplmentation des rglementations de Bologne en Europe / 118

Liliana POPESCU (University of Craiova)

Dispariti privind utilizarea forei de munc n regiunea de dezvoltare
Sud-Vest Oltenia n perioada 1991-2007 / 125
Disparities in using the labour force within Oltenia South-Western
development region during the 1991-2007 period / 132

Constantin CRIOIU, Veronica ION (University of Craiova)

Raportul dintre cultur i structura social. Culturalism vs. Structuralism / 140
The relationship between culture and social structure. Culturalism vs.
structuralism / 147

5
Ion MUNTEANU (University of Craiova)
Pentru o sociologie i o filosofie a valorilor / 154
Pour une sociologie et une philosohpie des valeurs / 163

Anca Parmena OLIMID (University of Craiova)

Libertatea religioas i regimul juridic al cultelor. ansele i limitele unei
dezbateri social-teologice n Romnia la nceputul secolului al XX-lea / 172
The religious liberty and the legal status of the cults. The opportunities and the
limits of a social-theological debate in Romania in the beginning of the XXth
century / 180

Gabriel PRICIN (University of Craiova)

Mediul rural romnesc spaiu de coabitare a dou sisteme de producie / 188
Romanian rural environment- space of cohabitation of
two production systems/ 198

tefan Viorel GHENEA (University of Craiova)

Percepia social sntii. O abordare din perspectiva imaginarului social / 207
La perception sociale de la sant. Une aproche de la perspective dimaginaire
social / 215

Bledar ILIA (University of Craiova)

Albanezii: puterea de a-i alege propriul mod de via / 223
The Albanians: the power of choosing their own way of living / 229

Adina DASCLU (University of Craiova)

Provorcri n domeniul concurenei n contextul integrrii europene / 234
Challenges in the field of competition in the context of
European integration/ 242

Simona MIHAIU (University of Bucharest)

Deficienele sistemului de nvmnt din mediul rural romnesc n comparaie
cu cele din mediul urban / 254
Deficiencies of the educational system in the rural environment as compared to
the urban one / 262

Cristina ILIE (University of Craiova)

Aspecte ale migraiei romneti n Marea Britanie / 271
Aspects of the Romanian migration to the United Kindom / 276

Mdlina STRECHIE (Universit de Craiova)

Reforma social a regelui Romei antice, Servius Tullius / 281
La rforme sociale du roi de Rome antique, Servius Tullius / 287

Nouti editoriale / 293

6
 La Validation des Acquis de lExprience.
Interdpendance des orientations politiques et stratgiques des
acteurs institutionnels et individuels

Pascal LAFONT, Marcel PARIAT

Universit Paris Est Val de Marne (France)
pariat@univ-paris12.fr

Resum : Notre approche vise identifies, mais le sont-elles au

identifier les dispositifs et les pratiques dtriment de toute forme dorientation
de Reconnaissance et de Validation des politique socialement responsable des
Acquis de lExprience (RVAE) mis en entreprises, et rciproquement ? Le
uvre par des organisations publiques, processus de RVAE ne peut-il induire
prives, et associatives, afin un usage slectif intervenant dans
dapprhender comment et dans quelle lorientation politique de recrutement
mesure ils questionnent les modalits ou dans la promotion sociale du
de lorientation et de lvolution personnel des entreprises, ou encore
professionnelle.
des partenaires ?
Lhypothse est de dmontrer
Mots-cl :
que si linterdpendance entre les
acteurs du dispositif de VAE
Dans la plupart des
inflchissent les orientations, cest par
organisations de travail, la mise en
ce quil sen nourrit. Ds lors, en quoi
oeuvre de la RVAE renvoie des
lorientation stratgique des acteurs
dmarches la fois volontaristes et
construit-elle celle des institutions et
conditionnes qui sinscrivent dans
rciproquement, pour enfin mettre au
une optique de dveloppement
jour une orientation du dispositif de
durable, de cohsion sociale et de
VAE ?
comptitivit, et couvrent leurs
Dans le cadre dun travail de
activits sociales, environnementales
recherche sur la RVAE de salaris
et conomiques. Face une offre de
dentreprises et dorganisations de
travail de plus en plus flexible, la
type associatif caractre non
responsabilisation des individus en
lucratif, telles respectivement La
nombre croissant sest accrue, tents
Poste, Adecco France, et la
ou contraints de penser une
Confdration des Maisons de Jeunes
volution de leur vie professionnelle
et de la Culture, nous avons recueilli
et sociale en fonction des ncessits
et exploit des donnes issues
dun march du travail qui impose un
dentretiens semi-directifs : 6
renouvellement de leurs comptences.
reprsentants dorganisations
Les intentions des employeurs
employeurs et dorganismes de
quant la mise en uvre de la RVAE
formation, et 18 candidats, ayant pris
comme moyen de gagner en
part la mise en uvre de la RVAE.
comptitivit sont explicitement

7

1. Reconnaissance et Validation des
Acquis de lExprience dans des
contextes dinterdpendance de ses
acteurs :
La rfrence la RVAE
comme instrument de gestion des
ressources humaines est explicite
dans les entreprises du secteur
marchand. Quil sagisse
dentreprises publiques ou prives, un
service spcifique formation
existe La Poste comme chez Adecco
France ; la RVAE y est intgre. En
revanche, dans le secteur associatif
non marchand, si la VAE est dabord
envisage comme un outil de
promotion sociale, de dveloppement
personnel, elle est pour autant
mobilise afin daccompagner les
transformations inhrentes aux
volutions dun secteur dactivit.
Si La Poste est favorable
Lengagement rsolu des postiers
pour le dveloppement durable,
moteur de confiance dans lavenir
cest en raison dun objectif
dinternationalisation et de
diversification des activits induites
par le processus de transformation
dune entreprise publique en groupe
multinational, ce qui rvle une
vritable transformation du travail
pour mieux rpondre aux ncessaires
volutions et adaptations exiges par
un nouvel environnement, ainsi quun
conflit de lgitimit et didentit.
Entre bnfices raliser et intrt
gnral prserver, limportance du
renouveau des comptences au nom
duquel la direction gnrale pourrait
adopter un comportement
dentreprise, sans contraintes
tatiques, qui lui permette de
sinscrire dans une logique de
march 1 est manifeste. Cela sous-
tend un changement des mentalits et
des reprsentations rsultant dun
renouvellement des gnrations au
sein de lentreprise auquel pourrait
contribuer la VAE2.
1
Teissier C. (1997), La Poste : Logique
commerciale/Logique de service public
la greffe culturelle, Coll. Logiques
Sociales, LHarmattan, p 296
2
La Poste et les organisations syndicales
signataires raffirment limportance de la
validation de lexprience professionnelle
acquise, notamment en situation de
travail, et soulignent son intrt dans la
construction et la ralisation de projets ou
parcours professionnels, en particulier
dans le cadre de priodes et parcours de
professionnalisation (accord de branche :
art. 6.2). La Poste sengage dvelopper
linformation sur le dispositif de VAE et
faciliter laccs des personnels, qui en
feraient la demande, auprs des
institutions ou organismes en charge du
conseil, de laccompagnement et du
financement de la VAE. Les personnels
non diplms ou ayant un niveau de
diplme non corrl la fonction occupe
et les populations pour lesquelles la dure
de la formation vise constitue un
obstacle (notamment dans certaines
situations de parentalit) constituent des
bnficiaires potentiels de cette
dmarche. Les signataires du prsent
accord considrent que tout postier,
compter de 45 ans ou comptant 25 ans
d'activit professionnelle, est prioritaire
pour l'accs la VAE. Concernant les
salaris, cette priorit sera communique
au FONGECIF. Des dispositifs
spcifiques daccompagnement de la
dmarche de VAE et de mise en oeuvre
seront mis en place selon des modalits
dfinies dans le cadre des accords des
Directions de Mtier et dActivits. Trois
sources principales dinformation sont
identifies travers lesquelles la direction
nationale et les directions dcentralises
au niveau des dpartements, dont la
8
 Lorientation politique du
groupe Adecco France, se distingue
travers ses actions socialement
responsables en faveur de la
prvention scurit au travail, de
l'insertion des personnes handicapes,
de la lutte contre les exclusions et les
discriminations, dclarant vouloir
constituer une rfrence pour
l'intgration des hommes et
l'accompagnement des mutations sur
le march de l'emploi.
Outre la loi de modernisation
sociale de 2002, la loi de cohsion
sociale (2005) a ouvert la voie de
nouvelles activits de placement,
entendu au sens de recrutement et
accompagnement des demandeurs
demploi dans des structures
spcifiques, faisant de ce secteur
dactivit un secteur tremplin (vers
lemploi) pour les jeunes donc un
nouveau march, de nouvelles
activits, de nouveaux mtiers .
Ainsi sont devenues prioritaires, la
scurisation des parcours et la
prvention des effets de la prcarit
professionnelle et socio-conomique.
vocation est de communiquer les
informations quelles jugent ncessaire de
publier ou de diffuser : les ressources
lectroniques labores partir des sites
internet et intranet, un journal bimensuel
Forum dont la porte est nationale, une
revue mensuelle Jourpost Ile-de-France
dans laquelle figurent des informations
locales. Laccord national du 21.02.2005
(sign par la CGT, FO, CFDT, CFTC,
CFE-CGC, lexception de Sud-PTT) sur
la formation professionnelle,
dveloppement et la valorisation des
comptences et des qualifications des
postiers, fait suite laccord national
interprofessionnel du 20.09.2003 sur
laccs des salaris la formation tout au
long de la vie professionnelle.
La formation est alors prsente
comme un moyen mis au service de la
prvention des formes de prcarit
professionnelle.
La Confdration des Maisons
de Jeunes et de la Culture de France
(CMJCF), soutient le dveloppement
de la reconnaissance des
apprentissages3 par lexprience
professionnelle et sociale, au sens le
plus large, qui permettent
lacquisition, voire le renforcement
dun savoir, dun savoir-faire, dune
manire dtre, dhabitudes. Elle est
confronte la ncessit denvisager
le renouvellement de ses personnels
danimation et de coordination, dont
la dure moyenne demploi est trs
faible, tout comme celle de ses
cadres, qui nest gure meilleure.
2. Enjeux et stratgies des
acteurs de la Reconnaissance et de
la Validation des Acquis de
lExprience
La rforme postale et le
changement dorientation stratgique
permettent une formalisation plus
rigoureuse des rfrentiels existants et
la cration de nouveaux : cest une
relle opportunit daller plus loin et
de renouveler son ingnierie de
formation en intgrant les nouvelles
dispositions 4 ; un changement de
positionnement de lencadrement
dans la mise en uvre de ces actions
se serait produit, dans la mesure o
les responsables de formation
3
le Dubar C. (2000) met en exergue
lapprentissage exprientiel comme une
contre cole o les preuves dabord, les
leons ensuite , dans la crise des
identits professionnelles, PUF
4
Conformment laccord national de
branche
9
affirment que : la hirarchie sest
dj engage pour soutenir les
candidats la VAE en leur offrant la
possibilit de les suivre dans leurs
dmarches et de financer les cots
relatifs un parcours de validation .
Cependant, les managers estiment ne
pas tre forms au suivi des candidats,
ou ne pas aspirent pas le devenir;
Cela nous renvoie llargissement
de nos fonctions, un champ de
comptences pour lequel nous
navons pas t rellement
forms5.
La VAE sapparente un
continuum dans lequel chacun entend
trouver un intrt en sollicitant des
actions de formation ou un parcours
de validation des acquis. Il sagit tout
autant pour les personnels de
maintenir et de dvelopper leurs
comptences un niveau satisfaisant
demployabilit au regard des
exigences du march du travail, que
de poser la question de la
reconnaissance des efforts accomplis
au cours du parcours de validation
des acquis. A lissue des tmoignages
des candidats parus dans des
publications, journaux internes, un
formatage lidologie de
march 6 apparat fond sur une
logique de satisfaction des besoins de
la clientle7, en corrlation avec des
5
Manager ayant la particularit doccuper
un poste dinspecteur, hirarchiquement
plus lev que son niveau, en raison de
labsence daffectation depuis plus dune
dizaine de mois.
6
Balastre G. (2002), A La Poste, les
agents doivent penser en termes de
march, Le Monde Diplomatique,
Octobre, pp. 20/21
7
Lazuly P., Lidologie du client, Le
Monde Diplomatique, Dcembre 1998.
La notion de client a fait son apparition
10
comptences professionnelles en
constante volution, configures dans
des dynamiques et processus de
professionnalisation.
Chez Adecco France,
lefficacit semble due au lien entre
le social et lconomique en
essayant progressivement
dinfluencer le comportement des
clients pour quils puissent nous
accompagner dans cette rflexion 8.
Des actions ont t ralises avec des
partenaires convaincus de lintrt
dallier le recours lintrim avec des
formations dans le but que les uns et
les autres en tirent profit. Lenjeu est
de permettre aux parties prenantes de
mettre en uvre une dmarche
responsable garante de limage de
lentreprise, tout en permettant de
capitaliser des acquis et des
comptences susceptibles dtre
dsormais valids. Ainsi, au bout du
compte, la RVAE se situe au cur
des orientations stratgiques de
lentreprise, et tente de mettre en
lumire des potentialits inexplores
ou invisibles, c'est--dire de les
matrialiser pour agir 9 ; et elle
apparat comme un outil favorisant
des rencontres entre des acteurs qui
nen taient pas coutumiers,
fournissant alors lopportunit
dchanges porteurs de questions
transversales non dites auparavant.
Lengagement dans la
dmarche de VAE de la
Confdration (CMJCF), vise
renouveler ses cadres en les fidlisant
au milieu des annes 90 en effaant celle
dusager, mot qui est dornavant interdit
de prononcer dans le moindre
tablissement
8
Responsable RSE Adecco
9
Idem
et en assurant leur promotion,
lobjectif tant de renforcer son image
positive et sa qualit, grce une
meilleure qualification de ses
personnels, et den faire un argument
de promotion et dattractivit. En
outre, la prise en compte de
lexprience10, et le dialogue social
sont envisags comme les leviers
dune stratgie dorientation politique
de gestion prvisionnelle des emplois.
Aussi, apparat-il une volont
vidente dutiliser le processus de
formation et de VAE comme levier
daccompagnement des
transformations de lorganisation de
travail. La VAE rvle toute
lambivalence de son usage : la fois
sauveur de lorganisation de
travail, et promotion , voire
mobilit ascensionnelle des
salaris.
3. Reprsentations et
positionnements des acteurs dans la
mise en uvre de la VAE
3.1. Sens et Valeurs
Lorientation politique
poursuivie La Poste est double :
dgager un bnfice pour financer la
modernisation et pouvoir assumer les
missions dvolues, tout en
promouvant des valeurs de cohsion
sociale et de proximit fondatrices de
sa spcificit. Le projet du groupe
sappuie sur le dveloppement de la
VAE, dans une perspective
dentreprise socialement responsable,
capable de rpondre aux exigences
des segments de march, dcoulant de
10
Accord de 2004 ; la convention
collective nationale prvoit un net
cloisonnement entre le groupe 6 (agent de
matrise) et le groupe 7 (cadre)
11
la diversification de ses activits, et
aux attentes inhrentes au passage de
la polyvalence administrative la
polyactivit postale 11.
Au niveau dAdecco, il
semble difficile pour un travailleur
intrimaire dentrer dans une
dmarche de VAE, car celui-ci subit
lintrim, puisque du fait de sa
situation de prcarit professionnelle,
sa priorit est la recherche dun
emploi au jour le jour 12.
Nanmoins, dans un cadre partenarial
europen entre Adecco, lAFPA, et
lANPE, lexprimentation dune
forme de validation des acquis est
engage et semble plus axe sur des
actions de formation de type
adaptation lemploi pour ses
personnels permanents, que sur des
actions de formation de type
promotion.
La volont politique, de la
CFMJC fait tat : dune volont
daccueillir en formation non
seulement les salaris de chaque
fdration, mais aussi ceux des
associations adhrentes, ainsi que les
lus bnvoles13. Le maillage du
territoire, et la dispersion ont eu pour
consquence la recherche dune
mthodologie daccompagnement
professionnel individualis, plutt que
le dveloppement dactions de
formation intgrant la prise en compte
de lexprience.
11
Delfau G. (1999), La Poste : un service
public en danger. Constat et propositions,
LHarmattan, p13
12
Responsable RSE Adecco
13
DRH FRMJCF Champagne-Ardennes,
et Midi-Pyrnes
 3.2. Efficacit et qualit
Pour les candidats postiers, la
mobilisation en matire de RVAE est
centre sur lindividu, au sens de la
transmission des savoirs et des
comptences considres comme
ncessaires pour exercer un mtier.
Aussi, participe-t-elle la
construction dune identit
professionnelle, ce qui devrait les
conduire agir davantage comme des
" professionnels ", capables de rigueur
dans lexcution des tches qui leur
sont confies, et de mobiliser des
capacits dadaptation aux diverses
situations rencontres pour mieux
matriser les contours et les limites de
leurs interventions. La formation
professionnelle et la VAE
apparaissent comme des outils
majeurs de la construction de leur
professionnalit, car la
professionnalisation met en scne
des acquis personnels ou collectifs,
tels les savoirs, les connaissances, les
capacits et les comptences14. Pour
les candidats, si la VAE a pour cible
les mtiers, elle peut aussi
sapparenter une construction
sociale et impliquer tout la fois le
reprage des emplois et du champ
professionnel (mtierisation postale)
et linstitutionnalisation des modes de
reconnaissance des qualifications et
des comptences (rfrentiels
revisits des mtiers, diversification
daccs lemploi, contenu et
validation des actions de formation,
modifications des grilles dvaluation
des comptences), vecteur de
lgitimation. Il sagit bien de former
14
Wittorski R. (2005), Formation, travail
et professionnalisation, Coll. Action &
Savoir, LHarmattan, Paris, pp. 27-28
12
des professionnels cratifs15,
impliqus, ractifs, capables de
rpondre positivement des situations
toujours singulires et non de simples
excutants adapts au poste de travail
qui appliquent des recettes dpasses
au moment mme o elles sont
promulgues.
Chez Adecco France, la
dmarche RVAE sinscrit dans une
perspective socialement responsable
dassurance qualit qui peut tre
donne auprs des entreprises
clientes, notamment, en apportant la
garantie de qualification des
personnels intrimaires . En effet,
compte tenu dun fort taux de
rotation, les intrimaires cumulent
peu danciennet, ce qui justifie le
faible nombre de RVAE envisages,
les formations proposes tant plutt
de lordre de ladaptation au poste de
travail.
Les fdrations rgionales des
Maisons des Jeunes et de la Culture
de France, comme la Confdration16,
apparaissent plus aujourdhui comme
des organisation qui contractualisent
avec des collectivits territoriales, des
associations, donc plutt comme des
prestataires de services, que comme
un mouvement dducation populaire
mettant en uvre des actions
ducatives. Elles doivent ds lors
affronter des difficults de gestion de
personnels qui, dans les organisations
au sein desquelles ils exercent, sont
conduits travailler avec des salaris
qui relvent demployeurs diffrents
du leur, ce qui impose : la
15
Durance P., Les entretiens de la
mmoire de la prospective : Jean-Paul
Bailly, Lipsor, CNAM, 2005
16
DRH FRMJCF Champagne-Ardennes,
et Midi-Pyrnes
reconnaissance dune garantie de
savoir-faire et de qualit . Aussi,
lobjectif de professionnalisation est-
il troitement li celui de la qualit
des prestations fournies, tout en
privilgiant la qualification des
personnels recruts, et en y associant
le projet dlvation du niveau de
qualification des personnels au moyen
de la mise en uvre de la VAE.
Conclusion :
Au terme de ces investigations,
si des dissemblances, comme des
ressemblances peuvent tre dgages
quant aux orientations politiques et
stratgiques des diffrents acteurs.
Divergences dans les
orientations politiques et
stratgiques des acteurs
La RVAE est aborde de faon
explicite dans les entreprises
publiques et prives qui relvent du
secteur marchand, mais elle nest pas
mentionne dans les mmes termes
par les organisations de travail du
secteur non marchand. Tout se passe
comme si depuis de longues annes,
les associations voluaient dans un
secteur o les finalits affiches telles
lducation pour tous, et
lducation populaire faisaient
partie des attributs de la dmarche de
RVAE, alors que pour les entreprises
publiques ou prives du secteur
marchand la mise en uvre de la
RVAE dcoule en partie de la forte
incitation librale du march et de
lUnion europenne qui mettent au
cur de leurs proccupations le
dveloppement des qualifications et
des comptences des salaris.
Lorientation de la VAE
semble tre traite diffremment non
seulement par rapport la distinction
13
inhrente aux secteurs marchand et
non marchand, mais elle parat aussi
ltre en fonction du contexte
sociologique organisationnel de
chacune des entreprises ou
associations tudies. En effet, si les
valeurs sont voques chez Adecco
France, cest essentiellement en
rfrence aux situations particulires
des travailleurs handicaps, et
secondairement par rapport aux
travailleurs en situation prcaire,
mme si la fonction tremplin de
lemploi intrimaire est effective pour
les jeunes. En revanche, pour le
secteur associatif, malgr des
contextes trs diffrents quant ltat
des ressources humaines (pyramide
des ges, niveaux de formation), ce
qui est mis en exergue ce sont des
valeurs dengagement, dducation
populaire, dducation pour tous, qui
ont trait lengagement civique et la
citoyennet. La mission de service
public oblige La Poste garantir
lgalit de traitement des usagers, et
offrir les mmes possibilits de
formation et de validation des acquis
tous ses salaris, quelles que soient
leur situation statutaire et leur
implantation territoriale.
Les organisations du secteur
non marchand paraissent exprimer la
volont de privilgier la formation
comme instrument de dveloppement
personnel, afin de maintenir leur
niveau de performance dans un
univers concurrentiel, gage de
professionnalisme ; cest ce qui
semble les diffrencier des entreprises
du secteur marchand pour lesquelles
limage positive sapparente le plus
souvent des oprations de
communication, voire de marketing,
plutt qu de vritables actions de
qualification des personnels.

Convergences dans les
orientations politiques et
stratgiques des acteurs
Lanalyse des discours et des
postures des sujets interviews fait
apparatre une constante de recherche
de qualit des prestations fournies aux
clients, usagers, ou adhrents ,
quil sagisse dorganisations relevant
du secteur marchand ou non
marchand ; cependant, seules celles
du secteur non marchand privilgient
systmatiquement un lien entre cet
objectif et la finalit de promotion des
individus, conformment aux valeurs
auxquelles elles souscrivent.
Toutes les organisations de
travail font tat de leur conception de
la RVAE comme levier
daccompagnement des volutions et
des transformations, et seules les
associations du secteur non marchand
mentionnent explicitement le recours
la VAE comme un des piliers
dorientation stratgique de sa
politique de gestion des ressources
humaines. Lorientation de la VAE
pourrait se rvler comme un vecteur
de linvestissement des diffrents
acteurs afin de transformer et de
moderniser les organisations de
travail, pour quelles soient en mesure
de mieux rpondre aux dfis
quimposent le renouvellement des
salaris inhrent la pyramide des
ges, ainsi que lincontournable
lvation du niveau des comptences
au service de lamlioration de la
qualit et des performances dans un
univers concurrentiel mondialis.
Enfin, si les acteurs pressentent
la ncessit de dvelopper une
professionnalit tout au long de leur
carrire, face aux dfis rsultant de
llargissement des tches et des
14
comptences qui simposent de plus
en plus eux, tout comme celle dune
adaptation permanente des
situations nouvelles et complexes, ils
semblent avoir pris conscience de la
ncessit dinventer des solutions
nouvelles et dapprendre partir de
leur pratique comment armer le
regard et la rflexion sur la
ralit 17. Et, lusage de la RVAE
des fins damlioration de la
production apparat prdominant,
compte tenu des aspects
dorientations stratgiques et
politiques que ceux-ci revtent, mme
sils sont prsents sous les traits dun
rapport gagnant/gagnant , o le
droit individuel la RVAE peut
apparatre comme un atout collectif.
Bibliographie:
1. Balastre G. (2002), A La Poste,
les agents doivent penser en
termes de march, Le Monde
Diplomatique, Octobre, pp.
20/21.
2. Commission des Communauts
Europennes (2000),
Mmorandum sur lducation et
la formation tout au long de la
vie. Document de travail de la
Commission. Bruxelles,
Communauts Europennes.
3. Delfau G. (1999), La Poste : un
service public en danger. Constat
et propositions, LHarmattan.
4. Dubar C. (2000), La crise des
identits professionnelles, PUF.
5. Durance P.(2005), Les entretiens
de la mmoire de la prospective :
Jean-Paul Bailly, Lipsor, CNAM
17
Perrenoud Ph. (2001), Mettre la
pratique rflexive au centre du projet de
formation, Cahiers pdagogiques n390
6. Besson (2008), Valoriser lacquis
de lexprience : une valuation
du dispositif de VAE, Secrtariat
dtat charg de la prospective, de
lvaluation des politiques
publiques et du dveloppement de
lconomie numrique.
7. HCEEE (2004), VAE : construire
une professionnalisation durable,
Paris,La documentation franaise.
8. Kogut-Kubiat F., Morin C.,
Personnaz E., Quintero N. et
Schaud F. (2006), Logiques
daccs la VAE et parcours de
validation, Relief, n 12,
Rapports du CEREQ.
9. Lazuly P. (1998), Lidologie du
client, Le Monde Diplomatique,
Dcembre.
10. Presse MC. (2004), Entre
intention et ralit : les obstacles
la validation dacquis,
Education permanente, 158.
11. Teissier C. (1997), La Poste :
Logique commerciale/Logique de
service public la greffe
culturelle, Coll. Logiques
Sociales, LHarmattan.
12. Wittorski R. (2005), Formation,
travail et professionnalisation,
Coll. Action & Savoir,
LHarmattan.

15
 Devenir ingnieur de soi : corps et mondes contemporains
Abstract : Nous sommes dsormais
immergs dans une socit
dindividus. Avec une marge de
manuvre plus ou moins grande,
chaque acteur rige de manire
mouvante et dlibre ses propres
frontires, la trame de sens qui oriente
son chemin. Le corps devient un
matriau, on le faonne dans la mesure
du possible. Il ny a plus dassignation
biologique au sexe ou au genre. Au-
del encore certains adeptes du post-
humain rvent le tlchargement de
lesprit sur le Net ou la cyborgisation.
Les reprsentations du corps sont
aujourdhui multiples.
Mots-cls : corps, soi, cyborgisation,
monde, anthropologie
1. Le corps nomade
Nous sommes dsormais
immergs dans une socit
dindividus. Avec une marge de
manuvre plus ou moins grande,
chaque acteur rige de manire
mouvante et dlibre ses propres
frontires, la trame de sens qui oriente
son chemin. Certes, la dcision
personnelle est borne par les
pesanteurs sociologiques, lambiance
du temps, la condition sociale,
lhistoire propre... Lautonomie de
lacteur parait tre tendue, mais elle
est pour lessentiel une libert de se
mouvoir parmi les alles des
hypermarchs pour choisir le produit
16
David LE BRETON
Universit Marc Bloch de Strasbourg
david.le.breton@umb.u-strasbg.fr
qui participe du style dont il se sent le
plus proche. Libert formate o il
importe de se personnaliser en
ayant la main heureuse dans ses
choix, plutt que de faire uvre de
son existence. La marchandise et la
marque prennent le relais des
anciennes adhsions collectives, mais
elles aboutissent immanquablement
la normalisation, mme si celle-ci se
fait sur mesure. A dfaut de grands
rcits pour sorienter dans lexistence,
les marques ou les produits suggrent
finalement les petits rcits pour
exister malgr tout.
Lexprimentation prend la place des
anciennes identits fondes sur
lhabitus et lidentification. Le
sentiment de soi est alors
inlassablement travaill par un acteur
dont le corps est la matire premire
de laffirmation propre selon
lambiance du moment1.
Le dsinvestissement des
systmes sociaux de sens et la
ncessit de se frayer son propre
chemin pour exister amne une
centration accrue sur soi. Le repli sur
le corps et lapparence est un moyen
1
D. Le Breton, Ladieu au corps, Paris,
Mtaili, 1999 ; Signes didentit.
Tatouages, piercings et autres marques
corporelles, Paris, Mtaili, 2002 ;
Anthropologie du corps et modernit,
Paris, PUF, 2008.
de rduire lincertitude en cherchant
des limites symboliques au plus
proche. Face la prcarit de tout ce
qui lentoure : son travail, sa situation
matrimoniale ou affective. Il reste le
corps auquel lindividu puisse croire
et se rattacher. La transformation de
son statut accompagne le mouvement
de marchandisation du monde.
Lobsolescence de la marchandise est
devenue aussi celle du corps. La
dliaison sociale rend lindividu non
seulement libre de ses attaches avec
les autres, mais libres galement de
ses attaches identitaires, de ses assises
corporelles ou de genre. Socit et
humanit liquides, pour reprendre la
formule de Z. Bauman (2006), prives
de profondeur et de denracinement.
Cette phase de lindividualisme
aboutit lindividualisation du sens,
et au-del, lindividualisation du
corps. Il importe alors davoir un
corps soi, un corps pour soi. Le rve
est dinventer sa singularit
personnelle. Le corps ne dtermine
plus lidentit, il est son service.
Lindividualisme
dmocratique pousse son point
culminant la volont dauto-filiation,
dautoengendrement, mais le fait de
se penser le matre de soi se heurte
lirrductibilit du corps comme
hritage dune histoire imprgne des
autres, commencer par les gniteurs.
Les technologies contemporaines
donnent le sentiment dun pouvoir
daction symbolique sur son corps et
ses origines. Elles autorisent la
rvocation des anciennes gnalogies
perues comme facultatives.
Lindividu refuse de voir son corps
comme une racine identitaire ou un
destin , il entend le prendre en
main pour lui donner une forme qui
nappartienne qu lui. Rpondant
un entretien, la cinaste Marina de
Van crit ce propos : Quand je me
regarde dans une glace, il faut que je
ressemble ce que jai moi-mme
cr. Je ne supporte pas lide que
mon unit physique soit une donne
que je nai pas faonne moi-mme .
Commentant une performance
mmorable Orlan dit : Il sagissait
dutiliser la chirurgie pour la
dtourner de ses habitudes
damlioration et de rajeunissement.
Le changement le plus visible ce sont
ces implants qui servent
habituellement rehausser les
pommettes, que jai fait poser de
chaque ct du front, ce qui fait deux
bosses. Javais travaill avec la
chirurgienne en posant la question :
que peut-on faire qui na t ni fait ni
demand, et qui est rput plutt laid
ou monstrueux ? Mon ide tait de
montrer que la beaut peut prendre
des apparences qui ne sont pas
rputes belles. Si on me dcrit
comme une femme qui a deux bosses
sur les tempes, on peut considrer que
je suis laide, et, en me voyant cela
peut tre diffrent 2. Pour Lukas
Zpira, lun des protagonistes les plus
engags sur la scne des
modifications corporelles : Mon
identit biologique nest quune pice
du puzzle. A la naissance le corps
nest pas parfait, nous devons
apprendre de nombreuses choses,
comme lire et crire. Pourquoi ne pas
apprendre se construire
physiquement et moralement ? Nous
navons pas tre prisonniers de
notre animalit, de notre instinct, de
notre corps. Mon processus corporel
est aussi une forme damlioration 3.
2
Dossier Le monde.fr, 2004
3
Idem
17
Parfois le recours un modle
simpose pour accder soi. La qute
de singularit corporelle seffectue
alors travers la transsubstantiation
avec une icne. Ainsi ces
Amricaines qui se construisent
chirurgicalement en clone de la
poupe Barbie. Ou ces hommes qui
souhaitent possder au plus proche le
visage et le look dElvis Presley ou
dautres stars. On pense aussi
Michal Jackson dont le visage
trouble par son aspect de Peter Pan, ni
adolescent ni adulte, ni blanc ni noir,
ni vieux ni jeune, indcis,
informulable, excentrique. Dans ses
clips comme dans son existence, il est
vou la mtamorphose,
lindcidable, toujours dans la
liminarit, lentre-deux.
Ni le corps, ni le genre, ni
lorientation sexuelle ne sont des
essences mais des constructions
sociales certes, personnalises, et
donc rvocables. Ils sont le fait dune
dcision propre et dune pratique
cosmtique adapte. Les
reprsentations et les valeurs affectant
le corps visent reproduire un code
en insistant sur des diffrences,
notamment masculin-fminin, afin de
les naturaliser et de lgitimer les
modalits du lien social. Aujourdhui,
lindividualisation du sens, et donc la
liquidit du sentiment de soi, amne
un bouleversement des anciens cadres
de pense ce propos. Le queer est
une tentative de dnaturalisation, et
surtout de dculturation du genre.
Fminit et masculinit deviennent
lobjet dune production permanente
par un usage appropri des signes.
Conformment au design corporel des
strotypes de genre ou en rupture, ils
dessinent un vaste champ
18
dexprimentation4. Entre le sexe
anatomique et le genre une subversion
personnelle sopre qui inscrit
lidentit dans la seule performance
de soi5. Cest un dispositif
symbolique, la fois technique,
visuel, stylistique, pour produire
lvidence dtre homme ou femme
ou en subvertir les catgories. Et en
effet, dans un contexte
dobsolescence de la forme du corps,
il ny a plus aucun autre repre
possible, mme si la performativit
implique le jeu, cest--dire la
simulation. Le genre est peru comme
une formation discursive, instable,
continuellement en transformation. Il
nest plus pos en dualit mais
comme une accumulation de
possibilits dpendantes du discours
que lindividu tient sur lui-mme. La
culture queer est une volont de se
dmarquer des critres dapparence
rgis par les normes sociales, volont
de dissidence travers larbitraire
personnel de la forme corporelle et
des manires de se mettre en scne.
Le terme queer, autrefois
synonyme dinsulte et de mpris est
aujourdhui brandi comme une
bannire identitaire. Chaque individu
est le matre duvre de sa sexuation,
de lapparence de sa prsence au
monde comme de sa sexualit. Si le
genre est dfini en toute indiffrence
aux catgories biologiques, homme
et masculin pourraient tout aussi bien
dsigner un corps fminin quun
corps masculin, et femme et fminin
un corps masculin ou fminin 6.
4
D. Le Breton, op.cit., 1999, 2008
5
J. Butler, Gender trouble, New York,
Routledge, 1990
6
J. Butler, Troubles dans le genre. Le
fminisme et la subversion de lidentit,
Masculin et fminin nincarnent plus
une vrit ontologique, fonde sur
une anatomie intangible, ni mme une
polarit ncessaire. L o la fabrique
corporelle de soi ne cesse dlargir
son champ dintervention possible,
lassignation un genre devient
surtout une histoire que lon se
raconte et que lon accrdite aux
autres travers une stylisation de son
rapport au monde. Certains rebelles se
revendiquent gender queers et
refusent toute assignation en termes
de masculin ou fminin7, ils entendent
subvertir radicalement ces catgories
devenues obsoltes leurs yeux.
Dautres revendiquent une position de
Gender Outlaw. Pour K. Bornstein, il
y a en effet les hommes, les femmes,
elle ne se reconnait pas dans ces
catgories, et les autres, inclassables,
dans lesquels elle se compte8. Des
transgenres revendiquent un troisime
genre, dautres affirment la singularit
des cas et soutiennent lide dune
multiplicit des genres. Pat Califia se
demande si finalement le genre est si
important, et elle imagine un monde
o il glisserait dans linsignifiance ou
deviendrait provisoire : A quoi cela
ressemblerait-il de vivre dans une
socit o on pourrait prendre des
vacances de son genre ? Ou (encore
plus important) du genre des autres ?
Imaginez la cration de Gender Free
Zones . Le genre nest plus pos en
dualit mais comme une
accumulation de possibilits
Paris, La Dcouverte, 2006, p. 68
7
B. Preciado, Testo junkie. Sexe, drogue
et biopolitique, Paris, Grasset, 2008,
p. 100
8
K Bornstein., Gender outlaw. On men,
women and the rest of us, New York-
London, Routledge, 1994
19
dpendantes du discours que
lindividu tient sur lui-mme.
Lidentit de genre comme lidentit
personnelle est aujourdhui mallable.
Le corps nest que lhabitacle
provisoire dune identit qui refuse
toute fixation et choisit une forme de
nomadisme de sa prsence au monde.
Il est loutil pour se crer des
personnages, une ressource et non le
lieu o lon est soi puisque soi
dsormais est multiple9.
Le corps du transsexuel est un
artefact technologique, une
construction chirurgicale et
hormonale, un faonnement plastique.
Son sexe dlection est le fait de sa
dcision propre et non dun destin
anatomique, il vit travers une
volont dlibre de provocation ou
de jeu. Le transsexuel supprime les
aspects trop significatifs de son
ancienne corporit pour aborder les
signes sans quivoque de sa nouvelle
apparence. Volont de conjurer la
sparation, de ne plus faire du sexe
(du latin secare : couper) ni un corps
ni un destin mais une dcision, et
surtout de sen affranchir pour
sinventer et se mettre soi-mme au
monde. Le transsexuel est un symbole
du sentiment que le corps est une
forme transformer. Voyageur de son
propre corps, il en change sa guise
la forme et le genre, poussant son
terme le statut dobjet de circonstance
dun corps devenu modulable et
assignable non plus au sujet mais au
moment.
Ainsi galement de la
dmarche de Beatriz Preciado qui
refuse lanatomie comme destin et
fabrique son corps comme un lieu de
dsir. Je ne prends pas la
9
D. Le Breton, op.cit., 2008
testostrone pour me transformer en
homme, ni pour transexualiser mon
corps, mais pour trahir ce que la
socit a voulu faire de moi, pour
crire, pour baiser, pour ressentir une
forme de plaisir post-pornographique,
pour ajouter une prothse molculaire
mon identit low-tech, faite de
godes, de textes et dimages en
mouvement 10.
En assimilant chaque jour par
une prise volontaire 50 mg de
testostrone, une hormone de
masculinisation, B. Preciado entend
exprimenter son corps en produisant
des effets sur sa prsence au monde,
ses motions, ses dsirs. Elle souhaite
accroitre sa potentia gaudi, sa
puissance de jouissance. La
molcule fait de moi en un instant
quelque chose de radicalement
diffrent dune biofemme. Mme
quand les changements gnrs par la
molcule sont socialement
imperceptibles. Je suis lautocobaye
dune exprimentation des effets de
laugmentation intentionnelle du taux
de testostrone dans un corps de
biofemme () Je suis la fois le
terminal dun des appareils de
contrle du pouvoir tatique et un
point de fuite par lequel schappe la
volont de contrle du systme () je
suis le rsidu dune opration
chimique et la matire premire
partir de laquelle slabore une
nouvelle espce dans la ligne,
toujours alatoire, de lvolution de la
vie (126-127). Pour B. Preciado,
lusage de la testostrone relve dune
pure invention de soi, hors de toute
volont dune assignation sexuelle
fixe une fois pour toute.
Le corps se construit partir
10
B. Preciado, op.cit., p.16
20
dune anatomie furtive et dun
nomadisme aujourdhui encore
insolite. Il devient un fait personnel.
Certes, toute invention de soi est
mesure socialement par les
propositions offertes sur le march de
la cosmtique en gnral, et des
pressions sociales, et par la manire
dont lacteur essaie de tirer son
pingle du jeu, mais il nest pas seul
dans son corps, une foule
laccompagne comme disait Artaud.
Le corps nest plus le support
irrductible dune identit
substantielle, mais le prtexte dune
identit purement relationnelle. Tant
lidentit que le corps sont
aujourdhui marqus du sceau de
lobsolescence. Dans ce contexte dun
corps en kit qui nest quun jeu de
signes toujours en voie de
reconfiguration, les seins, par
exemple, se convertissent en centre
somatique de production du genre ,
et ils sont avant tout une prothse.
Autrement dit tout biosein existe en
relation avec sa propre prothse
synthtique 11. De mme le pnis, le
vagin, la forme du corps, la pilosit,
la barbe, la voix, etc. deviennent
potentiellement les ingrdients dune
production technologique du genre et
alimentent une dfinition volontaire
de soi. La permutabilit des fragments
corporels se traduit mme par le fait
que pour la construction dun pnis
chez un trans, une opration courante,
consiste utiliser la peau et le
muscle de lavant-bras, et une veine
de la jambe () Il y a un pnis dans
chaque bras ; dans chaque jambe il y
a une veine qui pourrait devenir
rectile 12. Les techniques de
11
Ibidem, p.164
12
Ibidem, p.361
chirurgie esthtique, ou mme
rparatrice, utilisent de la graisse
venue dune partie du corps pour
remodeler une autre partie comme un
transfert de qualit. Une liposuccion
du ventre ou des cuisses par exemple
permet un refaonnement des traits du
visage ou des seins. Corps nomade
dont les diffrentes composantes ne
sont que provisoirement en place en
attendant dtre affectes ailleurs ou
supprimes, ou remodeles, ou
remplaces par des prothses qui en
amplifient encore la forme et la
puissance.
Le sujet postmoderne est
fragmentaire, saisi dans le flux de la
consommation et des signes quil
laisse percevoir de lui, tout en
extriorit, il est sans intriorit.
Toute revendication dune identit
organique ou naturelle, immuable,
relve de lanachronisme. La
circulation incessante des
informations dans un monde rduit
linformation alimente cette volont
de participer soi-mme activement au
flux des changes et refuser un
sentiment de soi stable et bien
enracin. A lre de linformation
lidentit nest quune somme
provisoire dinformations ladresse
des autres dans le souci de se sentir au
mieux dans leur dfinition. Comme le
corps, lidentit devient un travail, un
permanent work in process. Je ne
dsire pas une identit dfinie et
dfinitive dit Orlan , je suis pour les
identits nomades, multiples,
mouvantes (Orlan, 1997).
Le corps est une proposition
reprendre pour soutenir une identit
remaniable, rvocable que lindividu
dfini et redfini selon sa volont
propre. Il devient un prt jeter
limage des autres produits ambiants.
21
Le corps se transforme en rcit
personnel et en programme ajust,
matire premire retravailler ou
entretenir pour bien correspondre aux
pisodes aux personnages dclin par
lindividu. Il sagit de construire par
la mise en scne de lapparence et
ventuellement de son for intrieur
des oprations de visibilit qui
attestent dune dfinition provisoire
de soi. Lidentit narrative qui est
devenue notre lot, et les jeux de
transformations corporelles, dclinent
dsormais lidentit en un permanent
commentaire sur soi.
2. Corps postmodernes
Mais les imaginaires sociaux
affectant le corps sont aujourdhui
multiples. Nos socits connaissent
aussi un fort courant de dnigrement
du corps. Le sentiment que le corps
est insuffisant, imparfait, voire mme
mprisable ou surnumraire, fossile
dune humanit promise une
disparition prochaine13 sous lgide
notamment des sciences de
linformation, dont on sait
aujourdhui la puissance14. Les
frontires entre les lments du
monde, vivants ou inertes, ne sont
plus ontologiques, ce sont celles de
linformation. Toute forme vivante
tend dsormais tre perue dans
lunivers de la techno-science comme
un agrgat dinformations. Le monde
anim se mue en message dj
dchiffr ou en attente de ltre.
Lhumain nest quune information
parmi les autres. Linfinie complexit
du monde est ainsi rduite un
13
D. Le Breton, op.cit, 2008
14
C. Lafontaine, Lempire cyberntique.
Des machines penser la pense
machine, Paris, Seuil, 2004
modle unique de comparaison qui
met sur le mme plan des ralits
diffrentes, elle vide les vivants ou les
objets de leur substance propre, de
leur valeur et de leur sens. La
personne se voit rduite une somme
dinformations, elle se mue en une
sorte de fantme hantant les logiciels
qui la composent. Ce qui en elle nest
pas computable devient un reste
sans intrt.
Dans ce contexte, si le cerveau
est conu limage dun logiciel de
traitement de linformation, il est
logique de le dissocier dun corps
transform en simple support, et donc
accessoire. La seule lgitimit rside
dans l esprit , comme support
essentiel des informations constituant
lindividu, le corps est une sorte de
vhicule de la personne, lenclos
matriel de son intriorit, la relique
indigne dune vieille humanit
dpasse.
Dans le manifeste
lAssociation transhumaniste
mondiale (WTA), dit sur le Net,
James Hugues promet une prochaine
liquidation des corps au profit dune
immortalit et dune intelligence
infinie : Futurs hommes OGM et
cyborgs ! Nayez rien craindre, vous
navez perdre que vos corps
humains mais vous avez gagner des
vies plus longues et des cerveaux plus
gros . Seul importe aujourdhui un
esprit vou la toute puissance et
dbarrass du mprisable fardeau du
corps. Rsurgence no-gnostique dans
un monde lacis o le corps est peru
comme le lieu de la chute, dune
ensomatose, comme disent les
thologiens15. Lincarnation serait une
faute des origines. Face aux
15
D.Le Breton, op.cit. 2008
progrs de la technique, le corps
est dsormais peru limage dun
obstacle lpanouissement, un frein
lvolution. Ironie du corps, dans un
monde promis lternit et la toute
puissance dans un paradis
informationnel grce au net et aux
technologies de linformation.
Certains adeptes convaincus de
toucher de prs au paradis ragent
contre un corps qui les rive encore
la temporalit et une condition de
mortels quils refusent. Sans corps il
ny aurait plus de principe de ralit
mais la toute puissance de la pense.
Le corps est un poids mort, une
menace qui risque dempcher le
triomphe des technologies de
linformation. Ce soupon
lencontre du corps connait une sorte
de crescendo jusquau fantasme de
son hybridation travers le cyborg ou
sa liquidation dans le downloading de
lesprit sur le net ou lordinateur16.
de
3. Cyborgisation
De rcentes exprimentations
ont mis en lien le cerveau humain
avec des structures informatiques.
Des personnes paralyses ont pel
des mots et dplac un curseur sur un
ordinateur grce un implant
informatique dans leur cerveau. Des
prothses vise thrapeutique,
restaurant un organe ou une fonction
ne soulvent gure dobjections, elles
sintgrent dans un long processus de
rparation et dingniosit de la
mdecine. Certaines personnes ges,
malades ou handicapes sont leur
insu des pionniers. Des units
hospitalires sont dsormais occupes
par des patients appareills de toute
part. Anticipation de lavenir ce sont
16
Idem
22
dj des cyborgs intgrs au sein de
subtiles procdures informatiques de
contrle qui les privent de tous
mouvements non programms et
relaient lensemble de leurs fonctions
organiques en limitant leur libert. Ils
gisent dans un corps inutile car
subsum par linformatique. Ces
technologies voues lorigine
suppler ou soutenir des fonctions
organiques dfaillantes deviennent
dans les imaginaires (et bientt dans
le rel) des techniques intgres au
corps non plus pour le soigner mais
pour amliorer ses performances.
Mme si une telle vise est encore
balbutiante elle est au cur de
laffirmation transhumaniste. Un
corps plus la hauteur des dfis
contemporains ne peut tre quune
structure bionique indiffrente aux
anciennes formes humaines. La
technique devient une religiosit, un
techno-prophtisme, une voie de salut
pour dlivrer lhomme de ses
anciennes limites poses dsormais
comme pesanteurs. Rien de mauvais
ne saurait en maner. Do le rejet du
principe de prcaution, par exemple,
et la revendication dune libert
dinnover que le leader extropien Max
More nomme la proaction. Il importe
dapprendre en agissant et non de
sinterdire des possibles au nom
dventuels dangers.
Les technologies de
linformation aboutissent finalement
linvention dune humanit modifie.
La frontire sefface entre le sujet et
lobjet, lhumain et la machine, le
vivant et linerte, le naturel et
lartificiel, le biologique et le
prothtique. Dans le sillage de la
cyberntique, maints auteurs
reconnaissent aujourdhui sans tat
dme une continuit ontologique
23
entre les technologies de
linformation et lhumain. Avec le
triomphe du paradigme
informationnel17, le monde nest plus
quun message que lordinateur
retranscrit ou projette lextrieur.
Les ambiguts du sens sont
seulement en attente dun logiciel
efficace pour les rduire, elles ne
soulvent plus de problmes, ou bien
elles sont cartes. Pour Hugues, la
citoyennet nest plus le privilge de
lhumain, dsormais elle doit se
partager avec le citizen cyborg18,
devenu notre prochain. Pour K.
Warwick, la technologie risque de
se retourner contre nous, sauf si nous
fusionnons avec elle. Ceux qui
dciderons de rester humains et
refuseront de samliorer auront un
srieux handicap. Ils constitueront
une sous-espce et formeront les
chimpanzs du futur 19.
Les technologies de
linformation et de la communication
se mlent au corps, redfinissent
finalement une condition humaine
devenue prime, et dont il faut
dsormais tlcharger la dernire
version pour rester dans la course.
Elles alimentent la liquidit de
lindividu postmoderne.
17
N.K. Hayles., How we became
posthuman. Virtual bodies in cybernetics,
literature and informatics, Chicago,
University of Chicago Press, 1999; D. Le
Breton, Anthropologie du corps et
modernit, Paris, PUF, 2008; C.
Lafontaine, Lempire cyberntique. Des
machines penser la pense machine,
Paris, Seuil, 2004
18
J. Hugues, Citizen cyborg. Why
democratic societies must respond to the
redesigned human of the future, New
York, Basic Books, 2004
19
Libration, 12-05-2002

4. Tlchargement de lesprit
La cyberculture dlivre
lindividu de linjonction identitaire,
elle le dlivre davoir rendre des
comptes, elle suspend lidentification
ontologique son corps. Lindividu
joue avec ses identits virtuelles, sans
trouble de conscience, avec mme
jubilation. Le corps nest plus le site
irrductible du sentiment didentit, il
est lun dentre eux, et sans doute le
plus encombrant par les limites quil
rappelle toujours au dernier moment,
l o linternaute croyait sen
dlivrer. Face un cran qui donne le
sentiment que le monde est soi et
convocable tout instant, le corps est
souvent peru comme une chaine qui
rive linternaute un intolrable
principe de ralit. Il est la limite
extrme qui empche le
franchissement de lcran comme de
modernes Alice au pays des
merveilles de la communication et de
linformation, lobstacle anachronique
qui prive les changes dinformations
de leur fulgurance ou de leur
immdiatet. Impossible de se
dissoudre dans linformation pure
sans disparaitre soi-mme travers la
dissolution de son identit et de son
corps. La communication sans corps
et sans visage du rseau offre pour le
mme individu la possibilit
dinnombrables autres corps virtuels,
fantasmatiquement librs des
contraintes didentit accroches au
corps rel afin dendosser des
identits infinies selon ses jeux
vidos, ses participations des
univers virtuels, son engagement dans
les forums, des chats, etc. pour
lesquels il assume chaque fois un
nom diffrent, voire mme un ge, un
sexe, une profession choisis selon les
24
circonstances. Le corps devient une
donne facultative. Au regard de ses
multiples identits virtuels, il nest
quun port dattache, une ncessit
anthropologique dont il se passerait
volontiers. Le corps virtuel atteint
ses yeux la perfection, loin de la
maladie, de la mort, du handicap,
libr de la gravit. Il ralise le
paradis sur terre dun monde sans
paisseur de chair, virevoltant dans
lespace et le temps de manire
anglique sans que la pesanteur de la
matire entrave son avance.
5. Transhumanisme
Issu dune concrtion des mots
transition et humain , le
transhumanisme revendique une
recherche illimite (et une application
immdiate lhumain) sur les
thrapies et les modifications
gntiques, le clonage, la transgense,
les nanotechnologies, le couplage du
cerveau et de linformatique, etc. Ce
courant idologique pousse son
terme une utopie de la post-modernit
qui prend le relais des anciens grands
rcits pour promettre des lendemains
enchants, et mme limmortalit. Les
technologies de linformation et de la
communication sont riges en
acclrateurs de lvolution et en
libratrices de toutes les anciennes
pesanteurs lies lhumanit Ce
discours est profondment religieux
son insu, mais le salut ne vient plus de
Dieu ou du communisme mais de la
technique, du moins pour ceux qui
auront les moyens de profiter de
celles mises leur disposition. Forme
dintgrisme technologique, il voue
au mpris tout ce qui ne peut se
rsorber dans sa vise. Le
transhumanisme est une apologie du
post-humain tel que le dfinit N.
Katherine Hayles : le privilge
accord au schma informationnel
lencontre de ses supports matriels,
de telle sorte que lincarnation dans
un substrat corporel est vu comme un
accident de lhistoire bien davantage
quune ncessit de la vie.
Deuximement la vise post-humaine
considre la conscience, pense
comme le sige de lidentit humaine
dans les traditions occidentales ()
comme un piphnomne de
lvolution rclamant tout les
avantages alors quelle nest
aujourdhui quune ombre au tableau.
Troisimement la vise post-humaine
voit le corps comme une prothse
originale que nous allons apprendre
manipuler en le remplaant ou en
llargissant par dautres prothses
afin de poursuivre un processus
commenc bien avant notre naissance.
Quatrimement, et le plus important,
la vise post-humaine configure ltre
humain de sorte de larticuler
aisment avec des machines
intelligentes. Dans le post-humain, il
ny a plus de diffrences ou de
dmarcations absolues entre existence
corporelle et simulation informatique,
mcanisme cyberntique et organisme
biologique, tlologie robotique et
vises humaines 20.
Le courant transhumaniste
systmatise ces vises sous une forme
trs organise. Le rgne biologique
serait donc bientt surann et en voie
de liquidation par les machines qui
dsormais limprgnent ou le
programment tout en commandant
son environnement. Natasha Vita
20
Hayles N. K., How we became
posthuman. Virtual bodies in cybernetics,
literature and informatics, Chicago,
University of Chicago Press, 1999, p. 2-3
25
More explique quelle aimerait que
son corps sadapte aux circonstances :
Jaimerais renforcer la puissance de
mes jambes pour marcher dans la
montagne, possder un voile
pidermique protecteur qui me
protgerait des dangers particuliers
cet environnement, pouvoir rafrachir
ma temprature interne et bnficier
dune oue et dune vision amplifies,
ainsi que dun rseau de senseurs
capables de rcuprer des donnes et
de les reprsenter graphiquement.
Egalement des relais mentaux vers
des robots de reconnaissance visuelle
et une interface avec un rseau global
de satellites dots dimportantes
capacits de zoom 21.
Natascha Vita More est par
ailleurs convaincue que linversion
du processus du vieillissement est
notre porte, et que bientt le corps
tout entier sera disponible par pices
prothtiques.
Le Manifeste des extropiens,
lune des expressions fortes du
transhumanisme, dcrit la post-
humanit venir comme le fait
persons of unprecedented physical,
intellectual, and psychological ability,
self-programming and self defining,
potentially immortal, unlimited
individuals () Extropians suggest
that evolution through science and
technology will be a matter of
individual choice and individual
planning. Evolution, in other words,
will be personnaly customized22. La
21
Coureau L., Mutations pop et crash
culture. Une anthologie de la spirale,org,
Rodez, Le Rouergue-Chambon, 2004,
p. 287
22
Pitts V., In the flesh. The cultural
politics of body modification, New York,
Palgrave Macmillan, 2003, 157
mouvance transhumaniste sinscrit
dans le droit fil de la cyberntique et
du paradigme informationnel, elle
dissout toute morale en liquidant bien
sr le visage23, transformant lhumain
en une somme de donnes
manipulables, elle mne la
dsutude des notions comme celles
dgalit ou de dignit. Ce nest plus
lordinateur qui est un outil mais
lhomme qui devient son appendice
drisoire et en freine les
performances.
Les transhumanistes veulent
prolonger linfini leur existence
grce au perfectionnement des
techniques24. Pour lutter contre le
vieillissement ou la mort il faut
travailler lhomme au corps et en
dloger la fragilit. Sils meurent
malgr leurs efforts dimmortalit
leurs dpouilles sont places en
hibernation en attendant que lon
dcouvre une manire de soigner
leurs maux et de les ramener la vie.
Ils travaillent la possibilit de
transfrer leurs esprits dans
lordinateur ou le rseau afin de
saffranchir dfinitivement du corps
et de mener une vie virtuelle et
ternelle.
Seul lordinateur est un lieu
infiniment propice pour abriter
lesprit, lhomme est une crature
physiquement trop imparfaite. Il ne
sagit jamais damliorer le got de
vivre, mais toujours de largument
dautorit de la pauvret de
lenracinement corporel dans un
monde nolibral de rendement,
23
Le Breton D., Des visages. Essai
danthropologie, Paris, Mtaili, 2003
24
Lafontaine C., Lempire cyberntique.
Des machines penser la pense
machine, Paris, Seuil, 2004
26
defficacit, de comptition, de
vitesse, de communication qui est
aujourdhui largement le notre. Dans
loubli, bien entendu, des quatre
cinquime de lhumanit dont la
survie ne soulve pas une once
dinterrogation, dfinitivement hors
jeu, ignorant mme lexistence du net.
La technique devient une voie de
salut pour dlivrer lhomme de ses
anciennes limites poses dsormais
comme des pesanteurs. 25 Exigence
dune libert que plus rien ne borne
sinon le dsir, et surtout pas la
responsabilit. Les technologies ne
sont plus uniquement perues comme
extrieures au corps, mais comme
venant sy substituer, le transformer
en instrument plus efficace, liminer
des fonctions inutiles, y suppler
dfinitivement celles qui sont
indispensables, etc. Le
transhumanisme poursuit le rve dun
homme non souffrant, non altr par
les motions, matre de lui-mme et
immortel. Dernire version
tlcharger dune vieille histoire.
Bibliographie selective:
1. Bauman Z., La vie liquide, Paris,
Jacqueline Chambon, 2006
2. Bornstein K., Gender outlaw. On
men, women and the rest of us, New
York-London, Routledge, 1994
3. Butler J., Troubles dans le genre.
Le fminisme et la subversion de
lidentit, Paris, La Dcouverte, 2006
4. Butler J., Gender trouble, New
York, Routledge, 1990
5. Califia P., Le mouvement
transgenre. Changer de sexe, Paris,
25
Le Breton D., Anthropologie du corps
et modernit, Paris, PUF, 2008
Epel, 2003
6. Coureau L., Mutations pop et
crash culture. Une anthologie de la
spirale.org, Rodez, Le Rouergue-
Chambon, 2004
7. Haraway D., Manifeste cyborg et
autres essais, Paris, Exils, 2007
8. Hayles N. K., How we became
posthuman. Virtual bodies
cybernetics, literature and
informatics, Chicago, University of
Chicago Press, 1999
9. Hugues J., Citizen cyborg. Why
democratic societies must respond to
the redesigned human of the future,
New York, Basic Books, 2004
10. Lafontaine C., Lempire
cyberntique. Des machines penser
la pense machine, Paris, Seuil,
2004
11. Le Breton D., Anthropologie du
corps et modernit, Paris, PUF, 2008.
12. Le Breton D., Des visages. Essai
danthropologie, Paris, Mtaili, 2003
13. Le Breton D., Signes didentit.
Tatouages, piercings et autres
marques corporelles, Paris, Mtaili,
in 2002
14. Le Breton D., Ladieu au corps,
Paris, Mtaili, 1999
15. Pitts V., In the flesh. The cultural
politics of body modification, New
York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2003
16. Preciado B., Testo junkie. Sexe,
drogue et biopolitique, Paris, Grasset,
2008
27
 Les leons de la contamination industrielle de Minamata.
Analyse de la mobilisation de lopinion japonaise et de lmergence
dune conscience coresponsable
Rsume : Ltude de la faon dont la
socit nipponne se pense, se
reprsente et se donne voir en matire
de politique de prservation de
lenvironnement suite aux catastrophes
industrielles qui ont marqu son
histoire rcente mincite me pencher
sur lmergence dune conscience
environnementale nationale, voire dun
courant de communication
environnementale spcifique.
Mots-cls: catastrophes industrielles,
environnement, socit nipponne
Dans le contexte de la
mondialisation conomique,
territoires et socits sont confronts
lurgence de la question du respect de
lenvironnement et du vivre
ensemble diffrentes chelles
spatiales et entre de multiples acteurs.
Lengagement des socits civiles
dans le respect des territoires et de
leurs ressources sinscrit dans une
approche cocitoyenne et dans la
responsabilisation des populations
actuelles vis--vis de celles de
demain. Ltude de la faon dont la
socit nipponne se pense, se
reprsente et se donne voir en
matire de politique de prservation
de lenvironnement suite aux
catastrophes industrielles qui ont
marqu son histoire rcente mincite
me pencher sur lmergence dune
conscience environnementale
28
Jean LAGANE
Universit de Provence (France)
jean.lagane@univ-provence.fr
nationale, voire dun courant de
communication environnementale
spcifique. Jentends, cette fin,
interroger les liens qui unissent action
et publicisation travers lanalyse des
formes de mdiatisation lies la
catastrophe de Minamata.
Au-del dune simple
dnonciation de la folle course vers le
profit de ltre humain et des
consquences nfastes qui
accompagnent son sillage, je souhaite
comprendre et analyser travers ses
formes de publicisation lexemple de
la tristement clbre maladie de
Minamata . Cette tragdie est
aujourdhui reconnue de faon
unanime comme lpiphnomne des
rejets de mercure de lusine
lectrochimique Nihon Chisso Hiry
entre 1932 et 1966 dans la mer
intrieure de Shiranui aux abords de
la petite ville de pcheurs de
Minamata situe dans la prfecture de
Kumamoto dans lle de Kysh au
sud-ouest du Japon1.
Cette catastrophe due la
bioaccumulation de mercure dans la
chane alimentaire et ses
consquences dsastreuses
malformations congnitales, les
1 F.,Gigon, Le 400me Chat ou les Pollus
de Minamata, R. Laffont, Paris, 1975.
experts parlent de tratognicit 2,
troubles du comportement et cancers -
frappa durement les riverains et les
familles de pcheurs. Depuis son
apparition en 1956 , commente le
sociologue P. Jobin, prs de 2300
personnes ont t officiellement
reconnues atteintes de la maladie de
Minamata, plus de mille sont dj
mortes et plus de 17 000 personnes
ont demand tre reconnues comme
malades. 3. Labsence de
dnonciation et linertie des autorits
japonaises face lampleur de la
tragdie ont scandalis la
communaut internationale aux yeux
de laquelle la maladie de Minamata
gale en nuisance dautres
catastrophes industrielles comme
celle de Bhopal et de Seveso4.
Au-del de la simple analyse
historique du contexte de
dveloppement de la tragdie de
Minamata, je mettrai en regard
certains strotypes comportementaux
japonais qui orientent et caractrisent,
comme cela a t annonc plus haut,
labsence de dnonciation directe des
2 La tratognicit se traduit par des
malformations qui atteignent le ftus.
3 P. Jobin, Notes de lecture , in Le
mouvement social 200/1, N210, Ed. de
lAtelier, p. 167
4 La plus grande catastrophe industrielle
fut celle de Bhopal suite lexplosion le 3
dcembre 1984 en Inde de lusine de
pesticide de lUnion Carbide Corporation
qui fit entre 16 000 et 30 000 victimes
dont 8 000 la premire nuit. Celle de
Seveso, en Italie, le 10 juillet 1976, avait
dj alert la communaut internationale
lors de la contamination de quatre
communes lombardes dont Seveso par un
nuage de dioxine suite la surchauffe
dun racteur de lusine chimique Icmesa.
29
faits. Tout en vitant de sombrer dans
la catgorisation culturelle, il est
communment admis que les notions
de face, dempathie et de retenue
(Nakane, 1978 ; no 1989 ; Lagane
2002, 2005a et 2008) caractrisent la
communication interpersonnelle en
vigueur dans la majorit des lieux de
sociabilit nippons. Ces mmes
notions sont troitement lies au
corporatisme paternaliste et au degr
de conformisme qui rgnaient au sein
de lArchipel lors de la priode de la
Haute Croissance entre 1955 et 1973
Leffervescence intellectuelle
et scientifique qui caractrise le
courant dtude sur la maladie de
Minamata (minamata-gaku) a fait
faire natre dans la sphre asiatique
une thique industrielle post-
traumatique. La comprhension du
fonctionnement des syndicats et
lanalyse de leur volution mettent
des signaux forts, tmoins dune plus
grande expressivit de lopinion
civile. Marche par marche, les
processus de mobilisation de
lopinion nipponne face aux risques
de contamination industrielle ont
laiss apparatre de nouvelles
dynamiques de communication et de
mdiation environnementales. Ces
dynamiques, comme cela sera dtaill
plus loin, ont trouv un terrain
dexpression propice lors de
lExposition Internationale 2005
Aichi travers la proposition dune
heuristique de lamnagement des
territoires fonde sur la rconciliation
entre lHomme et la Nature un demi
sicle aprs le drame5.
5 S. Houdart, Un chaos savamment
ordonn. Llaboration conceptuelle de
lExposition internationale japonaise
dAichi 2005

1. Le contexte historico-
industriel de la contamination
Afin de cerner de faon holiste
les consquences des dynamiques de
communication environnementale et
lmergence de territoires de
mobilisation, un clairage sur le
contexte historico-industriel li la
contamination de Minamata constitue
une tape ncessaire.
Le Japon a connu un ensemble
de catastrophes lies limplantation
et lutilisation dindustries
polluantes dans des zones fortement
anthropises. A. Berque cite parmi les
facteurs spcifiques qui ont contribu
lapparition de ces nuisances
(kgai), les modalits de
lindustrialisation nipponne.
Ces dernires accentuaient le
dveloppement dindustries lourdes
pendant ladite priode de la Haute
Croissance de lArchipel (1955-1973)
ainsi que lconomie dchelle, usines
normes et vastes complexes
industriels intgrs situs proximit
des grandes villes et sur la ligne du
rivage pour viter les
transbordements. Cette priode de
Haute croissance est associe la
mtaphore des annes de plomb
pour lenvironnement nippon 6. Une
urbanisation mal contrle
matrialise par un talement urbain
littoral dsordonn le quatrime
plan national damnagement du
territoire qui a consacr
lhypermgalopolisation du Japon
(Pelletier, 1995) est de manire
concomitante venue grossir ce
phnomne ainsi que la priorit
6 Berque A., Sauzet M., Le sens de
lespace au Japon, vivre, penser, btir,
Arguments, Paris, 2004
accorde aux quipements de
production. Par voie de consquence,
la question de la qualit de vie a t
relgue au second plan.
Daucuns reconnaissent que le
prix de la puissance7 et lenvers du
miracle, le passif du long boom, ont
t levs. R. Guillain (1986) constate
que la vieille rigueur de la socit
japonaise qui fonde la puissance de la
communaut sur le sacrifice de
lindividu est largement reste la
rgle .
Or, la socit civile japonaise
nest pas demeure sourde face ces
modes sauvages damnagement du
territoire et aux consquences
nfastes que prsentait pour les
populations une industrialisation
effrne. Des mouvements de
protestation et de rsistance ont vu le
jour au cours de la seconde moiti des
annes soixante sous la forme desdits
mouvement-habitants (jmin
und) augurant les mouvements
alternatifs de dsobissance civile
caractristiques des socits
occidentales de la fin du XXme
sicle. Mouvements particularistes,
ces jmin und lis la dfense
dintrts concrets locaux ont
prolifr face laggravation des
nuisances jusqu atteindre prs de
dix mille mouvements citoyens en
1975. Peu peu, ils murent travers
des mouvements de vigilance et de
cogestion en mouvement-citoyens
(shimin und).
Le gographe P. Pelletier
synthtise cette situation en attirant
lattention sur les tentatives de
rcupration politique de ces
mouvements sur fond de discours
7 Sautter C. Japon, le prix de la
puissance, Seuil, Paris, 1973
30
 conationaliste , de mythification
des rites ancestraux des Japonais vis-
-vis de la nature travers les rites
shint qui firent le jeu du systme
imprial et htrent leur
dissolution (Pelletier, 1995).
Les annes soixante-dix
permirent cependant une prise de
conscience nationale avec
lmergence des Quatre Grands
Procs de Nuisance - les affaires des
cas de pollution industrielle de
Yokkaichi (asthme), ceux de
Minamata et Niigata
(bioaccumulation de mercure) ainsi
que celui de la maladie de itai-itai
(littralement jai mal ! ) de
Toyama par empoisonnement d au
cadmium.
La victoire des plaignants fit
symboliquement basculer ces
mouvements citoyens vers la
lgitimit. La reconnaissance de la
responsabilit de lusine Nihon
Chisso Hiry (dcrte en 1988) dans
la pollution au mercure de la baie de
Minamata suite au dversement de
produits mercuriels dans la mer de
Shiranui8, puis la responsabilit des
pouvoirs publics dans la mme affaire
en 1993, furent par la suite dboutes
en 1994.
Simultanment, la crise du
ptrole mit un terme la politique de
promotion de la Haute Croissance.
Dlaissant les clichs de cobaye de
la pollution ou danimal
conomique de la plante , le Japon
chercha se refaonner une image
mliorative.
Il accueillit dans la foule un
ensemble de mesures politiques
8 La maladie de Minamata avait lors
dune estimation de 1993 caus la mort
de 1 116 personnes.
31
relatives la Loi-cadre des mesures
antipollution ds 1972 (kgai taisaku
kihonp) favorables la prservation
de lenvironnement. Cette loi
introduisait une rglementation
automobile prcoce sur lmission de
gaz dchappement, labandon des
projets de mgalo-combinats
industriels prvus au Nord et au Sud
de lArchipel (en rponse la
lgifration aprs la mare noire de
Mizushima) et la valorisation du
patrimoine historique et paysager, un
axe de requalification laiss de ct
lors de la priode de haute croissance
(ibid.).
Malgr cette combinatoire de
mesures en faveur de
lenvironnement, les nuisances en
milieu urbain restent prsentes
comme en tmoigne plusieurs
reprises P. Pelletier qui dresse un
constat assez morose sur les
phnomnes de pollution
atmosphrique et acoustique des
zones fortement anthropiques. En
outre, les industries lectroniques
rejettent chaque jour davantage de
polluants et lutilisation intensive
dengrais pour lagriculture et pour
lentretien de plusieurs milliers de
golfs implants dans les
zones rurbaines atteint peu peu les
nappes phratiques.
Les gographes attribuent
parfois au Japon le qualificatif de
civilisation de lphmre du bois
(Pelletier, 1995) en regard des
fondements de lhabitat et des
habitudes de destruction et de
reconstruction systmatique des
btiments (Berque, Sauzet, 2004).
Tout voyageur empruntant le
shinkansen (quivalent du TGV) pour
se rendre de Tky Osaka sera
surpris par linterminable dploiement
rurbain et la btonisation massive et
systmatique de la faade littorale
pacifique japonaise. Lespace public
de lArchipel se fait lcho de dbats
vifs entre politiques, architectes,
urbanistes et mouvements citoyens en
vue dapporter des solutions pour
contrer ltalement rurbain. Parmi les
propositions envisages, deux dentre
elles semblent faire lunanimit, le
fait de relancer la compacit de
lurbanisme en vue de reconstituer
des espaces verts ou zone tampon
et lambition de rduire lempreinte
cologique en agissant sur les
comportements de consommation
dnergie et doccupation des terrains
des industriels, des promoteurs et des
particuliers.
2. Lemploy japonais au
travail, entre loyaut et dpendance
Daucuns sinterrogent sur le
mutisme persistant de la direction de
la firme Chisso, caractristique des
premires annes de la contamination
industrielle de Minamata, et attribuent
cela au devoir dallgeance auquel
cette entreprise soummettait son
personnel. Abbeglen (1958) cite lors
de travaux dobservation conduits in
situ au sein de plusieurs entreprises
japonaises un ensemble de tendances
fortes concernant le fonctionnement
lors de la priode de Haute
Croissance . Je citerai parmi ces
caractristiques les plus
emblmatiques du fonctionnement de
lentreprise japonaise et des
obligations mutuelles qui lient
employ et entreprise : lemploi
vie ; la promotion salariale et
hirarchique en fonction du nombre
dannes de service ; lextension des
droits et devoirs de lemployeur et de
lemploy aux membres de la famille
32
et la prise en compte des ncessits de
base de lemploy par lentreprise -
logement, cantine, soins mdicaux,
facilits ducatives et rcrative.
Ces tendances semblent
concider avec une chelle de
conformisme trs leve et avec des
notions de fidlit et de loyaut totale
envers son groupe dappartenance
lentreprise-mre, valeurs qui taient
prgnantes lors de la Haute
Croissance. En outre, cette poque
lexistence dengagements long
terme entre employeur et salari
constituait souvent une convention
implicite et non un accord formalis,
soit un nouvel cho de lallgeance de
lindividu envers la collectivit. Ces
engagements se traduisaient au sein
de lentreprise par la prise en charge
dune partie des besoins de la main-
duvre comme lhbergement des
jeunes salaris, lattribution
dallocations diverses pour le mariage
ou le dcs dun membre de la
famille, le versement dune indemnit
en fin de carrire (capitalisation), etc.
Lensemble de ces avantages annexes
contribue favoriser un esprit
maison au point que les individus
se dfinissaient plus couramment en
mentionnant le nom de leur firme que
la fonction quils y occupent.
Ce constat reflte la tendance
de lemploy japonais dont la qute
didentit est fixe sur lappartenance
et non la dmonstration de la valeur
professionnelle. Si lappartenance
un groupe particulier revt une
importance capitale pour lindividu,
cest ce niveau que la concurrence
est la plus vive pour les candidats
son accession.
Aussi, lanalyse succincte du
cadre des conditions dexercice de
lemploy japonais lors de la Haute
Croissance, au del du mcanisme de
schmatisation quelle peut induire,
nous permet de mieux apprhender
comment loyaut et dpendance
peuvent entraner le personnel dune
usine dans une spirale du silence et
limiter ses capacits dnoncer la
gravit de certains dysfonctionnement
organisationnels.
Il semble ainsi possible de
rsumer lensemble de ces
considrations sur les relations
interpersonnelles au Japon travers
lexpression dune norme culturelle
comportementale de communication
interpersonnelle centre sur la retenue
et le respect de la face dautrui. Ces
tendances perdurent dans les
moindres dtails lors de tout change
de cadeau, formes ritualises de don
et contre-don dont les nuances
symboliques affectent maintes
transactions de la vie quotidienne
nipponne9.
3. Syndicat et renouveau
post-traumatique, la leon des
minamata gaku
La communication sur les
maladies industrielles qui affectent le
personnel et les populations vivant
proximit des usines - qui plus est des
conglomrats industriels comme cest
le cas au Japon, voire de sites
polluants qui accueillent des
installations minires, fait rarement
lobjet dune problmatisation
environnementale, celui de
Comme le constate P. Jobin
dans son ouvrage consacr aux
maladies industrielles et au renouveau
9 J. Lagane, Le langage des cadeaux au
Japon, une mdiation symbolique, in
Communication et langages, N146, pp
115-128, dcembre 2005
33
syndical au Japon10, les
consquences pidmiologiques des
pollutions touchant les milieux
naturels sont le plus souvent cartes
ou minimises plutt que vrifies.
Ds lors quune inquitude partage
au sein de la population dbouche sur
une amorce de questionnement, la
plupart des industriels adoptent une
position de dni ou de minimisation
des risques. Le maintien de lemploi
et la comptitivit des entreprises
deviennent des arguments de poids
pour rduire au silence les
revendications visant enrayer ou
prvenir une pollution industrielle .
En cherchant savoir sil existe
des ouvriers japonais cologistes qui
prennent en compte la menace que
fait peser sur lenvironnement leur
usine, le sociologue aborde des points
de tension organisationnels avec une
acuit grave et inquitante. Il dcrit
notamment les efforts entrepris par les
directions du personnel pour
minimiser la prvention des risques
industriels en exerant sournoisement
et sans relche un chantage lemploi
ainsi que sa rcupration, voire son
touffement par les intrts
politiciens. Mettant ainsi en regard la
lutte contre les maladies
professionnelles au Japon avec
lvolution et le mouvement de
libralisation des syndicats, les
investigations du chercheur franais
attestent de la dimension syndicale de
la tragdie et des rebondissements des
conflits entre les associations de
malades, la firme Chisso et ltat
concernant les controverses mdico-
scientifiques et administratives sur la
10 P. Jobin, Les maladies industrielles et
le renouveau syndical au Japon, Ed.
EHESS, Paris, 2006
dfinition du mal et ses critres de
reconnaissance. Un tel processus est
hautement significatif de la
complexit des rapports entre
pollueurs et pollus dans nos socits
fortement industrialises.
4. Les formes de publicisation
de la tragdie, entre morcellement
et multiplication
Le dveloppement et les
rpercussions socitales de la maladie
de Minamata prs dun demi sicle
aprs la dclaration de lendmie ont
donn lieu un morcellement et une
multiplication des lieux de
publicisation sur la contamination
industrielle. Daucuns parlent dune
vaste production littraire,
universitaire et artistique
(photographies sur la violence
photognique du syndrome, films,
peintures...) qui a laiss une
empreinte ineffaable dans la
mmoire collective.
Lanalyse des territoires de
mobilisation ncessite de prendre en
compte lespace public en tant
quespace de dlibration, soit un
espace o circulent des valeurs et o
se construisent des normes via les
mdias et nouveaux mdias .
Lensemble des productions
mdiatiques sur Minamata a industrialis.
largement dpass le cadre local de la
catastrophe pour embraser les lieux de
dbats et de contestation de lopinion
internationale. La presse, la radio puis
plus tardivement la tlvision sest
fait lcho de la tragdie de faon
sensationnaliste. P. Jobin11 cite le
11 P. Jobin, Notes de lecture, in Le
mouvement social 200/1, N210, Ed. de
lAtelier, 2005, p. 167
34
journaliste E. Smith12, qui diffusa
dans le Times en 1972 les premires
photographies des victimes de la
maladie de Minamata qui eurent un
retentissement international.
Une autre forme de
mdiatisation correspond la masse
darticles et dessais journalistiques
produits sur la question qui associent
faits et commentaires. Je citerai la
narration trs circonstancie et
maille dun ensemble de
photographies choquantes en noir et
blanc du journaliste indpendant,
Mishima A. (1992) sur la lutte dune
femme courageuse, Shirashi M., qui
sut trs tt prendre la dfense des
victimes les plus dmunies. Shirashi
M., auteure dun retentissant essai
Paradis dune Mer damertume ,
(kgai jod), contribua durablement
la reconnaissance nationale et
internationale de la notion de
victime de la contamination
industrielle de Minamata . Sous-
titr Notre maladie de Minamata ,
(Our Minamata disease), son essai
attira lattention de lopinion civile
sur les squelles insoutenables de la
contamination, interrogeant par l
mme les origines de la catastrophe
hrites de la recherche inconsidre
de profit et de productivit du Japon
Shirashi M. fut
galement instigatrice dun ensemble
dactions destines exiger des
poursuites judiciaires et des
dbrayages du personnel en qute
dindemnisation des victimes13.
12 E Smith, A., Minamata : Words and
photographs, New-York, Henry Holt &
Company, 1975
13 Y. Matsui, Protest and the Japanese
Woman, Japan Quarterly, 22(1), 1975, p.
31-32
 Les tmoignages et ouvrages
des propres victimes de la
contamination ont galement donn
lieu des formes de publicisation.
Parfois, oeuvre de reconstitution
sociologique du dveloppement de la
tragdie ou de ses controverses, ces
narrations prennent aussi la forme de
prises de distance critique qui
conduisent une conscience aigu de
lintime intrication de la Nature et de
lHomme.
Lanthropologue Keibo O.
(2001) retrace ainsi la narration dune
victime, Ogata M., dont la trajectoire
personnelle transite dune recherche
de compensation socitale une qute
spirituelle. Ainsi, cette mme
personne dcrite comme ayant
referm le cercle , se retrouve au
bord de leau, dont mane toute vie.
Cet endroit prcis, poursuit Ogata,
situe le dpart de toute chose (tokoyo)
navire de lternit qui mle pass,
prsent, futur et participe dune prise
de conscience que nous ne sommes
pas uniquement responsables de nos
propres actions mais de celles de
notre socit et de notre espce. En
dautres termes, de tels recueils de
rcits renvoient aux principaux
questionnements que nous devons
considrer en tant que bnficiaires
des technologies et industries
modernes.
P. Pons (2005) estime que les
Japonais conjuguent au ct de la
prvention des catastrophes
naturelles, une nouvelle conscience
cologique qui tente de renouer avec
la conception originelle du rapport de
lHomme la Nature. Or, poursuit le
sociologue, la gravit de la
destruction de lenvironnement qui
atteint au Japon de telles cadences
entre 1960 et 1970 fut telle quelle
engendra une vritable crise didentit
dans le pays. Au regard des
agressions violentes de son
patrimoine cologique, daucuns
parlrent dun miracle conomique
qui tournait au cauchemar cologique,
les ractions des habitants allaient
contraindre lEtat ragir .
5. De la contamination au
modle du satoyama, lexemplarit
pan-asiatique
Une analyste du processus de
dveloppement de la maladie de
Minamata, Ishimure M., parle quant
elle de deux mondes qui se sont
heurts : celui de pcheurs vivant en
symbiose avec la nature et qui ont
longtemps refus de croire que la mer
pouvait tre porteuse de mort, et dun
autre, pour lequel la nature ntait
quun objet asservir 14. La
tendance actuelle des Japonais
anticiper les catastrophes industrielles
peut tre associe leurs capacits de
rsilience qui se traduisent
aujourdhui par la mise en place des
normes environnementales parmi les
plus svres du monde.
En outre, le Japon est lavant-
garde de la recherche et de
lutilisation des nergies alternatives
(solaire et olienne) et a hberg deux
sommets mondiaux autour des
problmatiques de dveloppement
durable et dcoresponsabilit. En
tmoigne lorganisation de la 3me
Confrence des Nations unies sur les
changements climatiques Kyt en
1997, qui a laiss son nom au clbre
protocole concernant le calendrier de
prconisation de rduction de gaz
14 M. Ishimure, L. Monnet, Paradise in
the Sea of Sorrow, our Minamata
Disease, Tky,Yamaguchi, 1990
35
effet de serre, ainsi que la conception
et laccueil Aichi, dans la priphrie
de Nagoya, de lExposition
Internationale 2005.
Lanthropologue franaise S.
Houdart a analys les nouveaux
modes dinstitutionnalisation de la
nature au Japon et de renaturalisation
luvre lors du processus
dlaboration de lexposition Aichi
suite une approche dinvestigation
auprs des concepteurs et quipes
designers ayant pris part au projet de
lExposition Internationale
japonaise15. Conue pour rpondre
aux interrogations nes dun
dveloppement technologique dont
les socits modernes auraient perdu
largement le contrle, lExposition
Internationale 2005 a t intitule
Au-del du dveloppement : la
redcouverte de la sagesse de la
Nature ". En tentant de reconsidrer
les rapports de l'Homme la Nature
en cette priode o les problmes lis
l'environnement (pollution,
renouvellement des nergies, etc.)
deviennent symptomatiques d'une
modernit mal gre ou dpasse, le
concept de dpart de lExposition
tait le satoyama, type paysager
japonais que les organisateurs
souhaitaient promouvoir et rendre
universel pour ses proprits de
sagesse. Le Japon a ainsi puis dans
son hritage culturel pour forger ce
nouveau concept damnagement
harmonieux du territoire qui sinspire
dun environnement de village de
moyenne montagne dfini comme
un espace bois o Nature et
15 S. Houdart, Un chaos savamment
ordonn, Llaboration conceptuelle de
lExposition internationale japonaise
dAichi 2005
Homme coexistent
harmonieusement. Au del de
lacceptation officielle du projet
dexposition autour du satoyama, S.
Houdart a enqut sur les tapes
de son dfrichage politique et
conceptuel plutt queffectif. Le
suivi, pas pas, de la prparation du
projet dExposition, ainsi que
lanalyse corollaire des mouvements
de protestation qui ont constitu le
satoyama en patrimoine culturel, ont
fait apparatre les processus
htrognes de sa mise en visibilit
politique. Mdiatis Aichi, le
satoyama est rapidement devenu le
symbole de lveil dune conscience
cologique qui cherche renouer avec
le pass. LExposition 2005 Aichi
nous a ainsi lgu une grille
dintelligibilit pour mieux
apprhender les faons dont la socit
japonaise se donne penser et lire
en matire davance
environnementale. Ce projet
politique, fond sur une conception de
lespace naturel associant tradition et
modernit, prfigure un mode de
dveloppement raisonn au sein des
socits industrielles tant sur le plan
de son rayonnement dans la sphre
asiatique que sur le plan international.
Pour conclure, jajouterai que
la violence avec laquelle la socit
nippone a t confronte aux
consquences de la Haute Croissance
a contribu faonner de manire
durable les bases dune
cocitoyennet nationale. Ce
processus, tay par le dveloppement
de formes de publicisation riches et
htrognes sur la tragdie de
Minamata et sur la dynamique de
renouveau syndical et de
responsabilisation socitale quil a
fait natre au sein des organisations,
36
sinscrit dans un cours daction
daffirmation et de mise en visibilit
nationale et internationale des
problmatiques environnementales
caractristiques des socits
industrialises et des nations en voie
de dveloppement. La solution rside
peut-tre, linstar du modle
paysager du satoyama prsent
Aichi et au-del de lveil
international une conscience
cologique, dans une reconfiguration
des relations de lHomme son
environnement pour le sicle venir.
Bibliographie slective :
1. Abbeglen J. C., The Japanese
Factory, The Free Press, Glencoe,
1958
2. Abbeglen, J.C & Stalk, G.K. The
Japanese corporation, Basic
Books, New York, 1985
3. Bernard F., Organiser la
communication daction et
dutilit socitales. Le paradigme
de la communication engageante,
Communication & Organisation,
GREC/O, N29, Universit
Michel de Montaigne, Bordeaux,
2006
4. Berque A., Sauzet M., Le sens de
lespace au Japon, vivre, penser,
btir, Arguments, Paris, 2004
5. Berque A., Le Sauvage et
lArtifice, Gallimard, Paris
6. Bouvier N., Chronique japonaise,
Petite Bibliothque Payot/
Voyageurs, 1989 p. 175-183
7. Gigon F. Le 400me Chat ou les
Pollus de Minamata, R. Laffont,
Paris, 1975
8. Guillain R., Orient Extrme, une
vie en Asie, Point, Actuels, p.
444-445, Paris, 1986
37
9. Houdart S., Le "satoyama"
comme arne politique au
moment de la prparation de
l'exposition internationale
japonaise, Aichi 2005 in Japon
Pluriel. Picquier, 2004. Vol. 5, p.
259-269, Paris
10. Houdart S., Un chaos savamment
ordonn.Llaboration
conceptuelle de lExposition
internationale japonaise dAichi
2005
11. Ishimure M., Monnet L,
Paradise in the Sea of Sorrow,
our Minamata Disease,
Tky,Yamaguchi, 1990
12. Jobin P., Notes de lecture, in Le
mouvement social 200/1, N210,
Ed. de lAtelier, 2005
13. Jobin P., Les maladies
industrielles et le renouveau
syndical au Japon, Ed. EHESS,
Paris, 2006
14. Keibo O., Ogata M., Colligan-
Taylor K, Rowing the Eternal
Sea: The Story of a Minamata
Fisherman, Rowman & Littlefield
Publishers, 2001
15. Kerlinger F., Decision-making in
Japan in Social Forces, 30, 1950
16. Lagane J., Omoiyari, vers une
comprhension du concept
dempathie au Japon, in Journal
des anthropologues, N 114-115
novembre 2008, 2008
17. Lagane J., Le langage des
cadeaux au Japon, une mdiation
symbolique, in Communication et
langages, N146, pp 115-128,
dcembre 2005
18. Lagane J., Elments de recherche
sur les Sciences de lInformation
et de la Communication au Japon
in Questions de communication,
N7, Publications de lUniversit
de Nancy
19. Lagane J., Le Japon au-del des
paradoxes, entre gestion et
communication, in
Communication et organisation,
GREC/O, Bordeaux, pp.194-212,
2me semestre 2002.
20. Lebra T.S & Lebra W.P, Japanese
Culture and Behavior : Selected
Readings, University of Hawaii
Press, Honolulu, Hawaii, 1974
21. Matsui, Y., Protest and the
Japanese Woman , Japan
Quarterly, 22(1), 1975
22. Mishima A., Bitter Sea : The
Human Cost of Minamata
Disease, Kosei, 1992
23. Merton T. , Mystics and Zen
masters, Farrar, Straus & Giroux
Inc, New-York, 1961
24. Nakane C., Tate-shakai no
rikigaku (The dynamics of a
vertical society). Tky, 1978
25. no T., L'Esprit Toyota. Masson,
Paris, 1989
38
26. Pons P., A la recherche de la
sagesse nippone oublie, in Le
monde, Dossier dveloppement
durable, p. 2, 26 mai 2005, Paris
27. Sautter C., Japon, le prix de la
puissance, Seuil, Paris, 1973
28. Sauzet M., Berque A. & Ferrier
J.P., Entre Japon et mditerrane,
architecture et prsence au
monde, Massin, Paris, 1999
29. Smith E. & A., Minamata :
Words and photographs, New-
York, Henry Holt & Company,
1975
30. Suzuki D.T., The Zen doctrine of
No-Mind, the Significance of the
Sutra of Hui-Neng, Chistmas
Humphreys, New-York, 1991
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Paris, 1989
32. Sugiyama-Lebra T., Japanese
Patterns of Behavior, University
of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, 1976
 Le maintien domicile ou lentre en institution des personnes
ges : une affaire de genre ?

Yvonne GUICHARD-CLAUDIC
Matre de confrence
Universit de Bretagne Occidentale - Brest (France)
Yvonne.Guichard-Claudic@univ-brest.fr

Rsum : Dans le cadre de cet article, femmes du risque

nous nous intresserons la situation
des personnes ges que lon pourrait
qualifier comme risque
dinstitutionnalisation ou se situant
des moments-cls de leur parcours
pouvant ncessiter, selon les
professionnels du secteur mdical et/ou
social, une transformation de leur mode
de vie, dont ventuellement lentre
dans une structure dhbergement
collectif.
Mots-cls : g, genre, traitement,
institution, domicile
Entrer en institution constitue
une transition biographique1, souvent
considre comme difficile par les
personnes ges car perue comme un
aller sans retour, ltape ultime avant
la mort en quelque sorte.
Nous nous intresserons plus
particulirement linfluence du
genre sur lvaluation du risque,
risque dont il est dit quil devient trop
important au point quil justifierait
plus ou moins brve chance le
placement de la personne ge en
institution. On se demandera par
exemple dans quelle mesure les
hommes sont plus menacs que les
dinstitutionnalisation malgr eux ,
parce que considrs comme moins
capables de se dbrouiller seuls.
Evaluation du risque mais aussi
traitement de ce risque au regard du
genre. Quen est-il par exemple de
limportance du genre dans le
maintien ou non domicile du couple
g ou de lun des ses membres, ds
lors quun des conjoints se sent
fragilis ou commence tre dsign
comme fragile ?
Lenqute sur laquelle se
fondera notre analyse est une tude
qualitative multisites centre sur
lanalyse des conditions de
ngociation du devenir rsidentiel des
personnes ges. Un chantillon de
situations-type a t construit,
qualifiant des conditions de vie
domicile et de passage en institution.
Sur les diffrents sites de recherche
(Toulouse, LArige, le Prigord, la
rgion parisienne, le Finistre) a t
ralises 50 monographies, dont 8
confies lARS-UBO2. Chaque
monographie comprenait un entretien
recueilli auprs de la personne ge
demeure domicile mais en
situation limite ou rcemment

1 2
V. Caradec, Les transitions LAtelier de Recherche Sociologique
biographiques, tapes du vieillissement, (ARS) de lUniversit de Bretagne
in Prvenir, Formes et sens du vieillir, Occidentale (UBO/Brest) dont lauteure
1998, 35, p. 131-137 de larticle est membre.

39
entre en institution et deux entretiens
plus brefs recueillis auprs dun
aidant informel et auprs dun
intervenant professionnel. Le choix de
la diversit de lchantillonnage des
situations tudier a conduit
mobiliser diffrents mdiateurs
(services daides domicile,
professionnels des EPHAD3 et autres
institutions), auxquels nous avons
demand de dfinir eux-mmes les
cas qui leur apparaissaient
significatifs et de jouer le rle
dintermdiaire en mme temps que
dinformateur. Si lchantillon nest
pas reprsentatif au sens statistique, il
rend bien compte des situations et
parcours ayant fait lobjet dun suivi
partag, de dlibrations, dune
ngociation.
Aprs avoir pos le cadre
conceptuel et contextuel de notre
questionnement, nous prsenterons
les enseignements de lenqute
concernant lvaluation et le
traitement gnr des situations
limites , en envisageant
successivement le cas des couples,
celui des hommes seuls plus ou moins
dpendants et celui des femmes seules
plus ou moins dpendantes.
1. Le cadre gnral du
questionnement
Le processus qui conduit une
personne ge entrer en institution
ou rester au domicile met en jeu
diffrentes dimensions : ltat de
sant, certes, mais aussi les ressources
mobilisables, lexistence ou non de
supports relationnels, lintrt et les
3
Etablissement dhbergement pour
personnes ges dpendantes.
40
limites des solutions dj mises en
uvre.
Diffrents acteurs sont
impliqus dans ce processus : les
personnes ges elles-mmes mais
aussi les aidants dits informels
(membres de la famille, amis,
voisinage) et des professionnels du
secteur mdical, mdico-social ou
social susceptibles dintervenir dans
le cadre des dispositifs existants.
Evoquer les limites du maintien
domicile, solution officiellement
privilgie par tous les acteurs, cest
mobiliser des systmes de
reprsentations normatives, qui
dfinissent ce quil est possible de
faire et partir de quand une
limite est atteinte ou dpasse.
Ces reprsentations supposent donc
des jugements dun ou plusieurs
acteurs concernant le risque de mise
en cause de la continuit dhabitat de
la vieille personne selon diffrents
critres : quels sont les risques
considrs comme plus ou moins
acceptables, par ou pour la personne
ge, par ou pour les aidants
informels, par ou pour les autres
intervenants ? Quels sont les critres,
les normes, les logiques et modles
mobiliss pour dfinir quel est le plus
gros risque, du maintien domicile ou
de lentre en institution ?
Ltude sur laquelle se fonde la
communication vise comprendre
quelles sont ces limites et comment
elles sont construites, sur la base de
quels systmes de normes et de
valeurs, en se rfrant quels
modles, en fonction des situations
informelles et des configurations
doffre.

La dimension du genre au sein
de ce questionnement
Les conditions du
vieillissement des femmes et des
hommes ne sont pas les mmes.
Chacun connat par exemple le
diffrentiel desprance de vie entre
femmes et hommes. Il ne faut pas voir
l la rsultante unique des
caractristiques biologiques
diffrentes selon les sexe, tant les
comportements, les conditions de vie
et de travail de lun et lautre sexe
jouent un rle majeur dans lexistence
dune surmorbidit et/ou dune
surmortalit masculines ou fminines
selon les poques4. Il est donc
intressant de mobiliser ici la notion
de genre pour reprer dventuelles
diffrences entre hommes et femmes
face cette question de lentre ou
non en institution au grand ge et les
reprsentations et pratiques qui sous-
tendent ces diffrences.
On dfinira ici le genre comme
le processus de construction sociale
de la diffrence des sexes, en tant
quil est producteur la fois de
catgorisation et de hirarchisation
sociales. Si le terme sexe diffrencie
les hommes et les femmes partir de
leurs caractristiques biologiques, le
terme genre, les distingue partir de
leurs caractristiques socioculturelles.
Le concept de genre dconstruit le
sexe comme unique fondement,
biologique, de la diffrence entre le
4
P. Aach,, Femmes et hommes face la
mort et la maladie, des diffrences
paradoxales in Femmes et hommes dans
le champ de la sant. Approches
sociologiques, in Aach P., D Cebe, G.
Cresson, C. Philippe (dir), Editions de
lEcole Nationale de la Sant Publique,
Rennes, 2001
41
masculin et le fminin et permet
danalyser comment le social produit
et reproduit les catgories de sexe
comme lments structurants et
hirarchiss des socits humaines5.
La diffrence des trajectoires
de vieillissement selon le sexe
sinscrit dans la continuit des
diffrences sexues qui ont marqu
les tapes antrieures du parcours de
vie des hommes et des femmes.
Rcapitulons brivement, avec Nancy
Guberman (2002) les diffrences aux
ges avancs qui vont avoir un impact
sur la question de lentre ou non en
institution. Les femmes vivent en
moyenne plus longtemps que les
hommes et sont souvent plus jeunes
que leur conjoint ; elles sont donc
beaucoup plus souvent seules aprs
65 ans, et sont aussi plus souvent que
les hommes en situation daidantes de
leur conjoint g. Elles souffrent
galement davantage de pathologies
chroniques (arthrose, ostoporose)
gnrant des incapacits
fonctionnelles. La conjonction de ces
deux facteurs laisse prsager pour de
nombreuses femmes des annes de
veuvage o la solitude se double
dincapacits de diverses natures. Par
ailleurs, si leur trajectoire de sant
antrieure (contraception, maternit,
mnopause) familiarise les
femmes plus que les hommes au
recours aux services mdicaux et
sociaux, elles ont par contre t moins
frquemment en position de ngocier
ou revendiquer auprs dexperts.
Leurs trajectoires demploi se traduit
le plus souvent par des retraites moins
leves, or le niveau de revenus a un
impact sur le vcu de la maladie et du
5
N.-C., Mathieu., Lanatomie politique,
ditions Ct-femmes, Paris, 1991
handicap, ne serait-ce que parce quil
influence la capacit des personnes
se procurer des services et
quipements permettant de compenser
les incapacits.
Il faut aussi tenir compte des
dimensions qui tiennent plus aux
reprsentations et aux identits de
genre. Ainsi les attentes lgard des
femmes et des hommes peuvent tre
marques par les strotypes de sexe.
On attendra alors des femmes, mme
ges et ayant des incapacits, plus de
comptences en matire domestique
(mnage, prparation des repas).
De mme la manire de faire
face aux limites peut diffrer suivant
le sexe. Pourvoyeuses daide, les
femmes en sont aussi les principales
bnficiaires 6. Il semble que les
femmes fassent preuve dune plus
grande aptitude bnficier du
support de membres de leur famille
ou de leur entourage, ce qui facilite
leur adaptation aux incapacits dont
elles souffrent ou au veuvage. Il
semble que le sentiment de bien-tre
des hommes soit davantage affect
que celui des femmes par la
dpendance lgard de personnes ou
dappareils pour compenser ces
limites, tandis que les femmes sont
affectes quand laide se limite la
dimension technique7. Lefficacit des
interventions peut donc varier suivant
le sexe des personnes ges,
6
C. Attias-Donfut, Sexe et vieillissement,
in T.Bloss (dir), La dialectique des
rapports hommes-femmes, PUF, Paris,
2001, p. 211
7
M.G.Penning, L.A. Strain, Gender
differences in disability, assistance and
subjective well-being in later life, dans
Journal of Gerontology, Social Sciences,
1994, 49, 4: S 202-S 208
42
conduisant une apprciation
diffrente du risque encouru par elles.
2. Femmes et hommes en
couple face la question de lentre
ou non en institution
Sur les 50 monographies, 14
concernaient des couples, dont 9
vivaient domicile, un en foyer
logement et 4 en EPHAD.
Force est dabord de constater
que la vie du couple g semble
sinscrire dans la continuit de
lhistoire conjugale antrieure. Alors
que lpaisseur du temps partag peut
venir renforcer la proximit des
partenaires conjugaux ( ma femme et
moi, ctait la chair et longle
dclare un enqut) et protger du
risque dinstitutionnalisation, ce rle
protecteur du couple tend diminuer
en cas de conflits antrieurs, de
divergence des aspirations.
Dans les couples rencontrs,
mme si les deux partenaires taient
trs gs, cest gnralement un des
deux conjoints qui tait en situation
qualifie de limite par les aidants
familiaux ou professionnels. Note-t-
on des diffrences suivant que cest
lhomme ou la femme qui est en
situation de plus grande dpendance ?
Compte tenu du diffrentiel
dge et desprance de vie entre
conjoints, les femmes sont plus
frquemment en situation daidante
de leur conjoint, mais notre corpus
nous donne voir plusieurs situations
o cest le mari qui est laidant
principal de sa conjointe, atteinte de
pathologies motrices et/ou cognitives.
Certains chercheurs ont avanc
lhypothse dune plus grande
indiffrenciation des sexes la
vieillesse. Les situations rencontres
permettent de conforter au moins
partiellement cette hypothse, certains
hommes assumant des tches
domestiques et des soins profanes de
sant strotypiquement catgoriss
comme fminins.
Ainsi par exemple Mr Camlia,
g de 76 ans, prend-il en charge sa
femme atteinte de la maladie de
Parkinson et la sur de celle-ci, qui a
fait lobjet dun diagnostic de maladie
dAlzheimer et souffre dun dbut
dincontinence, au grand dam des
professionnels, qui jugent la situation
bizarre , dcrivent Mr Camlia
comme mystique de la souffrance ,
en position dhumilit et de
servitude . De fait, il est aid, mais il
fait la toilette de son pouse, assume
seul les courses, les repas, la lessive et
le repassage et gre le budget et les
papiers.
Dautres hommes assument ces
tches de moins bonne grce. Ainsi
Mr Amaryllis, 74 ans, est laidant
principal de sa femme de 73 ans,
atteinte dune maladie neuro-
dgnrative. Ce nest pas de gaiet
de cur, il na pas, dit-il, le
temprament se dvouer, comme
certaines femmes , mais cest ma
femme, cest mon devoir . Il ajoute
quil a 4 fils, mais que sil avait eu
une fille, sans doute serait-elle
intervenue davantage auprs de sa
mre. De mme certaines pouses se
plaignent de lpuisement ressenti
prendre en charge un conjoint atteint
de pathologies lourdes, ncessitant
une prsence quasi-permanente.
Ici, la diffrence rside moins
dans les pratiques (encore que les
hommes concerns, il convient de le
rpter, sont moins nombreux que les
femmes dans la mme situation) que
dans les reprsentations : tandis que
les hommes prsentent ce travail
conjugal comme relevant de la
protection de leur conjointe,
ractivant ainsi le strotype de
lhomme protecteur, les femmes sont
places dans une position maternante
lgard de leur conjoint, comme le
sont les filles et belles-filles lgard
de leurs ascendants ou de ceux de
leurs conjoints. Dans cette
configuration, les hommes comme les
femmes retardent au maximum
lentre en institution de leur
conjoint/e, mais quand celle-ci a lieu,
la culpabilisation semble plus forte
chez les conjointes valides, tandis que
certains hommes moins centrs sur
leur couple se rsolvent plus
facilement un placement. Cette
dmarche est parfois facilite par les
incitations dculpabilisantes des
professionnels8.
Quand les deux membres du
couple sont trs gs, et que le plus
valide ne lest pas suffisamment pour
continuer assumer laide son/sa
partenaire conjointement avec les
services daide domicile, se pose la
question de lentre conjointe en
institution. La transition est facilite
par le fait que le choix est pos par le
couple : ainsi de Mr et Mme Blanc
entrs volontairement en foyer-
logement. Mais la dcision relve
plus frquemment dune alliance
famille-professionnels, face au risque
dpuisement du conjoint aidant et/ou
la lourdeur et au cot des solutions
8
L. Riot, Entrer en maison de retraite, in
N.Jaujou,, E. Minnart, L. Riot (dir),
LEHPAD: Pour finir de vieillir.
Ethnologie compare de la vie
quotidienne en institution griatrique,
Etude ralise pour le Centre dAnalyse
Stratgique par la Fondation Maison des
Sciences de lHomme, juin 2006, p 27-83
43
mettre en place pour permettre le
maintien domicile. Dans ces cas de
figure, mme si les enfants se sentent
scuriss par lentre en institution de
leurs parents gs, lalignement des
conditions dhbergement du ou de la
plus valide sur celles du partenaire
qui lest moins peut conduire une
dtrioration de la sant du plus
valide : ainsi de ce couple dont la
femme souffre dune pathologie type
Alzheimer sans agitation et qui est
assign rsidence dans un service
ferm, avec impossibilit de sortir
sans accompagnement, y compris
pour le conjoint valide.
3. Quand la dpendance est le
fait dhommes seuls
Les hommes seuls reprsentent
11 des 50 monographies recueillies.
Si les femmes sont plus
souvent veuves que les hommes,
ceux-ci semblent supporter plus
difficilement cette situation. Ainsi en
va-t-il de quelques-uns des hommes
rencontrs, pour lesquels le dcs de
leur conjointe a provoqu une rupture
dans leur parcours de vie, au risque de
hter une entre non voulue en
institution. La question est de savoir
si, face aux strotypes de sexe qui
conduisent souvent les aidants,
professionnels ou familiaux,
considrer les hommes seuls comme
moins capables que les femmes
dassumer leur quotidien, ceux-ci
dveloppent-ils une bonne capacit
faire valoir leur volont auprs de leur
rseau familial et daide. Il ny a bien
sr pas de rponse simple tant les
facteurs en jeu sont multiples.
Prenons le cas de Mr Daniel,
ancien agriculteur. Aprs la mort de
sa femme, au souvenir de laquelle il
44
tmoigne dun fort attachement, il a
vcu seul dans une maison isole et
sans confort, aid par ses trois filles,
consacrant son temps au jardinage et
lexcution de menus travaux.
Quand survient de petits incidents de
sant, le mdecin juge la situation
risque , dautant plus quil refuse
toute modernisation de son logement
et incite la fille ane laccueillir. La
difficile cohabitation dbouche sur un
placement non voulu en EHPAD (la
seule solution ), acclrant un
processus de dprise et de repli sur
lui-mme.
Mr Calonec a eu plus de succs
dans sa volont dviter de rentrer en
maison de retraite. Il est pourtant
gravement handicap par une maladie
de Parkinson ; les chutes et les
troubles affrents la maladie lont
conduit plusieurs reprises
lhpital. Trs entour par les services
daide et de soins domicile, cet
ancien ouvrier domicili en Bretagne,
incapable de se dplacer et mme de
parler distinctement, a russi
loigner le spectre de lentre en
institution, brandi au plus fort de la
crise par ses deux fils qui vivent dans
le sud de la France ; un certain retour
la normale permet Mr Calonec de
faire nouveau prvaloir sa volont.
Sa maison, construite de ses mains,
reprsente le symbole de la continuit
identitaire et il continue, son rythme
trs lent, dy bricoler de menus objets.
Pour Mr Houx, clibataire de
91 ans, cas emblmatique de lhomme
isol, dpourvu de liens amicaux et
familiaux, il a fallu lentremise de la
gardienne de son immeuble, pour que
des incidents de sant ne se traduisent
pas par un placement dfinitif en
maison de retraite. Cette femme sest
engage continuer lui apporter son
aide et organiser le suivi des aidants
professionnels qui interviennent au
domicile de Mr Houx.
Dans tous ces cas, on voit que
la capacit faire entendre sa volont
ne dpend pas seulement de la
personne. Le cas de Mr Calonec
relve du soutien familial
ngoci 9 : lentre en institution est
lobjet de ngociations familiales
mettant en regard les contingences du
soutien domicile et les valeurs
auxquelles les membres se rfrent.
La vieille personne prend part la
ngociation sans y tenir le rle
principal. Les enfants sont plus
gestionnaires de laide que
pourvoyeurs directs. Le souci de
respecter la volont du parent g
nlimine pas pour lentourage la
conscience du risque encouru, surtout
en prsence dune maladie
neurologique dgnrative, mais la
limite du maintien domicile nest
pas atteinte ds lors que les membres
de la famille considrent que le fait de
quitter le domicile serait plus nfaste
que le risque dune chute ou dun
accident domestique. Le cas de Mr
Daniel relve davantage de lentre
en maison de retraite lgitime 10: la
dcision est prise par lentourage, qui
considre que la vieille personne nest
plus apte dfinir ce qui est le mieux
pour elle et que lon est parvenu la
limite du possible en matire de
maintien domicile. Quant au cas de
Mr Houx, il se serait traduit par un
placement impos par les
9
J.Mantovani, C. Rolland, S. Andrieu
(dir) et alii, Etude sociologique sur les
conditions dentre en institution des
personnes ges et les limites du maintien
domicile, Rapport pour la DREES, 2007
10
Idem
professionnels soucieux de dgager
leur responsabilit, si lentremise de
la gardienne navait conduit les
professionnels oprer une seconde
lecture, plus centre sur la personne et
les besoins quelle exprime.
Quand le parcours antrieur a
t chaotique, la fin de vie est souvent
marque par la solitude et la prcarit.
Ainsi en va-t-il de Mrs Coquelicot,
Afid et Bordas, qui se sont maris et
spars plusieurs reprises, sur fond
de violences conjugales et dalcool, et
qui se sont dsintresss des enfants
de leurs premiers lits. Difficile dans
ce cas dattendre un contre-don filial.
Cest pourtant ce dont bnficie Mr
Bordas, aid toutes les semaines par
sa fille dun premier lit. Son
intervention a permis de rorganiser
son quotidien sur de nouvelles bases
et dviter pour le moment lentre en
institution.
Le cas dEmile, ancien
locataire dun CHRS11 en Bretagne,
est tout aussi problmatique : aprs
avoir fait 13 ans de prison pour
meurtre et avoir connu des annes
derrance et dalcoolisation massive,
il se stabilise quand il bnficie dun
encadrement adapt. Le logement
quil occupe actuellement est en fin
de bail. Pour les ducateurs, Emile
constitue un cas emblmatique de
personne vieillissante en grande
prcarit pour lequel un hbergement
en maison-relais pourrait constituer
une solution satisfaisante. Pour ces
hommes au final, cest aussi bien le
maintien domicile (quel domicile ?
quel type daide ?...) que lentre en
institution (cot, discipline,
enfermement) qui posent problme
11
Centre dhbergement et de rinsertion
sociale
45
et laccroissement de la dpendance
risque de se traduire pour eux par la
mise en place dune solution dcide
par les professionnels .
Si nous avons rencontr des
femmes seules de situation trs
modeste, dans de petits logements en
quartier dhabitat social, nous navons
pas rencontr chez les femmes
semblables isolement et quotidien
dstructur.
4. Quand la situation
limite est le fait de femmes seules
Les femmes seules constituent
la plus grande partie de notre corpus,
ce qui nest pas une surprise, compte
tenu du sexe/ratio aux ges avancs.
Les expriences rencontres sont trs
diversifies et ici aussi, le maintien
domicile ou lentre en institution
sinscrivent dans une trajectoire
antrieure et mettent en jeu de
multiples facteurs : ltat de sant
bien sr, mais il faut aussi compter
avec le milieu social et ressources
associes (ressources financires,
rseau relationnel, capacit ngocier
avec les professionnels), la
prsence ou non dune famille, proche
ou distance Si nous examinons
ces expriences du point de vue du
processus dcisionnel, nous pouvons
dgager diffrents profils de
ngociation :
La premire configuration
concerne des personnes qui affirment
une capacit dauto-dtermination,
qui ne leur est pas dispute par
lentourage, quand celui-ci existe. Il
sagit de femmes qui expriment une
autonomie qui sinscrit dans la
continuit de leur parcours de vie. Ces
femmes se montrent souvent
soucieuses de ne pas peser sur la vie
de leur enfants, dont elle ont
46
encourag la russite professionnelle.
Il sagit souvent de femmes issues
dun milieu ais, qui bnficient de
ressources importantes, ressources
sociales, cognitives et parfois
financires. Elles ont souvent connu
la mobilit gographique et se
caractrisent par un sentiment de
matrise sur leur trajectoire, quand
bien mme elles souffrent de
handicaps lourds. Ainsi Mme
Laouenan, 85 ans, est en fauteuil
depuis une dizaine dannes et vit-elle
recluse dans un appartement un
troisime tage sans ascenseur.
Recluse mais pas isole, elle bnficie
de nombreux services domicile et
des visites de ses enfants. Il nest pas
question que les enfants se substituent
leur mre concernant la dcision
dune ventuelle institutionnalisation.
Son fils Antoine, 55 ans, confirme
cette lecture. Ah oui, cest elle qui
gre. Je ne sais pas, vous avez du
vous en rendre compte, cest une
femme de tte quoi, cest vrai. ()
Au point de vue jambes, elle peut pas
marcher et tout a, mais au point de
vue tte, ya aucun problme, quoi,
donc cest elle qui dcide. a a
toujours t comme a, de toute
faon, elle a toujours fait ce quelle a
voulu. Au point quils ne lont pas
inscrite sur une liste dattente dans les
institutions de la rgion.
Initialement aise, Mme
Laouenan na plus aujourdhui de
gros moyens, ce qui nest pas le cas
de Mme Mathieu, 88 ans, galement
en fauteuil, qui emploie deux
auxiliaires de vie et deux gardes de
nuit, afin dassurer auprs delle une
prsence permanente. Les conditions
semblent runies pour quelle puisse
continuer vivre chez elle dans de
bonnes conditions, au point quelle se
projette sereinement dans lavenir :
Jespre pouvoir finir ma vie
tranquillement ici.
Dans dautres cas, laffirmation
de lautonomie se traduit par une
entre en institution librement choisie.
La survenue de handicaps limite la
mobilit de ces femmes et restreint
leurs possibilits de sociabilit,
branlant leur identit de personne
autonome et active. La dcision
dentrer en institution constitue une
faon de se prendre en main, de
ngocier un tournant de sa trajectoire
qui constitue une forme de dprise
stratgique 12. Ainsi Mme Loiret,
institutrice en retraite, ne souhaite pas
tre un fardeau pour son fils unique et
considre linstitution comme un
moyen de prserver son autonomie,
tout en tant entoure.
Ltablissement choisi est souvent de
type intermdiaire : foyer-logement
ou tablissement priv avec services.
Lespace de ngociation est
souvent beaucoup plus rduit et
lentre en institution relve bien
souvent dune ngociation sous
contrainte. La personne nest pas
absente de la dcision, mais on a
affaire un compromis dont les
termes sont lacceptation de lentre
en institution moyennant la
prservation du lien familial. Si les
proches expriment le souci des de
respecter le dsir de la parente ge,
ils souhaitent viter les risques
encourus et se posent en gestionnaires
de laide, sans envisager un accueil de
la personne leur domicile. Ainsi le
fils de Mme Le Doar, qui souffre de
vertiges rptition, sinquite-t-il de
linadaptation du logement de sa
12
J. Mantovani C. Rolland, S. Andrieu
(dir) et alii, op.cit., 2007
mre, une grande maison toute en
hauteur, de son tat de sant et du
repli sur soi quelle manifeste depuis
le dcs de son pre. Il ngocie avec
elle un essai en foyer-logement et
cette priode transitoire dbouche sur
une entre durable dans linstitution.
Ladaptation russie cette entre en
institution a t favorise par le
maintien de formes de continuit avec
sa vie antrieure : elle a gard sa
maison, dans laquelle elle se rend
rgulirement en bus, elle continue
frquenter le foyer de personnes ges
de son ancien quartier, elle a renou
au foyer logement avec danciennes
relations, son nouveau cadre de vie
intgre des meubles, objets, photos
tmoins de son pass et de sa vie
prsente. Son nergie retrouve lui
permet dapprcier la poursuite de
relations rgulires, dsormais,
apaises avec son fils et sa belle-fille.
Pour les femmes comme pour
les hommes, lespace de ngociation
peut tre beaucoup plus limit,
notamment quand la dgradation de
ltat de sant de la femme ge se
heurte lpuisement des aidants,
souvent une ou des filles ou une belle-
fille, qui altre les relations familiales.
Dans ce cas de figure, les
professionnels lgitiment lentre en
institution, et allgent la culpabilit
souvent ressentie par les aidants, et
notamment les aidantes, dont le rle
est souvent naturalis. Largument de
la scurit est souvent mis en avant :
lentre en institution est perue
comme la seule solution qui
permette dassurer la scurit du
parent g, qui bnficie ainsi dun
entourage permanent ; elle scurise
galement les enfants, ce qui
contribue lacceptation du
placement par la vieille personne.
47
 Quand ce consentement est
totalement absent, que le placement a
t ralis contre la volont de la
personne et sinscrit par exemple en
rupture avec un modle familial
daide aux anciens, on entre dans une
phase de dprise ultime, la personne
ayant le sentiment de navoir plus sa
place ; cest alors la rsignation, le
repli voire le sentiment de la mort qui
domine dans les propos recueillis.
Au total, les conclusions de cet
article ne peuvent qutre modestes :
le genre apparat comme une des
dimensions, ni la seule ni la plus
importante, mais une dimension trop
souvent oublie de lexprience que
font les hommes et les femmes du
grand ge. Le corpus tudi ne nous
permet pas daffirmer que les
hommes sont, plus que les femmes,
menacs du risque
dinstitutionnalisation malgr eux,
mme si lon ne peut douter que les
reprsentations que se font les
aidants, familiaux et professionnels,
des capacits et incapacits dun
homme et dune femme participent
la dcision de faon implicite, comme
un allant de soi . Les strotypes
de sexe ont la vie dure, mme si la
ralit des pratiques, beaucoup plus
complexe, dborde de toutes parts les
reprsentations et identits sexues
traditionnelles, comme en tmoignent
les pratiques parfois atypiques au
regard du genre que nous avons
rencontr. Les femmes et les hommes
ne sont pas toujours l o on les
attend.
Par contre, une des dimensions
que nous navons pas aborde, mais
qui affleure tout au long du corpus est
celle du genre des pratiques et
reprsentations des aidant, profanes
ou professionnel. On note par
exemple frquemment une division
sexuelle du travail daide profane
entre frre et sur, la sur se
chargeant des soins de proximit, de
lentretien du linge, des services
impliquant une proximit corporelle
avec la personne ge, surtout sil
sagit de la mre, tandis que le frre
gre la dimension administrative ou
financire de la prise en charge.
Lemprise des reprsentations
gnres est galement dcelable dans
la tolrance diffrencie que
manifestent aidant profanes et
professionnelles lgard des
exigences des personnes ges
dpendantes. Dans le corpus, il est
fait tat dhommes au caractre peru
comme difficile, du fait de leur
tendance au mutisme ou du caractre
inflexible de leur refus de cder aux
injonctions de lentourage ; du ct
des femmes, ce sont les exigences des
femmes de caractre , ges,
physiquement dpendantes mais
encore en mesure de grer les
diffrentes formes daide auxquelles
elles recourent, de prciser la nature
de leurs besoins, qui sont souvent
juges puisantes. Il est vrai quici la
problmatique de classe peut venir se
surajouter la question du genre, ces
femmes exigeantes tant aussi
souvent des femmes aises qui font
valoir leur position demployeuse
dans un rapport hirarchique avec les
professionnel qui fournissent le
service. Les exigences de ces femmes
vues comme vindicatives sont
gnralement mal supportes par les
aidant.
En tout tat de cause, il est
souhaitable de dbusquer ces effets de
genre qui contribuent apprhender
et traiter diffremment le risque
selon que lon a affaire un homme
48
ou une femme. Il y va de la qualit 6. Mathieu N.-C., Lanatomie
de laide apporte, qui est dautant politique, 1991, Paris, ditions
plus efficace que les besoins et Ct-femmes.
attentes des diffrentes catgories 7. Penning M.J. et Strain L.A.,
dacteurs sociaux en prsence sont Gender differences in disability,
apprhends finement, en tenant assistance and subjective well-
compte du genre being in later life, Journal of
Gerontology, Social Sciences,
1994, 49, 4: S 202-S 208.
Bibliographie slective : 8. Riot L. (2006), Entrer en maison
de retraite, in Jaujou N., Minnart
1. Aach P., Femmes et hommes face E., Riot L. (dir), LEHPAD :
la mort et la maladie, des Pour finir de vieillir. Ethnologie
diffrences paradoxales in compare de la vie quotidienne
Femmes et hommes dans le en institution griatrique, Etude
champ de la sant. Approches ralise pour le Centre dAnalyse
sociologiques, in Aach P., Cebe Stratgique par la Fondation
D., Cresson G., Philippe C. (dir), Maison des Sciences de lHomme,
2001, Rennes, Editions de lEcole juin 2006, p 27-83.
Nationale de la Sant Publique.
2. Attias-Donfut C., Sexe et
vieillissement , in Bloss T.
(dir), La dialectique des rapports
hommes-femmes, PUF, Paris
2001, p. 211.
3. Caradec V., Les transitions
biographiques, tapes du
vieillissement, in Prvenir,
Formes et sens du vieillir, 1998,
35, p. 131-137.
4. Guberman N., Lanalyse
diffrencie selon les sexes et les
politiques qubecoises pour les
personnes ges en perte
dautonomie, Lien social et
politique, RIAC, 47, 2002, p. 155-
169.
5. Mantovani J., Rolland C.,
Andrieu S. (dir) et alii, Etude
sociologique sur les conditions
dentre en institution des
personnes ges et les limites du
maintien domicile, Rapport
pour la DREES, 2007.

49
 Istoricul i tipologia crizelor
Rezumat: Criza poate fi definit ca
fiind o situaie caracterizat de
instabilitate i incertitudine pronunat,
ce implic schimbri importante n
viaa social, politic sau economic.
Din perspectiv sociologic, putem
analiza criza fie ca un fapt social, fie ca
un fenomen social, fie ca un proces
care se desfoar n cuprinsul unei
societi ori al unor societi umane la
un moment dat. Totui, indiferent de
natura i aria lor de manifestare, ea
constituie un factor de tulburare a
ordinii i stabilitii sociale. n acest
studiu, ne-am axat pe definirea
termenul de criz, avnd n vedere
identificarea trsturilor generale i
definitorii ale acestuia. De asemenea,
am prezentat situaiile de criz
economic din toate epocile de
dezvoltare a societii, precum i o
tipologizare a acestora.
Cuvinte cheie: criz, dezvoltare,
disfuncionalitate, depresiune, colaps
1. Noiunea de criz
trsturi generale i definitorii
Noiunea de criz prezint o
relevan cognitiv special pentru
tiinele despre om i societate. Spre
deosebire de fenomenele i procesele
din natur, care se produc
independent de voina i contiina
oamenilor (cum ar fi cele fizice,
chimice, biologice), fenomenele i
Prof.univ.dr. Dumitru OTOVESCU,
Lect.univ.dr. Adrian OTOVESCU
Universitatea din Craiova
d_otovescu@yahoo, co.uk; adiotovescu@yahoo.com
procesele caracteristice lumii
social-umane influeneaz n mod
direct viaa oamenilor i, ca atare, se
impun cu prioritate n registrul de
cunoatere al tiinelor sociale.
Deoarece universul
social-uman cuprinde o mare varietate
de fenomene i procese, atunci i
aplicarea noiunii de criz
nregistreaz o mare varietate de
atribute. Din perspectiv sociologic,
putem s tratm criza fie ca un fapt
social, fie ca un fenomen social, fie ca
un proces care se desfoar n
cuprinsul unei societi ori al unor
societi umane la un moment dat.
Ca i alte fenomene sociale
explozive cum ar fi rzboaiele,
revoluiile ori revoltele colective
spontane crizele devin probleme
prioritare de reflecie i aciune atunci
cnd manifestrile lor afecteaz
ordinea social, viaa unor mari
comuniti de oameni, iar efectele sau
consecinele lor multiple nu mai pot fi
controlate. Crizele, indiferent de
natura i aria lor de manifestare
- (general sau particular), constituie
un factor de tulburare a ordinii i
stabilitii sociale. Dac inem cont de
efectele lor nocive asupra majoritii
oamenilor, atunci acestea putem
spune c aparin patologiei sociale i,
ca atare, ele sunt indezirabile pentru
orice putere guvernamental i pentru
orice colectivitate uman.
Sub aspect istoric, crizele au
aprut din cele mai vechi timpuri,
50
nsoind ntreaga evoluie a nu-i pierde economiile, recurg la
umanitii. Pentru a descifra cauzele
unei crize este necesar, mai nti, s
delimitm coninutul acesteia
(economic, politic, social, cultural
etc.), i, mai apoi, s stabilim aportul
factorilor umani implicai: n cazul
unei crize financiar-bancare, de
exemplu, de la responsabilii oficiali
(conductori politici i de stat,
bancheri, directori de instituii
financiare i internaionale .a.) i
pn la cetenii de rnd (care, de
pild, i asum mprumuturi i
cheltuieli mai mari dect veniturile i
posibilitile efective de returnare a
creditelor bneti). De asemenea, este
important s cunoatem faptul dac o
criz a fost n mod deliberat
provocat (urmrindu-se un anumit
scop) sau a aprut ca rezultat al unui
concurs de mprejurri. Prin urmare,
aceasta se poate datora unor abuzuri,
erori, slbiciuni, neglijene, deficiene
omeneti sau, dimpotriv, este
produsul unui calcul premeditat,
anticipndu-se anumite beneficii. De
pild, absena unui medicament ori
cantitatea redus a acestuia pe pia,
genereaz o stare de criz n tratarea
celor bolnavi, iar n condiiile
promovrii ideii c o boal amenin
omenirea, vor fi favorizai
productorii acelui medicament
necesar tratamentului.
Factorul subiectiv joac un rol
foarte important n declanarea
crizelor. Bncile, de exemplu, pentru
a-i maximiza profitul, i conving pe
oameni s fac tot felul de
mprumuturi, crendu-le iluzia
consumului nelimitat i a faptului c
este asigurat de ctre acestea. Atunci
cnd unele uniti bancare intr n
criz de lichiditi apare psihoza
deponenilor, care, din dorina de a
retrageri masive de bani, genernd o
stare emoional colectiv de fric i,
implicit, o falimentare a instituiilor
bancare.
n sens larg, prin criz se
nelege starea de disfuncionalitate i
depresiune, de paralizie, blocaj ori de
regres n care ajunge o anumit
structur ori activitate din cuprinsul
unei societi. Deficiena, lipsa,
potenialul evoluionar sczut sunt
atribute caracteristice strii de criz.
Orice manifestare de criz, ntr-o
activitate socialmente util, debuteaz
printr-o ncetare (lent sau brusc) a
ritmului anterior i instalarea
elementelor de dezorganizare sau
dezordine, se continu cu reducerea i
epuizarea resurselor (materiale,
financiare, umane, manageriale etc.),
mergnd pn la blocarea,
ntreruperea respectivei activiti, pe o
durat temporar ori definitiv. n
anumite circumstane, criza conduce
la dispariia unei anumite activiti
(organizat i ntreinut de o anumit
structur instituional), n alte
mprejurri aceasta poate fi depit
prin efortul de reorganizare,
refinanare i adecvare la noile
solicitri ale practicii sociale. Faptul
c orice societate naional i
comunitate continental funcioneaz
ca un tot unitar (sistem) ne oblig s
recunoatem c o criz parial se
poate nlnui cu alte crize sectoriale
i c, fie separat, fie mpreun pot
avea influene asupra
comportamentului ntregului sistem
economic i social, afectndu-l n
msuri variabile.
Cercetarea tiinific deliberat
a cauzelor i consecinelor diferitelor
crize s-a impus n a doua jumtate a
51
secolului al XIX-lea,1 ca urmare a
degradrii ori a stagnrii cursului
evoluiei diverselor fenomene social-
economice i politice (la scar
naional, regional i continental).
Actualmente nu beneficiem de un
studiu exhaustiv, care s examineze
criza n multitudinea determinrilor
sale, ca stare i ca proces, ca fenomen
social-istoric i prin prisma
numeroaselor consecine generate, pe
multiple planuri (economic, politic,
social, instituional .a.).
Stabilirea diagnosticului de
criz pentru o anumit activitate
social se bazeaz pe constatarea unor
situaii specifice, evaluate n diferite
chipuri: dezordine, deficit, stagnare,
regres, evoluie contradictorie,
incoeren funcional, epuizare a
potenialului evolutiv, incertitudine
etc. Adesea sunt utilizate expresiile de
recesiune, depresiune ori
colaps (termen mprumutat din
medicin pentru a desemna stoparea
unei activiti). Atunci cnd criza este
i recunoscut de ctre specialiti, de
instituiile i autoritile publice,
aceasta devine i o problem oficial,
o chestiune social de interes major i
1
n publicistica din Romnia, putem
semnala apariia, la Bucureti, n anul
1870, a studiului La crize, semnat de
Mihai Anagnosti. Pe aceeai linie
teoretic, general de abordare n epoc,
se nscrie i lucrarea lui I.G.Bibicescu,
intitulat Cercetri asupra crizei i
cauzelor ei (1885). La nceputul
veaculului al XIX-lea, Masim Ion Leu se
va ocupa de Criza agricol i mijloacele
de a o ndrepta (1901); Spiru Haret a fost
interesat de Criza bisericeasc (1912), n
timp ce Vintil I. Brtianu s-a axat pe
descifrarea unor Crize de stat, 1901-
1907-1913 ( lucrare publicat n 1913)
un subiect prioritar de dezbatere n
mass-media.
Din punct de vedere sociologic,
definirea unei situaii ca fiind de criz
presupune luare n considerare a unor
indicatori, pe baza crora se poate
realiza o analiz cantitativ, calitativ
i comparativ. n acest scop se alege
o anumit perspectiv teoretico-
sociologic de studiu - cel mai adesea
se utilizeaz concepia sistemic,
datorit caracterului ei foarte general
i operaional, n acelai timp.
Cercetarea efectiv ne oblig s
adoptm i o orientare metodologic
adecvat obiectului de studiu. Metoda
anchetei de opinie, bunoar, poate fi
folosit cu succes pentru a cunoate
percepia subiectiv a oamenilor
despre criz, aa cum o triesc ei,
felul n care i afecteaz i n ce
msur. Analiza statisticilor privind
evoluia veniturilor sau a omajului ne
poate dezvlui forma obiectiv a
manifestrii crizei.
Pentru economiti, examinarea
crizei se poate face pe baza unor
indicatori sintetici, cum ar fi, la nivel
naional, Produsul Intern Brut i
indicele produciei industriale.
Dinamica venitului mediu, rata
omajului, cursul bursier i cel al
monedei naionale, evoluia
numrului de uniti economice aflate
n faliment, indicele preurilor sunt,
de asemenea, repere semnificative
pentru a judeca virulena i
profunzimea unei crize economice.
ntr-o accepie lrgit, criza
economic privete ntreaga economie
a unei ri, regiuni etc., iar ntr-o
accepie restrns se refer la criza
unor ramuri i domenii economice
(agricultura, transporturile, reeaua
bancar .a.)
52
 n dinamica ei, criza economic
evolueaz de la starea latent la cea
manifest i, de aici, la starea agresiv
de desfurare. Atunci cnd impactul
acesteia dobndete accente dramatice
n raport cu destinul a numeroase
colectiviti de oameni, devine obiect
de studiu i dezbateri controversate
nu numai pentru specialiti
(economiti, sociologi, politologi,
diveri ali oameni de tiin)2, dar i
pentru cei care activeaz pe scena
vieii publice (politicieni, jurnaliti,
lideri de opinie .a.). Interesul special
artat fenomenului de criz
economic se explic prin faptul c
afecteaz nu doar n mod negativ i
vizibil existena oamenilor, ci i cu
costuri apreciabile, n special atunci
cnd urmrile sale se extind n toate
domeniile componente ale unei
societi.
2. Istoricul i tipologia crizelor
La originea crizelor sociale n
general s-au aflat, de-a lungul
timpului, n special crizele
economice. Istoria universal
consemneaz situaii de criz
economic n toate epocile devenirii
umanitii, ncepnd cu Antichitatea
i continund cu perioada Evului
Mediu, iar, mai apoi, cu aceea a
Renaterii. n urmtoarele peste cinci
secole de dezvoltare a societii i
economiei capitaliste (sec. XVI -XX
i n primul deceniu al veacului al
XXI-lea), momentele de criz au
2
Dintre cele mai recente apariii
editoriale, n Romnia, consacrate
analizei tiinifice a problematicii crizei
actuale, semnalm lucrarea prof. univ. dr.
Ilie Bdescu, Despre criz n lumina
teoriei succesiunii coexistente, Editura
Mica Valahie, Bucureti, 2009
devenit nu doar mai frecvente, ci i
mai ample din punct de vedere al
manifestrii consecinelor lor sociale.
Rspndirea pe glob a modului
capitalist de via social a nsemnat,
practic, i mondializarea fenomenelor
de criz.
Anumii cercettori a istoriei
Europei moderne, precum Franois
Simiand, afirm c debutul
capitalismului n secolul al XVI-lea a
nsemnat o perioad de prosperitate,
pe cnd veacul al XVII-lea a fost
calificat drept o perioad de regres,
depresiune sau << criz >> [...]3.
Deci, istoria, n general, i
capitalismul, n particular, ne-ar
aprea din optica gnditorului francez
ca o alternan a epocilor de strlucire
i progres i a celor de disoluie i
regres. Franois Simiand este
promotorul teoriei ciclurilor
economice seculare n explicarea
istoriei Europei moderne, autorul
considernd c perioadele de afirmare
a curentelor ascendente (faza A) sunt
urmate de epocile manifestrii
curentelor descendente (faza B).
Teoria dezvoltrii ciclice a societii
i economiei capitaliste presupune,
aadar, la scara istoriei Europei, c
perioadele de progres sunt nsoite, n
mod automat, de perioade de criz,
care i sunt inerente.
Filosoful i sociologul
american Immanuel Wallerstein s-a
ocupat ndeaproape de problema
crizei capitalismului din veacul al
XVII-lea i a remarcat tonul dramatic
al descrierii lui Roland Mousnier,
care, n 1953, preciza urmtoarele:
Secolul al XVII-lea este epoca unei
3
Cf. Immanuel Wallerstein, Sistemul
mondial modern,vol. III, Editura
Meridiane, Bucureti, 1993, p. 7
53
crize care a afectat omul n totalitate,
n toate activitile sale economice,
sociale, politice, religioase, tiinifice,
artistice i n toat fiina sa, la nivelul
cel mai profund al puterilor sale
vitale, al sentimentelor i voinei sale.
Se poate spune c aceast criz a fost
continu, dar cu oscilaii violente.4
Deducem c, n aceast perioad din
istoria modern a Europei, criza a fost
nu numai general i profund, dar i
de durat. Termenul de criz -
atrgea atenia, n acest context al
analizei, Immanuel Wallerstein - nu
trebuie transformat ntr-un simplu
sinonim pentru schimbarea ciclic. El
trebuie pstrat pentru perioadele de
tensiune dramatic, ce reprezint mai
mult dect o conjunctur i care
indic un moment de cotitur n
structurile de longue dure.5
ntre 1907 i 2009, omenirea s-
a confruntat cu un numr de cel puin
11 crize majore, dintre care dou -
Marea Depresiune Interbelic (1929-
1933) i actuala Criz Economic
Mondial (2007-2010) - se
caracterizeaz printr-un impact
violent, general i de durat asupra
economiei lumii, acestea aducnd o
stare de paralizie i recesiune la nivel
global. De reinut c ambele crize
economice au nceput din SUA i s-au
propagat ulterior, n valuri treptate, n
toat lumea.
Publicistul american Ross
Bonander a studiat crizele economice
din veacul al XX-lea, oprindu-se
asupra unui numr de zece, i a
alctuit un top al acestora, n
urmtoarea formulare i succesiune:
- Panica din 1907 (SUA)
- Criza din Mexic, 1994
4
Idem
5
Ibidem, p.11
54
- Criza economic din Argentina,
1999-2002
- Hiperinflaia din Germania post
WW1, 1918-1924
- Souk Al-Manakh Kuwait, 1982
- Lunea neagr, 19 octombrie 1987
- Criza financiar din Rusia, 1998
- Criza asiatica din 1997-1999
- Marea Depresiune Interbelic,
1929-1933
- Criza petrolului din 1973 6
n continuare, vom prezenta
diferitele crize economico-financiare
din clasamentul celor 10 elaborat de
autorul american, opernd unele
modificri de denumire i innd cont,
n primul rnd, de criteriul ce vizeaz
ordinea cronologic a producerii
acestora. Principalele date
caracteristice despre acestea au fost
preluate de pe site-ul menionat n
subsol7, pe care le-am completat cu
alte informaii.
1. Criza sistemului bancar al
SUA (1907)
Dup o perioad de confruntare
cu recesiunea economic n cretere,
cu falimente rsuntoare, cu retrageri
masive de bani i cu sporirea
nencrederii populaiei n sistemul
bancar american, acesta a intrat n
colaps. Din cauza faptului c
populaia SUA avea din ce n ce mai
puin ncredere n sistemul bancar
american, cu deosebire n anul 1907,
aceast criz este cunoscut i sub
numele The 1907 Bankers Panic
6
Cf. www.hotnews.ro
7
A se vedea, pe larg, site-ul citat, care ne
prezint traducerea articolului original,
inclusiv unele adugiri la textul publicat
de R. Bonander, ce aparin lui Cristian
Orgonas.
De menionat c n acel timp nu exista
nici o instituie care s garanteze
depozitele ori s injecteze lichiditi
n economie. Prbuirea repetat a
indicelui bursier (n martie i n
octombrie 1907) a prilejuit intervenia
ferm a trezoreriei SUA care,
mpreun cu banca JP Morgan au
asigurat lichiditile necesare
sistemului bancar, ceea ce a condus la
restabilirea ncrederii n sistemul
bancar american (ncepnd cu luna
februarie a anului 1908) i, implicit,
la ncetarea crizei.
2. Hiperinflaia din Germania
(1918-1924)
Dac n anul 1914, rata de
schimb ntre marc i dolar era de 4 la
1, n mai puin de un deceniu aceasta
a ajuns, n anul 1923, de 1 miliard la
1. ntruct Germania (i, odat cu ea,
Austro-Ungaria) i-a recunoscut vina,
prin semnarea Tratatului de la
Versailles (1919), de a fi declanat
Primului Rzboi Mondial, s-a angajat,
totodat, s plteasc Aliailor
despgubiri de rzboi n valoare de
226 miliarde mrci (ulterior, aceast
sum a fost redus la 132 miliarde).
De notat c o astfel de datorie era
deosebit de mpovrtoare, ea
depind totalul aurului sau al
devizelor pe care le deinea aceast
ar. De altfel, cnd Hitler a ajuns la
putere, a suspendat plata, ceea ce a
favorizat ascensiunea dictatorului
nazist. Pentru a calma hiperinflaia i
a face suportabil rata anual ce
trebuia pltit ca despgubiri de
rzboi (n sum de 2 miliarde de
mrci, plus 26% din valoarea
exporturilor), guvernul german a
introdus reforma monetar la sfritul
anului 1923.
De precizat faptul c plile
statului german ctre Aliai au fost
reluate dup ncheierea celui de-al
Doilea Rzboi Mondial, apoi au fost
suspendate din nou n anul 1953 (n
ateptarea reunificrii germane) i
reluate n 1990, dup cderea Zidului
Berlinului. Deci, dup 90 de ani,
Germania mai pltete i acum
despgubiri pentru Primul Rzboi
Mondial.
3. Marea Depresiune
Interbelic (1929-1933)
Aceast criz economic s-a
instalat n august 1929, aprnd dup
un deceniu de optimism n privina
dezvoltrii economiei americane i de
consum nemsurat al cetenilor.
SUA au cunoscut o veritabil psihoz
a consumului, n sensul c se
achiziiona aproape orice,
mentalitatea consumatorist fiind
promovat i la nivel oficial.
Bunoar, la alegerea sa, n 1928,
preedintele J. Edgar Hoover credea
c America se afla mai aproape de
triumful bogiei asupra srciei dect
a fost n toat istoria sa.
Criza a debutat la burs, care s-
a prbuit cu 40%, n intervalul 29
octombrie - 13 noiembrie
1929, pierzndu-se 30 de miliarde
dolari (suma aproape egal cu totalul
cheltuielilor statului american n
Primul Rzboi Mondial). Indicele
Dow Jones a pierdut 89% din valoare
i i-a trebuit 26 de ani pentru a-i
depi maximul dinaintea crizei. n
anul 1933, circa un sfert dintre
americanii api de munc erau omeri
(15 milioane persoane), rata
omajului crescnd de la 3% la 25 %,
iar nivelul mediu al celor care lucrau
a sczut cu 43%. La fel, producia
industrial s-a redus cu 52%, iar
55
preurile au sczut cu 33%. n anii
premergtori crizei se nfiinau cte 4-
5 bnci pe zi, iar n timpul crizei au
falimentat, n medie, cte 2 bnci pe
zi. O treime dintre bnci au falimentat
sau au fost preluate.
n SUA, criza economic a
fost o criz de supraproducie, durnd
oficial pn n martie 1933, i a avut o
mare influen asupra celorlalte
economii dezvoltate ale lumii. Abia n
anul 1940 se putea afirma c
economia Americii i-a revenit
complet dup criz. Una dintre
concluziile rezultate n acel timp a
fost c economia capitalist i-a
demonstrat, cu prilejul crizei,
propriile limite i c pentru a produce
n noile condiii istorice, este nevoie
i de alte reguli de business.
4. Criza petrolului din 1973
A izbucnit n ziua de 15
octombrie, datorit rilor arabe
membre ale O.P.E.C. (plus Egipt i
Siria) care au hotrt s nu mai
livreze petrol Statelor Unite ale
Americii i altor ri dezvoltate (n
special Olandei), ntruct acestea au
sprijinit aciunile politico-militare ale
Israelului. rile importatoare au fost
puternic afectate de embargo, preul
petrolului crescnd spectaculos, cu
300% (de la 3 dolari la 12 dolari pe
baril). Pentru prima dat o resurs
natural a fost folosit ca instrument
de reglare a raporturilor n politica
internaional, iar, din acest moment,
a aprut o nou perspectiv de
gndire asupra consumului de
energie, bazat pe reducerea acestuia.
56
5. Criza bursei Souk Al-
Manakh din Kuwait
(1982)
Aceast burs funciona n
paralel cu cea oficial i a cunoscut o
cretere accentuat a indicilor
bursieri, dup explozia preului
petrolului din 1973. Numeroi arabi s-
au mbogit n urma tranzaciilor
financiare efectuate la aceast burs,
uneori n condiii de risc foarte
ridicat. n anul 1977, bursa oficial
din Kuwait a clacat, oblignd
Guvernul s adopte reguli de
tranzacionare destul de rigide.
Aceast situaie i-a mpins pe juctori
spre bursa neoficial Souk Al-
Manakh, care se situa pe locul 3 n
lume, n privina capitalizrii, oferind,
deci, suficiente motive de ncredere.
Crahul acestei burse a avut ca efect,
cu excepia unei singure bnci
comerciale, falimentul sau
naionalizarea tuturor celorlalte bnci
din Kuwait.
6. Criza bursei americane
(1987)
Dei n cursului anului 1986,
economia american ddea semne de
oboseal, totui indicele Dow Jones a
ajuns la un nivel maxim de cotaie (n
august 1997), care era de 2722 de
puncte, nregistrnd o cretere cu 44%
mai mare, fa de ct avea la sfritul
anului 1986. Cu toate acestea, n ziua
de 19 octombrie 1987 (cunoscut i
sub denumirea de lunea neagr), s-a
produs cea mai spectaculoas
prbuire a burselor din istoria SUA,
companiile economice suportnd o
devalorizare a capitalului propriu
estimat la circa 500 de miliarde de
dolari.
 7. Criza economiei
mexicane (1994)
Dup o perioad de nflorire,
nregistrat nainte de 1994 i n
condiiile meninerii unui control
strict asupra cursului valutar,
economia Mexicului a nceput s
acumuleze numeroase dezechilibre,
unele dintre acestea fiind provocate
de raiuni de origine politic. De
exemplu, administraia preedintelui
Mexicului, Carlos Salinas de Gortari,
a decis nainte de alegeri s
investeasc foarte muli bani n
economie, n creterea salariilor i a
pensiilor, ceea ce a condus la
creterea deficitului bugetar pn la
un nivel imposibil de susinut. Fostul
preedinte a pierdut, ns, alegerile,
iar noul preedinte al rii, Ernesto
Zedillo, a renunat la controlul
cursului valutar, lsnd moneda
naional (peso) s fluctueze liber. n
decurs de o sptmn, peso s-a
devalorizat cu 80% fa de dolar (de
la 4 la 7,2 peso pe dolar), ceea ce a
atras intervenia ferm a autoritilor
americane, care au cumprat peso
direct din pia i au garantat
Mexicului un mprumut de 50 de
miliarde de dolari. Datorit implicrii
SUA, situaia economiei mexicane a
revenit la normal dup 3 sptmni,
iar moneda naional s-a stabilizat la
un nivel de ase peso pe dolar.
8. Criza asiatic (1997-1999)
Aceasta s-a declanat n luna
iulie 1997 n Thailanda, ca urmare a
unei decizii guvernamentale de
liberalizare a cursului de schimb al
monedei naionale (bath-ul, moned
legat pn aici de evoluia dolarului).
n scurt timp s-a produs o
devalorizare masiv a bath-ului, iar
Thailanda, care avea deja o datorie
extern uria, aproape c a intrat n
faliment.
Criza thailandez s-a rspndit
rapid n celelalte ri din jur, inclusiv
n Japonia, cuprinznd toat regiunea
Asiei de Sud-Est. rile cele mai
afectate de criz, n afar de
Thailanda, au fost Coreea de Sud i
Indonezia. Acestea au fost sprijinite
de Fondul Monetar Internaional
(FMI), care le-a acordat un mprumut
de 40 miliarde de dolari (folosit
ndeosebi pentru stabilirea cursurilor
valutare). Criza asiatic a durat 2 ani,
dup care economiile naionale din
zon au nceput s-i revin.
9. Criza financiar din Rusia
(1998)
A aprut n contextul crizei
asiatice i ntr-o legtur cauzal cu
aceasta din urm. Astfel, criza asiatic
a generat scderea preului la
materiile prime de baz (petrol, gaz
metan, diferite metale), pe care Rusia
le desfcea pe piaa rilor asiatice i
care reprezentau circa 80% din
exporturile acesteea. Diminuarea
veniturilor obinute din export (pe de
o parte, datorit reducerii consumului
de materii prime pe piaa asiatic, iar,
pe de alt parte, datorit scderii
preurilor acestora i, implicit, a
veniturilor obinute), de care Rusia
era dependent, a condus la situaia n
care aceasta nu i-a mai putut onora
datoriile externe, intrnd, prin urmare,
n incapacitate de pli. Guvernul
Federaiei Ruse a emis bonduri,
nainte de 1998, pentru a-i acoperi
deficitele, ns dobnda pe care a
ajuns s o plteasc la respectivele
bonduri s-a ridicat, n final, la 150%
pe an. n data de 13 august 1998,
bursa i cursul valutar s-au prbuit,
declannd o criz financiar sever.
57
Mai trziu, n anii 1999 i 2000, a
avut loc procesul de recuperare
financiar i implicit, de revitalizare a
economiei.
10. Criza economic din
Argentina (1999-2002)
S-a declanat la captul unei
perioade n care ara a fost guvernat
de o dictatur militar i a trecut
printr-un rzboi cu Anglia, pentru
cucerirea dominaiei asupra Insulelor
Falklands, pe care le-a pierdut. n
acelai timp, economia a fost serios
afectat de o inflaie galopant, care
ajunsese la un nivel de 200% pe lun.
La cele zece crize menionate o
putem aduga pe cea actual, a crei
poziie ntr-o clasificare ierarhic i
istoric este dificil de stabilit acum,
deoarece este nc n derulare (pe o
coordonat temporal legat de
secolul al XXI-lea), ns cu siguran
va ocupa un loc de frunte, dac inem
cont de sumele uriae cheltuite de
toate guvernele lumii pentru a
contracara efectele malefice ale
acesteia.
Desigur, topul alctuit de Ross
Bonander nu reine toate crizele
nregistrate n ultimul secol (bunoar
nu este luat n consideraie criza
alimentar i cea economic de dup
cel de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial),
ns ne ofer o imagine de ansamblu
asupra epocilor de criz, care, n
medie, se succed, de regul, la un
interval de 10 ani. Astfel, dup o
perioad de stabilitate i prosperitate
economic, care dureaz circa un
deceniu, apare i un moment de
manifestare a crizei.
Aa cum am artat mai sus,
ntr-o ordine cronologic i istoric,
anii principalelor crize economice i
financiare petrecute n lume, ncepnd
58
din 1900 i pn n prezent, au fost
urmtorii: 1907, 1918-1924, 1929-
1933, 1973, 1982, 1987, 1994, 1997-
1999, 1998, 1999-2002, 2007 i n
continuare. Se observ c, n decurs
de 100 de ani, cele mai influente crize
economice i-au avut epicentrul pe
continentele american, european i
asiatic. De asemenea, constatm c
cea mai dezvoltat economie a lumii
(cea american) se afl direct sau
indirect legat de majoritatea crizelor
economice derulate n tot cursul
veacului al XX-lea.
Citim sau auzim adesea despre:
criza economic, criza bancar, criza
financiar, criza valorilor, criza
familiei, criza moral, criza politic,
criza culturii, criza statal, criza
instituiilor (publice), criza
structural, criza conjunctural, criz
de sistem, criza ciclic, criza tiinei,
criza spiritual, criza bisericii, criza
din agricultur, criza alimentar, criza
de ap, criza de medicamente, criza
educaiei, criza petrolului, criza
gazelor naturale, criza salariilor, criza
imobiliar, criza locuinelor, criza de
autoritate, criza puterii, criza
guvernamental, criza parlamentar
.a.m.d.
Multitudinea de forme de
manifestare ale crizei a fcut
necesar, n sociologie, clasificarea
ori tipologizarea acestora. Un demers
semnificativ n acest sens aparine
sociologului american Immanuel
Wallerstein, care s-a ocupat pe larg de
tranziia mondial-istoric, de la
feudalism la capitalism i de
cercetarea capitalismului ca sistem
social, ca mod de producie i ntr-
adevr ca o civilizaie8. Astfel,
autorul a deosebit criza structural
8
Immanuel Wallerstein, op.cit., p.11
(care afecteaz esena unui sistem i
duce la schimbarea fundamentelor
unei activiti i societi) de criza
conjunctural (care este trectoare,
surmontabil, putnd fi provocat de
situaii sociale explozive, de
neajunsuri majore ori de catastrofe
naturale i istorice). De asemenea, n
funcie de aria de rspndire, crizele
pot fi generale i sectoriale sau
particulare. Un criteriu operaional de
examinare a crizelor dintr-o societate
l reprezint domeniul de manifestare
al acestora: politic, economic,
administrativ, educaional, medical,
moral, instituional, al valorilor
spirituale, al culturii naionale, al
sistemelor tehnice i tehnologice, al
codurilor juridice etc. Criza dintr-un
domeniu poate s influeneze negativ
funcionarea altor domenii ale vieii
sociale, iar n anumite contexte se
produce i o nlnuire a crizelor, fapt
care are consecine deosebit de grave
asupra funcionrii unei societi
umane. Criza politic i criza
economic - n formele lor explozive,
paroxistice - au cel mai puternic
impact social, fiind generatoare de
situaii insurmontabile pentru
ceteni, datorit consecinelor directe
ale acestora asupra celorlalte domenii
de activitate social.
Situaiile de criz prelungit la
nivel politic, economic, societal, n
sens larg - reclam fie anumite msuri
urgente de reform, fie pot conduce la
schimbarea ordinii politice i
economice existente, adic la
restructurarea i reconfigurarea
sistemului social.
59
Bibilografie selectiva:
1. Bari, Ioan, Probleme globale
contemporane, Editura Economic,
Bucureti, 2003
2. Bdescu, I., Despre criz n
lumina teoriei succesiunii coexistente,
Editura Academiei, Bucureti, 2008
3. Brown, L., Probleme globale
ale omenirii. Starea lumii, Editura
Tehnic, Bucureti, 1992
4. Buneci, P; Masu, St.;
Gheorghe V., Criza, anticriza i noua
ordine mondial, Editura Solaris
Print, Bucureti, 2009
5. Isrescu, M., Criza
financiar internaional i provocri
pentru politica monetar din
Romnia, Cluj, 26 februarie 2009
6. Isrescu, M., Criza financiar-
bancar i economic: strategii,
programe i msuri anticriz.
Implicaiile i perspectivele unei
agende naionale, Braov, 6 martie
2009
7. Norris, F., Financial crises
spread in Europe, International
Herlad Tribune, October 6, 2008
8. Wallerstein, I., Declinul
puterii americane, Editura Incitatus,
Bucureti, 2005
9. *** Economic Crisis in
Europe: Causes, Consequences and
Responses, European Commission,
Brussels, 2009
10. *** The Global Economic
Crisis: Systemic Failures and
Multilateral Remedies, UNCTAD,
Geneve, 2009Wallerstein, Immanuel,
Sistemul mondial modern,vol. III,
Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1993
 History and typology of crises
d_otovescu@yahoo, co.uk; adiotovescu@yahoo.com
Abstract: The crisis can be defined as
a situation characterized by
pronounced instability and uncertainty,
involving important changes in the
social, political or economic life. From
a sociological perspective, we could
analyze the crisis either as a social fact,
or as a social phenomenon, or as a
process that takes place inside a
company or of human societies at a
time. However, regardless of their
nature and scope of expression, it
represents a factor of disturbance of
public order and social stability. In this
study, we focused on the definition of
crisis, in view of identifying and
defining its general features. We also
present the economical crisis from
every age of society development and a
typology of them
Key words: crisis, development,
failure, depression, collapse
The concept of crisis is of
special relevance for cognitive
sciences and society. Unlike the
phenomena and processes in nature,
which occurs independent of human
will and consciousness (such as
physical, chemical, biological)
phenomena and the processes
characteristic of human social world
directly affects people's lives and, as
such, is a required priority in the
register of social sciences knowledge.
60
Ph.D Professor Dumitru OTOVESCU,
Ph.D Lecturer Adrian OTOVESCU
University of Craiova
Because human social world
includes a wide variety of phenomena
and processes, then the application of
the concept of crisis entered a variety
of attributes. From a sociological
perspective, we want to tackle the
crisis either as a social fact, or as a
social phenomenon, or as a process
that takes place inside a company or
of human societies at a time.
Like other social explosive
phenomena - such as wars,
revolutions or spontaneous collective
uprisings - crises are priority issues
for reflection and action when their
events affecting social order, the life
of large communities of people and
their multiple effects and
consequences cannot be controlled.
Crises, whatever their nature and
scope (general or specific), is one
factor disturbing the social order and
stability. If we take account of their
harmful effects on most people, we
can say they belong to social
pathology and, as such, they are
undesirable for any governmental
power and for any human community.
Historically, crises have
occurred in ancient times,
accompanying the entire evolution of
humanity. To decipher the causes of a
crisis is necessary, first, to delimit its
content (economic, political, social,
cultural, etc..), and, later, to determine
the contribution of human factors
involved: in financial and banking
crisis, for example from responsible
officials (and state political leaders,
bankers, executives of international
financial institutions and others) and
by ordinary citizens (which, for
instance, take loans and have higher
expenses than their income and
effective opportunity return of money
loans). It is also important to know
whether a crisis was deliberately
provoked (aiming at a specific
purpose) or occurred as a result of
competitive circumstances. Therefore,
this may be due to abuse, error,
weakness, negligence, human
weaknesses or, conversely, is the
product of deliberate calculation is
anticipated to certain benefits. For
example, the absence of drug or
amount of its reduced market, creates
a state of crisis in the treatment of the
sick and the conditions promoting the
idea that the disease threatens
humanity, will be favored that
product manufacturers need
treatment.
Subjective factor plays a major
role in triggering the crisis. Banks, for
example, to maximize profits,
convince people to do all sorts of
loans, creating illusion to unlimited
consumption and also of credit
insurance. When some units within
the banking liquidity crisis is fueled
by depositors, which, in an effort to
not lose their savings, use massive
withdrawals of money, generating a
collective emotional state of fear and,
implicitly, a failing banking
institution.
More broadly, the crisis means
the state of failure and depression,
paralysis, blockage or regression in
reaching a certain structure or activity
across a company. Deficiency, lack,
low evolutionary potential are typical
61
state attributes of crisis. Any
manifestation of crisis in a socially
useful activity, begins with a stop
(slow or sudden) above the rate and
installing items disruption or disorder,
continue with the reduction and
depletion of resources (material,
financial, human, managerial, etc.),
down to the blockage, on a temporary
or permanent duration. In certain
circumstances, the crisis leads to the
disappearance of certain activities
(organized and maintained by a
particular institutional structure), in
other circumstances it may be
overcome through the efforts of
reorganization, refinancing and
suitability to the new demands of
social practice. The fact that any
national society and community as a
whole continental works (system)
require us to recognize that a crisis
can concatenate partial seizures with
other sector and that, either separately
or together may affect the entire
economic system and social behavior,
affecting it in varying degrees.
Scientific research of the
causes and consequences of various
deliberate crises prevails in the
second half of the nineteenth century1
1
In the literature from Romania, we can
point out the appearance, in Bucharest, in
1870, of the study La crize by Michael
Anagnosti. On the same approch it is
known the work off I.G.Bibicescu
Cercetri asupra crizei i cauzelor ei
(1885). At the beginning of the XX
century, Masim Ion Leu will deal with
Criza agricol i mijloacele de a o
ndrepta (1901), Spiru Haret was
interested by teh Criza bisericeasc
(1912), while Vintil I. Brtianu
concentrated on the decodification of
some Crize de stat, 1901-1907-1913
(work published in 1913 )
as a result of degradation and rate of
development of various socio-
economic and political phenomena
(on a national, regional and
continental). We do not currently
benefit from an exhaustive study to
examine the crisis and many of its
determinations, the state and the
process, the socio-historical
phenomenon and by numerous
generated consequences, in many
spheres (economic, political, social,
institutional, etc. ).
Setting "diagnosis" of crisis
for some social activity is based on
the finding of specific situations,
assessed in different ways: disorder,
deficit, stagnation, regression,
progression contradictory functional
inconsistency, depletion of
evolutionary potential, uncertainty,
etc.. The terms "recession",
"depression" or "collapse" (term
borrowed from medicine to refer to
stop an activity) are often used. When
the crisis is recognized by scholars,
institutions and public authorities, it
becomes an official issue, a social
issue of concern and a priority topic
of debate in the media.
The sociological definition of
a situation as a crisis requires taking
into account the indicators, from
which we can make a quantitative
qualitative and comparative analysis.
For this purpose, we choose a
particular theoretical perspective of
sociological study - often used
systemic conception, because of its
very general and operational at the
same time.
Actual research is forcing us to
adopt an appropriate method to the
object of study. Opinion survey
62
method, for example, can be
successfully used in order to
determine the subjective perception of
people about the crisis as they live it,
how they are affected and to what
extent. Analysis of statistics on the
evolution of income or
unemployment can reveal objective
manifestation of the crisis.
For economists, the
examination the crisis can be based
on synthetic indicators, such as
national GDP and industrial
production index. Dynamics of
average income, unemployment, the
scholar and the national currency,
changes in the number of economic
units in bankruptcy, the price index
are also significant benchmarks to
judge the virulence and depth of an
economic crisis. In an enlarged
acceptation, the economic crisis
regards the entire economy of a
country, region etc. and a narrow
definition refers to the crisis of
industry and economic areas
(agriculture, transport, banking
network, etc.)
When the crisis impact
becomes dramatic in relation to the
fate of many local people, it becomes
the object of study and debate
controversial not only for specialists
(economists, sociologists, political
scientists, various other scientists)2 ,
but also for public individuals
(politicians, journalists, opinion
leaders etc.). The special interest
phenomenon shown is explained by
the economic crisis that affects not
2
From the most recent editorial
apparitions from Romania, we can
mention Ilie Bdescu, Despre criz n
lumina teoriei succesiunii coexistente,
Editura Mica Valahie, Bucureti, 2009
only the negative and visible human
existence, but has also considerable
costs, especially when its
consequences extend to all areas of
the society.
2. History and typology of
crises
Economic crises have been,
over time, the origin of social crises.
World History record economic crises
in all ages of humanity since antiquity
and continuing through the Middle
Ages, and later, with that of the
Renaissance. In the following five
centuries of development of society
and capitalist economy (XVI-XX
century and first decade of the
century XXI), moments of crisis have
become not only more frequent but
more extensive in terms of
manifestation of their social
consequences. The dispersion in the
world of the capitalist mode of social
life meant, practically, also the
globalization of the crisis phenomena.
Some researchers of modern
European history, like Franois
Simiand, claims that the onset of
capitalism in the XVI century marked
a period of prosperity, while the
eighteenth century was described as
"a period of regression, depression or
crisis[...]"3. Therefore, history in
general and capitalism in particular,
would appear in the optical of the
French sociologist as an alternation of
epochs of brightness and progress and
those of dissolution and decline.
Franois Simiand is the promoter of
the secular theory of business cycles
3
Immanuel Wallerstein, Sistemul mondial
modern,vol. III, Editura Meridiane,
Bucureti, 1993, p. 7
63
in explaining the history of modern
Europe, the author considering that
periods of upward currents (phase A)
are followed by ages event downward
trends (phase B). Cyclical theory of
development of capitalist society and
economy requires, therefore, at the
scale of the history of Europe, that the
periods of progress are automatically
accompanied by periods of crisis
which are inherent.
American philosopher and
sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein has
closely dealt with the issue of the
crisis of capitalism in the eighteenth
century. He pointed out the tone of
Roland Mousnier dramatic
description, which, in 1953, stated
that: "the XVII century is the age of
crisis which affected mankind totally,
in all its economic activities, social,
political, religious, scientific, and
artistic and all his being, at the
deepest level of its vital powers, his
feelings and will. It can be said that
the crisis was continuing, but with
violent oscillations4. We deduce that
in this period in modern European
history, the crisis was not only
general and profound, but was also
consequent.
"The period of crisis - drew
attention in this context of analysis,
Immanuel Wallerstein - should not be
turned into a mere synonym for
cyclical change. The term should be
kept for periods of dramatic tension,
which represents more than a
concourse and which indicates a
turning point in the Longue Dure
structures5.
4
Idem
5
Ibidem, p.11
 Between 1907 and 2009,
humanity has faced a number of at
least 11 major crises, of which two -
the interwar Great Depression (1929-
1933) and current World Economic
Crisis (2007-2010) - is characterized
by a violent, general, and lasting
impact on world economy, bringing a
state of paralysis and a global
recession. We should note that both
economic crises began in U.S. and
were subsequently propagated in
waves gradually worldwide.
U.S. journalist Ross Bonander
studied the economic crises of the
twentieth century. He made a top ten
of those crises in the following form
and sequence:
- Panic of 1907 (USA)
- The crisis in Mexico, 1994
- The economic crisis in Argentina,
1999-2002
- Hyperinflation in Germany post
WW1, 1918-1924
- Souk Al-Kuwait Manakh, 1982
- Black Monday, October 19, 1987
- The financial crisis in Russia in
1998
- Asian crisis of 1997-1999
- Interwar Great Depression, 1929-
1933
- The oil crisis of 19736.
Next, we present various
financial and economic crisis in the
ranking of the 10 developed by the
American author. We changed some
names and made allowance for the
criteria that concern there
chronological order of proceedings7.
6
See www.hotnews.ro
7
See the site where is presented the
translation of the original article,
including some annotations at the text
64
1. U.S. banking crisis (1907)
After a period of growing
confrontation with economic
recession, with stunning bankruptcies,
with massive withdrawals of money
and increasing public distrust, the
American banking system collapsed.
Because the U.S. population was
becoming less confident in the
American banking system, especially
in 1907, the crisis is known as "The
1907 Bankers 'Panic'. We mentioned
there was no institution that
guaranteed deposits or injected
liquidities into the economy. The
repeated collapse of the stocks
exchange index (in March and
October 1907) occasioned the
intervention of strong U.S. treasury,
together with the bank JP Morgan
have provided the necessary liquidity
for the banking system, leading to
restore American confidence in the
banking system (beginning with
February 1908) and to the end of the
crisis.
2. Hyperinflation in Germany
(1918-1924)
If in 1914, the exchange rate
between the mark and the dollar was
4 to 1, in less than a decade it reached
in 1923 of 1 billion to 1. Since
Germany (and with it, Austria-
Hungary) admitted guilt to triggered
World War I by signing the Treaty of
Versailles (1919), engaged also to pay
the Allies for war damages the
amount of 226 billion marks (later,
this amount was reduced to 132
billion). Note that such a debt was
particularly burdensome; it exceeds
published by Ronan Bondander, that are
of Cristian Orgonas.
the total of gold or currency, which
that country held. Hitler suspended
this payment when came to power.
This favored the rise of the Nazi
dictator. To relieve hyperinflation and
make bearable the annual rate to be
paid as compensation for war (in
EUR 2 billion mark, plus 26% of
exports), the German government
introduced currency reform in late
1923.
The German state resumed the
payments to the Allies after the end of
World War II, then the payments
were suspended again in 1953
(German reunification pending) and
repeated in 1990, after the fall of the
Berlin Wall. So, after 90 years,
Germany still pays compensations for
First World War.
3. Interwar Great Depression
(1929-1933)
This economic crisis was
installed in August 1929, occurring
after a decade of optimism on U.S.
economic development and citizens'
insatiable consumption. United States
experienced a veritable psychosis of
consumption, meaning that almost
anything was purchased, the mentality
of the consumers being promoted at
the official level. For instance, at his
election in 1928, President J. Edgar
Hoover believed that America was
"closer to the triumph of wealth over
poverty than it was throughout
history.
The crisis started in stock,
which fell by 40%, between October
29 - November 13, 1929, losing 30
billion dollars (an amount almost
equal to the total expense of U.S.
during World War I). The Dow Jones
index lost 89% of value and it had to
last 26 years to overcome the peak
65
before the crisis. In 1933, about one
quarter of Americans who can work
were unemployed (15 million people),
unemployment rate increased from
3% to 25%, and the average working
decreased by 43%. Similarly,
industrial production fell by 52% and
prices fell by 33%. 4-5 banks were
established daily, in the years
preceding the crisis, and during the
crisis have failed, on average, 2 banks
each day. A third of banks failed or
was taken over.
The U.S. economic crisis was a
crisis of overproduction, officially
lasted until March 1933, and had a
great influence on other developed
economies of the world. Only in
1940, the American economy has
fully recovered after the crisis. One of
the conclusions reached at that time
was that the capitalist economy
demonstrated its limits during the
crisis and in order to produce, in the
new historical conditions, other
business rules were required.
4. The oil crisis of 1973
It burst in October 15, because
the Arab countries members of OPEC
(plus Egypt and Syria) decided not to
deliver oil to the U.S. and other
developed countries (especially
Holland), since they supported Israel's
political and military actions.
Importing countries were heavily
affected by the embargo, oil prices
increased dramatically, with 300%
(from $ 3 to $ 12 per barrel). For the
first time, a natural resource was used
as a tool to adjust relations in
international politics and, from this
moment, there was a new perspective
for thinking about energy
consumption, based on its reduction.

5. Souk Al-Manakh exchange
crisis in Kuwait (1982)
This stock market coexisted
with the official one and experienced
a sharp rise in stock market indices
after the burst of oil price in 1973.
Many Arabs got rich from financial
transactions made on this stock
market, sometimes in conditions of
very high risk. In 1977, the official
Kuwait Stock Exchange cracked,
forcing the Government to adopt rigid
trading rules. This situation forced the
stockbrokers towards the unofficial
stock Souk al-Manakh, which was
ranked, 3rd in the world, in terms of
capitalization, providing, thus,
sufficient grounds for confidence. The
financial collapse of this stock
exchange had as an effect, except for
one commercial bank, bankruptcy, or
nationalization of all other banks in
Kuwait.
6. American stock market
crisis (1987)
Although the year 1986, the
U.S. economy showed signs of
fatigue, however, the Dow Jones
index reached a maximum level of
quotation (in August 1997), which
was 2722 points, registering a growth
of 44% higher compared with the
result of the year 1986. However, on
the October 19, 1987 (also known as
"Black Monday"), the most
spectacular collapse in the history of
U.S. stock exchanges occurred,
economical companies put up with a
devaluation of capital estimated at
about 500 billion dollars .
66
7. Mexican economic crisis
(1994)
After a period of economic
growth, recorded before 1994 and
while maintaining a strict control over
currency, the Mexican economy
began to accumulate numerous
imbalances, some of which were
caused by reasons of political origin.
For example, the Government of the
president of Mexico, Carlos Salinas
de Gortari, decided before the
election to invest a lot of money in
the economy, in rise of wages and
pensions, which has increased the
budget deficit to an untenable level.
The former president has lost the
elections and the country's new
president, Ernesto Zedillo, gave up
currency control, leaving the domestic
currency (peso) to fluctuate freely.
Within a week the peso was devalued
by 80% against the dollar (from 4 to
7.2 peso per U.S. dollar), which drew
strong intervention of U.S.
authorities, who bought peso directly
from the market and guaranteed
Mexico a loan of 50 billion dollars.
Because U.S. involvement, the
Mexican economic situation returned
to normal after 3 weeks, and the
national currency stabilized at a level
of six peso per dollar.
8. Asian crisis (1997-1999)
It began in July 1997 in
Thailand, following a government
decision to liberalize the exchange
rate of national currency (bath,
currency linked to the dollar
development). Soon there was a
massive devaluation of Bath's, and
Thailand, which was already in a
huge foreign debt, almost went
bankrupt.
 This crisis quickly spread to
other surrounding countries, including
Japan, including the entire Southeast
Asian region. The countries most
affected by the crisis than Thailand,
were South Korea and Indonesia.
They were supported by the
International Monetary Fund (IMF),
which granted those countries a loan
of 40 billion dollars (used mainly for
setting exchange rates). Asian crisis
lasted 2 years, after which the
national economies of the region
began to recover.
9. The financial crisis in Russia
(1998)
The Russian crisis occurred in
the context of Asian crisis and in a
causal relation with the latter. Thus,
the Asian crisis led to lower prices of
basic raw materials (oil, gas and
various metals), that Russia provided
on the Asian market and which
represented 80% of its exports. The
decrease of revenues from exports (on
the one hand, by reducing
consumption of raw materials on the
Asian market and, secondly, due to
their low prices and hence of
revenues), of which Russia was
dependent, leading Russia to not be
able to honor the foreign debt,
entering therefore in default. Russian
Federation Government issued bonds
before 1998 to cover deficits, but the
interest that came to pay on those
bonds amounted finally to 150% per
year. On August 13, 1998, stock and
exchange rate collapsed, triggering a
severe financial crisis. Later, in 1999
and 2000, the financial recovery
process took place and consequently,
o improvement of the economy.
67
10. The economic crisis in
Argentina (1999-2002)
It started at the end of a period
when the country was governed by a
military dictatorship and went
through a war with England to win
dominance over the Falklands Islands,
which they lost. Meanwhile, the
economy was seriously affected by
galloping inflation, which reached a
level of 200% per month.
Apart from these 10 crises
mentioned, we can add the current
one. Its position in a hierarchical and
historical classification is difficult to
determine now, as it is still in
progress (on a related temporal
coordinate linked to the XXI century),
but certainly will occupy a prominent
place, if we consider the huge
amounts spent by all world
governments to counter the evil
effects of it.
Certainly, the ranking compiled
by Ross Bonander does not contain
all crises recorded in the last century
(for instance is not taken into
consideration food and economic
crisis after the Second World War),
but provides an overview of the
epochs of crisis, that, on average,
succeed, usually at an interval of 10
years. Thus, after a period of stability
and economic prosperity, lasting
about a decade, a moment of crisis
appears.
As noted above, in a
chronological and historical order the
main economic and financial crisis
occurred in the world since 1900 and
until now, have been the following:
1907, 1918-1924, 1929-1933, 1973,
1982 , 1987, 1994, 1997-1999, 1998,
1999-2002, 2007 and beyond.
It is noted that within 100
years, the most influential economic
crises had their epicenter in America,
Europe, and Asia. In addition, we
note that the most developed
economy in the world (the U.S.) is
directly or indirectly linked to most of
the economic crisis throughout the
world carried during the twentieth
century.
We often read or hear about:
the economic crisis, banking crisis,
financial crisis, the crisis of values,
family crisis, moral crisis, political
crisis, the crisis of culture, state crisis,
the crisis of institutions (public), the
structural crisis, the crisis
circumstances, a system crisis, the
cyclical crisis of science, spiritual
crisis, the church crisis, crisis in
agriculture, food crisis, water crisis,
the crisis of medicine, education
crisis, oil crisis, gas crisis, the crisis
of salaries, real estate crisis, the crisis
of authority, crisis power, government
crisis, the parliamentary crisis and so
on.
The many manifestations of the
crisis made it necessary, in sociology,
their classification, or typology. A
significant step in this regard belong
to the American sociologist Immanuel
Wallerstein, who dealt extensively
with "world-historical transition from
feudalism to capitalism," and research
of capitalism as a social system,
manner of production and indeed as a
civilization ". The author made a
difference between structural crisis
(affecting the essence of a system and
leading to change the fundamentals of
an activity and society) and
circumstantial crisis (which is
temporary, surmountable, which
could be caused by explosive social
situation, by major shortcomings or
by historical and natural disasters). In
addition, depending on the range, the
68
crisis could be general, particular, or
belonging to a certain sector.
An operational criterion for
examining crisis in a society is
represented by their domain of
manifestation: political, economic,
administrative, educational, medical,
moral, institutional, of the spiritual
values, of national culture, of
technical and technological systems,
the legal codes etc... The crisis in one
area may adversely affect the
operation of other domains of social
life, and in some contexts a linking of
crisis could be noticed, fact that has
very serious consequences for the
functioning of human society.
Political crisis and economic crisis -
in their extreme explosive forms -
have the greatest social impact,
generating insurmountable situations
for citizens, due to their direct impact
on other areas of social activity.
The extended crises at political,
economical, social level, broadly,
either reclaims some urgent action to
reform, or could change the existing
political and economic order,
therefore it could lead to the
reorganization and reconfiguration of
the social system.
References:
1. Bari, Ioan, Probleme globale
contemporane, Editura Economic,
Bucureti, 2003
2. Bdescu, I., Despre criz n
lumina teoriei succesiunii coexistente,
Editura Academiei, Bucureti, 2008
3. Brown, L., Probleme globale ale
omenirii. Starea lumii, Editura
Tehnic, Bucureti, 1992
4. Buneci, P; Masu, St.; Gheorghe
V., Criza, anticriza i noua ordine
mondial, Editura Solaris Print,
Bucureti, 2009
5. Isrescu, M., Criza financiar
internaional i provocri pentru
politica monetar din Romnia, Cluj,
26 februarie 2009
6. Isrescu, M., Criza financiar-
bancar i economic: strategii,
programe i msuri anticriz.
Implicaiile i perspectivele unei
agende naionale, Braov, 6 martie
2009
7. Norris, F., Financial crises
spread in Europe, International
Herlad Tribune, October 6, 2008
8. Wallerstein, I., Declinul puterii
americane, Editura Incitatus,
Bucureti, 2005
9. Wallerstein,I., Sistemul mondial
modern,vol. III, Editura Meridiane,
Bucureti, 1993
10. *** Economic Crisis in Europe:
Causes, Consequences and
Responses, European Commission,
Brussels, 2009
11. *** The Global Economic
Crisis: Systemic Failures and
Multilateral Remedies, UNCTAD,
Geneve, 2009Wallerstein, Immanuel,
Sistemul mondial modern,vol. III,
Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1993

69
 Factori sociali determinani ai alcoolismului
i efectele consumului de alcool asupra vieii sociale
Rezumat: n aceast lucrare voi
ncerca s subliniez efectele
dependenei de alcool i s demonstrez
impactul negativ pe care acesta l are
n planul moral i social .Studiile
sociologice realizate n ara noastr
dup 1989 evideniaz faptul c din ce
n ce mai muli romni consum
buturi alcoolice. Alcoolicii triesc
anumite drame care se rsfrng i
asupra celor din jur. Prezena
factorilor sociali n alcoolism este
demonstrat de variaia proporiilor
alcoolicilor n grupurile profesionale,
sociale, n civilizaii, precum i n
funcie de sexul persoanelor
consumatoare de alcool. Implicaiile
alcoolismului n Romnia nu sunt pe
deplin contientizate, existnd aspecte
ale alcoolismului ce nu sunt percepute
de majoritatea populaiei. Cu toate
acestea n Romnia, alcoolismul nu
este privit ca o boal, cel puin nu de
masele largi ale populaiei. Dei n
S.U.A. sau n vestul Europei exist o
adevrat cultur, un ntreg arsenal de
metode de remediere a acestei
tulburri, n Romnia se face o
promovare mai puin accentuat la
nivel naional a metodei de prevenire i
combatere a abuzului de alcool.
Centrele de dezintoxicare sunt foarte
puin mediatizate, iar unele sunt incluse
n cadrul seciilor de psihiatrie ale
spitalelor, ceea ce reprezint o piedic
n recunoaterea acestei tulburri.
Abuzul de alcool este ntlnit la toate
nivelurile sociale.
70
Lect. dr. Maria PESCARU
Universitatea din Piteti
mariapescaru@yahoo.com
Cuvinte cheie: viaa social, alcool,
motivaie, religie, criminalitate
1. Evoluia alcoolismul n
lume
Considerat ca a IV-a
problem de sntate public, dup
bolile cardio-vasculare, mentale i
cancer, afectnd indirect prin
perturbarea relaiilor sociale i
interpersonale un numr de persoane
de 6-7 ori mai mare dect cel al
bolnavilor, cu implicaii i consecine
personale i sociale incalculabile,
alcoolomania se impune astzi
studiului sub aspect tridimensional:
medical, psihologic, sociologic.
Aplicarea metodelor din
domeniul antropologiei i arheologiei,
care sunt din ce n ce mai
perfecionate, a condus la strngerea
unor informaii care dateaz de acum
trei milioane de ani, date nespecifice,
de altfel ntregii suprafee a globului.
Omul paleolitic sau omul peterilor
care tria numai din vntoare sau
pescuit, a nceput s construiasc
adposturi i s lucreze lutul pentru a-
i face vase. Este probabil ca el s fi
cunoscut n acelai timp alcoolul i
beia, din ntmplare, bnd suc de
fructe pe care l-a lsat pentru mai
mult timp ntr-un vas. Omul preistoric
va deveni cu timpul pstor, agricultor,
va descoperi astfel i smna i
fermentaia. n neolitic va consuma
buturi alcoolice fabricate din buturi,
din cereale fermentate.
Numeroase documente
arheologice atest cunoaterea i
folosirea acestor buturi. Astfel, n
Danemarca, la Skydtsrup, au fost
descoperite dou vase de but din
corn de animale, unul coninnd bere,
iar cellalt o butur din ap i miere.
n Antalia, a fost descoperit un
recipient folosit la fabricarea berii.
Din ntmplare bnd suc
fermentat, omul s-a mbtat i apoi a
avut o revelaie divin: Noe a plantat
vi de vie i a cunoscut beia
(Geneza IX 20).
Pentru oamenii primitivi,
calitile buturii nu puteau fi dect
de origine divin i civa dintre
productorii buturii au fost
transformai n diviniti autohtone.
Nectarul, ambrozia, vinul produc
beia sacr care permite intrarea n
contact cu divinitatea oferindu-le
celor care le consum, nemurirea.
Consumul habitual a cunoscut
o decdere rapid, dar pentru puin
timp, ca apoi s fie rezervat
preoilor, efilor i folosit pentru
ritualurile religioase. Oamenii ncep
s foloseasc butura pentru nevoile
lor psihice, fiind ntlnit sub
denumirea de poiunea magic a
preoilor. Acest obicei este cunoscut
i astzi n triburile primitive ca
pigmeii, triburile Transkei din Africa
de Sud, unde n timpul srbtorii
Lunii Noi, butura magic din banane
este rezervat femeilor.
n toate civilizaiile, n textele
sacre se distinge importana acordat
viei de vie i n special a vinului. De
asemenea, tot din texte, se observ
preocuparea de a se demonstra
primordialitatea n cultivarea viei de
vie i producerea vinului n fiecare
cultur.
n Egipt, vinul era fabricat
pentru anumite ritualuri speciale i
consumat de prima dinastie (3.400 .
e. n.) n special de clasele sociale
nstrite. Era folosit n ritualurile
funerare i la festiviti. Osiris este
considerat un Bachus, un Dumnezeu
al vinului, fiind primul care a sdit
via de vie.
Grecia Antic dezvolt cultura
i arta viei de vie. Platon afirma n
cartea Legi: Grecii au avut via de
vie, deci nu au adus-o de la fenicieni.
Ali scriitori fac referire n scrierile
lor la existena, folosirea i
binefacerile vinului. Demostene
spune: spunei-mi alte efecte mai
minunate dect cele ale vinului. Un
om but este mai bogat, totul i
reuete. n Grecia Antic, Dionisie
era zeul vinului i i se aduceau
ofrande n cadrul mai multor
srbtori.
Din studierea culturii italiene
reiese universalitatea buturilor
alcoolizate, considerate o nevoie
fundamental. Consumul alcoolului
era rezervat preoilor pentru a le
permite s comunice cu Cel de Sus.
Se bea, de asemenea, la srbtorile
religioase, la ntlnirile importante
unde se mai practicau i jocuri i
concursuri cu scopul de a fi dovedite
fora i virilitatea.
Spre sfritul secolului V .Hr.
grecii aduc la Marsilia prima plantaie
viticol. Cultura se va dezvolta i va
cpta repede o importan
considerabil, astfel c, n primul
secol era noastr, devin celebre
vinurile din Allobroges, de pe Rhone
i cel din Bordeaux. nc din secolul I
era noastr, Frana ncepe s exporte
vinurile sale n Italia i n Olanda.
71
Francezii foloseau vinul n ocazii
speciale ca: funeralii, cstorii,
srbtorile culesului, dar tot att de
bine l foloseau ca leac. Parcurgnd
aceste civilizaii nu putem dect s
recunoatem universalitatea
consumului de buturi alcoolice i
miturile legate de ele. Prejudecile
legate de vin sunt puternic
nrdcinate n mentalitatea noastr.
Dac vinul a pierdut din valoarea sa
sacr, s-a conservat din plin valoarea
social i nu i-a pierdut simbolul.
Toate actele sociale sunt
marcate de festin i de ciocnirea unei
cupe.
De la nceputul erei noastre,
vinul a devenit o cerere comercial, o
surs de profit, datorit extinderii
cretinismului. n acelai timp,
efectele negative nu s-au lsat
ateptate, consumarea buturilor
alcoolice a cptat o semnificaie
individual, artitii gsind n buturile
alcoolice o surs de inspiraie, dar
riturile sociale sunt conservate.
Progresul societii umane
nseamn i industrializarea
domeniilor de activitate printre care i
a produciei viticole, pomicole i
agricole precum i a prelucrrii
acestora, toate acestea avnd ca
rezultat creterea cantitilor
buturilor precum i diversificarea
lor, fapt ce are ca urmare creterea
progresiv a consumului de alcool.
n 1984 O.M.S. ddea exemplu
producia Europei ntre 1950 1972
care a crescut cu 9,6% la vin, 66% la
bere, iar la spirtoase cu 97,4%. n
prezent, ca ntlnirea dintre alcool i
persoan s aib loc nu este necesar
dect dorina i un venit minim.
Creterea produciei de alcool atrage
dup sine creterea numrului
persoanelor consumatoare de buturi
alcoolice. n anul 1985 n S.U.A. 10
milioane de aduli i 3 milioane de
minori erau consumatori n mod
abuziv de alcool.
n ultimele decenii ale
mileniului doi consumul de alcool a
crescut alarmant, Romnia aflndu-se
pe locurile fruntae din Europa.
Aceast situaie alarmant a impus
efectuarea a numeroase studii i
demararea programelor specifice de
evitare a nocivitii consumului cu
participarea factorilor de decizie,
societii civile precum i a
specialitilor n mod deosebit a
psihiatrilor, psihologilor i
sociologilor.
Romancierii secolului al XIX-
lea i nceputul secolului XX au fcut
legtura dintre alcool i scandaluri,
drame care conduceau la spitalizare i
nchisoare.
Folosirea drogurilor i n
special a alcoolului este un fenomen
foarte complex, punnd n joc mai
muli factori att din plan personal,
ct i din plan social.
n antichitate, consumul
ndelungat de alcool era denunat.
Hipocrate descrie nenelegerile
provocate de alcool.
De-a lungul anilor au fost date
mai multe definiii alcoolismului i
alcoolicului. Benjamin Rush, care a
semnat Declaraia de Independen a
Statelor Unite ale Americii n 1812
considera consumul abuziv de buturi
alcoolice ca fiind precursorul
conceptului medical al nebuniei:
Consumarea necontrolat a
buturilor alcoolice este o boal a
voinei i revine corpului medical s
se ocupe de ea. Dup el, toate
remediile religioase, morale i psihice
trebuie s acioneze n acelai timp
72
pentru vindecarea complet i
radical a acestei boli.
Alcoolismul, ca boal, a fost
recunoscut n 1933 de Asociaia
Medical American i de Asociaia
Psihiatric American fiind ulterior
recunoscut de O.M.S. i trecut n
clasificarea standard a bolilor.
Alcoolismul, iniial a fost
considerat o boal psihiatric
caracterizat prin perturbare a
modelului relaional i afiliat
nevrozei. Un anumit numr de
definiii de acest gen rmn restrictive
i limitate la anumite aspecte
psihopatologice ale alcoolismului.
O.M.S. n 1952, caracteriza
conceptul de alcoolism prin
cuprinderea a numai o parte dintre
consumatorii excesivi i anume pe
aceia care prezint manifestri care
afecteaz sntatea lor fizic i
mintal, relaiile lor cu alte persoane
i comportamentul lor social i
economic.
Tot O.M.S. definete
alcoolismul ca starea prezentat de un
subiect care consum alcool n
detrimentul sntii sau activitii
sociale pe timpul unei perioade
determinate. Astfel, alcoolismul, n
sens larg, corespunde ansamblului de
dezechilibrri cauzate de consumul
alcoolului, att pe plan social,
economic ct i pe plan personal.
Alcoolismul poate fi privit i ca un
rspuns individual/general la un
comportament social al alcoolizrii
pentru c existe diferene ale
modelelor culturale, situaiilor
personale sau familiale, ale mediului,
ale personalitii, ale organismelor,
toate acestea reprezentnd factori care
intervin n geneza alcoolismului.
Studiile pe populaiile izolate din
ultimul deceniu al mileniului trecut au
constatat o puternic corelare, la
aceste populaii, a consumului de
alcool cu suicidul i cu
comportamentul antisocial i
heteroagresiv.
Din punctul de vedere al
Dicionarului de Psihologie,
alcoolismul reprezint ansamblul de
tulburri fizice i mentale cauzate de
consumul de buturi alcoolice.
(Larouse, Dicionar de Psihologie,
1996)
Alcoolic este persoana care
datorit abuzului de buturi alcoolice
i face ru siei i persoanelor din
jurul lui. Alcoolismul este definit ca o
stare de dependen psihologic sau
corporal, somatic fa de buturile
alcoolice i se deosebete de
consumul de alcool, unde subiectul nu
sufer dac ntrerupe. Din cele
prezentate mai sus se poate face
diferena ntre beii i alcoolism,
beiile nu sunt legate automat de
alcoolismul cronic, dar pot ine de el
n sensul c se difereniaz starea de
sevraj al alcoolicului sau tulburarea
organic a alcoolicului de beia
respectivului alcoolic precum i starea
de beie la persoana nealcoolic.
2. Factori determinani ai
alcoolismului
Vorbind despre ritualurile
sociale, ne putem referi la un
ansamblu de reguli i ceremonii
legate de folosirea buturilor
alcoolice, descrierea tradiiilor
societii noastre fa de alcool.
Alcoolismul, att ca boal, ct
i ca fenomen psihosocial este
multifactorial, n sensul c att la
determinarea ct i la consecinele
generale, intervin o multitudine de
factori. Distingem factorii interni care
in de vulnerabilitatea individului i
73
factorii externi care sunt multiplii i
variaz constituind n acelai timp risc
pentru vulnerabilizarea individului.
Factorii externi difer n funcie de
apartenena la o epoc sau alta, la o
societate sau alta i chiar de la o clas
social sau alta. Factorii interni i
externi acioneaz mpreun
favorizndu-se reciproc.
Vulnerabilitatea reprezint
ansamblul de elemente care fac ca n
faa posibilitii de a consuma alcool
un individ s fie mai mult sau mai
puin tentat. Vulnerabilitatea este de
natur biologic, psihologic i socio-
spiritual, urmnd modelul
antropologic de formare
personalitii.
Factori psiho-sociali
n stadiul actual al obiceiurilor
noastre, este incontestabil c a bea
mpreun creeaz o solidaritate ntre
oameni i nu este exagerat s spunem
c nu exist festivitate fr s fie
nsoit de buturi alcoolice.
Alcoolul reprezint
medicamentul magic al slbiciunii
care confer putere i virilitate. Vinul
i alcoolul sunt cele care
renvioreaz, te nal, sunt
indispensabile pentru muncile care
necesit for. Alcoolul este cel care
stimuleaz spiritele i dezleag
limbile.
Astfel, i n ara noastr este
imposibil ca alcoolul s nu joace un
rol important tocmai prin ambundena
buturilor alcoolice pe pia,
publicitii i preului redus al
acestora.
Inventarul acestor factori
psihosociali trebuie s cuprind i
presiunile sociale care sunt exercitate
asupra individului i care-l mping
spre butur, pentru a nu fi
excomunicat" de grup. Aceast
alcoolizare contient are cu att mai
multe anse de succes, cu ct
individul este mai sugestibil i mai
pasiv.
Alcoolismul a mai fost pus i
pe seama lipsei totale a motivaiei
sau a motivaiei confuze aceasta
predominnd n debutul experienei
repetitive ajungnd s fie de tip
distructiv. Prin urmare consumul de
alcool e considerat a fi un veritabil
sindrom amotivaional, avnd origine
social, i avoliional.
Motivaia existenial a
alcoolicului este reprezentat de
a motivaia hedonic aceasta fiind
specific unei personalitii imature.
Imaturitatea alcoolicului este
reflectat de dependen i
autodistrugere, de lipsa abilitiilor
decizionale i prin faptul c el i
asum numai roluri fantasmagonice.
Teoria motivaional a
alcoolicului cu comportament deviant
vizeaz diferenierea dintre motivaie,
motiv i mobil n sensul c motivaia
trebuie cutat la alcoolic i nu la
fapta propriu-zis. Condiiile
motivaiei depind de formarea
atitudinii i a preferinei, atitudinea
fiind definit ca mod de a reaciona
favorabil sau nefavroabil fa de un
obiect sau eveniment, exprimnd un
comportament ales. Raionamentul
individual evalueaz astfel atributele
specifice ale evenimentului conform
experienei proprii. Modelele de
evaluare sunt de tip compensatoriu i
necompensatoriu. Se pare c modelul
compensatoriu este mai frecvent la
alcoolici, n sensul c atributele mai
puin satisfctoare ale evenimentului
se compenseaz prin exacerbarea
altor atribute, aparent satisfctoare.
n condiii i circumstane date,
74
atitudinea fa de un eveniment sau
altul se poate modifica i din jocul
rezultat se poate ajunge la alcoolism,
la criminalitate sau la ceea ce este mai
grav din punct de vedere social,
criminalitatea alcoolicului.
Factori socio-culturali
Toate influenele socio-
culturale care nu se gsesc n
concordan cu psihologia comunitii
au ca rezultat tulburrile de
personalitate. Pe lng bazele
biologice ale omului care
condiioneaz alcoolismul se mai
adaug i dimensiunea socio-cultural
a individului.
S-a observat c nu toi oamenii
care locuiesc ntr-o zon geografic
sunt predispui alcoolismului. Cei cu
o astfel de predispoziie sunt cei cu un
anumit specific cultural.
Influenele pe care mediul le
exercit asupra personalitii se
mpart n dou categorii:
- cele datorate mpririi
aceluiai mediu (copiii unei familii
triesc n aceeai cas, beneficiaz de
aceeai ngrijire i afeciune din
partea prinilor i de multe alte
aspecte ale ambientului). Acest tip de
influen se manifest ntre variabilele
ambientale familiale;
- cele datorate unor evenimente
aprute n viaa copiilor din cadrul
aceleiai familii, care au determinat
anumite modificri de personalitate
(un copil a avut un profesor bun,
cellalt un profesor slab, un copil
contacteaz o boal, cellalt nu etc.).
Prezena factorilor sociali n
alcoolism este demonstrat de variaia
proporiilor alcoolicilor n grupurile
profesionale, sociale, n civilizaii,
precum i la sexe. n grupurile sociale
este uor s distingem muncile care
predispun individul la alcoolism, iar
acestea sunt: muncile care necesit
for; muncile agricole; activitile
politice; muncile legate de producia
i distribuirea buturilor alcoolice;
muncile care implic o deplasare
periodic (marinari, ageni comerciali,
oferi etc.
Anumite profesii ce implic
responsabilitate n relaiile
interpersonale. Astfel, alcoolismul
apare puternic corelat cu anumite
specialiti medicale, printre care
medicina legal, anatomia patologic,
terapia intensiv. i psihiatria. Dar
potenialul alcoolic este o preferin
pentru aceste ultime profesiuni care-i
permit satisfacerea schimbrii,
refugiul de realitatea monoton.
Legat de acest aspect, la
pediatrii, toxicomania n general,
inclusiv alcoolismul, ca i depresia i
suicidul se ntlnesc att de rar nct
sunt nesemnificative. Aspectul este
foarte important n cercetarea
raporturilor dintre persoan i
profesie, n sensul c dac persoana
i alege o profesie compatibil cu
structura sa, profesia i marcheaz
comportamentul i devenirea
spiritual.
Un rol important l au i
standardele culturale" care se axeaz
pe modul de a bea i de atitudinea
social n ceea ce privete butorii i
n special statutul de beie. Beia
poate reprezenta obiectul unei
tolerane variabile, cteodat depind
limita, altdat fiind dezaprobat
riguros.
Studierea grupurilor de
alcoolici a artat pe de alt parte
importana primordial i
determinant a presiunilor exercitate
de grup (modelul familial, prietenii
etc.).
75
 Alte condiii favorizante ale
alcoolismului sunt reprezentate de
gradul de permisivitate social a
consumului, opiniile formate n cadrul
unor grupri de populaie similar i
proasta informare a publicului cu
privire la efectele negative pe care
alcoolul le poate avea asupra
individului.
Cunoaterea efectelor are ca
rezultat un numr redus de cazuri de
alcoolism. De exemplu, n Islanda
problema alcoolismului se reduce la
beiile acute ntmpltoare, toate
acestea fiind posibile datorit
informrii corecte despre efectele
negative ale alcoolului.
Sancionarea de ctre opinia
public a consumului mpreun cu o
informare judicioas asupra efectelor
alcoolului au ca rezultat diminuarea
numrului de cazuri de alcoolism de
exemplu n Spania exist puine
cazuri de alcoolism, iar acestea sunt
moderate.
Rolul grupului este foarte
important putnd influena pozitiv
sau negativ viaa individului. Un
alcoolic nverunat care ajunge n
rndul unor sectani devine abstinent
i n acelai timp un lupttor nfocat
mpotriva alcoolului. Acest lucru este
posibil prin faptul c grupul de
sectani reuete s-i schimbe
motivaia pentru via pentru
nelegere i ntrajutorare.
. Un astfel de grup
funcioneaz pe baza principiului: Ei
m ajut pe mine, eu i ajut pe ei. ,
conferindu-i alcoolicului o poziie
egal cu cei din jurul lui. Pentru
alcoolic este un grup protectiv, un
grup care-i preia problema, o dizolv,
i dizolv pn i responsabilitatea,
acest grup funcionnd ca o unitate i
nu ca o asociaie formal.
Este uor de evideniat
caracterul ambivalent al dependenei
n cadrul asociailor de alcoolici,
ajutorul i nevoia de comunicare i
studierea raporturilor ntre rolul
asumat de alcoolici n grupul de
alcoolici i rolul jucat n familie.
Grupurile din bar permit mai
uor s punem n eviden dinamica
relaional asupra creia intervin
forele atraciei i respingerii, cutarea
de situaii afective, cutarea
securitii, rolului, a afirmrii de sine
i sensului de apartenen la grup al
alcoolicului. Barurile, crciumile
ndeplinesc rolul de la sine" de
centru de securitate, ritmului i
orarului de plecri i ieiri la cafea,
primirii clientului de patron sau
angajat; prezint structura unui grup
lipsit de obligaii i restriciile unei
adaptri, un substituit al atmosferei
familiale i o comunitate care nu este
perceput a fi ostil.
Este adevrat c alcoolismul
considerat la nceput ca scandal,
pcat, viciu, defect s-a transformat n
conceptul de boal. Dar este la fel de
adevrat c alcoolici consum
aceleai buturi alcoolice i au
aceleai gesturi pe care le au i ceilali
consumatori care nu sunt alcoolici.
Alcoolul este personificat nu numai
cultural i gustativ, ci i pentru
proprietile lui psihoactive, dnd la o
parte pe cele toxice.
Un posibil factor implicat n
alcoolismul la muncitorii care
profeseaz munci brute este dat de
corelarea dintre munc grea timp
liber de recreere minim
imposibilitatea de sublimare a tririlor
legate de meseria brut n timpul liber
pe care l are la o modalitate care s
elimine comportamentul social al
consumului de alcool.
76
 Putem afirma c alcoolismul
este o conduit universal, iar
alcoolicul este o existen care sufer
fizic, psihic i spiritual.
Alcoolul i religia
n contextul socio-cultural,
alcoolul ocup un loc aparte pentru c
face parte din tradiia religioas
direct (Biblia i Evanghelia) i
indirect prin legturile cu cultura
religioas.
n Grecia, izvorul civilizaiei,
Dionisie era venerat la fel ca ceilali
zei. Srbtorile prin care era venerat,
celebrau via de vie i vinul sub forma
sa de euforie mistic i delirium
sexual. Femeile deczute se dedau n
timpul srbtorilor la aciuni interzise
n zilele obinuite. Ele mergeau prin
ar, mulgeau vacile, i maltratau
copiii, participau la orgiile sexuale. Se
tie c aceste procesiuni n onoarea
lui Dionisie sunt primele reprezentaii
teatrale. Dumnezeu a fost cunoscut
prin intermediul vinului ca stpnul
inspiraiei, al fertilitii, al nebuniei i
al delirului. Din aceast ndeprtat
origine se transmite n cultura noastr
ideea mai mult sau mai puin
contient a legturii dintre vin, delir
i sex.
n Biblie, referirile la vin sunt
frecvente. Este euforiant, consolator,
ceva ce nu trebuie s lipseasc
brbailor plecai n armat. Vechiul
Testament, ca i tradiia dionisiac,
transmite ambivalena omului n faa
viei de vie i a vinului, fericirea pe de
o parte, furia i agresiunea pe de alt
parte. n Noul Testament
transformarea este mai mult
simbolic. Primul miracol al lui Iisus
a fost transformarea apei n vin. Se
observ parabola transformrii
sufletului care este impur ca apa n
pur ca vinul. S nu uitm c n rile
semideertice apa este deseori
poluat, purttoare de bacterii i
microbi, n timp ce vinul, butura
fermentat, este mult mai sntos. De
aici rezult ideea c apa este pentru
exteriorul corpului, iar vinul trebuie
ncorporat, unit cu interiorul
organismului.
Cina cea de tain sau instituia
mprtaniei ofer continuu simbolul
acestei tradiii. Prin miracolul
transformrii, sufletul lui Iisus trece
n snge i acesta din urm se
transform n vin printr-un simbolism
simplu.
Tradiia greac i cretin
susineau ideea c cel care particip la
srbtori i la ntlniri iese n
eviden. Alcoolismul solitar este
marcat de tristee, de ruine, precum
i de culpabilitate. Consumarea n
grup a alcoolului este o bucurie, o
eliberare, plasat sub sigiliu
convieuirii. Prezena mai multor
persoane face ca alcoolul consumat s
fie din ce n ce mai mult. Acest lucru
se ntmpl n afara reuniunilor
familiale sau amicale unde nu exist
provocare. Datorit alcoolului, cei
timizi se elibereaz de rezervele lor,
inhibiiile dispar, iar muii devin
limbui. Toate acestea se ntmpl
ntr-un climat de permisivitate
motenit. Alcoolul dezvolt curajul,
fora i virilitatea. Alcoolul este un
aliment al puterii i al gloriei, este
rezervat lupttorilor i oamenilor care
tiu s nfrunte pericolul rzboaielor.
Aceast opinie condamn nc de la
nceput alcoolismul feminin.
Vinul este legat de modul
limitat al muncii i al obligaiilor.
Este o compensaie a frustrrilor
provocate de munc, un fel de
recompens a efortului depus. Omul
77
care are o munc, care presupune
for trebuie s bea pentru curaj. Sau
poate bea doar pentru a marca
apartenena la acea bran, subliniind
astfel c nu e adeptul sedentarismului.
Ce este alcoolismul?
Alcoolismul este
manifestarea constient sau nu, prin
care individul caut satisfacerea
nevoii de a consuma alcool indiferent
de mijloace sau consecine, pentru
evitarea sevrajului sau a strilor
psihice neplcute. Consumul este
determinat de dependena fizic i
dependena psihic. Alcoolismul este
o boal primar, cronic, influenat
n dezvoltarea i manifestrile ei de
factori genetici, psiho-sociali i de
mediu. Boala este deseori progresiv
i fatal. Se caracterizeaz prin
pierderea controlului asupra
consumului de alcool, constant sau
periodic, preocuparea faa de alcool,
consumul de alcool n ciuda
consecinelor nefaste i dereglri ale
gndirii, cea mai important fiind
negarea.
Boala nseamna un
dezechilibru involuntar. Reprezint
suma fenomenelor anormale
manifestate de un grup de indivizi.
Aceste fenomene sunt asociate cu un
set comun specific de caracteristici
prin care acesti indivizi difer de
normal i care i pune n dezavantaj.
Deseori progresiv i fatal nseamn
c aceast boal persist n timp i c
schimbrile fizice, emoionale i
sociale sunt deseori cumulative i pot
progresa pe msur ce consumul
continu.
Pierderea controlului
nseamna incapacitate de limitare a
consumului de alcool sau de limitare
a duratei consumului de alcool cu
orice ocazie, a cantitii consumate
i/sau a altor consecine ale alcoolului
privind comportamentul. Preocuparea
asociat cu consumul de alcool indic
o atenie excesiv, concentrat pe
alcool/drog, efectele i/sau consumul
acestuia. Valoarea relativ atribuit
astfel de ctre individ alcoolului, duce
deseori la o direcionare a energiei
departe de problemele importante ale
vieii.
3.Efectele alcoolului asupra
vieii sociale
Alcoolul i viaa de familie
Familia alcoolicului dezvolt
reacii emoionale i comportamentale
specifice. Astfel, emoional apar
sentimente de vinovie pentru
situaia dependentului, dar i depresia,
datorat pierderii de prestigiu, de
demnitate familial i personal, de
prieteni, de sigurana (inclusiv
sigurana financiar). Sentimentul de
depresie este agravat i de faptul c
este trit n singurtate. Apar, de
asemenea, sentimente de revolt. ns,
dac iniial codependentul se supar
pe dependent, n scurt timp, senzaia
de neputin, datorat amplorii
problemelor face ca revolta s se
ndrepte i asupra celor apropiai (i
nevinovai) i chiar asupra propriei
persoane, iar n ultima instan asupra
lumii ntregi.
Dac brbatul beat i strig
suprarea n toiul nopii, soia i-o
exprim a doua zi dimineaa, dar cei
doi nu comunic i astfel situaia se
agraveaz. Pe de alt parte, revolta
neexprimat produce sentimente de
frustrare, jignire, umilin, datorate
faptului c persoana dependent i
blameaz pe ceilali pentru propria sa
vinovie. Iniial, membrilor de
78
familie le este ruine de lume pentru
comportamentul alcoolicului, dar, n
timp, sentimentul se extinde i ajunge
s le fie ruine de ei nii, de
propriile performane.
Ruinea scade stima de sine, iar
n cazul copiilor asta duce la
diminuarea drastic a performanelor
i a nivelului de realizare n via, ei
restrngndu-i ambiiile i se explic i prin vina, asumat de
obiectivele datorit nencrederii n
sine. Apare teama de viitor, teama
pentru propria via de familie, teama
de srcie, de relaiile cu alte
persoane, de certuri, de caracterul
iremediabil al situaiei - teama se
extinde la orice. Ea conduce la
izolare, genernd un sentiment acut
de nsingurare. Din punct de vedere
comportamental, familia fie neag
problema integral (i scuz individul),
fie o recunoate, dar o limiteaz la
individ. Ea are tendina de a-l proteja
pe alcoolic. ntre altele, ncearc s
in sub control dependena,
nsoindu-l pe acesta n locurile n
care ar putea s bea, ascunznd sau
aruncnd butura i favoriznd butul
la domiciliu (considerat ca fiind de
preferat butului la crcium, pentru
c incumb mai puine riscuri pentru
alcoolic). De multe ori, scderea
stimei de sine se proiecteaz n mod
incontient asupra celorlali sub form
de team sau furie, traduse prin
agresiuni verbale, sarcasm sau
ameninri. Codependenii pot ajunge
depresivi, cu accese de plns n
singurtate, sau au izbucniri violente,
care se declaneaz din cauze
nesemnificative, ceea ce i face s se
considere bolnavi de nervi.
Membrii familiei unui alcoolic
dezvolt tipare comportamentale
specifice, defensive. Primul dintre ele
este cel numit suspect de bun".
Codependentul se apr, fcnd
eforturi disperate de a compensa
situaia familial, ncercnd s creeze
impresia c problema nu exist. De
exemplu, soia i ndeplinete
exemplar ndatoririle sale i preia din
cele ale soului alcoolic i ale familiei,
cutnd recunoatere n cadrul
acesteia (de fapt, acest comportament
soie, mai ales fa de copii, de a nu fi
n stare s se desprind de situaie,
printr-un divor). Dar prin aceast
atitudine ea se face indispensabil i
ca urmare soul va atepta din ce n ce
mai mult de la ea i pn la urm tot
va gsi motive de nemulumire. n
plus, astfel, alcoolicul nu ia contact cu
consecinele comportamentului su,
ceea ce ncurajeaz consumul de
alcool.
Un alt tip de comportament
este cel rebel", n cadrul cruia
membrul de familie distrage atenia
de la problema real, abtnd-o
asupra comportamentului propriu
(dispare de acas, se poart urt,
creeaz probleme, este implicat
poliia).
n comportamentul apatic",
individul se apr de suferin,
anulndu-i orice rspuns emoional.
El evit situaiile stresante i afieaz
o atitudine de nepsare, dar n sinea
sa nu reuete s scape de anxietate.
Se separ de ceilali, respingnd
familia n mod pasiv i retrgndu-se
n reverie. ns, prin atitudinea sa,
apaticul contribuie la iluzia c totul
este bine n familie, ntrziind
momentul unei schimbri reale.
Se pot observa comportamente
i sentimente corespondente, n
oglind", la alcoolic i la membrii
familiei acestuia, n baza unei afectri
paralele. Astfel, dac pacientul
79
(alcoolicul) este preocupat de
urmtoarea administrare de alcool,
familia este preocupat de faptele
prezente i viitoare ale acestuia.
Alcoolicul pierde controlul asupra
cantitii bute, a timpului i a
locului, n timp ce familia pierde
controlul asupra comportamentului
prin care rspunde la situaia creat;
alcoolicul evit subiectul, iar familia
pstreaz secretul viciului.
Dependentul gsete justificri pentru
consumul de alcool, n timp ce familia
justific toate lucrurile negative din
cas prin acest viciu. Agresivitate
verbal i chiar fizic este
caracteristic n ambele cazuri;
alcoolicul este grandoman - se laud,
druiete i cheltuiete peste msur;
n paralel, familia este preocupat
excesiv de compensarea imaginii n
exterior, dnd dovad de
perfecionism exagerat. i alcoolicul
i codependenii neag problema sau
vina lor n cadrul acesteia. Uneori
alcoolicul se nvinovete i promite
s se schimbe; la rndul lor,
codependenii din familie se
nvinovesc c nu sunt n stare s
rezolve problema. Ambele pri fac
periodic tentative de schimbare sau
ameliorare a comportamentului, de
cele mai multe ori nereuite.
Progresiv, dependentul de alcool sau
de drog i familia acestuia se izoleaz
de societate, n paralel avnd loc un
proces de degradare moral. Astfel,
alcoolicul ajunge s nu mai returneze
mprumuturile, s cereasc, chiar s
fure sau s jefuiasc, n timp ce
familia i sustrage bani din buzunare,
miznd pe faptul c la beie acesta nu
tie niciodat ce sum a cheltuit i ci
bani mai are asupra sa.
Dac partenerul poate alege s
stea sau nu cu persoana alcoolic,
copiii nu au aceeai posibilitate.
Teoretic, copilria este perioada fr
griji a omului. Copilul de alcoolic este
aparte el are ntotdeauna griji. Dei
are nevoie de comunicare, se izoleaz
de ceilali, n special pentru c nu
vrea s deranjeze. De multe ori nu
primete suficient atenie i este
ncurajat doar ocazional.
El nva s se poarte precaut,
s nu cear, s nu-i doreasc i s nu
aib nevoie de nimic; n permanen
ncearc s plac celor din jur. Nu are
identitate, deoarece nu are ocazia s
i-o formeze. Copiii de alcoolici se
confrunt cu numeroase probleme
psiho-medicale i sociale,
necunoscute celorlali copii. Ei sunt
afectai de probleme afectiv -
emoionale, precum anxietatea i
depresia, probleme de adaptare i
colare, cum ar fi dificultile de
concentrare, tulburrile de conduit i
absenteismul.
Lipsa modelului n formarea
propriei personaliti este foarte
important, tiindu-se c valorile
morale i comportamentul acceptabil
social se nva iniial n familie.
Rolul imitaiei n modelarea copilului
este mare, or copilul de alcoolic vede
doar comportamente aberante,
vinovie, negare, justificri, frustrare,
inconsecven, agresiune i violen.
Deseori integritatea i chiar viaa celei
mai iubite fiine, mama, este
ameninat de beiv. Ca urmare,
copilul devine derutat, anxios, nesigur
de viitor; cu timpul ajunge pasiv i
resemnat.
El ncepe s se obinuiasc cu
minciuna, care este un mecanism
fundamental de adaptare n familia
alcoolicului: mama minte pentru a
evita violena soului, iar acesta face
promisiuni, uneori bine intenionate,
80
pe care ns nu le poate respecta.
Minciunii i se suprapune negarea,
care are ca scop salvarea respectului
de sine i a imaginii familiei n raport
cu lumea exterioar: din ruine,
copilul ascunde sau minimalizeaz
gravitatea situaiei, lucru nvat chiar
de la prini. n ciuda negrii, stima
de sine are de suferit - niciodat ceea
ce face copilul nu este suficient de
bun pentru alcoolic i ca urmare el
pierde ncrederea n capacitile sale,
simindu-se incapabil i inferior
tuturor celor din jur.
Consecina fireasc este
depresia, datorat i lipsei de
comunicare cu printele alcoolic, dar
i cu cellalt printe, care, preocupat
de partener, nu acord suficient
atenie copiilor. Preluarea forat a
unor sarcini care n mod normal revin
prinilor duce la maturizarea
prematur a copilului de alcoolic.
Depresia i ntreine sentimentele de
neajutorare, izolare i incompeten,
mila i ura de sine.
Nu n ultimul rnd, acest copil
este tarat de numeroase frici: de tatl
beat, de mama suprat, de divor, de
posibile boli sau accidente ale
alcoolicului, de agresiunea acestuia
asupra mamei iubite, de situaii
exterioare, n care familia,
disfuncional, nu l poate ajuta.
Alcoolul i criminalitatea
Agresivitatea este acea stare
particular a individului caracterizat
printr-o tensiune acut sau cronic, ce
se satisface printr-o reacie violent
asupra victimei. Asocierea
alcoolismului cu comportamentul
sociopat i intercondiionare reciproc
au loc datorit scderi inhibiiei i
implicit a autocontrolului. Ca urmare,
individul pierde aptitudinea de a
81
folosi experiena trecut, ignor
consecinele pe care le au actele
antisociale comise ncepnd cu
ceretoria i vagabondajul i
culminnd cu agresiunile sexuale,
violena i omuciderea ca form
extrem de agresivitate.
Dup cum am artat, alcoolul
ncepe prin a altera zona superioar,
contiente i lucide a psihicului,
agravarea intoxicaiei, prin mrirea
dozei, sfrind prin tulbularea zonelor
automate ale activiti sistemului
nervos. Dar aciunea alcoolului nu se
exercit numai n momentele relative
rar cu caracter episodic, ale beiei.
Ea se prelungete asupra gndirii
obinuite a butorului, modificnd
profund caracterul. Alcoolicul cronic
devine o fiin impulsiv,
necontrolat. Aflat sub aciune direct
a impulsurilor comportamentul
alcoolicului va fi antisocial, ajungnd
frecvent la contravenien, delict i
crime.
Este greu de stabilit teoretic o
legtur precis ntre anumite cazuri
de criminalitate i alcolism.
Criminalitatea ca i alte fenomene
psihopatologice, cum ar fi sinuciderea
sau bolile mintale, recunosc un
determinism complex, multiplu, direct
sau indirect, mijlocit sau nemijlocit,
prin interferena unui mare numr de
factori. Reducerea la o cauzalitate
unitar reprezint o simplificare de
neaceptat. n ansamblu, stastisticele
sunt n favoarea unei corelaii pozitive
ntre alcoolism i criminalitatea, dar
aceste statistici variaz, datorit
condiiilor diferite ale factorilor n
cauz: formele alcoolismului, tipul
delicvenei i criminalitii, ara i
regiunea unde aceste abateri de lege
au fost comise, clasa social a
faptailor etc.
 Cercetarile efectuate n ultimii
ani n S.U.A.arat c doar 20% dintre
agresori nu se aflau sub influena
alcoolului n timpul comiterii crimei.
n occident cercetrile n acest
domeniu sau nmulit considerabil n
ultimii ani. Unele au vizat proporia
agresorilor i victemelor aflate sub
influena alcoolului, altele proporia
alcoolicilor printre cei ce au comis
diferite delicte sau acte de violen i
n sfrit investigaiile psihologice au
urmrit efectul diferitelor doze i
feluri de buturi alcoolice asupra
cumportamentului alcoolicului sau
asupra celor neobinuii cu alcoolul.
n studiile epidemiologice
referitoare la consumul de alcool
naintea comiterii delictelor trebuie s
se in seama de unele circumstane
ca: gradul de cultur, tipul de butur,
iar n selecia cazurilor trebuie avute
n vedere unele particulariti ce
guverneaz comportamentul
diferitelor populaii atunci cnd se
afl sub influena alcoolului.
Este, de asemenea, important s
se tie c o serie de date utilizate n
aceste studii sunt extrase din anchet,
ele depinznd de interpretrile
anchetatorului, dar i de interpretrile
celui ce le cerceteaz.
Indiferent de structura psihic a
individului, alcoolul este recunoscut
ca factor declanator al
comportamentului auto i micrile care conduc la producerea
heterodistructiv, al unor reacii
impulsive sau ca dezinhibitor al unor
tendine agresive poteniale, fr s se
poat susine c relaia dintre
alcoolismul acut sau cronic i
comportamentul deviant antisocial
este linear.
Cazurile trebuie deci
individualizate n funcie de tipurile
de agresiune, iar experimentul trebuie
s utilizeze metode adecvate fiecrui
tip de agresiune, s diferenieze n
primul rnd agresiunea instrumental
sau neinstrumental i s fie ct mai
apropiat de situaiile reale.
Alcoolul i accidentele de
munc
Toate accidentele de munc,
avnd o explicaie psihologic
(neatenie, oboseal) cu urmri asupra
micrilor i comportamentului
lucrtorului, vor avea n stare de
relativ alcoolizare, o cauz de
agravare. Nu este necesar ca
muncitorul s se afle n stare de
ebrietate evident pentru a-i mri
coeficentul de probabilitate n privina
accidentri.
Tulburarea ateniei i judectii,
mrirea timpului de reacie ntre
percepie i micri, vicierea
reflexelor, tremurrile, stngciile
apar chiar dup consumarea unor
cantiti mici de alcool. Este adevrat
c cea mai mare parte dintre cei aflai
n aceast stare nu au accidente atta
vreme ct se afl n condiii de munc
de rutin, dar n momentul n care
apar mprejurri neprevzute,
comportamentul acestor muncitori
este deficitar, micrile necesare
pentru evitarea accidentului nu se
produc i, ceea ce este cel mai grav,
cel n cauza rspunde tocmai cu
accidentului.
Orict de important ar fi
problema accidentului de munc
determinat de alcool att sub raport
individual, ct i social, acestea nu
exprim n totalitate consecinele care
pot decurge din consumul de alcool al
salariailor la locul de munc.
Accidentul este un fapt relativ
rar care nu tulbur procesul muncii
82
dect intermitent i pe zone limitate.
Acestor urmri va trebui s le
adaugam i scderea randametului
muncitorului i a calitaii produsului
acestuia, att prin aciunea imediat a
alcoolului consumat ntampltor,
naintea lucrului, ct mai ales
consumat n mod cronic.
Concluzii
Existena unor familii de
alcoolici aduce n discuie posibila
etiologie genetic. Totodat s-a
demonstrat i existena unei tolerane
nnascute la alcool, iar fenomenul de
dependen a putut fi transmis
experimental la generaii succesive.
S-a pus n discuie ideea existenei
unui defect biochimic sau metabolic
transmis genetic, precum i a unor
modificri de structur ale sistemului
nervos central, ce determin un mod
particular de funcionare n prezenta
alcoolului.
n ceea ce privete factorul
psihic, teoria reflexelor condiionate,
dei explica repetarea consumului
dup obinerea satisfaciei, nu
lmurete de ce nu oricine dintre cei
care consum ocazional alcool pentru
reducerea temporar a unei stri
tensionale sau conflictuale, devine
neaparat alcoolic. Cercetrile au artat
ca butorii sunt n majoritatea
cazurilor personaliti psihopatice, cu
dificulti de adaptare mergnd pn
la inadaptabilitate la mediul social sau
familial, precum i cu tulburri ale
vieii sexuale i ale simului moral,
care conduc la un dezechilibru socio-
afectiv. Cei mai muli dintre alcoolici
sunt persoane labile afectiv, lipsite de
voin n ceea ce privete ndeplinirea
obligaiilor profesionale i sociale i
respectarea normelor de convieuire
n societate.
Factorii sociali reprezint de
asemenea o cauz deloc neglijabil:
uurina cu care se pot procura
buturile alcoolice, obiceiul
consumrii buturilor n grup, la
diferite ocazii. O legtur ntre nivelul
de trai i alcoolism nu trebuie ns
absolutizat, alcoolicul nefiind
neaprat un individ cu posibiliti
financiare reduse.
Faptul ca alcoolismul apare n
majoritatea cazurilor la oameni de
vrsta medie, afectai mai mult de
traume psihice i de stri stresante
comparativ cu tinerii, este relevant
pentru rolul jucat de factorii sociali n
geneza alcoolismului. Cu ct
individul ncepe s consume alcool
mai trziu, cu att se instaleaz mai
repede tolerana i dependena, ceea
ce pledeaz pentru rezinstena mai
mare al organismului tnar fa de
alcool.
Bibliografie selectiv:
1. Biberi Ion, Alcoolismul, Editura
Medical, Bucureti, 1966
2. Chabrol, H., Les toxicomanies de
l adolescent, Editura Presse, Paris,
1992
3. Franz Floyd, Manual despre
alcoolism , Editura Renaterea, Cluj
Napoca, 2004
4. Iovu, M., Droguri legale, Editura
Monitorul Oficial, Bucureti, 2003
5. Moeller F.G., Dougherty D.M.,
Antisocial personality disorder,
alcohol and aggression, Alcohol
Research and Health, 2001
6. Porot, A., Toxicomaniile, Editura
tiinific , Bucureti, 1999
7. Rcanu, R., Alcool i droguri-
virtui i capcane pentru tineri,
Editura Universitii, Bucureti, 2004
83
8. Rcanu, R., Psihologia
comportamentului deviant, Editura
Universitar, Bucureti, 1994
9. Rosenberg Morris, Society and
the Adolescent Self-Image, Princeton,
New Jersey, Princeton University
Press, 1965
10. Servais Ernest, Prvention
drogues, Editura Labor, Bruxelles,
1990
11. chiopu U., Verza E., Psihologia
vrstelor ciclurile vieii, EDP ,
Bucureti, 1981
12. World Health Organization,
Drug Dependence and Alcohol
Related Problems; A Manual for
Community Health Workers With
Guidlunjes for Trainers, Geneva,
1986

84
 Social factors determinants of alcoholism and effects
of alcohol on social life
Abstract: In the paper, I will try to
underline the effects of alcohol
addiction and to demonstrate the
negative impact it has upon moral and
social life. Sociological studies carried
out in our country, after 1989, point out
the fact that more and more Romanians
drink strong liquors. Alcoholics
undergo certain dramatic experiences
having repercussions upon people
around them. The presence of the social
factors in alcoholism is demostrated by
the variation of alcoholics proportion
in professional and social groups, in
different civilizations, by the sex
affiliation of the persons consuming
alcohol, too. The implications of
alcoholism in Romania are not fully
realized; there are aspects of
alcoholism that are not perceived by
the majority of the population. Despite
all these, alcoholism is not seen as a
disease in Romania, at least not by the
largest majority of the population.
Although there is a real culture, a
whole battery of methods to cure these
disturbances in the U.S.A and Western
Europe, a less accented promotion of
the methods to prevent and control
excessive use of alcohol is done in
Romania at the national level.
Disintoxication centers are not
sufficiently popularized, and some of
them are included in the psychiatric
departments of the hospitals, a situation
that represents an obstacle in admiting
these disturbances. Excessive use of
alcohol is present at all levels of
society.
85
Ph.D. Lecturer Maria Pescaru
University of Piteti
mariapescaru@yahoo.com
Key words: social life, alcohol,
motivation, religion, criminality
1. Evolution of alcohol
throughout the world
Considered as the "IV public
health issue", after cardiovascular
diseases, mental and cancer, affecting
indirectly through disruption of social
and interpersonal relations a number
of people 6-7 times higher than that of
patients, with implications personal
and social consequences incalculable,
"alcohol-mania" requires today a part
dimensional study: medical,
psychological, sociological.
Applying the methods in the
field of anthropology and archeology,
which are becoming more
sophisticated, leading to the collection
of information dating back three
million years ago, not specified data,
otherwise the entire surface of the
globe. Paleolithic man or cave man
who lived by hunting or fishing only,
began to build shelters and work clay
to make pots. It is likely that he had
met drunkenness while drinking
alcohol and, by chance, drinking fruit
juice that he left for longer in a bowl.
Prehistoric man would become in
time a shepherd, farmer, would find
thus the seed and fermentation. In the
Neolithic he would consume
alcoholic beverages manufactured
from fermented grain. Numerous
archaeological evidence knowledge
the use of these drinks. Thus, in
Denmark, Skydtsrup there have been
found two drinking pots of corn for
animals, one containing beer and the
other a drink of water and honey. In
Antalya, it was discovered a container
used to manufacture beer.
Accidentally drinking
fermented juice, the man got drunk
and then had a divine revelation:
"Noah planted wines and has met
drunkenness" (Genesis IX, 20).
For primitive people, drink
qualities could only be of divine
origin and some of the drink
manufacturers have been transformed
into domestic gods. Nectar, ambrosia,
the wine producing sacred rage that
allows contact with the divine
offering those who use them,
immortality.
Habitual consumption
experienced a fast decline, but for
awhile, then be reserved for priests,
chiefs and used for religious rituals.
People are starting to use the drink for
their psychological needs, and it is
seen as the magic potion of priests.
This custom is also known in the
Pygmies tribe today, primitive tribes,
the tribes of Transkei in South
Africa, where during the new moon
feast, the magic drink from banana is
reserved for women.
In all civilizations, in the sacred
texts there is a distinction in the
importance attached to the vine and
wine in particular. Also, from the
texts, we see the concern to
demonstrate the primacy of vine
cultivation and wine production in
each culture.
In Egypt, wine was made for
certain special rituals and consumed
by the first Dynasty (3400 BC) and in
particular the richer social classes. It
was used in burial rituals and
86
celebrations. Osiris is considered a
Bacchus, a god of wine, who first
planted vines.
Ancient Greece develops
culture and art of the vine. Plato says
in the book of laws: "The Greeks had
wines, so they didnt bring it to the
Phoenicians. Other writers refer in
their writings to the existence, use and
benefits of wine. Demosthenes said:
"Tell me the most beautiful effects,
other than those of wine. A drunk
man is richer, everything is successful
for him. In ancient Greece, Dionysus
was the god of wine and they brought
offerings in several festivals.
Study shows the universality of
Italian culture alcoholic beverages,
considered a basic need. Alcohol
consumption was reserved for priests
to enable them to communicate with
the upper. Drinking was also
permitted to religious holidays,
important meetings where one could
practice games and competitions with
the purpose to prove strength and
virility.
In the late fifth century BC,
Greeks get the first vineyard in
Marseille. Culture will be developed
and will soon get a significant factor,
so that was our first century, become
famous the wines from Allobroges,
on the Rhone and Bordeaux. Since the
first century, France begins to export
its wines in Italy and the Netherlands.
French used wine in special occasions
such as: funerals, marriages, harvest
festivals, but just as well used it as a
cure. Going through these
civilizations we can only recognize
the universality of alcohol use and
myths related to them. Prejudices
about wine are strongly rooted in our
mentality. If the wine has lost its
sacred value, social value has been
preserved in full and has not lost an
icon.
All social acts are marked by
social feast and a cup clash.
Since the beginning of our era,
the wine has become a commercial
application, a source of profit, due to
the expansion of Christianity. At the
same time, negative effects have not
left expected, consumption of
alcoholic beverages has gained an
individual significance, artists finding
in alcoholic beverages a source of
inspiration, but social rites are
preserved.
The progress of human society
also means industrialization of the
areas of activity including the
production of wine, fruit and
agricultural products and their
processing, all resulting in increased
amounts of beverages and their
diversification, which therefore leads
to progressively increasing alcohol
consumption.
In 1984 O.M.S. Europe gave as
example the production between 1950
and 1972 which increased by 9.6% on
wine, 66% on beer and for the spirits
at 97.4%. At present, for the meeting
between alcohol and person to take
place, it is required only desire and a
minimum income. Increased
production of alcohol leads to
increased number of people
consuming alcoholic beverages. In
1985, in the USA 10 million of adults
and 3 million of children were
consumers of alcohol.
In the last decades of the
second millennium, alcohol
consumption has increased
alarmingly, Romania being on the
"leading sites" in Europe. This
alarming situation forced many
studies and start conducting specific
87
programs to prevent harm
consumption involving policy
makers, civil society and specialists,
particularly the psychiatrists,
psychologists and sociologists.
Novelists of the nineteenth
century and early twentieth century
have made the link between alcohol
and scandals, drama leading to
hospitalization and jail. Using drugs
and alcohol in particular is a very
complex phenomenon, with many
factors in play both on a personal and
a social plan.
In ancient times, long alcohol
consumption was terminated.
Hippocrates described the
misunderstandings caused by alcohol.
Over the years there were given
several definitions of alcoholism and
alcoholic. Benjamin Rush, who
signed the Declaration of
Independence of the United States in
1812 considered abusive consumption
of alcohol as precursor of the medical
concept of madness: The uncontrolled
consumption of alcoholic beverages is
a disease of the will and is for the
medical body to deal with it. After
him, all remedies: religious, moral
and psychological need to work
together to complete and radical cure
of the disease.
Alcoholism as a disease was
recognized in 1933 by the American
Medical Association and American
Psychiatric Association, and was later
recognized by O.M.S. and mentioned
in the standard classification of
diseases.
Alcoholism initially was
considered a psychiatric illness
characterized by disturbance of the
relational model and affiliated
neurosis. A number of definitions of
this kind remain restrictive and
limited to some psychopathological
aspects of alcoholism.
In 1952 O.M.S. characterized
the concept of alcoholism by
including only a part of excessive
consumers, namely those who
"present the events that affect their
physical and mental health, their
relationships with other people and
their social and economic behavior.
O.M.S. defines alcoholism as a
condition presented by a subject
who consumes alcohol detrimental
to the health or social activity during
a given period. Thus, alcoholism,
broadly conceived, meets all of
imbalance caused by alcohol
consumption, both in the social,
economic and personal level.
Alcoholism can be seen as an
individual / general response to a
social behavior of alcoholisation
because there are differences in
cultural patterns, personal or family
situations, environment, personality,
bodies, all these being factors
involved in the genesis of alcoholism.
Studies in isolated populations over
the last decade of the past millennium
have found a strong correlation in
these populations, alcohol
consumption with suicide and
antisocial behavior and hetero-
aggressive.
In terms of the Dictionary of
Psychology, alcoholism is "all the
physical and mental disorders caused
by drinking. (Larose, Dictionary of
Psychology, 1996)
An alcoholic is the person who,
due to abuse of alcoholic drinks they
hurt himself and those around him.
Alcoholism is defined as a
psychological or body dependence,
somatic towards alcoholic beverages
and differs from the alcohol
88
consumption, where the subject is not
suffering if they pause. From the
above one can make the difference
between drunkenness and alcoholism,
drunkenness is not automatically
linked to chronic alcoholism, but can
be related to it in the sense that
differentiates the alcoholic
withdrawal state or an organic
disorder of the alcoholic by
drunkenness of the respective
alcoholic as well as the state for
drinking of the person who does not
drink.
2. Drivers of alcoholism
Speaking of social rituals, we
can refer to a set of rules and
ceremonies connected with the use of
alcoholic beverages, description of
traditions of our society, the attitude
towards alcohol.
Alcoholism, both the disease
and as a psychosocial phenomenon is
multi-factorial, meaning that both for
the determination and the general
consequences, many factors are
involved. We distinguish internal
factors which belong to the
vulnerability of the individual and
external factors that are multiple and
vary at the same time, being at the
same time a vulnerability risk to the
individual. External factors differ
according to whether a period or
another, one company or another and
even from one social class or another.
External factors work together with
internal factors, favoring each other.
The vulnerability is all the
elements that make for the possibility
of using alcohol of an individual to be
more or less inclined towards it. The
vulnerability is biological,
psychological and socio-spiritual,
anthropological training along the
lines of personality.
Psycho-social factors
In the present state of our
habits, it is indisputable that "drinking
together" creates solidarity between
people and is not exaggeration to say
that there is no celebration without
being accompanied by alcoholic
drinks.
Alcohol is the magic medicine
of weakness which gives strength and
of virility. Wine and alcohol are those
which make you "high up", are
indispensable for work that requires
strength. Alcohol is one that
stimulates minds and un-tie
languages.
Thus, in our country it is
impossible for alcohol to play an
important role not just in abundance
of alcoholic drinks on the market,
advertising and their low price
Inventory of these psychosocial
factors should include social
pressures that are exerted on the
individual and who push him to drink,
not to be "excommunicated" by the
group. This aware alcoholisation has
the more chances of success, the more
the individual is suggestible and more
passive.
Alcoholism flame has been
ignited as well on the account of total
lack of motivation or the confused
motivation predominantly in the
beginning of the repetitive experience
getting to be the destructive type.
Therefore, alcohol is considered to be
a real syndrome having social origin.
Existential motivation of
alcoholic motivation is represented by
a specific personality, hedonic, and it
is specific to an immature personality.
Immaturity of alcohol is reflected by
alcoholic addiction and self-
89
destruction, by the lack of decisional
abilities and by the fact that they
assume visionary parts.
Motivational theory of the
alcoholic with deviant behavior aims
at differentiating between motivation,
reason and mobile in the sense that
the motivation must be sought at the
alcoholic and not at the act itself.
Conditions of the motivation depend
on the formation of attitude and
motivation of preference; attitude is
defined as a way to react favorably or
un-favorably towards an object or
event, expressing a particular
behavior. Individual reasoning thus
evaluates specific attributes of the
event according to their own
experience. Pricing models are the
compensatory and no-compensatory
type. It appears that the compensatory
model is more common in alcoholics
as less satisfactory as attributes of the
event which compensate by the
exacerbation of other attributes,
apparently satisfactory. Given the
conditions and circumstances, attitude
towards one event or another can
change the game result and can lead
to alcoholism, criminality or what is
more serious in social terms, crime of
the alcoholic.
Socio-cultural factors
All socio-cultural influences are
not in accordance with the
psychology of the community that
results from personality disorders.
Besides the biological basis of the
human beings, which determine
alcoholism it is also added the socio-
cultural dimension of the individual.
It was noted that not all people
who live in a geographic area are
prone to alcoholism. Those with such
a predisposition are those with a
specific culture. Environmental
influences that they exert on the
personality are divided into two
categories:
- Those due to sharing the same
environment (the children of families
living in the same house, benefit from
the same care and affection from
parents and many other aspects of the
surroundings). Such influence
manifests itself between family
environmental variables;
- Those due to events occurring
in children living in the same family,
which led to some personality
changes (one kid had a good teacher,
the other a poor teacher, a child
contacted a disease, the other didnt,
etc.).
The social factors in alcoholism
are demonstrated by the variation of
proportions of alcoholics in
professional and social groups, in
civilization, and with the sexes. In
social groups it is easy to distinguish
work which predisposes individuals
to alcoholism, and these are jobs that
require strength, agricultural labor,
political activities, labor related to
production and distribution of
alcoholic drinks, work which involves
a periodic motion (sailors, traders,
drivers, etc.)
Certain professions involving
responsibility in interpersonal
relations. Thus, alcoholism is strongly
correlated with certain medical
specialties, including forensic
medicine, pathological anatomy, and
intensive therapy and psychiatry. But
the alcoholic potential is a preference
for these last jobs to satisfy the
change, refugee from monotonous
reality.
Linked to this issue, with
pediatricians, addiction in general,
90
including alcoholism, depression and
suicide as well as meet so rarely that
are insignificant. Appearance is very
important in investigating the
relationship between person and
occupation, meaning that if a person
chooses a profession compatible with
their structure, it marks its profession
and spiritual behavior becoming.
An important role is also played
by the "cultural standards" that focus
on how to drink and social attitudes
regarding drinkers and especially
drinking status. Drinking may be
subject to a variable tolerance,
sometimes exceeding the limit, once
strictly disapproved.
Study groups of alcoholics
showed on the other hand the
paramount importance and
determinants of pressure group
(model family, friends etc.). Other
favorable conditions of alcoholism
are the degree of social
permissiveness of consumption, the
opinions formed under similar
population groups and poor public
information on the negative effects
that alcohol can have on individuals.
Knowing the effects it produces
a small number of cases of
alcoholism. For example, in Iceland
the problem of alcoholism is reduced
to acute accidental drunkenness, all of
which are possible by providing
accurate negative effects of alcohol.
Sanctioning the public about
the judicious use together with
information on the effects of alcohol
result in diminishing the number of
cases of alcoholism; for example, in
Spain there are few cases of
alcoholism, and they are moderate.
The role of the group is very
important and can positively or
negatively influence the individual's
life. A bitter alcoholic who arrives
among sectarians becomes abstinent
while a passionate fighter against
alcohol. This is possible because of
the fact that the respective sectarian
group manages to change the
motivation for life to understanding
and friendliness.
One such group is based on the
principle: "Well, they help me and I
help them" giving the alcoholic an
equal footing with those around him.
To the alcoholic this is a protective
group, a group that takes the issue,
dissolve it, it dissolves even its
responsibility, this group works as a
unit and not as a formal association.
It is easy to highlight the
ambivalent nature of dependence
within the association of alcohol and
the need and help to study the
relationship between communication
and the assumed role of alcoholics
within the alcoholic group and the
role of the family.
Groups from the bars make it
easier to put in evidence the relational
dynamics involved with forces of
attraction and rejection, the search for
emotional situations, seeking security,
role, self-affirmation and sense of
belonging to the alcoholic group.
Bars, taverns served as "self" security
center, pace and schedule of
departures and coffee breaks, the
customer admission by the employer
or employee presents a group
structure with no obligations and
restrictions of an adaptation, a
substitute of the family atmosphere
and a community that is perceived to
be hostile.
It is true that alcoholism,
considered in the beginning as a
scandal, sin, vice, defect has turned
the concept of disease. But it is
91
equally true that alcoholics consume
the same alcoholic and have the same
gestures that other consumers who are
not alcoholics may have. Alcohol is
personified not only the cultural and
taste way, but also for its
psychoactive properties, giving a
hand to those toxic.
A possible factor involved in
alcoholism to workers practicing
rough work is given by the correlation
between hard works - minimum
leisure time - the impossibility of
sublimation of feelings related to
gross job when at leisure that you
have in a way that eliminates social
behavior of alcohol. We say that
alcoholism is a universal behavior and
the existence of an alcoholic is
suffering physically, mentally and
spiritually.
Alcohol and religion
Within the socio-cultural
context, alcohol occupies a special
place that is part of direct religious
tradition (the Bible and the Gospel)
and indirect links with religious
culture.
In Greece, the source of
civilization, Dionysus was worshiped
as the other gods. Holidays, through
which he was venerated, celebrated
vineyard and wine as his mystical
euphoria and sexual delirium. The
women, declined, used to give
themselves up during holidays to
actions prohibited in ordinary days.
They would go around the country,
milking cows, they maltreated their
children, took part in sexual orgies. It
is known that the processions in
honor of Dionysus are the first
theatrical performances. God was
known as a master through wine
inspiration, fertility, and the delirium
of madness. From this remote origin it
is transmitted and inherited in our
culture the idea, more or less aware of
the connection between wine,
madness and sex.
In the Bible, references to wine
are common. It is euphoric,
comforting, something that should not
miss the men who are in the army.
The Old Testament, as well as the
Dionysian tradition, transmits human
ambivalence towards vine and wine,
happiness on the one hand, anger and
aggression on the other. In the New
Testament conversion is more than
symbolic. The first miracle of Jesus
was transforming water into wine.
Note the parable of turning the soul,
which is impure as water into wine,
which is pure, as easily. Let us
remember that the water is often
polluted in semi-desert countries,
carry the bacteria and microbes, while
wine, fermented beverages, is much
healthier. This result in the idea that
water is for the external body and
wine needs to be incorporated united
inside the body.
The Last Supper or the
Eucharist institution offers a satisfaction of the need to consume
continuous symbol of this tradition.
Through the miracle of
transformation, the soul passes into
the blood of Jesus and the latter is
turned into wine by a simple
symbolism.
Greek and Christian tradition
supported the idea that participating
in festivals and meetings stands out.
Alcoholism on its own is marked by
sadness, shame, and guilt. The
consumption of alcohol in the group
is a joy, a liberation, placed under the
seal of cohabitation. The presence of
more people makes that drinking
alcohol to be ever increasing in
92
amount. This is happening outside the
family or friendly meetings where no
challenge exists. Because of alcohol,
the shy release from their reserves,
their inhibitions disappear and many
become talkative. All this happens in
a climate of permissiveness which is
inherited. Alcohol develops courage,
strength and virility. Alcohol is a food
of the power and glory is reserved for
warriors and people who know how
to face the danger of war. This
opinion from the start condemns
female alcoholism.
Wine is related to the limited
manner of work and obligations. It is
a compensation of the frustration
caused by work, a kind of reward to
the laid effort. The man who has a job
that requires strength should drink for
courage. Or can drink just to make
membership of that branch, thus
emphasizing that to inactivity he is
not partisan.
What is alcoholism?
Alcoholism is the
manifestation, conscious or not, by
which the individual seeks
alcohol, regardless of means or
consequences, to avoid unpleasant
withdrawal or physical state.
Consumption is determined by
physical dependence and
psychological addiction. Alcoholism
is a primary disease, chronic
influence on the development and
manifestations of genetic factors,
psycho-social and environmental
ones. The disease is often progressive
and fatal. It is characterized by loss of
control over alcohol, constantly or
periodically, the concern over alcohol
consumption alcohol, despite adverse
consequences and disorders of
thinking, the most important one
being the denial.
Illness means an involuntary
imbalance. It represents the sum of
abnormal phenomena displayed by a
group of individuals. These
phenomena are associated with a
particular common set of
characteristics by which these
individuals differ from normal and
put them at a disadvantage. Often
progressive and fatal, it means that
the disease persists in time and
physical changes, emotional and
social rights are often cumulative and
may progress as the drinking
continues.
Loss of control means the
inability to limit alcohol or limitation
of alcohol on any occasion, and the
amount consumed and / or other
consequences of alcohol on behavior.
Concern associated with alcohol use
indicates excessive attention, focused
on alcohol / drug, effects and / or its
consumption. Relative value
attributed by the individual to alcohol
often leads to a directing energy away
from important life issues.
3. The effects of the alcohol
on social life
Alcohol and family life
The family of an alcoholic will
develop specific emotional and
behavioral reactions. Thus, on an
emotional level there may appear
feelings of guilt for the situation of
the addicted, but also depression due
to the loss of prestige and personal
dignity, for family, friends, safety
(including financial security). The
feeling of depression is exacerbated
by the fact that it lived in solitude.
There also appear the feelings of
93
revolt. But if initially the co-
dependent gets upset on the
dependent shortly, the feeling of
helplessness, by the scale of the
problems, makes the revolt to proceed
and head towards on the nearby (and
innocent) and even on his person, and
ultimately the world.
If a man beats his anger cried at
night, his wife and is expressing it the
next morning, but the two do not
communicate and thus the situation
gets worse. On the other hand, the
speechless revolt causes frustration,
insult, humiliation, because the
dependents blame others for his guilt.
Initially, family members are
ashamed of the world for alcoholic
behavior, but in time, the feeling
expands and they come to be ashamed
of themselves for their performance.
Shame decreases self-esteem,
and in children it leads to drastic
reduction in performance and
achievement in life, his ambitions and
goals because distrust in him. The
fear of future appears, fear for their
family life, fear of poverty, of
relationships with other people, the
fights, the irreparable nature of the
situation - fear extends to all. It leads
to isolation, resulting in an acute
sense of loneliness. In terms of
behavioral, family either deny the
problem entirely (and excuse the
individual) or admits it, but limit it to
one individual. It tends to protect the
alcoholic. Among other things, tries
to control the addiction,
accompanying him on it in places that
he could drink, hiding or throwing
drinks and promoting drinking at
home (considered as the preferred
drinking in taverns, for less risk for
incumbent alcoholic). Many times,
decreased self-esteem is projected
unconsciously on others in the form
of fear or anger, translated by verbal
aggression, sarcasm, or threats.
Dependents can get depressed, with
bouts of tears in solitude, or have
violent outbursts, which trigger from
significant causes, which make them
considered neurotic.
Family members of alcoholics
develop specific behavioral patterns,
defensive. The first one is called
"good suspect. Codependents protect
themselves, making desperate efforts
to compensate the family situation,
trying to create the impression that
the problem does not exist. For
example, the wife to fulfill her duties
and take copies of those of an
alcoholic husband and family, seeking
recognition within it (in fact, this
behavior is explained by the fault,
assumed by the wife, especially
against children, not to be able to
leave the situation, including a
divorce). But with this attitude it is
therefore indispensable and that her
husband would ever expect more
from it and eventually he will find
reason for complaint. In addition,
thus, the alcoholic does not make
contact with the consequences of
alcoholic behavior, which encourages
alcohol drinking.
Another type of behavior is the
"rebel" one in which a member of the
family distracts attention from the real
problems, pushing it on their behavior
(goes away from home, behaves ugly,
creates problems, it involves the
police).
In the behavior called
"apathetic" the individual defends
from the suffering, and cancels any
emotional response. He avoids
stressful situations and displays an
attitude of indifference, but when
94
alone he may not succeed to escape
from anxiety. He becomes separated
from the others, rejecting his family
in a passive way and retiring from
that in dream. But, by his attitude, the
apathetic contributes to the illusion
that all is well in the family, delaying
the time of a real difference.
Corresponding observable
behaviors and feelings, by the,
mirror type; can be seen on alcoholic
and his family, on a parallel
allocation. Thus, if the patient
(alcoholic) is concerned about the
next administration of alcohol, the
family is concerned by the facts of the
present and future. The alcoholic
loses control over the amount drunk,
the time and place, while the family
loses control over behavior that
responds to the situation created;
alcoholic avoids the topic and the
family keep the vice secret. The
addict finds excuses for alcohol
consumption, while the family
justifies all the negative things in the
house by this defect. Verbal and even
physical aggression is characteristic
in both cases, the alcoholic is
megalomaniac - boasts, gives and
spends beyond measure, in parallel,
and the family is concerned about
excessive compensation image
abroad, giving evidence of excessive
perfectionism. Both the codependents
and alcoholic deny their problem or
fault therein. Sometimes the alcoholic
blames and promises to change, in
turn, the family codependents blame
for not being able to solve the
problem. Both sides try periodic
attempts to change or improve the
behavior, most often unsuccessful.
Progressively, the alcoholic or drug
addict and his family is isolated from
society, a process taking place in
parallel with moral degradation. The
alcoholic comes not to return
borrowing, begging, stealing or even
to rob, while the family takes money
from his pockets, relying on the fact
that while drinking he never knows
what amount spent and how much
money has on him.
If the partner may choose to
stay or not with the person who is an
alcoholic, children have the same
opportunity. Theoretically, childhood
is the period without worries for a
person. The child of an alcoholic is
special - he is always worried.
Although communication is needed,
he becomes isolated from others,
especially because they do not want
to bother. Often do not receive
enough attention and is encouraged
only occasionally.
He learns to act cautiously, not
to ask, not to desire and not need
anything, constantly tries to please
others. There is identity for him, since
he has no chance to form it. Children
of alcoholics face many medical and
psycho-social problems, unknown to
other children. They are affected by
emotional problems - emotional as
well as anxiety and depression, and
school adjustment problems such as
concentration difficulties, conduct
disorders and absenteeism.
Lack of training model in their
personalities is very important,
knowing that moral values and
socially acceptable behavior is taught
initially in the family. The role of
imitation in child modeling is great,
or child of an alcoholic sees only the
aberrant behavior, guilt, denial,
justification, frustration,
inconsistency, aggression and
violence. Often integrity and even the
most beloved living beings, the
95
mother is threatened by a drunk. As a
result, the child becomes confused,
anxious; uncertain of the future, in
time becomes passive and resigned.
He begins to get used to lying,
which is a fundamental mechanism of
adaptation in the alcoholic family:
mother lies to avoid violent husband,
and he makes no promises, sometimes
well-intentioned, but with whom he
can not comply. Deceit and denial
overlap, which is to save self-esteem
and family picture in relation to the
outer world: the shame makes the
child hide or minimize the seriousness
of the situation, a thing learned even
from parents. Despite denial, self-
esteem has to suffer - never what the
child accomplishes is not good
enough for an alcoholic and as a
result he lost his confidence in his
ability, feeling incapable and inferior
to all others.
Natural consequence is
depression, and lack of
communication due to an alcoholic
father, but also with the other parent,
who, concerned of his partner, pays
scant attention to children. Forced
acquisition of some tasks that
normally belong to their parents leads
to premature maturation of the child
of an alcoholic. Depression maintains
his feelings of helplessness, isolation
and incompetence, pity and self
hatred.
Finally, this child is dragged by
many fears: the drunken father, angry
mother, divorce, of possible diseases
or injuries of the alcoholic, the
beloved mother under aggression,
external situations, the family,
dysfunctional, can not help.
 Alcohol and crime
Aggressiveness is the
particular status of individuals
characterized by acute or chronic
tension, that meet through a violent
reaction to the victim. The association
of alcoholism with sociopath behavior
and reciprocal interaction occur due
to default of inhibition and of course
of self-control. As a result,
individuals lose the ability to use past
experience, ignore the consequences
that they have committed as antisocial
acts starting with begging and
vagrancy, and culminating in sexual
aggression, violence and murder as
extreme forms of aggression.
As noted before, the alcohol
begins by altering the top, conscious
and lucid part of the mind,
intoxication aggravated by increasing
the dose, ending by disorder of
automatic areas of the nervous system
activity. But the action of alcohol is
not exercised only in relatively rare
character moments episode of
drunkenness. It extends over the usual
thinking of the drinker, changing
profoundly. He becomes a chronic
alcoholic being impulsive,
uncontrolled. Under the direct action
of alcoholic behavior he will be an
antisocial, often dealing with crime
and murder.
It is difficult to establish precise
theoretical connection between a
crime and some alcohol cases. Crime
like other psychopathological
phenomena such as suicide or mental
illness, recognize a complex
determinism, multiple, directly or
indirectly, or directly mediated by
interference of a large number of
factors. Reduction to a unitary
causality is a simplification of not
acceptance. Overall percent favor a
96
positive correlation between
alcoholism and crime, but these
statistics vary, due to different
conditions of the factors concerned:
the types of alcoholism, crime and
crime type, country and region where
the deviations of law were committed,
social class of perpetrators, etc.
Research conducted in recent
years in the USA shows that only
20% of offenders were not drunk
during the crime committed. In
Western research in this area they
multiplied considerably in recent
years. Some proportion of aggressors
and the victims were targeted under
the influence of alcohol, other
proportion of alcoholics among those
who have committed other crimes or
acts of violence and psychological
investigations have finally watched
the effect of different doses and types
of alcoholic beverages on the
alcoholic behavior or those for whom
the alcohol is unusual.
In epidemiological studies on
alcohol before committing the crime
must take into account such
circumstances as: the level of culture,
the type of drink, and in selecting the
cases to consider while viewing some
features governing the behavior of
different populations when they are
under the influence of alcohol.
It is also important to know that
a number of data used in these studies
are drawn from the investigation,
depending on interpretations of the
investigator, but also on the
interpretations of the researcher.
Whatever the mental structure
of the individual, alcohol is known as
a trigger motor of auto and hetero
destructive behavior, the reactions of
some impulsive or potential
aggressive tendencies, without being
able to sustain the relationship
between acute or chronic alcoholism
and the antisocial deviant behavior is
linear .
Cases should therefore be
individualized according to the types
of aggression, and the experiment
must use appropriate methods of each
type of aggression, first of all to
differentiate instrumental aggression
and be as close to real situations.
Alcohol and accidents at work
All accidents at work, having a
psychological explanation
(inattention, fatigue) to track the
movements and behavior of the
worker will be in a state of relative
alcoholisation, a cause of an
aggravation. Worker does not need to
be drunk in order to increase the high
coefficient of probability about the
injury.
Disorder of attention and of
judgement, increasing the reaction
time between perception and
movement, infection of the reflexes,
tremor, and clumsiness occur even
after eating small amounts of alcohol.
It is true that most of those in this
state do not have accidents as long as
working conditions are routine, but
when unforeseen circumstances arise,
the behavior of these workers is
lacking, the movements necessary to
avoid the accident do not occur and
what is worst, the guilty one answers
just in case the movements leading to
the accident.
However important the
question would be, work accident
resulted from an alcohol both
individually and socially, they do not
express all the consequences that may
result from alcohol consumption of
employees at work.
97
The accident is a relatively rare fact
which does not disrupt the work
process but on intermittent and
limited areas.
This track will have to add
and decrease the capacity of the
worker and his product quality, both
through immediate action of alcohol
consumed by chance, before work,
and especially the chronic
consumption.
Conclusions
The existence of families of
alcoholics brings into discussion the
possible genetic etiology. It has also
been demonstrated the existence of
innate tolerance to alcohol and the
addiction phenomenon could be
experimentally transmitted to
successive generations. There has
been discussed the idea of existence
of a biochemical defect or genetically
transmitted metabolic, and certain
changes of structure of the central
nervous system that cause a particular
way of functioning in the presence of
alcohol.
In terms of psychological
factors, conditioned reflex theory,
although explained repeating
consumption after obtaining
satisfaction, did not explain why not
everyone of those who consume
alcohol occasionally for temporary
reduction of a state of tension or
conflict, is necessarily becoming an
alcoholic. Research has shown that
drinkers are often psychopathic
personalities, with adaptation
difficulties ranging up to
maladjustment to social and family
environment, as well as disorders of
sexual life and the moral sense,
leading to a socio-emotional
imbalance. Most alcoholics are people
affectively labile, with a lack of will
in the achievement of professional
and social obligations and compliance
with norms of society.
Social factors are also due to a
non-negligible cause: the ease with
which you can get alcoholic drinks,
beverages drinking habit in groups at
different occasions. A link between
living standards and alcoholism
should not be absolutely, the
alcoholic is not necessarily an
individual with limited financial
possibilities.
11. chiopu U., Verza E., Psihologia
vrstelor ciclurile vieii, Editura
Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti,
1981
12. World Health Organization, Drug
Dependence and Alcohol Related
Problems; A Manual for Community
Health Workers with Guidlunjes for
Trainers, Geneva, 1986

Bibliography:
1. Biberi Ion, Alcoolismul, Editura
Medical, Bucureti, 1966
2. Chabrol, H., Les toxicomanies de
l adolescent, Editura Presse, Paris,
1992
3. Franz, Floyd, Manual despre
alcoolism, Editura Renaterea, Cluj
Napoca, 2004
4. Iovu, M., Droguri legale, Editura
Monitorul Oficial, Bucureti, 2003
5. Moeller F.G., Dougherty D.M.,
Antisocial personality disorder,
alcohol and aggression, Alcohol
Research and Health, 2001
6. Porot, A., Toxicomaniile, Editura
tiintific, Bucureti, 1999
7. Rcanu, R., Alcool i droguri-
virtui i capcane pentru tineri,
Editura Universitii, Bucureti, 2004
8. Rcanu, R., Psihologia
comportamentului deviant, Editura
Universitar, Bucureti, 1994
9. Rosenberg Morris, Society and the
Adolescent Self-Image, Princeton,
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10. Servais Ernest, Prvention
drogues, Editura Labor, Bruxelles,
1990

98
 Evoluia intercomunalitii n Romnia
Rezumat: Apariia noului concept
Intercomunalitatea ca form de
organizare administrativ-teritoriala
similar asocierii de state la nivel
european incita la o analiz
comparativ a acestuia in Franta, Italia
si Romania. Focalizarea pe ilustrarea
particularitilor si evidentierea
avantajelor: capacitatea de absorbie a
fondurilor comunitare operaionalizat
prin valoarea fondurilor externe atrase,
elaborarea unei strategii integrate de
dezvoltare, elaborarea unor
regulamente comune de funcionare a
serviciilor publice, dau valoare noului
concept.
Cuvinte cheie: intecomunalitate,
dezvoltare local, infrastructur,
administraie public
Intercomunalitate provine din
limba francez i defineste, n termeni
generici, reuniunea instituional aa
mai multor comune care coopereaz
pentru realizarea unui proiect de
dezvoltare, punnd n comun
mijloacele i resursele disponibile
pentru protejarea eficacittii gestiunii
publice.
Raporturile dintre stat i
regiune i dintre regiune i localiti
trebuie s se bazeze pe loialitate,
cooperare i solidaritate. Statul i
regiunile nu trebuie s prejudicieze
sau s limiteze autonomia
localitilor, dar nici localitailor nu le
este ngduit s tirbeasc autoritatea
statului sau ndeplinirea obiectivelor
Dr.Andreea NI
Universitatea din Craiova,
andreea_nita2005@yahoo.com
ce revin regiunilor. Exercitarea
autonomiei locale nu trebuie s aduc
atingere integritii teritoriale i
suveranitii statului. n exercitarea
competenelor conferite de lege,
autoritile administraiei locale
trebuie s asigure condiiile pentru o
cooperare eficient i reciproc
avantajoas cu celelalte nivele de
administraie public. Autoritile
locale trebuie s fie consultate de
ctre celelalte autoriti ori de cte
ori, prin msurile luate de ctre
acestea din urm, sunt afectate
interesele din sfera lor de competen
sau interesele individuale.
Asemnri i diferene
importante au fost relevate ntre
intercomunalitatea din Romnia i cea
din Italia i Franta, ca i asupra
evoluiei conceptului de
intercomunalitate, a misiunii sale i a
aplicrii sale n teritoriu. Ele
confirm, astfel, impactul important
al contextelor naionale (istorice i
administrative) asupra percepiei
rolului structurilor asociative i
instituionale, ca i asupra faptului c
e greu s vorbeti de un model
ideal, cnd, de fapt, n realitate, e
vorba, pentru fiecare context naional,
de un proces constant de analiz i de
perfecionare a cadrului legislativ i
de adaptare la nevoile colectivitilor
teritoriale.
Percepia structurii asociative
ca un instrument de dezvoltare
indispensabil constituie punctul de
99
convergen fundamental ntre
intercomunalitatea francez
asociaia numit intercomunitar
romn. Un numr mare de
colectiviti locale romne au
constituit n ultimii ani asociaii i
sunt n cutarea unui mod de gestiune
eficient.
Totui, un numr mare de
probleme i de diferene, raportndu-
ne la intercomunalitatea francez
rezist i reclam o atenie
particular: este vorba de statutul
juridic de drept privat al asociaiilor
intercomunitare, de mecanismele de
luare de decizie, respectiv de
problema reprezentativitii i a
legitimitii democratice n organul
deliberant, de absena unui transfer
real de competene, de imposibilitatea
de a gera patrimoniul public al
serviciilor n calitate de proprietar de
drept i nu n ultimul rnd de
mecanismele de finanare
asociaiilor i de sprijinul statului i al
departamentelor.
Prin descrierea funcionrii
intercomunalitii franceze i al
asociaiei intercomunitare romneti,
concluzia care s-a impus e c suntem
n pezena a dou tipuri de structuri
asociative: pe de o parte, asociaia
intercomunitar este o structur de
drept privat, echivalentul unei
asociaii 1901 in Frana (OG 26/2000
n Romnia) i, pe de alt parte,
intercomunalitatea este o structur de
drept public (o structur public de
cooperare intercomunal). Cele dou
structuri nu sunt modele opuse, ci
dou structuri diferite
complementare. O bun parte a
dificultilor dialogului franco-romn
privind intercomunalitatea i mai ales
dificultatea de transpoziie sau de
adoptare a modelului francez, rezist
in diferena de natur a celor dou
i structuri asociative.
n Frana, reeaua comunal
este foarte rspndit, mult mai mult
dect n Italia, cu 36.600 de localiti
contra circa 8.100 n Italia i 3600 n
Romnia.
Obiectivele valorizrii
democraiei teritoriale reprezentat de
aceast reea rspndit de
reprezentani ai cetenilor i, n
acelai timp, limitarea
improductivitii cheltuielilor publice,
sunt temperate prin intermediul acelei
specii de obligaie de a formula
cererea public ntr-o form asociat
care aproape dintotdeauna inspir
legile de finanare ale autoritilor
locale, adic colectivitatea i/sau
puterile locale. Repartizarea
cheltuielilor publice pentru dezvoltare
apare, n plus, pe baz de proiecte
cofinanate de ctre aceleai
al colectiviti locale. Deseori fondurile
de dezvoltare sunt de tip rotaie.
Accesul la fonduri apare n forma
concurenial i dintre criteriile
confruntrii, aderena proiectelor la
politicile de stat este aproape
ntotdeauna cea prioritar.
PATI - legea urbanistic
regional din Veneto nr. 11/204, care
relanseaz intercomunalitatea, cel
puin n ceea ce privete planificarea
urbanistic comunal i logic
guvernului de teritoriu conform
Legii constituionale nr. 3/2001
consider parcursul lung.
Italia a nceput cu planificri
voluntare ale anilor 40 pentru
i anumite teritorii omogene i puin
speciale - planul Valle d-Aosta,
experiena Canavese, o lung istorie a
planificrii teritoriilor supuse
mbuntirilor funciare, care a
interesat multe pri ale Italiei, la
100
nivel teoretic i practic; teritoriile din
Piemonte au fost botezate, pentru a
omagia coala sociologic de la
Chicago, cu adjectivul ecologic,
termen care apoi a preluat o mare
centralitate, dar fa de ambient.
Au existat i tentativele ctorva
Comuniti Montane de a forma, n
afara planurilor de dezvoltare socio-
economic, i planuri reglementare
intercomunale. Experienele cele mai
recente snt cele ale anilor 70 de
planificare intercomunal, n sensul
unui plan reglementar unic pentru
teritoriul dintre comune (ex: planul
intercomunal Pesaro), conform legii
urbanistice nr. 1150 din 1942.
n mai 2005 se numrau 278
regiuni. Cu 45% din populaie
(dintre care 48% cu dominaie rural,
35% urban, 17% mixt). n ianuarie
2005, 14 erau comuniti urbane (6,2
milioane de locuitori), 162 comuniti
de aglomerri (20,4 milioane de
locuitori) i 2342 comunitile de
localiti (25, 1 milioane de locuitori).
Grard Gouzes, Preedintele
delegat al ADCF, preedinte al
Comunitii comunelor Val de
Garonne, primar al oraului
Marmande, clasifica la nivel european
rile n funcie de gradul de
dezvoltare al acestei organizri socio-
administrative n 3 grupe :
- rile n care reforma comunal
s-a fcut prin fuziunea comunelor
(Marea Britanie, Danemarca, Suedia):
intercomunalitatea fiind puin
dezvoltat (datorit unitilor
administrativ-teritoriale suficient de
mari pentru o bun capacitate
administrativ)
- rile unde reforma intercomunal
a lsat s subziste un numr important
de comune (Germania, Belgia, )
101
- rile n care nu s-a produs nc
sau este n mod incipient reforma
intercomunal (Romnia, Cehia)
Experiena francez n
domeniul intercomunalitii poate
constitui, pentru Romnia, un
exemplu de urmat n acest domeniu.
n prezent, aproape 90% din teritoriul
francez aparine unei regrupri de
comune. Chiar dac n Romnia
exist mult mai puine comune dect
n Frana (aproximativ 3200, fa de
mai mult de 36 000), organizarea
teritorial a celor dou ri este
asemntoare.
Localitile au evoluat i s-au
dezvoltat n moduri diferite i n
ritmuri diferite. De aceea, n prezent,
asistm la un peisaj foarte eterogen al
localitilor din punct de vedere al
dezvoltrii acestora. Discrepanele
existente ntre localiti reprezint o
consecin a mai multor cauze:
ritmurile diferite de dezvoltare a
localitilor n cadrul judeului;
ritmurile diferite de dezvoltare a
judeelor n cadrul teritoriului
naional;
distribuia neuniform pe
teritoriul judeului i a rii a
infrastructurii tehnice i sociale i
slaba dezvoltare a acesteia;
dezechilibrele demografice;
existena unor factori naturali i a
unor resurse economice diferite
de la o localitate la alta i de la un
jude la altul;
manifestarea n mod diferit, de la
o localitate la alta, a iniiativei
locale i a spiritului edilitar-
gospodresc etc.
Intercomunalitatea ca form de
asociere reprezint un important
instrument pentru dezvoltarea
localitilor, dar mai ales un important
instrument pentru rezolvarea unor
probleme cronice care au pus la grea
ncercare administraiile localitilor
din Romnia. Venind n sprijinul
administraiei publice locale,
Intercomunalitate i dezvoltarea
local poate fi soluia viabil pentru
implementarea politicilor regionale i
gestionrii fondurilor europene,
pornind de la cteva premise:
- peisajul instituional romnesc,
calificat ca fiind similar celui francez,
este poate cel mai fertil asocierii de
tip intercomunal;
- asocierea de tip intercomunal este
preluat de mai toate administraiile
europene, ca model de urmat;
- n esen, intercomunalitatea ca
form de asociere este similar
asocierii de state la nivel european,
doar c se petrece la nivel de
administraii locale. Fapt ce ne
plaseaz n postura de a analiza i
dezbate acest model ca oportunitate
agreat de forurile europene.
- posibilitatea de accesare a
fondurilor structurale este
condiionat de existena unor
proiecte la nivel de regiune care s
rspund unei necesiti de dezvoltare
la nivel local.
Asocierea de tip intercomunal
vizeaz, diverse domenii, dar
indiferent de modelul, scopul sau
forma asocierii, aceasta trebuie s
respecte cteva principii de baz,
principii ce se reflect n valorile
Europei moderne, valorile
democraiei i legile statului romn:
1. Asocierea trebuie s aib un
scop bine definit i s se realizeze n
vederea atingerii acelui scop; cu toate
acestea, beneficiile asocierii sunt
multiple i transced scopul iniial (de
exemplu: crearea unei asociaii de tip
intercomunal garanteaz apariia unei
102
strategii de dezvoltare a localitilor
care realizeaz asocierea).
2. Scopul, dei bine definit, nu
trebuie s se limiteze la o singur
aciune sau activitate ci trebuie s aib
n vedere un domeniu de activitate.
3. Domeniile prioritare pe care
ar trebui s le vizeze asocierea de tip
intercomunal sunt infrastructura,
serviciile publice de gospodrie
comunal, dezvoltarea durabil,
urbanism, dar i cultur i petrecerea
timpului liber.
Prezentarea conceptului de
intercomunalitate trebuie s aib n
vedere obiectivul fundamental al
oricrei administraii: servicii publice
ieftine i de calitate oferite cetenilor,
aceasta cu att mai mult cu ct n
contextul descentralizrii, acest
obiectiv fundamental
responsabilizeaz i mai mult edilii
locali n vederea creterii calitii
vieii.
n martie 2006, la Braov, s-a
organizat o sesiune de promovare a
conceptului Intercomunalitii, cu
participarea Preedintelui Romniei,
Prim-ministrului Guvernului
Romniei, efului Delegaiei
Comisiei Europene n Romnia,
Ministrului Administraiei i
Internelor, Ministrului Integrrii
Europene, Ministrului Delegat pentru
controlul implementrii programelor
cu finanare internaional i
urmrirea aplicrii acquis-ului
comunitar i Ministrului Delegat
pentru lucrri publice i amenajarea
teritoriului.
Elementele cheie dezbtute n
cadrul temelor de discuii dedicate
Intercomunalitii i opiunii pentru
gestiunea eficient a serviciilor
publice locale, Intercomunalitii n
sprijinul accesrii Fondurilor
Structurale, Beneficiilor asocierii
de tip intercomunal pentru orae i
localitile din mediu rural.
Respectarea valorilor i principiilor
europene - condiie necesar i
obligatorie pentru crearea asocierilor
ntre consilii locale i Modelului
intercomunal ca variant de creare a
zonelor metropolitane au fost:
1. Definirea corect a Romniei, protocolul a fost semnat de
conceptului de asociere
intercomunal
2. Prezentarea asocierii de tip
intercomunal ca variant de creare a
zonelor metropolitane
3. Prezentarea beneficiilor
asocierii de tip intercomunal pentru:
ceteni, operatori de servicii
publice de gospodrie comunal,
ageni economici i bnci, alei
locali
4. Dezbaterea cadrului legislativ
actual privind asocierile de tip
intercomunal
Problema de fond a funcionrii
eficiente a asociaiilor
intercomunitare se refer la rezultatele
concrete obinute care pot fi traduse i
n indicatori de performan, n
funcie de obiectivele stabilite n
actele constitutive: capacitatea de
absorbie a fondurilor comunitare
operaionalizat prin valoarea
fondurilor externe atrase, elaborarea
unei strategii integrate de dezvoltare,
elaborarea unor regulamente comune
de funcionare a serviciilor publice.
Un numr de 17 comune din
sudul judeului Dolj au infiinat
asociaia, Intercomunalitatea Sudolt,
care a primit o finanare de 22 de
milioane de euro pentru derularea a 9
proiecte. Preedintele acestei
organizaii i primar al comunei
Giurgita, a participat n noiembrie
2007, la evenimentul Le salon des
103
Mairies et des Collectivitees locales
organizat la Paris, n cadrul cruia s-
au pus bazele unei imense comuniti
europene: A fost semnat un protocol
pentru crearea unui teritoriu
european de cooperare i dezvoltare,
la care au aderat comuniti din
Belgia, Frana, Romnia, Bulgaria,
Turcia i Grecia. Din partea
Intercomunalitatea Sudolt,
Comunitatea urban Aries, Primria
Cmpulung Moldovenesc i
Patronatul Serviciilor Publice din
Romnia.
n urma acestui acord,
comunitile romneti vor primi
sprijin pentru implementarea a 20 de
proiecte, fondurile urmnd a fi
accesate prin intermediul Programului
de Cooperare Interregional Interreg
IV. Nou dintre aceste proiecte se vor
derula n judeul Dolj, n cele 17
comune asociate n
Intercomunalitatea Sudolt.
Primul proiect a inceput sa fie
derulat din ianuarie 2008 i a debutat
cu o Conferin transfrontalier
Romnia - Bulgaria, care a presupus
realizarea unui plan strategic al
dezvoltrii unei eurozone rurale i
unui ghid de cooperare
transfrontalier. Proiectul are o
valoare de 720.000 de euro i se
intinde pe o perioada de trei ani.
Comuna care va beneficia cel
mai mult de pe urma acestui protocol
este Gighera, pe teritoriul creia se
vor derula cinci proiecte. Astfel, banii
obinui prin programul Interreg vor fi
utilizai pentru realizarea unui
complex turistic i a unui complex
balnear, a unui centru de interpretare
a naturii n pdurea Zaval, a unui sat
de vacan i a unui port turistic. De
asemenea, autoritile din comuna
Brca vor s fac un centru de
formare profesional, iar pentru
traseul Perior-Bechet exist un
proiect de implementare a turismului
pescresc.
Toate aceste iniiative
consolideaz ansele de eligibilitate i
prioritate a comunelor i asociaiei
comunelor Intercomunalitatea Sudolt
de a dezvolta rapid spaiul rural din
Sudul Romniei prin intermediul
Programului Naional de Dezvoltare
Rural 2007-2013.
Acesta este conceput conform
Politicii de Dezvoltare Rural a
Comunitii Europene, fiind centrat
pe trei mari axe, furnizoare ale unor
oportuniti reale de dezvoltare a
satului romnesc, cu condiia
participrii active a tuturor membrilor
comunitii locale, n frunte cu liderii
locali, dar i pe programul Leader:
Creterea competitivitii
fermelor i silviculturii,
Managementul mediului i al
pmntului,
mbuntirea calitii vieii i
diversificarea activitilor rurale
Beneficiari i activiti finanate:
Beneficiari: membrii
gospodriilor rurale
Activitile meteugreti i de
artizanat;
Activitile de comer local, ca de
exemplu crearea unui magazin ataat
unei ferme, unde pot fi vndute
propriile produse.
Beneficiari: micro-
ntreprinderile din mediul rural cu mai
puin de nou angajai i o cifr de
afaceri sub 2 milioane de euro.
Crearea i dezvoltarea de
micro-ntreprinderi (servicii de
frizerie, aprovizionare cu unelte
agricole etc.).
Beneficiari: pensiuni agro-
turistice (productori agricoli,
membrii gospodriei), pensiuni
turistice (persoane fizice i juridice
care doresc s investeasc n turism
rural).
Construcia i modernizarea
de pensiuni turistice i agro-turistice.
Beneficiari: consilii locale,
asociaii cu statut juridic ntre
consiliile locale din mediul rural i
persoane juridice.
mbuntirea infrastructurii rurale
prin investiii (drumuri locale,
alimentri cu ap, canalizare);
Amenajarea centrului civic al
localitii prin investiii cu caracter
public (piee, parcuri, reabilitare,
biblioteci).
Beneficiari: locuitorii din mediul
rural
Pregtirea i informarea populaiei
rurale pentru activitile de
diversificare a economiei locale,
asigurarea de servicii etc.
Beneficiari: comunitile
locale, structurile publice i private
locale implicate n dezvoltarea rural
local (ONG-uri, fundaii i asociaii,
consilii locale, primari, instituii
ecumenice, societatea civil local)
Formarea de parteneriate locale,
public-private reprezentative;
Elaborarea de strategii integrate
de dezvoltare rural la nivel local;
Finanarea cercetrilor sau
studiilor teritoriilor (zonelor rurale) i
pregtirea aplicaiilor pentru sprijin.
Programul LEADER este cea
de a patra ax de dezvoltare rural,
prin care Romnia beneficiaz de
circa 2,5% din fondurile europene de
dezvoltare rural. nseamn 180,5
milioane de euro, bani destinai
mbuntirii guvernantei locale i
mobilizrii tuturor resurselor de
104
dezvoltare din satul romnesc. intercomunalitii, Institutul pentru
Parteneriatul public - privat, aducerea Politici Publice, Bucuresti, 2007
laolalt a sectorului public i a celui 4. Karrer, Francesco,
privat este una dintre aceste resurse. Intercomunalit e Agglomeration,
Administraia public local Padova, 2006
poate atrage de partea sa iniiativa 5. Legea nr. 215/2001 Legea
privat i mpreun, cu ajutorul Administraiei Publice Locale
finanrilor europene destinate 6. Legea nr. 326/2001 Legea
dezvoltrii rurale, poate derula Serviciilor Publice de Gospodrie
proiecte reciproc avantajoase. Comunal
Noile perspective ale 7. Legea dezvoltrii regionale n
dezvoltrii administraiei publice Romnia 51/1998
locale din Romnia ofer ns ansa 8. Legea administratiei publice
unei schimbri de substan, dat de locale 215/2001 si 286/2008
promovarea unei dezvoltri regionale 9. Legea - cadru a
echilibrate i implicit, a eliminrii descentralizrii nr. 195/2006
discrepanelor intra i inter judeene. 10. Legea nr. 51/2006 a
Fructificarea acestei anse, inclusiv serviciilor comunitare de utilitti
prin crearea asociaiilor de dezvoltare publice
(inter) comunitare depinde ns de
contientizarea importanei asocierii,
dincolo de programele naionale sau
internaionale de dezvoltare folosite
ca un mijloc de stimulare financiar a
cooperrii, dar pstrnd n acelai
timp un ritm de adaptare firesc i
adecvat actualelor nevoi ale
administraiei.

Bibliogarfie selectiv :

1. Cerulli, Irelli,
Lintercommunalite dans deux etats
europeens: Analyse comparative
France Italie, Rome, 1998
2. Ferreol, Gilles (coord.),
Dicionarul Uniunii Europene,
Editura Polirom, Iai, 2001
3. Iorga, Elena, Marin, Monica;
Mizele intercomunalitii n Romnia:
Evoluia fenomenului asociativ la
nivelul administraiei publice locale
din Romnia, Comparaie cu
experiena francez a

105
 The Evolution of Intercommunality in Romania
Abstract: The emergence of the new
concept Intercommunality as a form
of administrative structure
corresponding to the European level
state association whip up at a
comparative analysis of the system in
France, Italy and Romania. The
focusing on showing the characteristics
and advantages: the capacity of
absorption Community funds put
forward through the external funds
drawn, the elaboration of common
regulations for give value to the new
concept.
Key words: intercommunality, local
development, infrastructure, public
administration
Intercommunality comes
from French language and defines-
generally speaking-the institutional
integration of many villages that
cooperate for the carrying out of a
developing project, putting together
the means and available resources for
protecting the efficacy of public
management.
The proportions between state
and region and between region and
towns must stand on loyalty,
cooperation and solidarity. The state
and regions must not harm or limit the
autonomy of the towns, neither must
the towns hack the authority of the
state or the fulfillment of the regions
targets. The local autonomy must not
prejudice the territorial integrity and
sovereignty of the state. For
accomplishing the law-given
competences, the local administration
106
Dr. Andreea NI
University of Craiova
andreea_nita2005@yahoo.com
authorities must provide the
conditions for an efficient mutually
advantageous cooperation with the
other levels of public administration.
The local authorities have to be
consulted by the other authorities
whenever their interests are affected.
Important similarities and
differences have been disclosed
between intercommunality in
Romania and that of Italy and France,
as well as over the evolution of the
concept, mission and its enforcement
in territory. Thus, they confirm the
important impact of the national
(historical and administrative) context
on the perception of the associative
and institutional role of the structures
as well as the fact thet its difficult to
speak of an ideal pattern, when we
actually speak of an abiding process
of analysis, improvement and
adapting at the needs of the
communities of the laws for each
national entity.
The perception of the
associative structure as a needful
developing tool is the main
convergence point between the
French intercommunality and the
Romanian intercommunitary
association. Lately, a great number of
Romanian local communities have
merged to form associations and are
looking for an efficient management.
Yet, a lot of problems and
particularities- as we speak to the
French intercommunality-have arisen
and need special attention: we talk
about the private law statute of
intercommunitary associations, of the
taking decisions devices, or the
problem of representativity and
democratic legitimacy in the
deliberately body, the absence of a
real competences handover, the
impossibility of backing the public
patrimony of services as true owner
but not the last the financing
mechanisms of associations and the
support of the state and departments.
By describing the function of
the French intercommunality and the
Romanian intercommunitary
association, the conclusion is that we
have two types of associative
structures: on the one hand, the
intercommunitary association is a
private law structure, the equivalent
of a 1901 association in France (OG
26/2000 in Romania) and, on the
other hand, intercommunality is a
public law structure (a public
intercommunal cooperation
structure).The two structures are not
contrary patterns, but two
complementary and different ones.
Many difficulties in the French-
Romanian dialogue about
intercommunality and especially the
difficulty in adopting the French
model, comes from the type
difference of the two associative
structures.
In France, the communal
network is much more spred than in
Italy and Romania (the rate is 36.600
towns in France, 8100 in Italy and
3600 in Romania).
The targets of valorizing the
territorial democracy represented by
this large network of citizens
spokesmen and, at the same time, the
restriction of the bad managing of
public expenses, are tempered by the
obligation of formulating the public
107
request in an associative form that
almost always inspires the financing
laws of the local authorities, such as
the community and/or the local
powers. The distribution of public
expenses for development appears
through co-financed projects of the
same local communities. Most times,
the development funds are rotation
type. The access to funds appears in a
competitional way and through the
confrontation criteria the most
important one is the liability of the
projects to the state policies.
PATI- the regional urban law
from Veneto no.11/204, which
revitalizes intercommunality, at least
regarding the logical town-planning
of the territory government
according to the Constitutional Law
no.3/2001 considers it a long route.
Italy began with volunteer
planning for the 40s for certain
uniform and less special territories-
The Valle d-Aosta Plan, the Canavese
experience, a long history of planning
the territories with landed
amelioration that interested many
parts of the country, both in
theoretical and practical level ; to the
Piemonte territories have been given
names as a tribute to the Chicago
Sociological School, using the
adjective ecological, a term that
eventually became very important,
but to the environment.
There were also the attempts of
some Mountain Communities to form,
beside the social and economic
development plans, of
intercommunity plans. The most
recent experiences are those of the
70s in intercommunity planning,
speaking of an unique plan for the
whole territory of a village (the
intercommunity plan Pessaro),
according to the urban law no.1150 the territorial organization of the two
from 1942. countries is similar.
In May 2005 we could count The towns have evolved and
278 regions, with 45% of developed in different ways and rates.
population (from which 48% was That is why we assist nowadays at a
rural, 35% urban and 17% mixte). In very eterogeneous scenery of the
January 2005, 14 were urban towns from the point of vue of their
communities (6,2 million inhabitants), development. The discrepancies
162 were congestion communities between towns have many causes:
(20,4 million inhabitants) and 2342 - the different rates of developing
were township communities (25,1 of the towns within the county;
million inhabitants). - the different rates of
Gerard Gouzes, the developing of the counties within the
commissioned president of ADCF, national territory;
president of Val de Garonne township - the uneven distribution within
Community, the mayor of Marmande the county and the country of the
town classified the European technical, social infrastructureand its
countries according to the weak development;
development degree of these social- - the demographic imbalance;
administrative organization in three - the existence of natural factors
groups: and different economical resources
- countries in which the from a town to another and one
communal reformation was made county to another;
through the merger of villages ( Great - the different manifestation,
Britain, Denmark, Sweden): from one town to another, of the local
intercommunality is little developed undertaking and the town-household
due to the large administrative units, spirit etc.
large enough for a good Intercommunality as an
administrative capacity) association form represents an
- countries where the important instrument for the
intercommunal reformation allowed developing of the towns, but most for
to a great number of villages to resist solving some chronic problems that
( Germany, Belgium) gave headaches to the administrations
- countries in which the of the Romanian towns. Coming to
reformation hasnt emerged yet- or is help the local public administration,
at the beginning ( Romania, The The Intercommunality and local
Czech Republic) development can be the viable
The French experience in this solution for implementing the
area can provide an example to regional politics and for the
follow for Romania. Nowadays, management of the European funds,
almost 90% of the French territory starting from some premises:
belongs to a village regrupation. - the Romanian institutional
Even if in Romania the number of scenery, set as being similar to the
villages is small in comparison to French one, is possibly the most
France (the rate is 3200 to 36000), fertile for the intercommunal
association;

108
 - this type of association is
assumed by almost all European
administrations, as a model;
- basically, the intercommunality
as an association form is similar to the
state association at European level,
the only difference being the fact that
takes place in local administrations.
This allows us the analysis of the
model as an opportunity enabled by
the European institutions;
- the possibility of accessing
structural funds is conditioned by the
existence of some regional projects
that should respond a local
development need.
The intercommunal association
type aims at various fields, but no
matter the model, purpose or the
association form, this must respect
some basic principles, principles that
reflects into the values of modern
Europe, of democracy and the laws of
the Romanian state:
1. The association must have a
well-defined purpose and must
accomplish as to reach that purpose;
beyond this, the benefits of the
association are many and transcend
the original purpose (for example: the
initiation of an intercommunal
association type assures the birth of a
development strategy for the towns
that achieve the partnership).
2. The purpose, though well-
defined, must not limit to one action
or activity, but must refer to an
activity field.
3. The main fields that the
intercommunal association type
should consider are: the
infrastructure, the public services for
town management, the long-term
development, the town planning, as
well as culture and spending the spare
time.
109
The presentation of the
intercommunality concept must
reflect the basic purpose of any
administration: cheap and quality
public services offered to the citizens,
this much more as through
descentralization, this main objective
empowers more the local leaders for
growing the quality of life.
In March 2006, in Brasov,
took place a promoting session for the
concept of Intercommunality; through
the participants, some were very
important: the Romanian President,
The Prime-Minister,the Chief of the
European Commission in Romania,
the Minister of Administration and
Internal Affaires, The Minister of
European Integration, the Minister
Delegate for implementing
international financing programmes
and the following of communitary
acquis application and the Minister
Delegate for public works and the
laying out of the territory.
The key elements discussed
within the topics dedicated to the
Intercommunality and the option for
an efficient management of the local
public departments,
Intercommunality for assistance in
accessing structural funds, The
benefits of intercommunal association
type for cities and villages.
The consideration of the
European values and principles-
necessary and compulsory condition
for creating associations between
local councils and The
Intercommunal model as a way of
creating metropolitan areas were:
1. The right definition of the
intercommunal association concept
2. The presentation of the
intercommunal association type as an
option of creating metropolitan areas
 3. The presentation of the benefits
of intercommunal association for:
citizens, operators of the public
services for town management,
traders, banks and local elected
persons
4. The debating of the present-day
framework regarding intercommunal
association type
The basic problem of efficient
working of the intercommunitary
associations refers to the actual results
that can also be presented in
performance indicators, according to
the established purposes in the
constituent acts: the capacity of
communitary funds absorption
operationalized through the external
funds drawn, the framing of some
common regulations for the working
of the public departments.
A number of 17 villages
from the south of the Dolj county
started the association called The
Intercommunality Sudolt, which
received a 22 milion Euros financing
for developing 9 projects. The
president of the organization and
mayor of the Giurgita village took
part in November 2007 at the event
called Le salon des Mairies et des
Collectivitees locales in Paris, where
a great European community was
built: A protocol was signed in order
to create an European territory for
cooperation and development, to
which communities from Belgium,
France, Romania, Bulgaria, Turkey
and Greece clung. For Romania, the
protocol was signed by the Sudolt
Intercommunality, The Urban
Community Aries, The Cityhall of
Campulung Moldovenesc and the
Association of the Romanian Public
Services.
110
Because of this agreement, the
Romanian communities will receive
support for the implementation of 20
projects, the funds being accessed
through the Interreg IV Interregional
Cooperation Programme. Nine of
these projects will take place in the
Dolj county, in those 17 associated
villages from the Sudolt
Intercommunality.
The first project began in
January 2008 with a Transboundary
Conference Romania-Bulgaria, which
meant the achieving of a strategic
plan for the development of an
European countryside region and of a
transboundary cooperation guide. The
project means 720.000 Euros and will
deploy over three years.
The village that will benefit the
most from this protocol is Gighera,
where five projects will unroll. Thus,
the money from the Interreg
Programme will be used for building
a touristic center and a spa center, of
a center for interpretation of nature
within Zaval forest, of a holiday
village and a touristic harbour. Also,
the authorities of the Barca village
want to make a professional training
center, and for the Perisor-Bechet
route there is a project for
implementing the fishing tourism.
All these initiatives strengthen
the chances for eligibility and priority
of the villages and of the association
The Intercommunality Sudolt of
rapidly developing the countryside
territory from the southern Romania
through the National Countryside
Development Programme 2007-2013.
This programme is made
according to the European
Community Countryside
Development Policy, being focused
over three great axis that offer real
opportunities for development the
Romanian village, on the condition of
an efficient participation of all
members of the local community,
together with the local leaders but
also on the Leader programme:
- The increasing of the
competitiveness of farms and forestry,
- The management of the land
and environment,
- The improvement of living
conditions and diversification of the
countryside activities
The categories of beneficiaries
and financed activities:
Beneficiaries: members of
countryside household
- The handicraft activities;
- The local trade activities, such
as the foundation of a store related to
a farm, where the own products can
be sold out.
Beneficiaries: micro-enterprises
from the countryside areas with less
than 9 employees and a turnover
under 2 million Euros.
- The creation and developing of
micro-enterprises (barbers shop,
supplying with agricultural tools etc.).
Beneficiaries: Agri-tourist
boarding houses (agricultural
producers, members of the
household), tourist boarding houses
( individuals, legal persons that want
to invest in countryside tourism).
- The construction and
modernization of tourist and
agri-tourist boarding houses.
Beneficiaries: local councils,
associations with legal status between
the local countryside councils and
legal persons.
- The improvement of the
countryside infrastructure through
investments (local roads, water supply
and village mains);
111
- The planning of the civic center
of the community through public
nature investments (markets, parks,
rehabilitation, libraries).
Beneficiaries: the inhabitants
from the countryside areas
- The training and information
of the inhabitants for the activities of
diversification of the local economy,
the providing of services etc.
Beneficiaries: local
communities, public and private local
structures involved in the local
countryside development (ONG,
foundations and associations, local
councils, mayors, ecumenical
institutions, local civil community)
- The forming of public-private
representative local partnerships;
- The setting-up of integrated
local countryside development
strategies;
- The financing of the resources
or studies of the territories
(countryside areas) and the
preparation of applications for
support.
The LEADER programme is
the fourth axis of countryside
development, through which Romania
benefits from about 2,5% of the
European funds for countryside
development. That means 180,5
million Euros, money that is for
improving local administration and
for mmobilisation of all developing
resources from the Romanian village.
The public-private partnership,
bringing together public and private
branch is one of these resources.
The local public administration
may attract the private initiative and
together with the help of the
European financing for the
countryside development, can carry
on mutual advantageous projects.
 The new vistas of the 6. Law no.326/2001- The Law
development of local public of the Public Services of Town
administration in Romania offer the Management
opportunity of a substance change, 7. The Regional Development
given by the promotion of a balanced Law in Romania no.51/1998
regional development and, 8. The Public Administration
consequently, of eliminating the Law 215/2001 and 286/2008
discrepancies in and out the county. 9. The Frame - Law of
The using of this opportunity, Decentralization no.195/2006
including the initiating of the 10. Law no.51/2006 of the
intercommunitary developing communitary services for public
associations depends on the utilities
awareness of the importance of
association, beyond national or
international developing programmes
used as a mean of financial
stimulation of cooperation, but at the
same time keeping an unstudied and
adequate rate of adapting for the
present-day needs of the
administration.

References:

1. Cerulli, Irelli,
Lintercommunalite dans deux etats
europeens: Analyse comparative
France Italie, Rome, 1998
2. Ferreol, Gilles
(coord.), Dicionarul Uniunii
Europene, Editura Polirom, Iai,
2001
3. Iorga, Elena, Marin, Monica;
Mizele intercomunalitii n Romnia:
Evoluia fenomenului asociativ la
nivelul administraiei publice locale
din Romnia, Comparaie cu
experiena francez a
intercomunalitii, Institutul pentru
Politici Publice, Bucuresti, 2007
4. Karrer, Francesco,
Intercomunalit e Agglomeration,
Padova, 2006
5. Law no.215/2001- The Public
Administration Law

112
 Implementarea reglementrilor Bologna n statele Europei
Asist.drd. Gabriela MOTOI, Conf.dr. Cristina OTOVESCU-FRSIE
Rezumat: n orice societate, educaia
contribuie la dezvoltarea personalitii
individuale. Nivelul de dezvoltare
economic al unei ri depinde de
nivelul de educaie al cetenilor si, i
din acest motiv, este necesar s avem o
opinie clar despre rolul educaiei n
orice societate. n acest studiu, ne-am
axat pe analiza principalelor
reglementri juridice europene, din
domeniul nvmntului superior. Am
analizat cele mai importante aspecte
care in de Procesul Bologna, precum
i cele mai importante progrese n
implementarea reglementrilor
europene n domeniul educaiei,
insistnd asupra ctorva elemente, cum
ar fi: sistemul ECTS, suplimentul la
diplom, dimensiunea social, rata de
inserie a absolvenilor pe piaa muncii.
Cuvinte cheie: reglementri juridice,
Bologna, nvmnt superior,
dimensiune social, rata de inserie pe
piaa muncii
Numeroase aspecte care se
transform n zilele noastre n materie
de studii universitare i nvmnt,
de management i marketing sunt
legate de procesul Bologna sau de
impulsurile declanate, sau cel puin
generate de acesta. Declaraia de la
Bologna a fost semnat pe 19 iunie
1999, de ctre minitrii responsabili
pentru nvmntul superior, din 29
de state ale Europei. Principalul
obiectiv asumat de ctre cei care au
semnat acest document a fost
dezvoltarea nvmntului superior,
Universitatea din Craiova
gabrielamotoi@yahoo.com, otocris@yahoo.com
pentru anul 2010. Majoritatea statelor
din Europa Central i de Est sunt
semnatare ale Procesului de la
Bologna. Romnia este printre
primele state ale Europei Centrale
care a ratificat Convenia de la
Bologna, n anul 1999, alturi de
Bulgaria i Ungaria.
Potrivit rapoartelor Comisiei
Europene, n anul 2009, au fost fcute
numeroase progrese n toate
elementele cheie ale procesului
Bologna (ECTS, suplimentul la
diplom, Cadrul Naional al
Calificrilor). Astfel, la nivelul anului
2009, structura de nvmnt pe trei
cicluri de studiu (licen, master,
coal doctoral) fusese introdus n
toate rile membre ale procesului, n
toate instituiile de nvmnt
superior i la toate nivelurile de
studiu. Totui, n anumite state, unele
domenii de studiu cum ar fi tiinele
medicale, arhitectura sau ingineria
rmn n afara noilor structuri.
n ceea ce privete primul
program de studii (Licena), modelul
cu 180 de credite (3 ani) este
dominant n 19 ri1, n timp ce n 11
ri2 este preferat cel cu 240 credite (4
ani). Programul de master cu 120
credite (2 ani) este predominant n 29
1
Andorra, Austria, Belgia, Croaia,
Danemarca, Estonia, Finlanda, Frana,
Vatican, Islanda, Liechtenstein,
Luxemburg, Muntenegru, Norvegia,
Polonia, Slovacia, Suedia, Eleveia.
2
Armenia, Bulgaria, Cipru, Georgia,
Grecia, Lituania, Moldova, Rusia, Spania,
Turcia i Regatul Unit al Marii Britanii.
113
de ri. Statele au adaptat principiile
Bologna la propria lor situaie i le-au
implementat ntr-un mod flexibil,
innd cont de specificul pieei
muncii, al instituiilor de nvmnt
i al domeniilor de studiu. Totui,
putem observa c, dei nu a fost creat
i aplicat un model unic n fiecare
ar, n majoritatea rilor a fost pus n
practic un model de referin
comun.
n majoritatea statelor,
introducerea sistemului de credite
transferabile (ECTS) s-a bazat pe
legislaia n vigoare. Totui, un numr
limitat de ri au ajuns la punctul n
care majoritatea instituiilor i
programelor de studiu folosesc
sistemul ECTS la capacitatea sa
maxim.
n timp ce Procesul Bologna a
adus o convergen a modelelor
referitoare la structura de studiu (3-2-
3), s-a produs i o extindere a
variaiilor naionale n ceea ce
privete Spaiului European al
nvmntului Superior. Unele dintre
aceste variaii se aplic anumitor
discipline i domenii de studiu, n
timp ce altele reprezint o continuare
a diferenierii ntre calificrile
academice i profesionale. Indiferent
care ar fi practicile lor de
implementare, toate statele semnatare
Bologna se confrunt cu provocri
serioase n adaptarea la credinele
unei societi, aflat ntr-o
permanent schimbare, i n
asigurarea c aceste calificri n
special cele din programul de Licen
ofer un acces rapid pe piaa
muncii.
Nivelul de educaie al ISCED
5B corespunde programelor cu o
orientare vocaional care formeaz
tineri pentru a intra direct pe piaa
muncii. Acestea sunt mai scurte, ca
durat, dect ISCED 5A i nu
ntotdeauna sunt conforme cu
Procesul Bologna.
n anul 2009, un numr
important de state nu i
modernizaser sistemul vocaional, n
concordan cu prevederile Bologna
n pofida faptului c aceste prevederi
reprezint o parte a rspunsului
coerent la problema unei societi
care se schimb cu repeziciune i a
unei piee de for de munc care i
rennoiete la fel de repede criteriile
de recrutare i inserie a tinerilor
absolveni.
n cteva ri, precum Belgia,
Turcia, Slovenia, Lituania, Irlanda,
Grecia, Estonia i Cipru, nivelul
ISCED 5B reprezint un aspect
important al sistemului de nvmnt
teriar, cu o participare a studenilor
care are un procent de aproximativ
25% din totalul populaiei colare3.
Trebuie s precizm c exist
ri n care se face o difereniere clar
ntre profilul academic i cel
profesional al calificrilor. De
exemplu, n Croaia, Frana4, Lituania
sau Muntenegru, diferena dintre
pofilele profesional i academic se
face att la nivel de Licen, ct i la
nivel de Master.
Sistemul European de
Credite Transferabile (ECTS)
Sistemul ECTS a fost
considerat, nc de la nceputurile
3
A se vedea raportul Key Data on Higher
Educaion in Europe, elaborat de Comisia
European, Bruxelles, 2009
4
De exemplu, n Frana exist o distincie
clar ntre licence i licence
professionnelle i ntre master
professionnel i master recherche.
114
procesului Bologna, ca un element
central n procesul de transformare a
nvmntului superior european
ntr-unul mai transparent i mai uor
de neles. Acest sistem a fost introdus
pentru prima dat la sfritul anilor
80, cu scopul de a fi folosit n special
pentru transferul creditelor i pentru
facilitarea mobilitii studenilor prin
Programul Erasmus.
Procesul de ncadrare a ECTS
n legislaia naional a nceput mai
nainte de 2000 n cteva ri cum ar
fi: Austria, Comunitatea Flamand
din Belgia, Romnia, iar n prezent
este n curs de definitivare n toate
statele membre.
n prezent, sistemul de credite
transferabile este folosit (att pentru
transfer, ct i pentru acumulare) n
mai mult de 75% dintre instituiile de
nvmnt n urmtoarele ri:Belgia,
Bosnia i Heregovina, Danemarca,
Macedonia, Georgia, Italia, Islanda,
Moldova, Olanda, Norvegia, Serbia i
Elveia. Doar 6 ri (Suedia, Turcia,
Marea Britanie, rile Baltice) i/au
meninut sistemul naional de credite
n paralele cu ECTS. De exemplu, n
Turcia, sistemul naional de credite nu
este pe deplin compatibil cu ECTS,
care este folosit doar pentru transferul
creditelor, n contextul programelor
de mobilitate a studenilor n spaiul
Uniunii Europene5.
Suplimentul la Diplom a fost
dezvoltat de ctre Comisia
European, Consiliul Europei i
UNESCO/CEPES. Acesta este un
document standard care este ataat la
diploma de absolvire, care ofer o
descriere a nivelului, coninutului i
5 al Calificrilor de ctre Parlamentul
Key Data on Higher Educaion in
Europe, Comisia European, Bruxelles,
2009, p. 30
statusului studiilor care au fost
absolvite. Scopul acestui Supliment la
Diplom este de a mbunti
cunoaterea abilitilor i
competenelor dobndite de ctre
absolvent, i deci de a facilita
mobilitatea i de a ajuta angajatorii
pentru o mai bun recrutare a forei de
munc.
Doar n apte state semnatare
ale Procesului Bologna, Suplimentul
la Diplom este nc n curs de
introducere, acestea fiind:
Azerbaidjan, Frana, Irlanda,
Muntenegru, Rusia, Slovacia i Marea
Britanie (Anglia, ara Galilor i
Irlanda de Nord). Singura ar n care
nc nu a fost introdus Suplimentul la
Diplom este Ucraina.
O alt problem care trebuie
cercetat este cea legat de modul n
care Suplimentul de Diplom este
utilizat de ctre angajatori. De fapt,
mai nti ar trebui cercetat dac el este
folosit de angajatori. n acest context,
n majoritatea statelor membre
Bologna exist foruri/organisme care
se ocup, printre altele, i de
monitorizarea utilizrii Suplimentului
la Diplom. De exemplu, n Norvegia,
Agenia Norvegian pentru
Asigurarea Calitii n Educaie
(NOKUT) monitorizeaz impactul pe
care l are Suplimentul la Diplom n
rndul angajatorilor.
Cadrul Naional al
Calificrilor
Dezvoltarea unui Cadru
Naional al Calificrilor a fost
ncurajat nc de la Conferina de la
Bergen (mai 2005). Pe 23 aprilie
2008, a fost adoptat Cadrul European
European i Consiliul European.
Stabilirea Cadrului Naional al
115
Calificrilor este un proces nc n
curs de desfurare n numeroase ri.
O treime dintre statele semnatare ale
Procesului Bologna au adoptat formal
un Cadru Naional al Calificrilor
pentru nvmntul Superior. n 5
ri (Belgia, Germania, Irlanda,
Olanda, Marea Britanie) a fost
definitivat procesul de elaborare a
unui Cadru Naional al Calificrilor i
de armonizare a acestuia cu cel
european6.
n urma unei cercetri
realizate n anul 2009 de ctre
Uniunea European a Studenilor
(European Student s Union), ale crei
concluzii au fost prezentate n
raportul cu titlul Bologna with student
s eyes, a reieit c 66% dintre
studenii chestionai au afirmat c au
fost consultai n elaborarea Cadrului
Naional al Calificrilor7.Aproximativ
43% dintre uniunile studeneti care
au participat la aceast cercetare au
afirmat c implementarea corect a
unui CNC creeaz o mai mare
transparen n nvmntul superior.
Dimensiunea Social a fost
introdus ca o categorie separat a
Procesului Bologna la ntlnirea de la
Praga din anul 2001. Dimensiunea
Social a zonei Europene a
nvmntului Superior, urmrete
egalitatea de anse n domeniul
nvmntului superior n termeni de:
acces la sistemul de nvmnt
Superior, participarea i finalizarea cu
succes a studiilor, monitorizarea
6
Idem.
7
Cercetarea a fost realizat n rndul
studenilor din 33 de ri, cu ajutorul a 36
de organizaii naionale ale studenilor,
printre care i Asociaia Naional a
Studenilor din Romnia. Raportul a fost
redactat n martie/aprilie 2009 i reflect
percepia studenilor de la acea vreme.
condiiilor n care se studiaz
existena serviciilor de orientare i
consiliere, participarea i guvernarea
studeneasc n nvmntul
Superior8.
Mobilitatea studenilor
Mobilitatea studenilor
reprezint un alt element fundamental
al Procesului Bologna i reprezint un
barometru al succesului ntregii
agende de reforme din sistemul
educaional.
Mobilitatea studenilor i a
cadrelor didactice trebuie s aib un
rol important n dezvoltarea Spaiului
European al nvmntului Superior.
Aa cum se preciza n Comunicatul
Minitrilor reunii la Londra (2007),
unul dintre elementele centrale ale
Procesului Bologna l reprezint
mobilitatea cadrelor didactice, a
studenilor i a absolvenilor, proces
care favorizeaz dezvoltarea
personal, cooperarea internaional
ntre indivizi i instituiile de
nvmnt, ntrete calitatea
nvmntului superior i a cercetrii.
n afara faptului c mbogete
cetenia european, mobilitatea
internaional contribuie la
dezvoltarea competenelor fiecrei
persoane, cum ar fi cunoaterea unei
limbi de circulaie internaional i
nelegerea intercultural. Aceste
comptene sunt din ce n ce mai
valorizate pe o pia a forei de munc
care se internaionalizeaz din ce n
ce mai mult, i, deci, pot contribui la
sporirea anselor de angajare a
tinerilor studeni sau absolveni de
studii de superioare.
8
Implementarea Procesului Bologna n
Romnia: perspectiva studenilor, Raport
ANOSR, Bucureti, 2009, p. 5
116

Angajabilitatea sau rata de
inserie pe piaa muncii
Una dintre modalitile de
evaluare a capacitii instituiilor de
nvmnt superior de a transforma
studeni nscrii n viitor angajai
calificai, const n a face un raport
ntre rata absolvenilor i rata de
intrare, rezultnd ceea ce se numete
rata de absolvire/finalizare a studiilor.
Angajabilitatea acestor
absolveni prezint un interes
particular, dac inem cont de evoluia
condiiilor de pe piaa muncii: nivelul
de educare atins de ctre populaia
general a progresat n cursul
ultimelor decenii, iar noii absolveni
de studii superioare ajung, n prezent,
pe o pia a muncii n care concurena
cu ali absolveni care au experien
este mai puternic ca niciodat. Pe
scurt, rezultatele nvmntului
superior, presupun, mai concret,
numrul de absolveni, nivelul de
adaptare al proaspeilor absolveni la
cerinele pieei muncii i nivelul lor
de satisfacie profesional.
Tranziia de la coal la viaa
activ i integrarea n munc a
tinerilor reprezint o problem
esenial, cu un puternic impact
economic i social, fiind, n acelai
timp un important etalon al eficienei
externe a sistemului de educaie.
Din pcate, exist mari
diferene pe niveluri de educaie n
ceea ce privete dezvoltarea i
aplicarea sistemelor de monitorizare a
absolvenilor. Cel mai avansat din
acest punct de vedere pare
nvmntul profesional, unde sunt
ateptate rezultatele iniiativei din
cadrul Programului Phare care a
elaborat i aplicat o metodologie de
evaluare a inseriei profesionale a
117
absolvenilor nvmntului
profesional i tehnic (SAM, an de
completare i liceu tehnologic).
Un recent sondaj
Eurobarometru printre studenii din
nvmntul superior arat c acetia
doresc un acces mai larg la
nvmnt superior i c
universitile ar trebui s deschid
canale de colaborare cu domeniul
profesional i cu nvmntul de-a
lungul vieii. De exemplu, un procent
copleitor de 97% dintre studeni cred
c este important s li se ofere
studenilor cunotinele i aptitudinile
de care au nevoie pentru a avea
succes pe piaa locurilor de munc9.
n anul 2009, n aproape
jumtate dintre rile spaiului
Bologna, aproximativ 20% dintre
tinerii angajai, care aveau o diplom
de studii superioare erau supra-
calificai pentru postul pe care l
ocupau (discordan vertical
vertical mismatch lb. engl). Aceast
neadecvare se ntlnete mai ales n
cazul brbailor, dar situaia variaz
de la o ar la alta. Conform unei
auto-evaluri realitate de ctre un
eantion de 4000 de salariai din rile
Bologna, ntre 3% i 10% dintre
absolveni sunt angajai pe un post
corespunztor diplomei, dar ntr-un
alt domeniu dect cel n care au
studiat (discordan orizontal
orizontal mismatch lb. engl)10.
9
Procesul de la Bologna reforma
universitilor n urmtorul deceniu,
Bruxelles, aprilie 2009, p. 2, disponibil
pe www.europa.eu
10
The Bologna Process in Higher
education in Europe, Eurostat, 2009, p. 7
 Bibliografie selectiv:

1. Bernat, S, Competentele si
restructurarea curriculara ca efect al
Procesului Bologna, Cluj Napoca,
UBB, 2004
2. Cohen, E., Dimensiunea social a
Spaiului European de nvmnt
Superior i competitivitatea
internaional, 15 martie 2005
3. Mihilescu, I., The system of
Higher Education in Romania,
Editura Alternative, Bucureti, 1996
4. Pop, L.M., Dicionar de politici
sociale, Editura Expert, Bucureti,
1995
5. Zamfir, E.; Zamfir, C., Politici
sociale. Romnia n context european,
Editura Alternative, Bucureti, 1995
6. *** Progress towards the Lisbon
objectives 2010 in education and
training, European Commission
Directorate-General for Education
and Culture, Bruxelles, 2008
7. *** Recognition issues of the
Bologna process, Strasbourg, Council
of Europe Publishing, 2003
8. *** The Bologna Process in
Higher education in Europe,
Eurostat, 2009
9. *** Processus de Bologne la
reforme des universits pendant le
suivant dcennie, Bruxelles, avril
2009, disponible sur www.europa.eu
10. *** Implmentation du Processus
de Bologne en Roumanie ; la
perspective des tudiants, Rapport
ANOSR, Bucarest, 2009
11. *** Key Data on Higher
Education in Europe, Commission
Europenne, Bruxelles, 2009

118
 Limplmentation des rglementations de Bologne en Europe
Matre de confrences Cristina OTOVESCU-FRSIE
Rsum : Dans toute socit,
l'ducation contribue au dveloppement
de la personnalit individuelle. Le
niveau de dveloppement conomique
d'un pays dpend du niveau de
l'ducation de ses citoyens, et pour
cette raison, il est ncessaire d'avoir
une opinion claire sur le rle de
l'ducation dans toutes les socits.
Dans cette tude, nous avons mis
l'accent sur les principaux actes
judiciaires europens, concernant
l'enseignement suprieur. Nous avons
analys les tapes les plus importantes
du processus de Bologne, et prsente
galement les progrs dans
l'application du Processus de Bologne
en Europe, insistant sur quelques
lments comme: le systme ECTS, la
dimension sociale, la mobilit sociale,
lemployabilit des absolvents.
Mots-cls : enseignement suprieur, le
dveloppement, processus de Bologne,
supplment au diplme, mobilit
sociale, employabilit
Beaucoup de transformations
qui surviennent dans nos jours, dans
le domaine des tudes universitaires,
de management et marketing sont lis
au Processus de Bologne ou aux
impulses dclanches et gnres pas
celui-ci. La Dclaration de Bologne a
t signe le 19 juin 1999, par les
ministres responsables de
lenseignement suprieur, des 29 tats
de l`Europe. Le principal objectif
assum par ceux qui ont sign ce
118
Asist. drd. Gabriela MOTOI,
Universit de Craiova
gabrielamotoi@yahoo.com
document a t le dveloppement de
lenseignement suprieur, jusquau
2010. La majorit de pays dEurope
Centrale et de lEst font partie du
Processus Bologne. Roumanie
reprsente un des premiers pays de
lEurope Centrale qui a ratifi la
Convention de Bologne, en 1999,
cot de Bulgarie et Hongrie.
Conformment aux rapports de
la Commission Europenne, en 2009,
on a fait beaucoup de progrs dans
touts les lments cl du Processus de
Bologne (ECTS, le supplment au
diplme, le Cadre National de
Qualifications). Ainsi, en 2009, la
structure de lenseignement suprieur
trois cycles dtude (licence,
matrise, doctorat) a t introduite
dans touts les pays Bologne, dans
toutes les institutions denseignement
suprieur, tout domaine dtude.
Toutefois, dans certaines pays,
certaines domaines dtude (par
exemple les sciences mdicales,
larchitecture, lingnierie) demeurent
hors des nouvelles structures.
En ce qui concerne le premier
niveau dtudes (Licence) le modle
avec 180 Crdits (3 ans) est dominant
en 19 pays1, en temps que 11 pays2
1
Andorre, Autriche, Belge, Croatie,
Danemark, Estonie, Finlande, France,
Vatican, Islande, Liechtenstein,
Luxemburg, Montngro, Norvge,
Pologne, Slovaquie, Sude, Suisse.
prfrent celui avec 240 crdits (4
ans). Le programme de Matrise, avec
120 crdits (2 ans) est prdominant en
29 pays. Les pays dEurope ont
adopt les principes de Bologne leur
propre situation et ils les ont
implment dans une manire
flexible, en fonction de la spcificit
du march du travail, des institutions
denseignement et des domaines
dtudes. Toutefois, on peut observer
que, mme si on na pas cre un
model unique, spcifique pour chaque
pays, dans la majorit des pays il
existe un modle commun de
rfrence.
Ainsi, pour presque toutes les
pays, lintroduction du systme ECTS
se fonde sur la lgislation nationale.
Toutefois, un nombre limit des pays
ont arriv au point ou la majorit des
institutions et programmes dtudes
utilisent le systme ECTS son
entire capacit.
En temps que le Processus
Bologne a gnr une convergence
des modles en ce qui concerne la
structure des tudes (3-2-3), il s est
produit une extension des variations
nationales en ce qui concerne
lEspace Europen de lEnseignement
Suprieur.
Unes de ces variations
sappliquent certaines disciplines set
domaines dtudes, en temps que des
autres reprsentent une continuation
de la diffrence entre les
qualifications acadmiques et celles
professionnelles. Nimporte quelles
sont leur pratiques dimplmentation,
toutes les pays signataires du
Processus Bologne se confronte avec
2
Armnie, Bulgarie, Cipre, Georgie,
Grce, Lituanie, Moldova, Russie,
Espagne, Turquie i Grande Bretagne.
119
des provocations srieuses en ce qui
concerne leur adaptation au ncessit
dune socit qui se change
continuellement et leur assurance que
ces qualifications (spcialement celles
de Licence) offrent un accs rapide
sur le march du travail.
Le niveau dducation
dISCED 5B correspond aux
programmes avec une orientation
vocationnelle, qui forme les jeunes
pour entrer sur le march du travail.
Celles ci sont plus courtes, comme
dure, que celles de ISCED 5A elles
ne sont pas toujours conformes avec
le Processus de Bologne.
En 2009, il y avait un nombre
important des pays qui navaient pas
modernis leur systme vocationnel,
en concordance avec les
rglementations Bologne mme si
ces rglementations reprsentent une
partie importante de la rponse
cohrente au problme dune socit
qui se change trs vite et dune
march de travail qui re-fait, aussi
vite, les critres de recrutement et
slection des jeunes absolvents.
Dans quelques pays, comme
Belge, Turquie, Slovnie, Lituanie,
Irlande, Grce, Estonie et Cipre, le
niveau ISCED reprsente un aspect
important du systme denseignement
suprieur, avec une participation des
tudiants, qui a un taux denviron
25%, du total de la population
scolaire3.
On doit mentionner quil y a
des pays dans lesquelles on peut faire
une diffrence entre le profile
acadmique et celui professionnel des
3
Voir le Rapport Key Data on Higher
Educaion in Europe, labor par la
Commission Europenne, Bruxelles,
2009
qualifications. Par exemple, en
Croatie, France, Lituanie et
Montngro, la diffrence entre le
profile professionnel et celui
acadmique existe aussi au niveau de
Licence et au niveau de Maitrise.
Le Systme Europen des
Crdits Transfrables (ECTS)
Le systme ECTS a t
considr, au commencement de
Bologne, comme un lment central
dans le processus, qui avait le rle de
transformer de lenseignement
suprieur europen dans un systme
plus transparent et facilement
comprendre. Ce systme a t
introduit pour la premire fois, la fin
des annes 80, au but dtre utilis
spcialement pour le transfre des
crdites et pour faciliter le transfre
des tudiants par le Programme
Erasmus.
Le processus dencadrement
des ECTS dans la lgislation
nationale a commenc avant de 2000,
dans quelques pays, comme, par
exemple: Autriche, La Communaut
Flamande de Belge, Roumanie;
prsent il est en cours dachvement
dans toutes les pays membres.
A prsent, le systme des
crdits transfrables est utilis (tant
pour le transfre, mais aussi pour
accumulations des crdits) dans plus
de 75% des institutions
denseignement en: Belge, Bosnie et
Herzgovine, Danemark, Macdoine,
Georgie, Italie, Islande, Moldavie,
Hollande, Norvge, Serbie et Suisse.
Seulement six pays (Sude, Turquie,
Grande Bretagne, les pays Baltiques)
ont maintenu leur systme national
des crdites, paralllement avec
ECTS. Par exemple, en Turquie, le
systme national des crdits nest pas
120
entirement compatibles avec ECTS,
qui est utilis seulement pour le
transfre des crdits, dans le contexte
des programmes de mobilit des
tudiants lespace de lUnion
Europen4.
Le Supplment au Diplme
Le Supplment au Diplme a
t dvelopp par la Commission
Europenne, le Conseil dEurope et
UNESCO/CEPES. Il est un document
standardis qui est attache au diplm
et qui offre une description du niveau,
contenu et status des tudes qui ont
t finaliss. Le but du Supplment au
Diplm est denrichir la
connaissance des habilits et
comptences acquises pas labsolvent
et, donc, de faciliter la mobilit et
daider les employeurs pour un
meilleur recrutement de la force de
travail.
Seulement en sept pays du
Processus Bologne, le Supplment au
Diplme est encore en cours
dintroduction, celles tant:
Azerbadjan, France, Irlande,
Montngro, Russie, Slovaquie et
Grande Bretagne (Angleterre, Le Pays
des Galles Irlande de Nord). Le seul
pays dans lequel on na pas encore
introduit le Supplment au Diplme
est Ukraine.
Un autre pays qui doit tre
analyse est celui li la manire dans
laquelle le Supplment au Diplme
est utilis par les employeurs. En fait,
premirement on doit analyser sil est
utilis en ralit par les employeurs.
Dans ce contexte, dans la majorit des
tats membres Bologne il y a des
organismes qui soccupent, parmi
autre activits, aves la surveillance de
4
Ibidem, p. 30
lutilisation du Supplment au
Diplme. Par exemple, en Norvge, L
Agence Norvgienne pour Assurer la
Qualit en Education (NOKUT)
surveill limpact du Supplment au
Diplme sur les employeurs.
Le Cadre National des
Qualifications
Le Dveloppement du Cadre
National des Qualifications (CNQ) a
t promouv depuis la Confrence de
Bergen (mai 2005). Le 23 avril 2008,
a t adopt le Cadre Europen des
Qualifications, par le Parlement
Europen et le Conseil Europen.
Ltablissement du Cadre National
des Qualifications est un processus
qui n a pas t encore implment,
dans toutes les pays. Une tiers des
pays signataires du Processus de
Bologne ont adopt, formellement, un
Cadre National des Qualifications
pour lEnseignement Suprieur. Dans
5 pays (Belge, Allemagne, Irlande,
Hollande, Grande Bretagne) le
processus laboration d un Cadre
National des Qualifications s est fini,
aussi que le processus
dharmonisation de celui-ci avec celui
Europen5.
A la suite dune tude ralis
en 2009 par lUnion Europenne des
Etudiants(European Students Union),
dont les conclusions finales ont t
prsentes dans le rapport Bologna
with students eyes, les conclusions
nous montrent que 66% des tudiants
questionnes ont affirm quils ont t
consultes, en ce qui concerne
llaboration du Cadre National des
Qualifications6. Environ 43% des
5
Idem
6
Ltude a t ralis parmi les tudiants
de 33 pays, a l aide de 36 organisation
unions des tudiantes qui ont participe
a cet t ont affirm que
limplmentation correcte dun CNQ
dtermine une plus grande
transparence dans lenseignement
suprieur.
La dimension sociale
Cet lment a t introduit
comme une catgorie distincte du
Processus de Bologne, la rencontre
de Prague, de 2001. La dimension
sociale de lEspace Europen de
lEnseignement Suprieur, suit
lgalit de chances au domaine de
lenseignement suprieur dans des
termes comme: accs au systme
dEnseignement suprieur, la
participation et finalisation des
tudes, surveillance des conditions
dans lesquelles on tudie lexistence
des services dorientation et
conciliation, participation et
gouvernement des tudiants dans
lenseignement suprieur7.
La mobilit des tudiants
La mobilit des tudiants
reprsente un autre lment
fondamental du Processus de Bologne
et un baromtre du succs de lentire
Agenda de reformes du systme
ducationnel.
La mobilit des tudiants doit
avoir un rle important dans le
dveloppent de lEspace Europen de
lEnseignement Suprieur. Comme il
nationales des tudiants, parmi lesquelles
lAssociation Nationale des Etudiants de
Roumanie (ANOSR). Le Rapport a t
rdig en mars/avril 2009 et reflte la
perception des tudiants
7
Implmentation du Processus de
Bologne en Roumanie la perspective
des tudiants, Rapport ANOSR, Bucarest,
2009, p. 5
121
est mentionn dans le Communiqu
des Ministres, runis Londres
(2007), un des lments centrales du
Processus Bologne est reprsent par
la mobilit des enseignants, des
tudiants et des absolvents, processus
qui favorise le dveloppements
personnel, la coopration
internationale entre les individus et
les institutions denseignement, et
accroit la qualit de lenseignement
suprieur et de la recherche.
Sauf quil enrichit la
citoyennet europenne, la mobilit
internationale contribue au
dveloppement des comptences de
chaque individu, comme celle de
connaitre une langue de circulation
internationale et la comprhension
culturelle. Ces comptences sont de
plus en plus valorises sut un marche
de travail qui s internationalise de
plus en plus et, pas consquent,
peuvent contribuer au croissement des
chances des tudiants et absolvents
dobtenir un emploi.
Lemployabilit ou la
transition de luniversit vers le
march du travail
Une des modalits dvaluer la
capacit des institutions
denseignement suprieur de faire des
tudiants des futurs employs
qualifis prsuppose de faire un
rapport entre le taux des absolvent set
le taux dentre dans luniversit,
rsultant ce quon appelle le taux de
finalisation des tudes.
Lemployabilit des absolvents
reprsente un sujet avec une
importance spcifique, si on prend en
considration lvolution des
conditions du march du travail:
niveau dducation de la population a
accroit pendant les dernires
122
dcennies, et les nouveaux absolvents
des tudes suprieures entrent, en
prsent, sur une march du travail
dans lequel la concurrence avec
dautres absolvents qui ont exprience
est plus forte que jamais. Bref, les
rsultats de lenseignement suprieur,
supposent, concrtement le nombre
des absolvents, le niveau dadaptation
des absolvents aux demandes de la
marche du travail et leur niveau de
satisfaction professionnelle.
La transition de lcole la vie
active et lintgration au travail des
jeunes reprsentent un problme
essentielle, avec un fort impact
conomique et social, tant, en mme
temps un talon important de
lefficacit externe du systme
dducation.
Malheureusement, il y a des
grandes diffrences sur des niveaux
dducation en ce qui concerne le
dveloppent et lapplication des
systmes de surveillance des
absolvents. Le plus avance, par ce
point de vue, nous apparait
lenseignement professionnel, ou on
attend le rsultat de linitiative du
Programme Phare, qui a labor et
applique une mthodologie
dvaluation de linsertion
professionnelle des absolvents de
lenseignement professionnel et
technique.
Une enqute de type
Eurobaromtre, effectue parmi les
tudiants de lenseignement suprieur
nous montre que ceux-ci veulent un
accs plus large lenseignement
suprieur et que les universits
doivent ouvrir des canaux de
collaboration avec le domaine
professionnel et avec lenseignement
pour toute la vie. Par exemple, 97%
des tudiants croient quil est
important de leurs offrir les
connaissances et les aptitudes dont ils
ont besoin pour avoir succs sur le
march du travail8.
En 2009, dans moiti des pays
de lespace Bologne, environ 20% des
jeunes employs, qui avaient une
diplme dtudes suprieures, taient
surqualifis pour leur emploi
(discordance verticale /vertical
mismatch angl). Cette inadquation
se rencontre surtout dans le cas des
hommes, mais la situation varie dun
pays un autre. Conformment une
auto-valuation ralise par un
chantillon de 4000 salaries des pays
de Bologne, entre 3% et 10% des
absolvents ont un emploi
conformment au diplme, mais dans
un autre domaine que celui dans
lequel ils ont tudie (discordance
horizontale/ orizontal mismatch
angl.)9.
Bibliographie slective :
1. Bernat, S, Competentele si
restructurarea curriculara ca efect al
Procesului Bologna, Cluj Napoca,
UBB, 2004
2. Cohen, E., Dimensiunea social a
Spaiului European de nvmnt
Superior i competitivitatea
internaional, 15 martie 2005
3. Mihilescu, I., The system of
Higher Education in Romania,
Editura Alternative, Bucureti, 1996
4. Pop, L.M., Dicionar de politici
sociale, Editura Expert, Bucureti,
1995
5. Zamfir, E.; Zamfir, C., Politici
sociale. Romnia n context european,
Editura Alternative, Bucureti, 1995
6. *** Progress towards the Lisbon
objectives 2010 in education and
training, European Commission
Directorate-General for Education
and Culture, Bruxelles, 2008
7. *** Recognition issues of the
Bologna process, Strasbourg, Council
of Europe Publishing, 2003
8. *** The Bologna Process in
Higher education in Europe,
Eurostat, 2009
9. *** Processus de Bologne la
reforme des universits pendant le
suivant dcennie, Bruxelles, avril
2009, disponible sur www.europa.eu
10. *** Implmentation du Processus
de Bologne en Roumanie ; la
perspective des tudiants, Rapport
ANOSR, Bucarest, 2009
11. *** Key Data on Higher
Education in Europe, Commission
Europenne, Bruxelles, 2009

8
Processus de Bologne la reforme des
universits pendant le suivant dcennie,
Bruxelles, avril 2009, p. 2, disponible sur
www.europa.eu
9
The Bologna Process in Higher
education in Europe, Eurostat, 2009, p. 7

123
 Dispariti privind utilizarea forei de munc n Regiunea de dezvoltare
Sud-Vest Oltenia n perioada 1991-2007

Lect.univ.dr. Liliana POPESCU

Universitatea din Craiova
popescu_liliana25@yahoo.com

Rezumat: Articolul prezint 1. Resursele de for de

disparitile spaiale ale fenomenului munc
omajului n Oltenia, una din regiunile ntruct creterea sau
de dezvoltare ale Romniei, analiznd descreterea numrului populaiei are
tendinele nregistrate pe resursele de repercusiuni directe asupra dezvoltrii
for de munc i rata omajului, economice, evaluarea resurselor de
subliniind diferenele n funcie de sex, for de munc (populaia activ) i
nivel de educaie i durata omajului. previziunile privind evoluia lor sunt
de maxim necesitate n analiza
Cuvinte cheie: fora de munc, omaj,
demografic. Populaia activ poate fi
Oltenia
considerat un sistem
demoeconomic2, rezultat att din
Orice politic de dezvoltare
condiionri demografice (numrul
economic i social durabil,
populaiei, structura pe grupe de
dezvoltat la nivel local, regional sau
vrst i sexe), ct i economice
naional, trebuie s se bazeze pe
(numrul locurilor de munc, dotarea
cunoaterea temeinic a resurselor
tehnic, gradul de instruire cerut etc.).
umane de pe teritoriul respectiv, att
n funcie de dinamica natural
din punct de vedere cantitativ, ct i
i mobilitatea populaiei, precum i de
calitativ. Populaia, pe de o parte ca
gradul de dezvoltare economic,
factor de producie, iar pe de alt
numrul i ponderea activilor variaz
parte ca i consumator, reprezint un
de la o perioad la alta.
factor major ce influeneaz
Astfel, ponderea populaiei
economia. Deci, cunoaterea structurii
active n totalul populaiei urbane a
populaiei (populaia activ, populaia
Olteniei a cunoscut unele fluctuaii
ocupat, structura populaiei ocupate
de-a lungul secolului XX, tendina
pe ramuri de activitate) este absolut
actual fiind de reducere datorit
necesar pentru economia naional,
procesului de mbtrnire
ntruct elementele constitutive care
demografic, fapt cu consecine
exprim structura economic a unei
socio-economice deosebite.
ri sunt n genere aceleai, dar
proporiile n care acestea intr n
componena ei [...] sunt variabile n
timp i spaiu1. Editura Universitar, Bucureti, 2003, p.
167
2
Vl. Trebici, Demografie, Editura
1
Floarea Bordnc, Romnia. Geografia tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti,
uman i economic contemporan, 1979, p. 409

125
 n perioada 1977-1992, se
nregistreaz cea mai mare cretere a
numrului activilor, (cu peste 160 000
persoane), depind 516 000 persoane
n 1992, dei n valori procentuale,
creterea este destul de redus.
Aceast sporire considerabil a
resurselor de for de munc are loc
pe fondul creterii numerice a
populaiei ca urmare a politicii
pronataliste dus de guvern
(generaiile foarte numeroase nscute
dup decretul din 1966 ating vrsta
productiv) i a soldului migratoriu,
oraul atrgnd nc fora de munc
din mediul rural.
Dup 1992, pe fondul
restructurrii masive a sczute a forei de munc, att n
ntreprinderilor, a disponibilizrilor i
creterii costului vieii n orae (fapt
ce i-a fcut pe muli omeri s se
ntoarc n mediul rural de unde
plecaser n anii 70-80), i a
mbtrnirii populaiei, numrul
populaiei active se reduce cu peste
91000 pers., n 2002 n categoria
populaiei active fiind nregistrate doar
425064 persoane (41,6% din totalul
populaiei), ceea ce echivaleaz cu o
pierdere de aproape 18% din resursele
de for de munc n doar 10 ani!
2. omajul
omajul este o consecin a
dezorganizrii vieii economice, care
i-a pierdut starea necesar de
echilibru (Manuil, S. i colab. 1937,
p. 8). El este un fenomen negativ nu
numai din punct de vedere economic,
dar i social, considerndu-se c
pierderea locului de munc este
echivalent cu pierderea identitii, a
raiunii de a tri, a legturilor sociale
(Ominus, J., citat de Popescu, 2003,
126
p.184), ducnd la modificri majore
n viaa individului3.
Trebuie specificat ns c pentru
Romnia, n condiiile apariiei
economiei de pia, i deci a pieei
forei de munc abia dup 1990,
omajul nu a avut aceleai caracteristici
ca n statele din vestul Europei, fiind
produsul unui sistem falimentar
socialismul restructurat n urma
privatizrii ntreprinderilor i
restructurrilor din economie
(Gheorghe, St., citat de Bordnc,
2003, p. 202).
Apariia omajului i
meninerea lui la valori ridicate se
datoreaz n primul rnd mobilitii
profil teritorial, ct i din punct de
vedere profesional, prbuirii pieei
interne i pierderii unor piee externe
pentru producia industrial i
reducerii investiiilor, fluctuaiile
activitii economice fiind principala
explicaie a evoluiei omajului
(Constantin, Luminia i colab, p. 10).
n anul 1991, n cele cinci
judee ale Olteniei au fost nregistrai
40 755 omeri, numrul acestora
mrindu-se de aproape 4 ori n numai
4 ani, n 1994 fiind nregistrat cel mai
mare numr de omeri din perioada
1991-2007, rata omajului ajungnd
la 11%. Dup un regres considerabil
n urmtorii doi ani, cnd numrul
persoanelor fr loc de munc
aproape se njumtete (ajungnd s
depeasc uor 70 000 persoane n
1996), se nregistreaz o nou
3
Popescu, Claudia Rodica, Negu, S.,
Rojnovietski, Irena, Suditu, B.Al., Vlad,
I.P., Zonele miniere defavorizate din
Romnia. Abordare geografic, Edit.
ASE, Bucureti, 2003, p. 184
cretere, i un nou vrf, n 1999 127
028 persoane, rata omajului fiind de
11,7% (datorit restructurrilor din
industria minier i de prelucrare i
apariiei unor noi reglementri privind
concedierile colective).
Valorile mai reduse din anii
1995-1996 se datoreaz pe de o parte
ritmului mai lent de restructurare
economic, iar pe de alt parte
promulgrii legii nr. 2/ianuarie 1995,
prin care se oferea persoanelor cu
vechimea integral n munc (vrsta
minim 55 de ani n cazul brbailor
i 50 de ani n cazul femeilor) i care
au beneficiat de ajutor de omaj pe
durata maxim, posibilitatea de a se
nscrie la pensie cu pn la cinci ani
nainte de mplinirea vrstei de
pensionare. Aceast msur a
micorat oarecum numrul omerilor,
ns a dus la creterea poverii
economice suportat de populaia
ocupat. Se mai adaug i crearea
universitilor particulare i creterea
numrului de locuri n cadrul
universitilor de stat, ceea ce a
ntrziat inseria tinerilor pe piaa
muncii4 .
Ca urmare a unei relative
stabiliti economice nregistrat dup
anul 2000 i a unei uoare creteri a
produciei industriale, crete numrul
salariailor, iar numrul omerilor se
reduce, totaliznd n anul 2007
aproximativ 47 000 persoane, rata
omajului la nivelul regiunii fiind de
5,2%.
4
Iau, C., Lvolution dmographique des
villes de la Roumanie: 1992-2002,
Analele tiinifice ale Universitii A.I.
Cuza din Iai (serie nou), tom XLVII,
Editura Universitii A.I.Cuza, Iasi, 2002,
p.64
127
ntruct restructurrile
economice nu s-au fcut peste tot n
acelai timp, fiind mai multe valuri de
disponibilizri, contingentele maxime
de omeri s-au nregistrat la date
diferite de la un ora la altul i de la
un jude la altul: Dolj i Vlcea mai
de timpuriu, cu valori maxime puin
decalate 14,3% n 1993 pentru Dolj
i 15,2% n 1995 pentru Vlcea,
fenomenul avnd ns o amploare
redus n prezent, Mehedini i mai
ales Gorj mai trziu, dup 1996, odat
cu schimbarea regimului politic, noul
partid aflat la guvernare accelernd
procesul de restructurare i privatizare
a industriei extractive i grele.
Implicaiile socio-economice au fost
n acest caz mult mai mari, ntruct
Gorjul, jude prin excelen minier, a
avut cel mai mult de suferit de pe
urma politicii guvernului, mii de
mineri prsind judeul spre
localitile de origine5.
n anul 2007, Vlcea prezenta
cel mai mic numr de omeri, urmat
de Gorj i Olt, pe primul loc situndu-
se Doljul, judeul care are i cea mai
numeroas populaie.
n ceea ce privete rata
omajului ns, pe primul loc n anul
2007 se situeaz judeul Mehedini,
cu o rat de 8,1%, comparativ cu doar
3,5% pentru Vlcea i 4,8% pentru
Olt.
Celelalte dou judee, Dolj i
Gorj, prezint o rat uor superioar
mediei pe regiune (5% i, respectiv,
5,5%).
De remarcat c pn n 1996,
Doljul a avut cele mai mari rate ale
omajului dintre cele cinci judee ale
regiunii, peste o treime din numrul
5
Ibidem, p. 72
omerilor nregistrai n Oltenia
provenind din acest jude.
n aceeai perioad, judeul Gorj a
avut cea mai mic proporie de omeri
n totalul regiunii, rata omajului
meninndu-se sub 5%.
n ceea ce privete rata omajului
pe orae (Fig. 1), se pot identifica mai
multe categorii de orae, i anume:
orae unde aceast rat a crescut
Fig. 1 Rata omajului n perioada 1992-2002
n anul 2002, cele mai mari
rate ale omajului au depit
20%, fiind nregistrate la Bileti
(25%), Brezoi i Caracal (22%),
Segarcea i Filiai (21%).
2.1. Structura omerilor pe
sexe
La nivelul regiunii se pot
individualiza dou perioade, i
anume: 1991-1998, cnd rata
omajului n rndul populaiei
128
accentuat ntre 1992 i 2002, cum este
cazul Trgu-Jiu, Motru, Corabia,
Bal, toate oraele din Dolj; orae
unde rata omajului a prezentat valori
mai mari n 1992 comparativ cu anul
2002 (Vnju Mare, Scorniceti,
Piatra-Olt, Climneti), cnd au
cobort sub 10%. n cazul oraelor
Novaci, Bile Govora i Calafat, rata
omajului a fost egal.
feminine a fost mai ridicat cu 2
pn la 4% (n 1993) dect n
cadrul populaiei masculine, i
1999-2006, cnd rata omajului la
brbai a fost constant mai mare
dect la femei. Aceasta situaie
este valabila in toate judeele,
variind ns momentul n care
crete omajul n rndul
populaiei masculine: 1995 n
Mehedini, 1997 n Dolj i Olt i
abia n 2000 pentru Vlcea. n
2007, aceast rat avea valori
foarte apropiate n cadrul celor
dou grupe de populaie 5,3%
i, respectiv, 5%.
n cadrul oraelor, n cele
mai multe cazuri (24 de orae),
rata omajului n rndul
populaiei masculine era
superioar celei din rndul
populaiei feminine n anul 2002
(Fig. 2), diferene notabile fiind
consemnate la Strehaia (21% i,
respectiv 10%), Caracal (28% fa
de 15%) i Ocnele Mari (20%
fa de 9%).

Fig. 2 Rata omajului n rndul populaiei masculine i feminine (2002)

La Orova, Drobeta Turnu- din cadrul populaiei masculine

Severin, Filiai, Rmnicu -
Vlcea, Brezoi i Drgani, cele
dou sexe prezentau aproximativ
aceleai rate ale omajului. Un
caz particular se nregistra la
Rovinari, unde rata omajului n
rndul populaiei feminine
(19,4%) era mai mare dect cea
(17%), antrenat nc n mare
parte n activiti din industria
extractiv. Cum cele mai mari
disponibilizri ale forei de
munc s-au nregistrat n industrie,
cea mai mare parte a omerilor au
format-o muncitorii.

129
 2.2. Nivelul de educaie
n 1993, peste 80% din
numrul persoanelor fr un loc de
munc aveau la baz nvmntul
primar, gimnazial sau profesional.
n anii urmtori ponderea acestora
s-a redus uor pn la aproximativ
60%, dup care a crescut la loc, n
2007 avnd aproape aceeai
proporie ca la nceputul
intervalului. Numrul muncitorilor
nregistreaz valori foarte ridicate
att datorit nchiderii unor
obiective economice, ct i datorit
retehnologizrii altora i nevoii de
for de munc mai puin
numeroas, dar cu nalt calificare.
La nceputul anilor 90,
cnd ncep restructurri masive n
sectorul industrial, persoanele cu
experien i gseau mai uor un
loc de munc n comparaie cu
tinerii. n ultimii ani ns, au fost
favorizate persoanele tinere, pn
n 30-35 ani n defavoarea
persoanelor mature. Cu ct
nivelul de instruire al tinerilor
este mai ridicat, cu att perioada
necesar gsirii unui loc de
munc este mai mic, ceea ce
confer o mai mare importan
diplomei la nceputul carierei
dect pe parcursul acesteia6. Cu
toate acestea, numrul
absolvenilor unei faculti care
nu au loc de munc a fost n
cretere ncepnd cu 1999, n
prezent numrul acestora fiind de
aproximativ 2400, cei mai muli
6
Alina Bdulescu, omajul n
Romnia. O analiz retrospectiv
(1991-2005), n Economie teoretic
i aplicat, nr. 2, Asociaia general
a Economitilor din Romnia, 2006,
p. 3
provenind din judeul Dolj
(39,6%), dovad att a unor
dezechilibre la nivel economic,
ct i a neconcordanelor ntre
oferta educaional i cererea de
pe piaa forei de munc i
exigenele unei economii
moderne.
De asemenea, exist
numeroase cazuri cnd
persoanele, pentru a nu fi omere,
ocup un loc de munc sub
nivelul lor de pregtire, ceea ce
duce la apariia fenomenului
declasrii7.
Conform datelor obinute la
recensmntul din 2002, numrul
omerilor nregistrai n rndul
populaiei urbane din Oltenia era
de aproape 60 000, valoare foarte
apropiat de cea consemnat n
Regiunile Vest i Nord-Vest.
2.3. Durata omajului
n funcie de durata
omajului, 22% din omerii
recenzai n oraele din Oltenia i
pierduser locul de munc n
ultimele 6 luni. Comparativ cu
celelalte regiuni de dezvoltare,
Oltenia ocupa din acest punct de
vedere o poziie intermediar,
proporia fiind mai mare dect n
Regiunile Sud (19,6%), Vest i
Nord-Est (17,2%), dar mai mic
dect n Nord-Vest (26,4%),
Centru (25%) sau Bucureti. Un
sfert dintre omeri nu mai aveau
loc de munc de 6-9 luni, un
procent mai mic fiind nregistrat
doar n Bucureti (18,4%). n
schimb, la categoria 9-27 de luni,
populaia urban din Oltenia se
situa pe primul loc n ar,
7
Idem
130
diferenele ntre regiunile de
dezvoltare fiind ns foarte mici
(2%). Aproape o treime din
numrul omerilor aveau acest
statut de peste 27 de luni. Chiar
dac Oltenia era din acest punct
de vedere la mijlocul
clasamentului, proporia era mult
mai mare dect n Regiunea
Nord-Vest, unde s-a nregistrat
valoarea minim 25,8%.
omerii din Gorj, Olt i
Vlcea prezint o structur
asemntoare n funcie de durata
omajului cea mai mare
pondere avnd-o categoria peste
27 de luni (care n oraele din
Gorj este de 42,6%), existnd o
Fig. 3 Structura omerilor dup durata omajului (2002)
n 2002, aproape 60% dintre
omerii din oraele Olteniei (cu
variaii foarte mici de la o regiune
de dezvoltare la alta) erau de sex
masculin, indiferent de durata
omajului, brbaii fiind mai
numeroi, diferenele fiind de 15-
131
cretere constant de la omajul
de scurt durat la cel cronic.
Dac n Gorj, se nregistreaz o
diferen foarte mare ntre
categoriile 9-27 luni i peste 27
de luni, n Olt, diferena cea mai
mare este ntre 6-9 luni i 9-27 de
luni (Fig. 3). Oraele din Dolj
(datorit Craiovei) au cea mai
mic pondere a omerilor de
peste 27 de luni, avnd n schimb
cea mai mare proporie de omeri
de mai puin de 6 luni, fapt ce
evideniaz, nc o dat,
diferenele dintre funciile
economice ale Craiovei i cele ale
celorlalte orae.
20% pentru perioadele mai mici.
n cazul omerilor de peste 27 de
luni ns, numrul brbailor este
de aproape dou ori mai mare
dect al femeilor. n ceea ce
privete diferenele dintre judee,
putem spune c n Olt numrul
brbailor este aproape dublu
comparativ cu cel al femeilor i n Bibliografie selectiva:
cazul omerilor de mai puin de 6
luni sau de 6-9 luni, iar n Vlcea, 1. Bdulescu, Alina (2006),
diferenele procentuale dintre sexe omajul n Romnia. O analiz
pe perioade mai scurte sunt mult retrospectiv (1991-2005), n
mai mici comparativ cu celelalte Economie teoretic i aplicat,
judee (sub 10%). Asociaia general a
Economitilor din Romnia
3. Concluzii
2. Bordnc, Floarea (2003),
Atunci cnd omajul
Romnia. Geografia uman i
afecteaz o ntreag comunitate
economic contemporan, Edit.
sau anumite grupuri socio-
Universitar, Bucureti
profesionale, tensiunile sociale
3. Iau, C. (2002), Lvolution
cresc, n paralel cu dificultile
dmographique des villes de la
economice. Pentru combaterea
Roumanie: 1992-2002, Analele
acestui fenomen, guvernul i
tiinifice ale Universitii A.I.
instituiile locale trebuie s
Cuza din Iai (serie nou), tom
adopte att msuri de protecie,
XLVII, Editura Universitii
ct mai ales o politic de
A.I.Cuza, Iasi
investiii bine direcionate pentru
4. Popescu, Claudia Rodica,
crearea de noi locuri de munc i
Negu, S., Rojnovietski, Irena,
formarea, perfecionarea i
Suditu, B.Al., Vlad, I.P. (2003),
reabsorbia forei de munc.
Zonele miniere defavorizate din
Scderea ratei omajului
Romnia. Abordare geografic,
din ultimii ani, precum i
Edit. ASE, Bucureti
integrarea Romniei n Uniunea
5. Trebici, Vl. (1979),
European, cu posibilitatea gsirii
Demografie, Edit. tiinific i
unui loc de munc n strintate
Enciclopedic, Bucureti
pot duce la revigorarea
6. ***Recensmntul populaiei
economiei, cu efecte pozitive n
i locuinelor din 7 ianuarie
plan economic i social.
1992, vol. II, Populaie. Structura
demografic, C.N.S., Bucureti,
1994
7. ***Recensmntul populaiei
i locuinelor din 18 martie 2002,
INS, Bucureti, 2004

131
 Disparities in using the labour force within Oltenia south-western
development region during the 1991-2007 period
Abstract: The paper aims at rendering
the spatial disparities of the
unemployment phenomenon in Oltenia,
one of the Romanian development
regions, analysing the trends registered
in the labour force resources, as well as
the unemployment rate, highlighting the
differences on sex groups, educational
background and duration.
Key words: labour force,
unemployment, Oltenia
Any policy for sustainable
economic and social development,
taken at the local, regional or national
level, must be based on the thorough
knowledge of the human resources of
that particular area, both from the
quantitative and qualitative point of
view. Population, as production factor
on one hand, and consumer on the
other hand, is a major element that
influences the economy of each
country. Consequently, it is highly
necessary to know precisely the
population structure (active
population, occupied population,
population structure on economic
activities), since the constitutive
elements that mirror the economic
structure of a country are generally
the same, but their proportion in the
total [] vary in time and space1.
1
Floarea Bordnc, Romnia. Geografia
uman i economic contemporan,
132
Ph.D. Lecturer Liliana POPESCU
University of Craiova
popescu_liliana25@yahoo.com
1. Labour force resources
Since any increase or decrease
in the number of population has direct
consequences upon the economic
development, the evaluation of labour
force resources (active population)
and estimations for their evolution are
highly necessary for the demographic
analysis. The active population may
be seen as a demo-economic system2,
generated by demographic
conditioning (population number, age
and sex structure), as well as
economic constraints (number of jobs,
technical endowment, training degree
required etc.).
Depending on the populations
natural dynamics and migrations, as
well as on the economic development
level, the number and share of active
persons varies from one period to
another.
Thus, the proportion of active
population in the total urban
population of Oltenia has fluctuated
during the 20th century; at present,
there is a diminishing tendency as a
result of the demographic ageing, a
Editura Universitar, Bucureti, 2003, p.
167
2
Vl. Trebici, Demografie, Editura
tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti,
1979, p. 409
phenomenon with major social and
economic consequences.
During the 1977-1992 period,
there was the highest increase (of
more than 160,000 persons) in the
number of active persons, that
reached 516,000 people in 1992,
although in relative values, the
increase is not significant. This
considerable augmentation of the
labour resources occurred due to the
booming number of population
following the birth policy imposed by
the government (the numerous
children born after the 1966 decree
become adults) and migratory
increase, almost all the towns
attracting people from the
countryside.
Following 1992, when many
factories were closed or forced to
dismiss part of the employees, and
when the cost of living in towns
increased dramatically3, the
population ageing process began, the
number of active population shrank
by more than 91,000 people, in 2002
being only 425,000 active persons
(which accounts for only 41.6 per
cent of the total population), which
means a loss of almost 18 per cent of
the labour resources in only 10 years!
2. Unemployment
Unemployment may be seen as
a consequence of the desorganization
of the economic life, which lost its
necessary equilibrium status
(Manuil, S. i colab. 1937, p. 8). It is
a negative phenomenon, not only
from the economic point of view, but
also from the social one, since loosing
3
As a result, many unemployed persons
decided to return to their native villages,
from where they had left in the 70s or
80s.
133
the job is the equivalent of loss of
identity, reason for living, social
connections (Ominus, J., cited by
Popescu, Claudia Rodica (coord),
2003, p.184) causing major changes
in peoples life.
It is worth mentioning that for
Romania, considering the emergence
of the market economy, and the
labour market only after 1990,
unemployment did not have the same
characteristics as in the countries
from the Western Europe; here, it was
the product of a bankrupt system the
socialism restructured following
company privatization and economy
restructuring (Gheorghe, St., cited by
Bordnc, Floarea 2003, p. 202).
The appearance of
unemployment and its high rates for
longer periods is the result of the
workforce low mobility, both
territorially and from a professional
point of view, internal market
collapse and the lost of some external
markets for the industrial production
and investment reduction, the
fluctuations of the economic activities
explaining the unemployment
evolution (Constantin, Luminia et.al.
p. 10).
In 1991, there were 40,755
unemployed persons in the five
counties that form the region, in only
four years, the number increasing
almost four times; actually, in 1994,
there was registered the highest
number of unemployed people during
the entire analysed period, the
unemployment rate reaching 11 per
cent. After a considerable decrease
the next two years, when the number
of persons in search of a job dropped
by almost half (little over 70,000
persons in 1996), there is a new
increase, and a new peak in 1999, the
unemployment rate reaching 11.7 per
cent (127,028 persons) as a result of
restructuring actions in the mining
and processing industry and new
regulations regarding collective
dismissals. The lower rates from
1995-1996 are due to the slower
economic restructuring on the one
hand and the promulgation of Law no.
2/ January 1995, which granted
persons having the entire work
seniority (minimum age of 55 years
for men and 50 years for women) and
having benefited from unemployment
assistance for the maximum period
the possibility for retiring up to five
years before turning the retirement
age. As a result, the number of
unemployed diminished to a certain
extent, but, on the other hand,
increased the economic burden for the
occupied population. The
establishment of private universities
and increasing number of students of
state universities have also had an
influence, by delaying the moment
when the young entered the labour
market4.
Following a relative economic
stability after 2000 and a light
increase of the industrial production,
the number of employees gradually
increases, in 2007, only 47,000
persons being registered as
unemployed, the unemployment rate
at the region level reaching 5.2 per
cent.
Since economic restructuring
did not occurred everywhere at the
4
Iau, C., Lvolution dmographique des
villes de la Roumanie: 1992-2002,
Analele tiinifice ale Universitii A.I.
Cuza din Iai (serie nou), tom XLVII,
Editura Universitii A.I.Cuza, Iasi, 2002,
p.64
134
same time, with more dismissal
waves, the maximum contingent of
unemployed persons were registered
in different years for towns and
counties as well: sooner in Dolj and
Valcea, with a bit postponed
maximums 14.3 per cent in 1993 for
Dolj and 15.2 per cent in 1995 for
Valcea; however, in this two counties,
this phenomena was not so acute
during the last years of the analysed
period. In Mehedinti, and especially
Gorj, it happened later, after 1996,
when the politic regime was changed,
the new governing party speeding up
the restructuring and privatization of
the mining and heavy industry. In this
case, the social and economic
consequences were much more
difficult, since Gorj an almost
mining county was the most
severely affected, thousands of miners
being forced to leave the county for
their native homeland5.
In 2007, the lowest number of
unemployed persons was registered in
Valcea, followed by Gorj and Olt,
Dolj coming last, because it has the
most numerous population. In what
concerns the unemployment rate
however, the highest rate in 2007 was
registered in Mehedinti - 8.1 per cent,
compared to only 3.5 per cent in
Valcea and 4.8 per cent in Olt. The
other two counties, Dolj and Gorj,
presented a value a little higher than
the regions average (5 per cent and
5.5 per cent, respectively). It is worth
noticing that until 1996, Dolj
experienced the highest
unemployment rates among the five
counties in the region, more than a
third of the persons looking for a job
in Oltenia coming from this county.
5
Ibidem, p. 72
 During the same period of time, percent in some small and medium
Gorj county experienced the lowest towns, such as Bileti (25%), Brezoi
proportion of unemployed persons in i Caracal (22%), Segarcea and Filiai
the region, the unemployment rate (21%).
being lower than 5 per cent.
2.1. Sex structure of the
When considering the
unemployed
unemployment rate in towns, there
During the analysed period, in
are different categories of towns (Fig.
Oltenia there were two main periods:
1): towns where this rate greatly
1991-1998, when the unemployment
increased between 1992 and 2002,
was 2 to 4 per cent (in 1993) higher
such as Trgu-Jiu, Motru, Corabia,
among the female population, and
Bal and all the towns in Dolj county;
1999-2006, when the rate was
towns where the unemployment was
constantly higher for the male
higher in 1992 as compared to 2002
population. This is true for all the
(Vnju Mare, Scorniceti, Piatra-Olt,
counties, but the moment where the
Climneti) when it was below 10
shift happened differs: 1995 in
percent. There were also some centers
Mehedinti, 1997 in Dold and Olt and
- Novaci, Bile Govora i Calafat -
only 2000 in Valcea county. In 2007,
where this indicator had
this index was almost the same for the
approximately the same value.
two groups of population, i.e. 5.3 and
In 2002, the highest
5 percent.
unemployment rate exceeded 20

Fig. 1 Unemployment rate during the 1992-2002 period

the male population in 2002 (Fig. 2),
For most of the towns (24), the
with great differences at Strehaia
unemployment rate was higher among

135
(21% compared to only 10%),
Caracal (28% and 15% respectively)
Fig. 2 Unemployment rate for the male and female population in 2002
At Orova, Drobeta Turnu-
Severin, Filiai, Rmnicu - Vlcea,
Brezoi and Drgani, this index had
approximately the same value for the
two sexes. Rovinari stands out as the
unemployment rate was higher among
the female population (19.4%) than
the male population (17%) that was
still working in the mining industry.
Since the greatest discharges were
registered in industrial activities, most
of the unemployed were workers.
2.2. Educational background of
the unemployed
In 1993, more than 80% of the
unemployed persons had attained only
primary, secondary or vocational
schools. In the following years, their
proportion gradually decreased to almost
136
and Ocnele Mari (20% as compared
to only 9%).
60% and then it increased, in 2007
having the same value as at the
beginning of the period. The number of
unemployed workers is very high both
due to the bankruptcy of some factories
and to the re-engineering of some
industrial units, requiring less numerous,
but highly skilled work force.
At the beginning of the 90s,
when massive restructuring happens in
the industrial sector, for the experienced
persons it was more easily to find a job
than for the young people. However,
during the last years, the young persons,
having less than 30-35 years, had more
chances than the mature ones. The
higher the education level of the young
is, the shortest the period for finding a
job is; consequently, it is more important
to have a diploma at the beginning of the
career than afterwards6. Still, the
number of graduates that do not have
a job increased after 1999, most of
them residing in Dolj county (39.6%),
testifying for some economic
disequilibrium and the inconsistencies
between the educational offer on the
one hand and the demands of the
labour market and the exigencies of a
modern economy on the other hand.
There are also numerous cases
when persons, in order not to be
registered as unemployed, choose a
job that does not require their high
qualification, which leads to the
phenomenon of outclassing7.
According to the data from the
2002 census, the number of unemployed
persons within Oltenia urban population
reached almost 60,000, which is similar
to the ones from West and Nord-West
Regions.
2.3. Unemployment duration
At the 2002 census, almost a fifth
of the unemployed persons in the
Oltenia towns had lost their job in the
last 6 months. Compared to other
development regions, Oltenia occupied
an intermediate position, with a
proportion higher than that in the South
(19.6%), West and North-East (17.2%),
but lower than in the North-West
(26.4%), Center (25%) and Bucharest. A
quarter of the employed had not had a
job for 6-9 months, a lower percentage
being registered only in Bucharest
(18.4%). However, the urban population
in Oltenia was ranked first with respect
to the number of unemployed persons
for 9-27 months, although this time the
differences between the development
region were not high (2%). Almost a
third of the unemployed had lost their
job for more than 27 months. This
proportion is much higher than the
minimum value registered in the North-
West region (25.8%).
The unemployed persons from
Gorj, Olt and Valcea have a similar
structure regarding the unemployment
duration the highest share having the
category of more than 27 months (which
is 42.6% in Gorj), with a constant
increase from the short unemployment
to the chronic one. If in Gorj there is a
big difference between the categories of
9-27 months and more than 27 months
(Fig. 3).
In the towns situated in Dolj, the
category of unemployed for more than
27 months has the lowest share (due to
the presence of the biggest towns in the
region, Craiova), but the proportion of
the persons that lost their job during the
last 6 months is the highest; this mirrors,
once again, the differences between the
economic functions of Craiova and the
other towns.

6
Alina Bdulescu, omajul n Romnia.
O analiz retrospectiv (1991-2005), n
Economie teoretic i aplicat, nr. 2,
Asociaia general a Economitilor din
Romnia, 2006, p. 3
7
Idem

137
 Fig. 3 The structure of the unemployed persons according to the unemployment period
(2002)

In 2002, almost 60% of the towards the creation of new jobs, as

unemployed persons in Oltenia were well as the formation, upgrading and
men, no matter the unemployment reinsertion of the work force.
duration the number of men being The decrease of the
higher than that of the women with 15 unemployment rate during the last
to 20% for shorter periods. However, years of the analysed period, as well
the number of unemployed men for as the new economic situation of the
more than 27 months is almost double country that has recently joined the
than that of the women. For the European Union, offering the
counties, the number of men that lost possibility for labour mobility may
their job during the last 6 or 9 months contribute to the economy
is almost double in Olt; in Valcea, the reinforcement, with positive
share of short-term unemployment is economic and social effects.
much lower (10%) than in the other
counties.
References
3. Conclusions
When the unemployment 1. Bdulescu, Alina (2006), omajul
affects the entire community or some n Romnia. O analiz retrospectiv
social and professional groups, the (1991-2005), n Economie teoretic i
social tensions increase, as well as the aplicat, Asociaia general a
economic difficulties. In order to cope Economitilor din Romnia
with this phenomenon, the 2. Bordnc, Floarea (2003),
government and the local institutions Romnia. Geografia uman i
must adopt protective measures and, economic contemporan, Edit.
most important, a policy for Universitar, Bucureti
investments that must be directed
138
3. Iau, C. (2002), Lvolution
dmographique des villes de la
Roumanie: 1992-2002, Analele
tiinifice ale Universitii A.I. Cuza
din Iai (serie nou), tom XLVII,
Editura Universitii A.I.Cuza, Iasi
4. Popescu, Claudia Rodica, Negu,
S., Rojnovietski, Irena, Suditu, B.Al.,
Vlad, I.P. (2003), Zonele miniere
defavorizate din Romnia. Abordare
geografic, Edit. ASE, Bucureti
5. Trebici, Vl. (1979), Demografie,
Edit. tiinific i Enciclopedic,
Bucureti
6. ***Recensmntul populaiei i
locuinelor din 7 ianuarie 1992, vol.
II, Populaie. Structura demografic,
C.N.S., Bucureti, 1994
7. ***Recensmntul populaiei i
locuinelor din 18 martie 2002, INS,
Bucureti, 2004

139
 Raportul dintre cultur i structura social.
Culturalism vs. structuralism
constantin_craitoiu@yahoo.com, veronikaion@yahoo.com
Rezumat: Studiul de fa trateaz
raportul dintre cultur i structura
social, prezentnd dezbaterea dintre
reprezentanii culturalismului (Franz
Boas, Bronislaw Malinowski, Margaret
Mead, Alfred Kroeber i Ruth Benedict)
i cei ai structuralismului (A. R.
Radcliffe-Brown, E. Evans-Pitchard i
Claude Lvi-Strauss) privind definirea
culturii i a rolului acesteia n
organizarea i funcionarea vieii
sociale. Problema cercetat este
poziionat ntr-un context mai larg, ce
vizeaz clarificarea statutului sociologiei
culturii i modalitile de cercetare
contemporan ale culturii.
Cuvinte cheie: cultur, structur
social, culturalism, structuralism
Pentru a defini cultura putem
folosi dou tipuri diferite de
argumentaie, unul deductiv, n care
cultura este tratat la nivel abstract i
care exploreaz conceptul prin mijloace
teoretice diferite, sau altul inductiv,
pornind de la modul n care este folosit
conceptul de cultur n practic i care
descrie, totodat, felul n care
sociologii se raporteaz la cultur n
procesul de cunoatere. Primul tip a
fost consacrat i folosit n cercetarea
culturii pn la sfritul secolului al
XIX-lea, iar cel de-al doilea este mult
mai apropiat de tendinele
contemporane manifestate n studiul
tiinific al culturii.
140
Lect.univ.drd.Constantin CRIOIU
Prep.univ.Veronica ION
Universitatea din Craiova
Abordarea inductiv, proprie n
special antropologiei culturale i
sociologiei culturii, nu se
caracterizeaz prin aceea c ofer o
definiie unic a domeniului culturii sau
c asigur delimitarea acesteia de
celelalte aspecte ale vieii sociale, ci,
mai degrab, este ilustrat de faptul c
asigur pentru cei care o folosesc o
serie de definiii de specialitate
acceptate de ctre acetia (la nivel
sociologic, antropologic, etnografic
.a.). Pentru a nelege aceste definiii i
modul n care sunt construite putem
porni de la clarificarea originii i
fundamentelor tiinelor sociale, care se
reflect, de asemenea, n locul pe care-l
ocup i rolul pe care-l joac sociologia
culturii.
n ultimii 20 de ani, sociologia
culturii a suferit transformri
importante, manifestndu-se ns,
difereniat de la un continent la altul i
chiar, de la o ar la alta. n Europa, de
pild, sociologia culturii are un statut
nedefinit, existnd autori consacrai
studierii acesteia care afirm c nsi
ntreg domeniul de cunoatere ar putea
fi pus sub semnul ndoielii, mergnd
pn acolo nct s ntrebe dac exist
sau nu sociologia culturii1. Lucrrile de
sintez dedicate cercetrii culturii n
spaiul european pot fi folosite drept
1
A se vedea Matthieu Bra, Yvon Lamy,
Sociologia culturii, Institutul European,
Iai, 2008
argument pentru existena
preocuprilor de cunoatere sociologic
a culturii2, dar ele nu dovedesc ns
existena unui interes semnificativ
pentru aceast ramur a sociologiei,
fapt susinut i de slaba reprezentare a
sociologiei culturii la nivel universitar
(aceast disciplin fiind predat doar n
cteva centre universitare din Europa).
Nu aceeai situaie se ntlnete n
Statele Unite ale Americii. Cultura este
una dintre cele mai mari seciuni ale
Asociaiei Americane de Sociologie i
a cunoscut una dintre cele mai rapide
ascensiuni ca domeniu de studiu i
disciplin universitar. Creterea
interesului pentru studierea tiinific a
culturii n America, n ultimele dou
decenii, este argumentat i de numrul
mare de cercetri sociologice de teren
i de cri scrise n domeniu3.
2
Pot fi menionate lucrrile lui Denys
Cuche, Noiunea de cultur n tiinele
sociale, Institutul European, Iai, 2003;
Rudolf Rezsohazy, Sociologia valorilor,
Institutul European, Iai, 2008; Dumitru
Otovescu (coord.), Sociologia culturii
romneti. Antologie, Editura Beladi,
Craiova, 2006; Sociologia culturii.
Antologie autori strini, Editura Beladi,
Craiova, 2010 .a.
3
Norman Denzin, Cultural Studies: A
Research Volume. Greenwich, Conn.: JAI
Press, 1996; Diana Crane (ed.) The
Sociology of Culture: Emerging
Theoretical Perspective. Oxford: Basil
Blackwell., 1994, Diana Crane, The
Production of Culture. Newbury Park,
Calif.: Sage., 1992, John Hall and Mary
Jo Neitz Culture: Sociological
Perspectives. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
Prentice-Hall., 1993; Richard Munch and
Neil J. Smelser (eds.), The Theory of
Culture. Berkeley: University of California
Press.; Richard Peterson, Creating Country
Music: Fabricating Authenticity. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1997; Richard
Concentrarea asupra culturii n
toate sferele cercetrii a crescut radical;
iar cultura este acum revendicat ca un
domeniu distinctiv i autonom de
cunoatere4. Mai mult, chiar i n
abordrile tradiionale materialiste, ca
n cazul studiilor marxiste, activi0tile
culturale nu sunt tratate ca fiind
subordonate explicaiilor economice
din cercetarea curent5. Studiile i
analizele culturale au devenit unele
dintre cele mai fertile domenii din
sociologie6.
Dezvoltarea accelerat a ateniei
ctre cultur i a explicaiilor culturale
au generat o serie de dificulti n
stabilirea granielor culturii i a
consensului privind definirea acesteia.
Termenul de cultur este folosit n
cercetarea sociologic actual pentru a
Peterson, Symbols and Social Life: The
Growth of Culture Studies.
Contemporary Sociology, 1990; Jeffrey C.
Alexander and Steve Seidman (eds.),
Culture and Society. Cambridge, Eng./New
York: Cambridge University Press., 1990;
Judith Blau, Study of the Arts: A
Reappraisal. Annual Review of Sociology
14:269292., 1988; Chandra Mukerji and
Michael Schudson, Popular Culture.
Annual Review of Sociology 12:4766,
1986.
4
Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V.
Montgomery (eds.), Encyclopedia of
Sociology, Second Edition, Volume 1,
Macmillan Reference USA, an imprint of
The Gale Group, Broadway, New York,
2000, p. 562
5
A se vedea pe larg lucrrile David Halle,
Inside Culture: Class, Culture and
Everyday Life in Modern America.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1994 i Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction.
Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University
Press, 1984
6
Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V.
Montgomery, op. cit., p. 562
141
descrie orice, de la activiti artistice de
elit pn la valori, stiluri, moduri de
gndire i comportament folosite n
viaa de zi cu zi. Astfel s-a ajuns pn
acolo nct sociologia culturii se
ntretaie i ntreptrunde cu viaa
cotidian, cu tiina n general, religia,
mass-media, cultura de mas etc.
Cercetarea culturii,
desfurndu-se n att de variate
domenii aplicative, ridic problema
modului n care poate fi gsit numitorul
comun al acestora i al felului n care
cultura poate fi considerat un domeniu
coerent i consistent de cercetare.
Aceast problem nc nu i-a gsit un
rspuns final i cum graniele
sociologiei culturii nu sunt unele fixe
i, adesea, se suprapun cu cele ale
antropologiei sociale i culturale, este
poate mai indicat s observm cum
diferii cercettori din tiinele sociale
au abordat conceptul de cultur. Din
aceast ncercare de sintetizare a
contribuiilor recente de definire a
conceptului de cultur poate rezulta o
mai bun nelegere a acestuia, bazat
pe ceea ce cercettorii consider c este
inclus sau exclus din cultur.
De la nceputul secolului al
XX-lea i pn n anii `50 definiia
culturii era menit s clarifice raportul
dintre cultur i structura social.
Trasarea liniei de demarcaie dintre
cele dou a reprezentat motivul
principal al disputei ntre reprezentanii
tiinelor sociale n general, i ntre
antropologii divizai de tradiia social
sau cultural, n special7. Cercettorii,
consacrai n tradiia antropologiei
cultural sau a etnologiei, Franz Boas,
Bronislaw Malinowski, Margaret
Mead, Alfred Kroeber i Ruth
7
Edgar F. Borgatta, J. V. Montgomery, op.
cit., p. 563
Benedict, considerau conceptul de
cultura ca unul central pentru tiinele
sociale. Culturalitii susineau cultura
drept cauza principal a modelelor de
comportament, inclusiv a
interaciunilor sociale (cine
interacioneaz cu cine), iar pentru ei
ntreaga organizare a societii este
condiionat de cultur. Aceast teza a
fost contrazis de ctre reprezentanii
structuralismului, precum A. R.
Radcliffe-Brown and E. E. Evans-
Pitchard din partea colii britanice de
antropologie i Claude Lvi-Strauss8
din partea structuralismului francez.
Structuralitii erau convini c structura
social ar trebui s fie principalul
obiect de studiu al tiinelor sociale i
c ar trebui folosit n formularea
teoriilor despre societate, deoarece
structura social determin
parttern-urile (modelele) gndirii i ale
interaciunii sociale. Definind funcia
unei uzane sociale date drept
contribuia pe care o aduce la viaa
social total, adic la funcionarea
sistemului social total, A. R.
Radcliffe-Brown a integrat cultura,
acea asamblare de elemente disparate,
ntr-un ansamblu un organism
analizat n termeni de procese,
structuri, funcii. Cultura este deci
studiat pe baza structurii sociale
8
Lucrrile prin care a fost consacrat
structuralismul sunt: A. R. Radcliffe-
Brown, Structure and Function in Primitive
Society: Essays and Addresses. New York:
Free Press, (1952) 1961; E. E. Evans-
Prichard, The Nuer. London: Oxford
University Press, 1940; E. E. Evans-
Prichard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic
Among the Azande. Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1937, Claude Levi-Strauss,
Structural Anthropology. New York: Basic
Books, (1953) 1963
142
concepute ca nlnuire de indivizi ce
ntrein relaii definite sau codificate
din punct de vedere instituional9.
Ambiia antropologiei
structurale a lui Lvy-Strauss const n
reperarea i repertorierea
invariabilelor, adic a acelor
materiale culturale identice ntotdeauna
de la o cultur la alta i obligatoriu n
numr limitat, datorit unitii
psihismului uman. Exact n punctul n
care Cultura ia locul Naturii, cu alte
cuvinte la nivelul condiiilor foarte
generale ale funcionrii vieii sociale,
putem gsi reguli universale care sunt
n acelai timp principii indispensabile
ale vieii n cadrul unei societi. A tri
ntr-o societate ine de natura omului,
dar organizarea acestei viei este legat
de Cultur i implic elaborarea de
reguli sociale. Cel mai tipic exemplu de
asemenea legi universale analizate de
structuralism este interzicerea
incestului, acesta fiind bazat pe
necesitatea schimburilor sociale10.
Att coala Cultur i studierea culturii a fost folosit ca
Personalitate (cum este cunoscut
coala culturalist), ct i coala
structuralist, s-au bucurat de un numr
foarte mare i influent de adepi.
Culturalitii au preferat
abordarea integralist sau universalist
a conceptului de cultur, inaugurat de
ctre Edward B. Tylor n anul 1871,
atunci cnd a oferit prima definiie
tiinific a culturii, care nseamn acel
complex atotcuprinztor care include
cunoaterea, credinele, arta, morala,
dreptul, cutumele i celelalte abiliti
sau obiceiuri dobndite de om ca
9
A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, The Andaman
Islanders, Glencoe, IL; Free Press, 1922
10
Denys Cuche, Noiunea de cultur n
tiinele sociale, Institutul European, Iai,
2003, p. 72
143
membru al societii11. Aceast
definiie las foarte puine lucruri n
afara culturii, dar orientarea
caracteristic sfritului secolului al
XIX-lea va deveni din ce n ce mai
restrictiv n ceea ce privete sfera
culturii. Cultura este ceea ce distinge
omul ca specie de alte specii. Cultura
este, deci, alctuit din tot ceea ce
colectivitile umane produc, incluznd
aici, cu alte cuvinte, ntreaga viaa
social. Tema principal n studiile
dedicate culturii va fi nature (natur)
versus nurture(cretere, educaie),
culturalitii ncercnd s dovedeasc
faptul c anumite manifestri sociale
sunt condiionate cultural i nu biologic
sau natural12. Orice avea s diferenieze
achiziiile umane de originile
evoluionare i biologice ale acestuia,
devenea relevant pentru exprimarea
conceptului de cultur. Aici puteau fi
incluse religia, ca i structurile de
rudenie, limba, ca i statele-naiuni.
Ca urmare a motenirii lui Boas,
metod de examinare a diferitelor tipuri
de societate. Toate societile aveau
culturi, iar variabilitatea pattern-urilor
culturale au fost folosite drept
argument, conform cruia cultura, nu
natura, joac cel mai important rol n
determinarea comportamentului uman.
Aceast teorie s-a dovedit foarte
important, avnd puterea, prin
11
Edward B. Tylor, Primitive culture,
New York, I. P. Putnam`s Sons, 1920
[1871], p. 1
12
De notorietate este cartea scris de
Margaret Mead, Coming of Age in Samoa
(1928), prin care a dovedit c starea de
nelinite i de frustrare specific
adolescenilor are cauze culturale i nu
biologice, carte care a devenit un bestseller
n ntreaga lume, fiind cea mai vndut
carte de antropologie din toate timpurile
sublinierea existenei variaiilor
culturale n societi diferite, s anuleze
convingerea antropologilor din
secolului al XIX-lea c exist o
unitate psihic a omenirii, o unitate a
istoriei umane i o unitate a culturii13.
Cultura este, potrivit concepiilor
particulariste i relativiste ce au urmat,
cea care produce o identitate specific
pentru o anumit societate, prin
procesul de socializare ea asigurnd o
mai mare omogenitate n rndul
membrilor si i o mai clar delimitare
fa de cei dinafar (outsiders). Cultura
devine o surs de difereniere social,
asigurnd factorii pentru coeziune
intern i pentru discriminare extern14.
Culturalismul a fost acuzat
adesea ca este localist i internalist,
fiind incapabil s explice anumite
manifestri sociale i culturale globale.
O soluie pentru ieirea din
impas ne-o poate da opera sociologului
francez, mile Durkheim. Combtnd
tezele individualiste, pe care le
respingea datorite psihologismului lor,
Durkheim susinea prioritatea societii
fa de individ. Mai ales n Formele
elementare ale vieii religioase, dar
nc de la apariia lucrrii Despre
13
Milton Singer, Culture: The Concept of
Culture, In David L. Sills, ed.,
International Encyclopedia of the Social
Sciences. New York: Macmillan and Free
Press, 1968, p. 527
14
nvarea i interiorizarea valorilor
proprii unei culturi ntemeiaz apartenena
la un grup sau o societate, crescnd
coeziunea social, dar, n acelai timp,
traseaz la nivelul contiinei colective o
linie de demarcaie dintre noi i ceilali..
Mai multe detalii pot fi gsite n Edgar F.
Borgatta, Rhonda J. V. Montgomery (eds.),
Encyclopedia of Sociology, ed. cit., n
paragraful destinat termenului de cultur,
p. 562-569
144
sinucidere (1897), el elaborase o teorie
a contiinei colective ca form a
teoriei culturale. Dup prerea lui, n
orice societate exist o contiin
colectiv alctuit din reprezentri
colective, idealuri i sentimente
comune tuturor indivizilor acestei
societi. Contiina aceasta colectiv
precede individul, i se impune, i este
exterioar i transcendent: exist o
discontinuitate ntre contiina colectiv
i cea individual, prima este
superioar celei de-a doua, fiind mai
complex i mai vag. n acest context
realizeaz contiina colectiv unitatea
i coeziunea unei societi15.
Ipotezele lui Durkheim asupra
contiinei colective au influenat, cu
siguran, teoria culturii ca
supraorganism, aparinnd lui Alfred
Kroeber. Se poate, de asemenea, face o
apropiere ntre noiunea de contiin
colectiv Durkheim i atribuia
acesteia trsturi spirituale i
noiunile de pattern cultural i de
personalitate fundamental,
caracteristice antropologilor culturaliti
americani.
n ncercarea de mbuntire a
fundamentelor sale teoretice, n anii
`40-`50 ai secolului al XX-lea,
culturalismul a fost continuat de un
anumit tip de comparativism, privit ca
o teorie generalizat a pattern-urilor
culturale. Comparnd sute de scrieri
etnografice din perioada menionat,
A.L. Kroeber i Clyde Kluckhohn au
formulat urmtoarea definiie a culturii:
Cultura este alctuit din pattern-uri
(modele), explicite sau implicite, ale i
pentru comportamentelor nvate i
transmise prin simboluri, constituind
realizrile distinctive ale grupurilor
umane; esena culturii const din ideile
15
Denys Cuche, op. cit., p. 47-48
tradiionale (istoric derivate i cultural. Realiznd distincia dintre
selectate) i n special din valorile
asociate acestora; sistemele culturale
pot fi considerate, pe de o parte,
produse ale aciunii, iar, pe de alta,
elemente condiionale ale viitoarei
aciuni16.
Teoria pattern-ului susine c un
comportament urmeaz o schem
relativ stabil, care se repet, de la cele
mai simple nivele legate de obiceiurile
de a se mbrca i a mnca, pn la
nivelele mai complexe ale organizrii
vieii politice, economice i social poate fi considerat ca fiind
religioase.17 Mai mult, teoria subliniaz
ideea conform creia cultura oricrei
societi poate fi descris din punct de
vedere formal, ceea ce nseamn c
poate fi plasat n categorii formale ce
reprezint diferite sfere ale vieii
sociale, pentru a facilita comparaia
dintre societi. n felul acesta,
pattern-urile universale ale culturii pot
fi construite.
Spre deosebire de culturaliti,
structuralitii, n aceiai perioad, nu au
cutat o abordare comprehensiv a
culturii. Conceptul structuralitilor de
cultur s-a axat pe punerea n valoare a
noului concept de structur social. n
special datorit contribuiilor lui A. R.
Radcliffe-Brown, noua teorie
argumenta c structura social este
mult mai fidel reprezentat de o reea
sau un sistem de relaii sociale, dect
de un set de norme. Argumentul
structuralist a ncercat s clarifice cum
actorii unei societi produc socialul i
sunt produi social de ctre contextul
16
A. L. Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn
Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and
Definitions. New York: Vintage Books,
(1952) 1963, p. 181
17
Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V.
Montgomery, op. cit., p. 564
actorii sociali i interaciunea social
ntr-un sistem social, fa de normele
comportamentale, structuralitii au
ncercat s stabileasc o referin
pentru structura social, care este
independent din punct de vedere
analitic fa de cultura i artefactele
produse n acel sistem. Normele de
interaciune sunt, de asemenea, produse
de ctre participanii ce interacioneaz,
dar ntrebarea privind ntietatea
cauzal dintre cultur i structura
separat18.
Raportul dintre cultur i
structura social devine problema
central a dezbaterii culturalism vs.
structuralism, argumentele lor
mbogind modul n care este neleas
cultura: culturalitii au dovedit c
unicitatea i originalitatea sunt trsturi
ale oricrei culturi, iar structuralitii au
artat c esena culturii este dat de
relaiile i interaciunea dintre oameni.
Bibliografie selectiv
1. Alexander, Jeffrey C. and Seidman,
Steve (eds.), Culture and Society.
Cambridge, Eng./New York:
Cambridge University Press., 1990
2. Bra, Matthieu, Yvon, Lamy,
Sociologia culturii, Institutul European,
Iai, 2008
3. Borgatta, Edgar F., Montgomery,
Rhonda J. V. (eds.), Encyclopedia of
Sociology, Second Edition, Volume 1,
Macmillan Reference USA, an imprint
of The Gale Group, Broadway, New
York, 2000
4. Bourdieu, Pierre, Distinction.
Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University
Press, 1984
18
Ibidem, p. 564
145
5. Crane, Diana (ed.), The Sociology 15. Milton, Singer, Culture: The
of Culture: Emerging Theoretical Concept of Culture, In David L. Sills,
Perspective. Oxford: Basil Blackwell., ed., International Encyclopedia of the
1994 Social Sciences. New York: Macmillan
6. Crane, Diana, The Production of and Free Press, 1968
Culture. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage., 16. Otovescu, Dumitru (coord.),
1992 Sociologia culturii romneti.
7. Cuche, Denys, Noiunea de cultur Antologie, Editura Beladi, Craiova,
n tiinele sociale, Institutul European, 2006
Iai, 2003 17. Otovescu, Dumitru (coord.),
8. Denzin, Norman, Cultural Studies: Sociologia culturii. Antologie autori
A Research Volume. Greenwich, Conn.: strini, Editura Beladi, Craiova, 2010
JAI Press, 1996 18. Peterson, Richard, Creating
9. Evans-Prichard E., The Nuer. Country Music: Fabricating
London: Oxford University Press, 1940 Authenticity, University of Chicago
10. Evans-Prichard, E., Press, Chicago, 1997
Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic Among 19. Peterson, Richard, Symbols and
the Azande. Oxford: Clarendon Press, Social Life: The Growth of Culture
1937 Studies. Contemporary Sociology,
11. Hall, John and Neitz, Mary Jo, 1990
Culture: Sociological Perspectives. 20. Radcliffe-Brown, A. R., Structure
Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall., and Function in Primitive Society:
1993 Essays and Addresses. New York: Free
12. Halle, David, Inside Culture: Press, (1952) 1961
Class, Culture and Everyday Life in 21. Radcliffe-Brown, A. R., The
Modern America. Chicago: University Andaman Islanders, Glencoe, IL; Free
of Chicago Press, 1994 Press, 1922
13. Kroeber, A. L. and Kluckhohn 22. Rezsohazy, Rudolf, Sociologia
Clyde, Culture: A Critical Review of valorilor, Institutul European, Iai,
Concepts and Definitions. New York: 2008
Vintage Books, (1952) 1963 23. Tylor, Edward B., Primitive
14. Levi-Strauss, Claude, Structural culture, New York, I. P. Putnam`s
Anthropology, New York: Basic Sons, 1920 [1871]
Books, (1953) 1963

146
 The relationship between culture and social structure.
Culturalism vs. structuralism
constantin_craitoiu@yahoo.com, veronikaion@yahoo.com
Abstract: This essay examines the
relationship between culture and social
structure, showing the debate between
the representatives of culturalism
(Franz Boas, Bronislaw Malinowski,
Margaret Mead, Alfred Kroeber and
Ruth Benedict) and those of
structuralism (A. R. Radcliffe-Brown,
E. Evans-Pitchard and Claude Lvi-
Strauss) in what concerns defining
culture and its role in organizing and
functioning of social life.
Key words: culture, social structure,
culturalism, structualism
In order to define culture we
can use two different types of
arguments, one deductive, according
to which culture is treated in the
abstract and it examines the concept
theoretically from a variety of
standpoints, and the other inductive
which explores how the concept of
culture is used in practice and
describes how sociologists define
culture in the research process.
The inductive approach,
particular to cultural anthropology
and sociology of culture, is not
characterized by a unique definition
of culture and does not presume its
isolation from the other aspects of
life, but it rather seeks to offer a series
of definitions to those who use it
(from the sociological,
anthropological, ethnographic and
other point of views). To understand
147
Ph.D. Lecturer Constantin CRIOIU
Assistant Professor Veronica ION
University of Craiova
these definitions and the way they are
built, one starts from examining the
social science roots that have helped
determine the current status of the
sociology of culture.
Over the last 20 years the
sociology of culture has suffered
major transformations that were
different from one continent to
another and even from one country to
another. In Europe, for example, the
sociology of culture has an indefinite
status and some important authors
consider that the field itself can be
doubtful and it can even be
questioned if there exists indeed
sociology of culture1. The studies that
approach the research of culture in the
European area can be used as
arguments to prove the interest in
sociological research2, but they do not
prove a major interest for this
discipline and this is highlighted by
its poor existence in the academic
field (this discipline is being thought
1
E.g. Matthieu Bra, Yvon Lamy,
Sociologia culturii, Institutul European,
Iai, 2008
2
There can be mentioned the works of
Denys Cuche, Noiunea de cultur n
tiinele sociale, Institutul European, Iai,
2003; Rudolf Rezsohazy, Sociologia
valorilor, Institutul European, Iai, 2008;
Dumitru Otovescu (coord.), Sociologia
culturii romneti. Antologie, Editura
Beladi, Craiova, 2006; Sociologia
culturii. Antologie autori strini, Editura
Beladi, Craiova, 2010 .a.
in only a few universities in Europe).
The same situation cannot be seen in
the United States, as well. Culture is
one of the largest sections of the
American Sociology Association and
it has known one of the fastest rise as
a research and university discipline.
The growing interest for scientific
research of culture in America over
the past two decades is also proved by
the large number of field sociological
researches and books written3.
The focus on culture in all
spheres of research has increased
tremendously; and culture is now
readily accepted as a level of
explanation in its own right4.
3
Norman Denzin, Cultural Studies: A
Research Volume. Greenwich, Conn.: JAI
Press, 1996; Diana Crane (ed.) The
Sociology of Culture: Emerging
Theoretical Perspective. Oxford: Basil
Blackwell., 1994, Diana Crane, The
Production of Culture. Newbury Park,
Calif.: Sage., 1992, John Hall and Mary
Jo Neitz Culture: Sociological
Perspectives. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
Prentice-Hall., 1993; Richard Munch and
Neil J. Smelser (eds.), The Theory of
Culture. Berkeley: University of
California Press.; Richard Peterson,
Creating Country Music: Fabricating
Authenticity. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1997; Richard Peterson,
Symbols and Social Life: The Growth
of Culture Studies. Contemporary
Sociology, 1990; Jeffrey C. Alexander
and Steve Seidman (eds.), Culture and
Society. Cambridge, Eng./New York:
Cambridge University Press., 1990;
Judith Blau, Study of the Arts: A
Reappraisal. Annual Review of
Sociology 14:269292., 1988; Chandra
Mukerji and Michael Schudson, Popular
Culture. Annual Review of Sociology
12:4766, 1986.
4 6
Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V.
Montgomery (eds.), Encyclopedia of
148
Moreover, even in the traditionally
materialist-oriented research, such as
Marxist studies, cultural activities are
not treated as subordinate to
economic explanations in current
research5. Cultural studies and
analysis have become one of the most
fertile areas in sociology6.
The rapid growth in the focus
on culture and cultural explanations
has produced a series of difficulties in
establishing the boundaries of culture.
The term culture is used in
contemporary sociological research to
describe everything from elite artistic
activities to values, styles, way of
thinking and everyday conduct. Thus
the sociology of culture intersects
with daily life, with science in
general, religion, mass-media,
popular culture etc.
Researching culture in so many
fields upbrings the manner a common
denominator can be found and how
culture can be considered coherent
and consistent to be researched. This
matter does not have a final answer
yet and, considering the fact that the
boundaries of the sociology of culture
are not immobile and they often
overlap with those of social and
cultural anthropology, is probably
more proper to observe how other
various researches from social science
Sociology, Second Edition, Volume 1,
Macmillan Reference USA, an imprint of
The Gale Group, Broadway, New York,
2000, p. 562
5
David Halle, Inside Culture: Class,
Culture and Everyday Life in Modern
America. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1994 i Pierre Bourdieu,
Distinction. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 1984
Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V.
Montgomery, op. cit., p. 562
have approached the concept of
culture. From trying to synthesize the
recent attempts to define the concept
of culture may result a better
understanding of it, based on what
researches think it is included or
excluded from culture.
From the beginning of the 20th
century until the 50s, the definition of
culture was meant to clear the
relationship between culture and
social structure. Tracing the crossline
between the two was the main reason
for the dispute between the social
sciences representatives in general
and anthropologists divided by social
or cultural tradition, in particular7.
Researches in the cultural or
ethnological tradition, such as Franz
Boas, Bronislaw Malinowski,
Margaret Mead, Alfred Kroeber and
Ruth Benedict, believed culture was
the central concept in social science.
Culturalists considered culture to be
the main cause for behavior patterns,
including the social interactions (who
interacts with whom) and for them the
organization of society was
conditioned by culture. This point of
view was countered by researches in
the structural tradition, such as A. R.
Radcliffe-Brown and E. E. Evans-
Pitchard from the British school of
social anthropology and Claude Lvi-
Strauss in French structuralism8.
7
Ibidem, p. 563
8
The main works of structuralism are: A.
R. Radcliffe-Brown, Structure and
Function in Primitive Society: Essays and
Addresses. New York: Free Press, (1952)
1961; E. E. Evans-Prichard, The Nuer.
London: Oxford University Press, 1940;
E. E. Evans-Prichard, Witchcraft, Oracles
and Magic Among the Azande. Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1937, Claude Levi-
149
Structuralists believed that social
structure should be the primary focus
of social science and should be used
in theories about society because
social structure determines patterns of
social interaction and thought.9
The structural anthropology`s
ambition of Lvy-Strauss is
identifying invariables, of those
cultural materials always identical
from one culture to another and
mandatory in a limited number
because of the human psychic`s
cohesion. In the precise moment
Culture takes the place of Nature, at
the level of general conditions of
social life functioning we can find
universal rules that are at the same
time indispensable principles of life
within a society. Living in a society
depends on the human nature but
organizing it is related to Culture and
involves social rules. The most
typical example of such universal
rules analyzed by structuralism is the
prohibition of incest, this being based
on the necessity of cultural
exchange10.
Both Culture and Personality
school (as the culturalist school is
known as) and the structuralist school
have a large and important number of
partisans.
The culturalists prefered the
integralist or universalist approach of
culture inaugurated by Edward B.
Tylor in 1871, when he offered the
first scientific definition of culture,
that complex whole which includes
Strauss, Structural Anthropology. New
York: Basic Books, (1953) 1963
9
A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, The Andaman
Islanders, Glencoe, IL; Free Press, 1922
10
Denys Cuche, Noiunea de cultur n
tiinele sociale, Institutul European, Iai,
2003, p. 72
knowledge, belief, art, morals, law,
custom and any other capabilities and
habits acquired by man as a member
of society11. This definition leaves
little out, but the orientation of the
late nineteenth century would become
more and more restrictive in which
concerns the culture sphere.
Culture is what makes humans
distinguish from other species.
Culture is, therefore, made up from
everything that human collectivities
produce, including entire social life.
The main theme in the studies
dedicated to culture will be nature
versus nurture, culturalists trying to
prove the fact that some social
activities are culturally and not
biologically or naturally
conditioned12. Everything that would
differentiate human acquisitions from
his evolutionary and biological
origins would become relevant in
expressing the concept of culture.
There could be included religion, but
also blood relations, language, nation-
states.
As a result of Boas` heritage,
the study of culture was used as a
examination method of different types
of societies. All societies had cultures
and variations in cultural patterns
were used as arguments according to
which culture and not nature plays the
most important role in establishing
11
Edward B. Tylor, Primitive culture,
New York, I. P. Putnam`s Sons, 1920
[1871], p. 1
12
Famous is the book written by
Margaret Mead, Coming of Age in Samoa
(1928), through which she proved that the
restlessness and frustration, particular to
teenagers have cultural and not biological
causes, book that became a bestseller all
over the world and best sold anthropology
book from all times.
150
human behavior. This theory has
proved very important because it had
the power to underline the existence
of cultural variations in different
cultures, to cancel the nineteenth
century anthropologists` assurance
that there is the psychic unity of
mankind, the unity of human history
and the unity of culture13. Culture is,
according to the particularist and
relativist approaches that followed,
the one that produces a specific
identity for a certain society, and
using the process of socialization
assuring a greater uniformity among
its members and a more clear
delimitation from the outsiders.
Culture becomes a source of social
differentiation, assuring factors for
internal cohesion and external
discrimination14.
Culturalism has often been
accused of being localist and
internalist, being capable of
explaining some global social and
cultural behaviors.
A solution for exiting the
deadlock can be offered by the French
sociologist mile Durkheim. By
disproving the individualist thesis that
he rejected because of their
psychologism, Durkheim approved
13
Milton Singer, Culture: The Concept of
Culture, In David L. Sills, ed.,
International Encyclopedia of the Social
Sciences. New York: Macmillan and Free
Press, 1968, p. 527
14
Learning a culture`s particular values
helps one become a member of a group or
society, growing the social cohesion but,
at the same time, it traces in the collective
conscience a cross line between us and
the others. More details can be found in
Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V.
Montgomery (eds.), Encyclopedia of
Sociology, ed. cit., p. 562-569.
the society`s priority to the individual.
He made up a collective conscience
theory as a cultural theory form
mostly in Elementary Forms of
Religious Life but even from the
release of About Suicide (1897).
According to him, every society has a
collective conscience consisted in
collective representations, ideals and
feelings, common to all its
individuals. This collective
conscience precedes the individual, it
imposes to him, it is external and
transcendent to him: there is a gap
between collective and individual
conscience, the first is superior to
the latter, more complex and evasive.
Within this context, he attains
collective conscience and cohesion of
a society15.
Durkheim`s hypothesis of
collective conscience surely
influenced the culture theory as
super-organism, that of Alfred
Kroeber. One can also relate the
notion of collective conscience, to
which Durkheim assigned a spiritual
character, and the cultural pattern and
fundamental personality, typical to
American culturalist anthropologists.
Trying to upgrade its theoretical
concepts, between the 40s and 50s of
the nineteenth century, culturalism
was carried on by comparativism,
seen as a general theory of cultural
patterns. Comparing hundreds of
ethnographic works from this period,
A.L. Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn
defined culture: Culture consists of
patterns, explicit and implicit, of and
for behavior acquired and transmitted
by symbols, constituting the
distinctive achievement of human
groups, including their embodiments
15
Denys Cuche, op. cit., p. 47-48
151
in artifacts; the essential core of
culture consists of traditional (i.e.,
historically derived and selected)
ideas and especially their attached
values; culture systems may, on the
one hand, be considered as products
of action, on the other hand as
conditioning elements of further
action16.
The pattern theory sustains that
a behavior follows a relatively stable
layout that repeat from the simplest
habits to dress and eat to more
complex, such as organizing the
political, economical and religious
life17. Moreover, the theory underlines
the idea according to which any
society`s culture can be described
from a formal point of view, which
means that it can be placed in formal
categories that represent different
spheres of social life in order to
facilitate the comparison between
societies. This way, universal patterns
of culture can be built.
Unlike the culturalists,
structuralists didn`t find a
comprehensive approach in the same
period. The structuralists` concept of
culture focused on emphasizing the
new concept of social structure.
Especially through the efforts of A. R.
Radcliffe-Brown, the new theory
argued that social structure is much
more appropriately represented by a
network or system of social relations
than a set of norms. The structuralist
argument intended to clarify how
actors in a society produce and are
16
A. L. Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn
Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts
and Definitions. New York: Vintage
Books, (1952) 1963, p. 181
17
Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V.
Montgomery, op. cit., p. 564
socially produced by their cultural 5. Crane Diana (ed.), The Sociology
context. By distinguishing the actors of Culture: Emerging Theoretical
and social interaction in a social Perspective. Oxford: Basil
system from the behavioral norms, Blackwell., 1994
structuralists tried to establish a 6. Crane Diana, The Production of
reference for the social structure that Culture. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage.,
is independent of the culture and 1992
artifacts produced in that system. The 7. Cuche Denys, Noiunea de
interaction norms are also produced cultur n tiinele sociale, Institutul
by interacting participants but the European, Iai, 2003
question of causal primacy between 8. Denzin Norman, Cultural
culture and social structure can be Studies: A Research Volume.
considered separately18. Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1996
The relationship between 9. Evans-Prichard E., The Nuer.
culture and social structure becomes a London: Oxford University Press,
main issue of the culturalism vs. 1940
structuralism debate, their arguments 10. Evans-Prichard E., Witchcraft,
enriching the way culture is Oracles and Magic Among the
understood: culturalists have proven Azande. Oxford: Clarendon Press,
that the uniqueness and originality are 1937
any culture`s features and 11. Hall John and Neitz Mary Jo,
structuralists have shown that the Culture: Sociological Perspectives.
essence of culture is given by the Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-
relations and interactions between Hall., 1993
people. 12. Halle David, Inside Culture:
Class, Culture and Everyday Life in
References: Modern America. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1994
1. Alexander Jeffrey C. and 13. Kroeber A. L. and Kluckhohn
Seidman Steve (eds.), Culture and Clyde, Culture: A Critical Review of
Society. Cambridge, Eng./New York: Concepts and Definitions. New
Cambridge University Press., 1990 York: Vintage Books, (1952) 1963
2. Bra Matthieu, Yvon Lamy, 14. Levi-Strauss Claude, Structural
Sociologia culturii, Institutul Anthropology. New York: Basic
European, Iai, 2008 Books, (1953) 1963
3. Borgatta Edgar F., Montgomery 15. Milton Singer, Culture: The
Rhonda J. V. (eds.), Encyclopedia of Concept of Culture, In David L. Sills,
Sociology, Second Edition, Volume 1, ed., International Encyclopedia of the
Macmillan Reference USA, an Social Sciences. New York:
imprint of The Gale Group, Macmillan and Free Press, 1968
Broadway, New York, 2000 16. Otovescu Dumitru (coord.),
4. Bourdieu Pierre, Distinction. Sociologia culturii romneti.
Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University Antologie, Editura Beladi, Craiova,
Press, 1984 2006

18
Ibidem, p. 564

152
17. Otovescu Dumitru (coord.),
Sociologia culturii. Antologie autori
strini, Editura Beladi, Craiova, 2010
18. Peterson, Richard, Creating
Country Music: Fabricating
Authenticity. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1997
19. Peterson, Richard, Symbols and
Social Life: The Growth of Culture
Studies. Contemporary Sociology,
1990
20. Radcliffe-Brown A. R., Structure
and Function in Primitive Society:
Essays and Addresses. New York:
Free Press, (1952) 1961
21. Radcliffe-Brown A. R., The
Andaman Islanders, Glencoe, IL;
Free Press, 1922
22. Rezsohazy Rudolf, Sociologia
valorilor, Institutul European, Iai,
2008
23. Tylor Edward B., Primitive
culture, New York, I. P. Putnam`s
Sons, 1920 [1871].

153
 Pentru o Sociologie i o Filosofie a valorilor:
n viziunea lui Lucian Blaga, Omul, este egalul lui Dumnezeu
Rezumat: Omul, ca fiin
creatoare de sentimente i idei, a
devenit o elemente
surs inepuizabil de inspiraie pentru
multe din lucrrile marilor
gnditori. Lucian Blaga se numr
printre aceia care au ncercat s
surprind locul i rolul omului n
univers i legtura sa cu stpnul
"august al realitii i realitatea
nsi", Marele Anonim. Astfel,
acest articol urmrete s sublinieze
tragismul existenei "ntru
mister i pentru revelare" a omului, n
concepia lui Lucina Blaga,
acela care tnjete continuu i zadarnic
la o ordine primordial din
care nu face parte i al crui destin
creator l apropie de Dumnezeu.
Cuvinte cheie: omul, Marele Anonim,
censura transcendent, valori
Care este locul i rolul
omului, n aceast poveste infinit
mutilat?
Omul, ne spune Blaga,
precum toate fiinele complexe ale
lumii, reprezint tot attea integrri i
organizri de difereniale divine
eterogene i omogene. n asemnare
cu toate celelalte creaturi, omul este o
fiin n a crei unitate formativ
sunt integrate cel mai mare numr de
difereniale eterogene, printre care
unele aproape nucleare, ca obrie. i
Demiurgul lui Platon proceda la fel,
Lect. univ.dr. Ion MUNTEANU
Universitatea din Craiova
office@ionmunteanu.eu
cnd era vorba de om. n dialogul
Timaios, crearea omului se face din
amestecate.
Ingredientele creaiei (adic
existena, identicul i diferitul),
spre deosebire de cele utilizate n
actul zmislitor al zeilor, nu mai erau
la fel i n aceeai msur de pure, ci
numai de rangul al doilea i al treilea
de puritate1.
Prin grija Marelui Anonim,
omul, singur n tot universul, este o
fiin a crei unitate formativ va
stagna n veci, deoarece aceasta i-a
atins limita superioar a integrrii,
atingnd plafonul dintotdeauna i n
prealabil stabilit al integrrilor
cosmice. Pentru toate fiinele din
univers exist nc un disponibil de
difereniale, de origine mai nuclear,
pe linia crora, i cu ajutorul crora, e
posibil nc o integrare, numai
pentru om nu mai exist un asemenea
disponibil de difereniale i mai
nucleare, dect cele deja integrate n
fiina sa. Nu fiindc asemenea
difereniale nucleare nu ar fi cu
putin, ci fiindc Marele Anonim, n
chip preventiv, se abine s genereze
difereniale de-a dreptul nucleare.
Omul este singura fiin din Univers,
care n procesele de integrare a
epuizat diferenialele eterogene
existente, i a ajuns exact pn unde,
1
Platon, Timaios, n Opere, vol.VII,
Editura tiinific, Bucureti, 1993, p.155
154
n seria diferenialelor eterogene,
ncepe regiunea diferenialelor-lips.2
Omul e fiina care, prin modul
ontologic i destinul su (existen n
orizontul misterului i pentru
revelare), se gsete pe o poziie
naintat, de unde pot ncepe
primejdii debordante pentru Marele
Anonim. Nici o alt fiin, n prealabil
admis s se integreze i s se
organizeze din difereniale divine, nu
posed o nzuin ascuns de a se
substitui Marelui Anonim, sau
veleiti autarhice att de accentuate
ca omul, fiindc nici o alt fiin nu e
att de plenar sub unghi ontologic.
Fa de primejdia aproape debordant
a posibilitilor cu totul speciale, care
prind s se nfiripe n fiina uman,
Marele Anonim se asigur prin luarea
unor msuri preventive:
1. Prin cenzur transcendent,
creia i este supus capacitatea
cognitiv a omului, i prin nfrnare
transcendent, creia i este supus
capacitatea revelatorie a omului.
2. Prin conversiunea
transcendent a limitelor stilistice
impuse capacitii revelatorii a
omului; prin conversiunea acestora n
valori pozitive ale contiinei
omului.
S vorbim, succint, despre
fiecare, pe rnd: Marele Anonim,
acest principiu metafizic viu,
mprtesc, acest stpn august al
realitii i realitatea nsi, cum l
caracterizeaz Vasile Bncil, e acela
care a determinat creatura i i-a dat o
anume cunoatere, nici mai mult, nici
mai puin dect era n inteniile sale!3
2
Ibidem, p. 182-183
3 4
Vasile Bncil, Lucian Blaga, energie
romneasc, Editura Marineasa,
Timioara, 1995, p. 51
Din nou, creatorul lui Blaga seamn
n manifestri cu Dumnezeul lui
Plotin: noi tim numai att ct ne-a
ngduit el s cunoatem. Astfel,
justific Blaga, Marele Anonim se
apr pe sine i toate misterele care
deriv din el, aeznd ntre acestea i
cunoaterea individuat o reea de
factori izolatori, numit censur
transcendent. Cunoaterea
individuat, n oricare din formele ei,
e n firea ei transcendent censurat,
definitiv i irevocabil censurat.
Censurat din partea Marelui
Anonim, care apr misterele
existeniale de a fi cunoscute ntocmai
de altcineva dect de sine nsui.4
Blaga descrie raportul de mai
sus n termenii unei nfruntri
militare, al unei lupte dure dintre
creator i creatur, dintre principiul
absolut i cunoaterea individuat.
Pentru a se apra de agresor, Misterul
Existenial Central elaboreaz o
adevrat strategie: se baricadeaz
n spatele censurii transcendente,
alturi de misterele existeniale
derivate. Acestea din urm nu se
apr direct de agresiunea cunoaterii
individuate, mulumindu-se s lase
aceast grij n seama centrului care,
oricum, i-a luat pentru vecie msuri
de siguran i protecie divin. El a
ntiprit pentru totdeauna censura
transcendent n structura cunoaterii
individuate, mpiedicnd ptrunderea
n absolutul realitii i ndeprtnd
primejdii ontologice de nenchipuit.
Censura transcendent, spune n
termeni deosebit de plastici Vasile
Bncil, e stihia care umbl n haine
de mare ceremonie, n metafizica lui
Lucian Blaga, Censura transcendent,
n Opere, vol. 8 (Trilogia cunoaterii),
Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1983, p. 452
155
Lucian Blaga. Care nu se d napoi
de la nimic pentru a ndeplini voina
<<exprimat>> o dat pentru
totdeauna, a Marelui Anonim. Care ne
structureaz astfel contiina noastr
ca s cunoatem i s nu cunoatem...
Sub domnia ei, <<adevrurile>>
noastre sunt mti ale adevrului
ultim, sunt tot attea <<apologii ale
misterelor existeniale>>, rmnnd
doar ntr-un anume fel adevruri5...
Teoria lui Lucian Blaga
despre censura transcendent poate fi
justificarea filosofic (i de ce nu,
adaptarea, prelungirea sa) a mitului
cunoaterii ca pcat. Ea este replica
dat mitului unui paradis idilic,
despre veracitatea Marelui Anonim,
a bunelor sale intenii fa de creatur.
Blaga ne spune c teoria censurii
transcendente este un contra-mit mai
potrivit paradisului tragic n care
trim, combtnd astfel toate
concepiile metafizice care se
ntemeiaz pe premisa tacit sau
declarat a veracitii Marelui
Anonim. Concepia potrivit creia
Dumnezeu nu poate s ne nele,
spune filosoful romn, att de
general la metafizicieni, e o ficiune,
care nu are nici mcar calitatea de a fi
adnc. Analiza pe care o face Blaga
concepiei potrivit creia Dumnezeu
nu ne poate nela amintete de critica
romanticilor germani, n special
nietzschean a religiei: Repudiem,
mai mult dect orice, caracterizarea
divinitii prin atribute convenionale.
Dac nu ne-am da seama de
irealizabilitatea unui precept cum este
urmtorul, l-am transcrie ntocmai:
Dumnezeu trebuie inut sub
observaie! Pentru practicabilitate, s
ngrdim preceptul astfel: Dumnezeu
5
Vasile Bncil, op. cit., p.52
156
trebuie inut sub observaie, aa cum
se poate, indirect cel puin, i din
dung. S-ar nelege atunci c
Dumnezeu are fa de noi i n
cadrul planurilor urmrite o tactic,
dar nu o moral. Mitul <<veracitii
divine>> nu red ctui de puin
aceast ciudat <<tactic>>. Dac e
vorba s traducem tactica divin n
termeni <<morali>>, ar trebui s
spunem c Dumnezeu ne neal i ni
se sustrage metodic, - fiindc ceea ce
ne reveleaz n chip pozitiv e
disimulat, iar ceea ce ne reveleaz
nedisimulat, se face n chip oarecum
<<negativ>>. Dar despre tactica
divin nu e deloc indicat s se
vorbeasc n termeni de moral
uman.6
Blaga ne spune c, aplicat
cunoaterii individuate, censura
transcendent are un caracter totalitar
i preventiv. Nu orice cunoatere
individuat absolut presupune o
primejdie metafizic, ci doar anumite
cunoateri. Censura transcendent se
aplic ns asupra ntregii cunoateri
individuate, i anume n chip
structural; aceasta din cauz c o
structur, care ar da acces la
transcenden n chip absolut, ar
deschide poarta, eo ipso, i spre
adevrurile metafizice periculoase.
Censura nu trebuie neaprat s ne-o
imaginm aplicat ca oprelite de la
orice adevr absolut, fiindc orice
adevr absolut ar conine primejdii
metafizice. Censura e suficient
motivat i dac se admite c e
aplicat n chip oarecum preventiv
asupra ntregii cunoateri individuate,
pentru a tia acesteia accesul la unele
cunoateri i anume la acelea care
6
Lucian Blaga, Censura transcendent,
op. cit., p. 482
sunt metafizic primejdioase.7 Mitul
metafizic al Marelui Anonim,
njghebat n Censura transcendent i
dezvoltat n Diferenialele divine,
spune Ion Mihai Popescu, este
rostuirea mitico-metafizic a Marelui
Tot n labirintul cunoaterii, n care
firul Ariadnei l personific insul
existenial, care, datorit frnelor
intercalate ntre Marele X i el,
dobndete, n cunoaterea
individuat, cunotine sigure, dar
limitate. Acestui Mare X ontologic,
gnoseologic, axiologic i, n genere,
metafizic, Lucian Blaga i descoper,
mitic-metafizic, i atribute divine i
demonice.8
ntr-adevr, natura raportului
determinat n care st Marele Anonim
cu cunoaterea individuat ne oblig
s recunoatem atributele
prpstioase, care aduc a demonie,
ale factorului originar blagian. Fapt
pe care nsui Blaga l evideniaz.
Marele Anonim a pus n noi ndemnul
irevocabil spre adevr, dar prin
censura transcendent pe care o
instituie, n permanen ni-l refuz.
Suntem categoric ndemnai spre i
categoric oprii de la unul i acelai
lucru. Aceast antinomie, dincolo de
relevarea tensiunii supreme i
chinuitoare sub imperiul creia
triete omul, este un mod de a
nelege natura prpstioas,
demonic, a Marelui Anonim9.
i anumite mitologii antice
vorbesc despre opreliti i pedepse n
legtur cu unele cunoateri, dar n
acestea omului i se d totui
7
Ibidem, p. 487-488
8
I.M. Popescu, Patima ntru metafizic,
n Revista Romn, 6-7-8, 1992
9
Lucian Blaga, Censura transcendent,
ed. cit., p. 542
157
posibilitatea de a ajunge n posesia
adevrurilor oprite. n schimb, mitul
biblic al pomului edenic ne prezint
situaia cuplului primordial sancionat
drastic pentru comiterea pcatului de
a fi dorit s obin cunoaterea. La fel,
n filosofia lui Blaga, prin censura
transcendent nu sunt oprite anumite
cunoateri, ci este interzis nsi
cunoaterea deplin, pozitiv,
nediscriminatorie.
Dintr-o insondabil grij pentru
echilibrul i sporul existenial, spune
Lucian Blaga, Marele Anonim i ia
severe msuri de prevenire i
ndeprtare a primejdiilor metafizice,
ngrijindu-se s nu poat fi cunoscut,
dect cel mult disimulat sau ca mister
catexohin. Iar motivele reale pentru
care el i ia aceste msuri de
siguran vor rmne de neneles
pentru raiunea uman, ntruct
Marele Anonim, ca subiect cognitiv, e
cu totul altceva dect raional. Cci
dac Marele Anonim ar fi raional,
atunci ar fi interzis omului de a fi la
fel. Tot aa, din faptul c omul e
subiect raional, nu se poate deduce c
Marele Anonim e ca existen, ca
natur, ceva de cuprins pn la
epuizare n chip raional. Dimpotriv:
din faptul c omul e subiect raional,
se poate deduce un singur lucru cu
privire la natura Marelui Anonim i
anume: c aceasta transcende
categoric posibilitile cuprinderii sale
prin raiune10.Tot cam n aceiai
termeni vorbeau i Plotin i Dionisie
Pseudo-Areopagitul despre
Dumnezeu: fiind transcendent lumii,
el nu poate fi cuprins n conceptele cu
care opereaz raiunea uman. Despre
el nu se poate spune nici mcar c ar
fi infinit, ntruct, dup autorul
10
Ibidem, p. 500-501
gnostic al Apocalipsei dup Ioan, a-l
considera pe Dumnezeu infinit
nseamn a rmne dincoace de el,
cci el este mult mai mult dect att.
Fa de aceeai mare primejdie
pe care o reprezint pentru el fiina
uman, Marele Anonim nfrneaz
transcendent, stilistic, chiar i actele
revelatorii ale omului. Blaga ne
destinuiete c, pe plan metafizic,
categoriile abisale ale spiritului uman
sunt tot attea frne care
zdrnicesc convertirea adecvat a
misterelor. Categoriile abisale privite
n economia vast a existenei
cosmice au semnificaia unei nfrnri
preventive a nzuinei i a
posibilitilor, pe drumul crora omul
se gsete angajat.
n sfrit, o alt msur
preventiv particular pe care Marele
Anonim i-o ia este conversiunea
transcendent a limitelor stilistice
impuse capacitii revelatorii a
omului, prin conversiunea acestora n
valori pozitive ale contiinei
omului. Necurmat, scrie Blaga, prin
chiar structura sa, omul este atras n
capcana de a se iluziona c stilul n
cadrul cruia el creeaz, i n cadrul
cruia el se organizeaz ca fiin
istoric, ar fi un complex de valori
pozitive, ct vreme coordonatele
stilistice sunt simple limite impuse
omului prin nalt i prealabil
ornduire.
Dup Blaga, istoria este, n
ordinea metafizic i a finalismelor
existenei n general, acest fel de a tri
i de a crea al omului ca fiin
primejdioas pentru Marele Anonim,
i permanenta respingere a lui din
partea Marelui Anonim prin
dispoziiile preventive, pe care odat
pentru totdeauna acesta le-a luat.
Istoria, ca un ir nesfrit de
magnifice plsmuiri i mari fapte
omeneti, se isc nencetat printr-un
fel de ofensiv a omului n zone
rezervate Marelui Anonim, i prin
venica nfrnare abisal a acestei
ofensive, nfrnare hotrt
dintotdeauna. De cte ori omului i se
pare s fi gsit un nou vad de
depire, ofensiva lui e prins n
punga unui nou cordon izolator
(categoriile stilistice). Destinul
omului este de a tri statornic n
aceast ofensiv zdrnicit totdeauna
prin chiar mijloacele ei (stilistice).
Istoria este prin fiecare clip a ei
aceast existen de mari intenii, care
se frnge n ea nsi, cci singurele
mijloace de realizare, ce-i stau la
dispoziie, se ntorc necurmat
mpotriva ei. Istoria nu are un scop,
un terminus, spre care ar nzui i care
ar fi la captul ei undeva n viitor.
Istoria se nfirip ca o mutaiune
ontologic n Univers, i nu se va
sfri dect o dat cu omul, fiind i
rmnnd istorie deplin, n fiecare
moment al ei.11
Cuvintele de mai sus ale lui
Lucian Blaga au o semnificaie
profund. Fiind purttor al unor
potenialiti primejdioase pentru
Marele Anonim, omul este inut
dinadins la periferie i i se limiteaz
cunoaterea i posibilitile revelatorii
pn la un anumit prag. Omul este o
fiin czut, care tnjete continuu i
zadarnic la o ordine din care el nu
face parte. Nu este o cdere biblic,
petrecut n urma nclcrii unei
interdicii divine, dei Blaga este
11
Lucian Blaga, Diferenialele divine, n
Opere, vol.11 (Trilogia cosmologica),
Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1988,
p.179-180
158
posibil s fi plecat de le mitul
izgonirii din rai, pentru a-i construi
propriul su mit. Mitul cderii
metafizice a omului dintr-o ordine
primordial, imaginat de Blaga, face
din filosofia sa o impuntoare instan
a culturii, fiind cu totul strin de
cderea din condiia paradisiac.
Tragismul ntregii naraiuni mitice
prezentate de filosoful romn nu
rezult din motivul sau mprejurarea
cderii omului, ci din ncercrile
zadarnice i strduinele mereu
cenzurate ale fiinei umane de a
cunoate adevrul ultim i de a se
contopi cu el. De aceea spune
Constantin Noica, n cteva pagini
memorabile, c filosofia lui Lucian
Blaga nu este o metafizic a cerului,
ci una a pmntului. Este povestea
omului i a sublimului su efort
sisific, nentrerupt i inutil, de a se
apropia de misterul Marelui Anonim.
Metafizica gnditorului clujean este
una dintre cele mai cuteztoare i mai
frumoase filosofii ale pmntului care
au aprut n epoca modern.12
Constantin Noica demonstreaz
c Blaga i-a construit ntreaga
filosofie pe contiina cderii13, care
d dimensiune metafizic fiecrei
12
Constantin Noica, Simple introduceri la
buntatea timpului nostru, Editura
Humanitas, Bucureti, 1992, p. 174
13
n Despre cdere n limba noastr, din
vol. Cuvnt mpreun despre rostirea
romneasc, Editura Eminescu,
Bucureti, 1987, p. 128-131, Constantin
Noica demonstreaz c uneori cderea
omului se poate ntmpla i n sus (a
czut la mare cinste, czu el la domnie,
cum spune cronicarul etc.) i atunci, nu
numai c a cdea nseamn a nimeri, a da
undeva din ntmplare, a sosi, dar trece i
n a ajunge la o situaie i ntr-un rang
superior, a deveni(s.a.).
159
opere blagiene n parte. n Eonul
dogmatic, lucrarea de nceput a
primei trilogii, apare ideea intelectului
enstatic, rmas n logica obinuit,
opus intelectului ecstatic, care
ncearc s ias de aici, s caute a
regsi ordinea de mai presus de aici,
aa cum apare ea n teoria plus-
cunoaterii i a minus-cunoaterii.
Prin admiterea dogmei nu ca un corp
de idei asigurate, ci ca metod, Blaga
ne invit s nu mai vorbim despre
cauzele lucrurilor, s nu ne mai
ntrebm de ce? ci s ne ntrebm de
ce nu? de ce nu alt sistem de
axiome, de ce nu dogma asta, de ce
nu ideologia asta? Acest de ce nu?,
spune Noica, ngduie o libertate de
joc celui care nu este n condiia
paradiziac, numai celui care este
czut.
Cu att mai clar se ivete
contiina cderii n opera a doua, n
Cunoaterea luciferic, continu
Noica. Ce este Lucifer dect ngerul
czut? Luciferismul este condiia n
care este cunoaterea noastr czut,
de a avea n fa un obiect cu o parte
deschis i alta tinuit, de a avea n
fa fanicul, ceea ce apare cum
spune Blaga i cripticul. Cripticul
nu este dat celui care se afl n ordine,
ci tocmai celui care nu e n ordine, i
care e czut din ea.
Iar dac aceast contiin a
cderii poate fi discutabil n primele
dou opere, Noica ne asigur c ea
apare izbitor n Censura
transcendent. Marele Anonim
frneaz tot ceea ce este fptur, deci
nu numai pe om, n interesul
meninerii centralitii sale. Prin
instalarea censurii transcendente,
Marele Anonim ne arunc ntr-o lume
czut i n periferialitate. n Orizont
i stil sunt prezentate elementele
limitaiei noastre stilistice, iar Spaiul
mioritic, cea de-a doua oper a
Trilogiei culturii, demonstreaz ct
mplinire i ct pozitiv este n
ngrdire. Spaiul mioritic este cartea
cderii noastre romneti. Dar din ce
am czut?, se ntreab Noica retoric.
Am czut la mare cinste; la mare
cinste a czut fiina aceasta
romneasc, n viziunea lui Blaga din
Spaiul mioritic. Iar n ultima oper
din Trilogia culturii, Geneza
metaforei i sensul culturii,
metafizicul se regsete din plin:
stilul, matricea stilistic, categoriile
abisale, toate ngrdirile noastre sunt
n acelai timp o frn i o surs de
creaie.
n Trilogia cunoaterii,
filosoful clujean vorbete pentru
prima dat de aezarea metafizic a
omului ca existen ntru mister i
revelare. Blaga anun totodat aici
metafizica minus-cunoaterii.
n marea sa oper,
Diferenialele divine, cupola ntregii
construcii filosofice blagiene, cum o
apreciaz filosoful nsui, gnditorul
se raporteaz la existen n ntregul
ei, pn aici Blaga ocupndu-se doar
de aspecte fragmentare ale acesteia,
de cunoatere, de cultur i de
plsmuirile ei, precum i de valori.
Noica recunoate dou momente-
cheie ale metafizicii lui Lucian Blaga
din Diferenialele divine: minus-
cunoaterea, valorificat n sens
pozitiv, i ambivalena ngrdirii.
Minus-cunoaterea este instrumentul
de investigaie acolo unde nu poi citi
dect raiunea efectului, unde i poi
vedea doar urmele. Dup urmele ei
citeti totui ce este fiina anonim
care ne-a repudiat pe toi la periferia
sa. n Diferenialele divine apare clar
tocmai ceea ce a fcut ca termenul de
divin s supere pe teologi. Blaga
spune deschis c Marele Anonim nu
are toate perfeciunile. Are gelozie,
nu vrea s fie primejduit de nimeni,
vrea s-i pstreze centralismul. Nici
mcar nu este ca Iehova, care era
gelos pe poporul su, dar iubea mcar
un popor. Marele Anonim nu iubete
pe nimeni, se teme de toi. Iar n
Fiina istoric, Blaga spune c
Marele Anonim parc se ciete c
ne-a aruncat pe toi la periferie, ne-a
ngduit atunci s avem acces la
istorie sau s crem prin integrrile
din Diferenialele divine: s crem
istoria, pentru a avea acces, pe ct
ngduie centralismul su, la realitatea
sa.
Iat, aadar, cele dou mari
idealuri ale filosofilor romantici
germani: umanitatea i istoria, care
merit ntreaga atenie a filosofiei. n
timp ce la romanticii germani
divinitatea este detronat (Dumnezeu
a murit), la Blaga Marele Anonim
este retras n lumea lui, indiferent la
nzuinele i nemplinirile omului. De
aceea filosofia lui Blaga nu este o
metafizic a cerului, ci a pmntului,
a fiinei mundane care, prin creaia de
valori, i creeaz n permanen
umanitatea i istoria.
ngrdirea noastr este tocmai
cea care ne face creatori i, n
viziunea lui Blaga, Marele Anonim
nu ne-a repudiat numai pentru a-i
pstra centralitatea sa, ca s nu fie
ameninat n identitatea sa de factor
metafizic; ne-a aruncat n ngrdire i
pentru a ne face creatori. i s nu
uitm c n Art i valoare, Blaga ne
spune c ceea ce noi numim valori
reprezint de fapt o conversiune
metafizic. Omul nu reuete s
prind ordinea, este czut din ea, dar
valorile sale: adevrul, binele,
160
frumosul, sunt substitutul ordinii pe
care el nu o obine, sunt rspunsul lui,
plsmuirea lui i felul lui de a face s
intre n ordine, pe ct poate intra,
spiritul czut. ngerii nu sunt creatori,
spune Noica, fiinele care ar avea
intelectul divin, archetypus, cum zice
Kant, nu ar fi creatoare. Iar aici este o
bun ntlnire ntre Blaga i Kant, o
ntlnire n care se vede bine tot ce e
pozitiv n ngrdire. Kant spunea,
episodic: este bine c suntem fiine
mrginite, pentru c, dac am pricepe
totul dintr-o dat, n-am avea tiin.
Este bine c nu avem o contiin
moral desvrit, n sensul intuirii
legilor comunitii; tocmai fiindc ne
dm legile noastre avem o etic.
ngrdirea devine ceva pozitiv, ca o
afirmaie uman; ea aduce cunoatere,
comportare etic, creaie, cultur.
Totul ine de ngrdire i atunci iat
cum, cu o a doua cheie, sistemul lui
Blaga, din negativ, din aparent
misticizant, din iraionalist, devine
expresia raiunii nsei, cu o
raionalitate extins pn la minus-
cunoatere, pn la integrarea
negativului, pn la conversiunea
metafizic.14
ntreaga metafizic a sistemului
su, pentru a ne exprima precum Ion
Mihai Popescu, este un imn nchinat
omului ca fiin creatoare, care venic
i depete condiia de creator.
Pentru c Lucian Blaga nu concepe
existena creatoare a omului n lume
dect prin complementul su necesar:
datoria creaiei.15 Omul nu devine
14
Ibidem, p. 175-183
15
Ion Mihai Popescu, Patima ntru
metafizic, n vol. Dimensiunea
metafizic a operei lui Lucian Blaga
(introducere, comentarii i antologare
om, argumenteaz Blaga, dect
ncercnd s-i reveleze misterul,
adic crendu-i propria cultur. Alt
scop mai nobil n via nu are. Chiar
i atunci cnd ncearc s se
dezlipeasc de via, de istorie, i s
se mntuiasc, s triasc n
absolut, chiar i atunci creeaz
cultur. Cci filosofiile, religiile,
misticile umane, orict de absolut
ar fi experiena care le precede, sunt
i ele creaii culturale, adic au
caracter metaforic, i particip la o
matc stilistic.
Destinul omului, ca fiin
ntemeietoare de valori, l apropie de
Dumnezeu. n bun tradiie romantic
(la Schelling, bunoar, care
considera geniul filosofic identic cu
intelectul arhetipic sau spiritul divin),
Blaga l plaseaz pe om pe acelai
plan ontologic cu Marele Anonim16.
Prin efortul su creator, prin istoria -
fie ea o ofensiv mereu zdrnicit -
pe care o las n urma sa, omul devine
un demiurg, egalul n planul creaiei
al Marelui X. Blaga are dreptate,
considerndu-l astfel pe om, n
favoarea unor asemenea afirmaii
depunnd mrturie nsui divinul
Platon, pentru care omul (ca i
Angela Botez), Editura tiinific,
Bucureti, 1996, p. 247
16
Emil Cioran, n Cartea amgirilor,
Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1991, la p.
137, merge chiar mai departe, afirmnd:
ntia condiie a libertii noastre:
eliberarea de Dumnezeu; nu putem crea
nimic fiind creaturi. Pn acum n-am
fcut dect s compromitem opera
creaiei. Ah! dac-am putea-o distruge! i
pe ruinele ei, s-nlm, ca i creatori,
paradisul terestru, al doilea paradis,
nfrngnd pcatul i durerea i moartea.
Lumea care s-ar nate i care ar exista
numai prin noi nine...
161
cosmosul, de altfel) nu este dect
asemnare, icoan a Zeului.

Bibliografie selectiv:

1. Bncil, Vasile, Lucian Blaga,

energie romneasc, Editura
Marineasa, Timioara, 1995
2. Blaga, Lucian, Censura
transcendent, n Opere, vol. 8
(Trilogia cunoaterii), Editura
Minerva, Bucureti, 1983
3. Blaga, Lucian, Diferenialele
divine, n Opere, vol.11 (Trilogia
cosmologica), Editura Minerva,
Bucureti, 1988
4. Cioran, Emil, Cartea amgirilor,
Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1991
5. Despre cdere n limba noastr,
din vol. Cuvnt mpreun despre
rostirea romneasc, Editura
Eminescu, Bucureti, 1987
6. Noica, Constantin, Simple
introduceri la buntatea timpului
nostru, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti,
1992,
7. Platon, Timaios, n Opere,
vol.VII, Editura tiinific,
Bucureti,1993
8. Popescu, I.M., Patima ntru
metafizic, n Revista Romn, 6-7-
8, 1992
9. Popescu, Ion Mihai, Patima ntru
metafizic, n vol. Dimensiunea
metafizic a Editura tiinific,
Bucureti, 1996

162
 Pour une sociologie et une philosohpie des valeurs
Dans la vision du philosophe roumain Lucian Blaga,
Lhomme, lgale de Dieu
Abstract : Man, as a creative being of
feelings and ideas, has become a
inexhaustible source of inspiration for
the many works of the great thinkers.
Lucian Blaga are among those who
have tried to capture the human role
and its place in the universe and its
relationship with the august of reality
and reality itself master, the Grand
Anonymous. So, this article seeks to
highlight the tragism of the full
mystery and revelation existence of
man, in Lucina Blaga conception, the
one who continuous longs in vain to a
primary order of which is not part and
whose creative destiny brings him
closer to God.
Key words: man, the Grand
Anonymous, transcendent censure,
values
Quels sont la place et le rle de
lhomme, dans cette histoire
infiniment mutile , quest
lhistoire de lexistence ?
Lhomme, nous dit Lucien Blaga,
comme tous les tres complexes du
monde, reprsente autant
dintgrations et dorganisations de
diffrentielles divines htrognes et
homognes. Ressemblant toutes les
autres cratures, lhomme est un tre
dont lunit formative intgre le
plus grand nombre de diffrentielles
htrognes, parmi lesquelles il y a
quelques unes presque nuclaires
comme origine. Le Dmiurge de
163
Lecteur.dr. Ion MUNTEANU
Universit de Craiova
office@ionmunteanu.eu
Platon procdait de la mme manire,
quand il sagissait de lhomme. Dans
le dialogue Timaios, la cration de
lhomme comprend des lments
mlangs. Les ingrdients de la
cration (cest dire lexistence ,
lidentique et le diffrent ) ne
sont pas ceux utiliss dans lacte de
conception des dieux, car ils
ntaient pas les mmes et aussi purs,
mais seulement du deuxime et
troisime rang de puret .1
Grce au Grand Anonyme,
(principe de fondation du monde,
chez Lucian Blaga), lhomme, seul
dans tout lunivers, est un tre dont
lunit formative restera toujours la
mme, car il a atteint la limite
suprieure de son intgration, le
plafond , pralablement et depuis
toujours tabli, des intgrations
cosmiques. Quoique pour tous les
tres de lunivers il y a encore un
disponible de diffrentielles, dorigine
plus nuclaire, laide desquelles
devient possible une nouvelle
intgration, pour lhomme il ny a
plus un tel disponible de
diffrentielles encore plus nuclaires
que celles intgres dj dans son
tre. Ce nest pas parce que de telles
diffrentielles nuclaires ne sont pas
possibles, mais parce que le Grand
Anonyme, de manire prventive,
1
Platon, Timaios, n Opere, vol.VII,
Bucureti, Editura tiinific, 1993, p.155
sarrte de crer des diffrentielles
vraiment nuclaires. Lhomme est le
seul tre de lUnivers qui, dans les
procs dintgration, a puis toutes
les diffrentielles htrognes
existantes et est arriv prcisment
jusquau point o commence la rgion
des diffrentielles absentes.2
Lhomme est ltre qui, par sa
manire dontologique et son destin
(existence dans lhorizon du mystre
et pour la rvlation), se trouve sur
une position avance, partir de
laquelle il est possible de commencer
des dangers dbordants pour le Grand
Anonyme. Aucun autre tre,
pralablement admis sintgrer et
sorganiser des diffrentielles divines,
ne possde un dsir cach de se
substituer au Grand Anonyme, ou des
vellits autarchiques tellement
accentues que lhomme, car aucun
autre tre nest aussi plnier en termes
ontologiques. Face au danger presque
dbordant des possibilits tout a fait
spciales, qui commencent pousser
dans ltre humain, le Grand
Anonyme se protge en prenant des
mesures prventives :
1. Par censure transcendante,
contre la capacit cognitive de
lhomme, et par freinage
transcendent, contre la capacit de
rvlation de lhomme.
2. Par la conversion
transcendante des limites
stylistiques imposes la capacit de
rvlation de lhomme ; par leur
conversion en valeurs positives de
la conscience humaine.
Parlons, bref, de chacune son
tour: le Grand Anonyme, ce
principe mtaphysique vivant,
majestueux, ce matre auguste de la
2
Ibidem, p. 182-183
164
ralit et la ralit elle mme, comme
le caractrise Vasile Bncil, est celui
qui a dtermin la crature et lui a
donn une certaine connaissance, ni
plus ni moins quil avait lintention de
lui en donner ! 3 De nouveau, le
crateur de Blaga ressemble, dans ses
manifestations, au Dieu de Plotin :
nous savons seulement autant quil
nous a permis de connatre. Ainsi,
explique Blaga, le Grand Anonyme se
protge lui mme et tous les mystres
naissant de lui, en interposant entre
ceux-ci et la connaissance individue
un rseau de facteurs isolateurs,
intitul censure transcendante. La
connaissance individue, dans toutes
ses formes, est, par elle mme,
transcendentalement censure ,
dfinitivement et irrvocablement
censure. Censure par le Grand
Anonyme, qui protge les mystres
existentiels pour ne pas tre
dcouverts par quelquun autre que
lui mme.4
Blaga dcrit le rapport
susmentionn en termes de conflit
militaire, de lutte dure entre le
crateur et la crature, entre le
principe absolu et la connaissance
individue. Pour se protger contre
lagresseur, le Mystre Existentiel
Central labore une vraie stratgie:
se barricade derrire la censure
transcendante, avec les mystres
existentiels drivs. Ceux-ci ne se
protgent directement contre
lagression de la connaissance
individue et se contentent de laisser
3
Vasile Bncil, Lucian Blaga, energie
romneasc, Editura Marineasa,
Timioara, 1995, p. 51
4
Lucian Blaga, Censura transcendent,
n Opere, vol. 8, (Trilogia cunoaterii),
Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1983, p. 452.
ce souci au centre qui, de toute faon,
a pris des mesures de sret et
protection divine, pour lternit. Il a
imprim pour toujours la censure
transcendante dans la structure de la
connaissance individue, en
empchant laccs labsolu de la
ralit et en loignant des dangers
ontologiques inconcevables. La
censure transcendante, dit, en termes
particulirement plastiques, Vasile
Bncil, est le chimre habill en
vtements de crmonie dans la
mtaphysique de Lucian Blaga. Qui
ne se mfie de rien pour accomplir la
volont exprime une fois pour
toujours du Grand Anonyme. Qui
construit de telle manire notre
conscience pour connatre et ne pas
connatre... Sous son rgne, nos
vrits sont des masques de la
vrit absolue, sont autant
dapologies des mystres
existentiels , qui restent seulement
dune certaine manire des vrits 5
...
La thorie de Lucian Blaga sur
la censure transcendante peut tre la
justification philosophique (et,
pourquoi pas, son adaptation, son
prolongement) du mythe de la
connaissance comme pch. Elle est
la rplique donne au mythe dun
paradis idyllique, sur la vracit
du Grand Anonyme, ses bonnes
intentions vis--vis de la crature.
Blaga nous dit que la thorie de la
censure transcendante est un contre
mythe plus convenable au paradis
tragique o lon vit, en combattant
ainsi toutes les thories
mtaphysiques sappuyant sur la
prmisse tacite ou dclare de la
vracit du Grand Anonyme. La
5
Vasile Bncil, op.cit., p. 52
165
thorie soutenant que Dieu ne peut
pas nous tromper, dit le philosophe
roumain, reconnue gnralement par
les mtaphysiciens, est une fiction,
qui na mme pas la qualit dtre
profonde. Lanalyse faite par Blaga
la thorie soutenant que Dieu ne peut
pas nous tromper rappelle la critique
des romantiques allemands,
particulirement celle de Nietzsche,
de la religion: Nous rpudions, plus
que toute autre thorie, la
caractrisation de la divinit par des
attributs conventionnels. Si lon ne se
rendait compte du fait quun tel
prcepte est irralisable, on le
transcrirait ainsi: Dieu doit tre
surveill ! Pour le rendre pratique,
limitons le prcepte ainsi: Dieu doit
tre surveille selon les possibilits, au
moins indirectement et de lextrieur.
On comprenait alors que Dieu a pour
nous et parmi les plans surveills
une tactique, mais pas une morale. Le
mythe de la vracit divine
nexplique pas du tout cette trange
tactique . Sil sagissait de traduire
la tactique divine en termes de
morale , il faudrait dire que Dieu
nous trompe et se soustrait nous de
faon mthodique, - parce que ce
quil nous rvle de manire positive
est dissimul, et ce quil nous rvle
sans dissimuler, il le fait de manire
presque ngative . Mais sur la
tactique divine il ne faudrait pas
parler en termes de morale
humaine. 6
Blaga nous dit que, applique
la connaissance individue, la censure
transcendante a un caractre
totalitaire et prventif. Pas toute
connaissance individue suppose un
6
Lucian Blaga, Censura transcendent,
op. cit., p. 482
danger mtaphysique, mais seulement
certaines connaissances. Mais la
censure transcendante sapplique la
connaissance individue en entier, de
manire structurale; parce quune
structure, qui facilitait laccs la
transcendance de manire absolue,
ouvrirait la porte, eo ipso, vers les
vrits mtaphysiques dangereuses. Il
ne faut pas imaginer la censure
comme une barrire contre toute
vrit absolue, parce que tout vrit
absolue contenait des dangers
mtaphysiques. La censure est
suffisamment justifie mme si lon
admet quelle est applique de faon
prventive toute la connaissance
individue, pour couper laccs
certaines connaissances, cest dire
celles dangereuses du point de vue
mtaphysique.7 Le mythe
mtaphysique du Grand Anonyme,
trait dans la Censure transcendante et
dvelopp dans les Diffrentielles
divines, dit Ion Mihai Popescu, est le
jointoiement mythique et
mtaphysique du Grand Tout dans le
labyrinthe de la connaissance, o le fil
dAriane personnifie ltre existentiel,
qui, grce aux freines intercales
entre le Grand X et lui mme,
acquiert, dans la connaissance
individue, des connaissances sres
mais limites. Cest ce Grand X
ontologique, gnosologique,
axiologique et, gnralement,
mtaphysique, que Lucian Blaga
dcouvre, de manire mythique et
mtaphysique, des attributs en mme
temps divins et dmoniques.8
Cest vrai, la nature du rapport
dtermin qui existe entre le Grand
7
Ibidem, p. 487-488
8 9
I.M.Popescu, Patima ntru metafizic, n
Revista Romn, 6-7-8, 1992
166
Anonyme et la connaissance
individue nous oblige a reconnatre
les attributs brutaux , qui semblent
dmoniaques, du facteur originaire
chez Blaga. Blaga, lui mme,
souligne ce fait. Le Grand Anonyme a
sem en nous la tendance irrvocable
vers la vrit, mais, par la censure
transcendante, il nous la refuse
constamment. Nous sommes, sans
doute, dirigs vers et, sans doute, on
nous interdit, la mme chose. Cette
antinomie, au del de la rvlation de
la tension suprme et troublante qui
rgne sur la vie de lhomme,
reprsente une modalit de
comprendre la nature brutale,
dmoniaque, du Grand Anonyme.9
Certaines mythologies antiques
parlent aussi de barrires et punitions
lies a certaines connaissances, mais,
ici, lhomme a, quand mme, la
possibilit de sapproprier les vrits
interdites. En change, le mythe
biblique du pommier paradisiaque
nous prsente la situation du couple
primordial drastiquement sanctionn
pour avoir commis le pch de
vouloir connatre. De faon similaire,
dans la philosophie de Blaga, par la
censure transcendante on ninterdit
pas certaines connaissances, mais la
connaissance entire, positive, non-
discriminatrice.
Par un insondable souci pour
lquilibre et le progrs existentiel, dit
Lucian Blaga, le Grand Anonyme
prend des mesures svres de
prvention et limination des dangers
mtaphysiques, en sarrangeant de ne
pas tre connu, que tout au plus de
manire dissimule ou comme
mystre inexorable. Et les raisons
Lucian Blaga, Censura transcendent,
ed.cit, p. 542
relles pour lesquelles il prend ces
mesures de protection resteront
incomprhensibles pour la raison
humaine, car le Grand Anonyme,
comme sujet cognitif, est tout fait
autrement que rationnel. Car si le
Grand Anonyme tait rationnel, alors
il aurait interdit lhomme de ltre
aussi. Par consquence, du fait que
lhomme est rationnel on peut pas
dduire que le Grand Anonyme est,
comme existence, comme nature,
quelque chose a comprendre jusqu
lpuisement de faon rationnelle. Au
contraire, du fait que lhomme est
rationnel, on peut dduire une seule
chose quant la nature du Grand
Anonyme, cest dire : quil
transcende catgoriquement les
possibilits de le connatre par la
raison.10 Plotin et Dionisie Pseudo-
Areopagitul parlaient dans les mmes
termes sur Dieu: comme transcendant
du monde, il ne peut pas tre compris
dans les concepts avec lesquels opre
la raison humaine. Sur lui, on ne peut
mme pas dire quil soit infini, car,
daprs lauteur gnostique de
LApocalypse de Jean , considrer
Dieu infini signifie rester au del de
lui, car il reprsente plus que a.
Face au mme danger quest
pour lui ltre humain, le Grand
Anonyme bloque de faon
transcendante, stylistique, mme les
actes de rvlation de lhomme. Blaga
nous confie que, sur le plan
mtaphysique, les catgories
abyssales de lesprit humain sont
autant de freines qui rendent
impossible la conversion correcte des
mystres. Les catgories abyssales
regardes dans lconomie vaste de
lexistence cosmique ont la
10
Ibidem, p. 500-501
167
signification dun blocage prventif
du dsir et des possibilits sur le
chemin desquels lhomme sest
engag.
En fin, une autre mesure
prventive particulire que le Grand
Anonyme prend est la conversion
transcendante des limites
stylistiques imposes la capacit
rvlatrice de lhomme, par leur
conversion en valeurs positives de
la conscience humaine. Incessant,
crit Blaga, par sa structure mme,
lhomme tombe au pige de
sillusionner que le style o il cre, o
il sorganise comme tre historique,
serait un complexe de valeurs
positives, quand, en ralit, les
coordonnes stylistiques sont des
simples limites imposes lhomme
par un ordre pralable et suprieur.
Daprs Blaga, lhistoire est,
dans lordre mtaphysique et des
finalits de lexistence en gnral,
cette faon de vivre et de crer de
lhomme comme tre dangereux pour
le Grand Anonyme, et sa permanente
rejection de la part du Grand
Anonyme par les dispositions
prventives, quil a tabli une fois
pour toujours. Lhistoire, comme une
srie infinie de magnifiques
inventions et de mmorables faits
humains, nat incessamment dune
sorte doffensive de lhomme dans les
zones rserves au Grand Anonyme,
et par le blocage abyssal perptuel de
cette offensive, blocage dcid
depuis toujours. Chaque fois lhomme
semble avoir trouv un nouvel
passage, son offensive est bloque par
un cordon isolateur (les catgories
stylistiques). Le destin de lhomme
est de vivre sans cesse dans cette
offensive toujours enfreinte par ses
propres moyens (stylistiques).
Lhistoire reprsente par chacun de
ses moments cette existence de
grandes intentions, qui se casse en
elle mme, car les seuls moyens de
ralisation qui sont a sa disposition
tournent incessamment contre elle.
Lhistoire na pas un but, un terminus,
vers lequel elle tend et qui sera
quelque part dans son futur. Lhistoire
nat comme une mutation ontologique
dans lunivers et ne finira quavec
lhomme, sera et restera histoire
complte, chacun de ses moments.11
Ces mots de Lucian Blaga ont
une signification profonde. Porteur de
potentiel dangereux pour le Grand
Anonyme, lhomme est marginalis
exprs et sa connaissance et ses
possibilits rvlatrices sont limites
jusqu un certain niveau. Lhomme
est un tre tomb, qui rve sans cesse
et en vain un ordre dont il ne fait pas
partie. Ce nest pas une chute
biblique, survenue aprs avoir dsobi
une rgle divine, quoique ce soit
possible que Blaga ait envisag le
mythe de la chasse du paradis, pour
construire son propre mythe. Le
mythe de la chute mtaphysique de
lhomme dun ordre primordial,
imagin par Blaga, fait de sa
philosophie une imposante instance
de la culture, tout fait trange la
chute de la condition paradisiaque. Le
tragique de la narration mythique
prsente par le philosophe roumain
ne rsulte pas de la raison ou des
circonstances de la chute de lhomme,
mais de ses essais en vain et ses
efforts toujours censurs de connatre
la vrit suprme et de se confondre
11
Lucian Blaga, Diferenialele divine, n
Opere, vol.11 (Trilogia cosmologica),
Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1988, p.179-
180
168
avec elle. Cest pourquoi Constantin
Noica dit, en quelques pages
mmorables, que la philosophie de
Lucian Blaga nest pas une
mtaphysique des cieux, mais de la
terre. Cest lhistoire de lhomme et
de son sublime effort sisyphique,
ininterrompu et inutile, de
sapprocher au mystre du Grand
Anonyme. La mtaphysique du
penseur de Cluj est lune des plus
courageuses et belles philosophies de
la terre, parues lpoque moderne. 12
Constantin Noica dmontre que
Blaga a construit toute sa philosophie
sur la conscience de la chute13, qui
donne une dimension mtaphysique a
chaque oeuvre de Blaga. Dans Eonul
dogmatic, loeuvre de dbut de la
premire trilogie, apparat lide de
lintellect enstatique, rest dans la
logique habituelle, oppos lintellect
extatique, qui essaye de sen sortir, de
trouver lordre qui est au dessus, telle
quelle apparat dans la thorie de la
plus-connaissance et de la moins-
connaissance. En admettant la dogme
pas comme un corpus dides
assures, mais comme mthode,
Blaga nous invite ne plus parler des
causes des choses, nous demander
non pas pourquoi?, mais pourquoi
pas? pourquoi pas un autre systme
daxiomes, pourquoi pas cette dogme,
12
Constantin Noica, Simple introduceri la
buntatea timpului nostru, Editura
Humanitas, Bucureti, 1992, p. 174
13
En Despre cdere n limba noastr, du
vol. Cuvnt mpreun despre rostirea
romneasca, , Bucureti, ed. Eminescu,
1987, p.128-131, Constantin Noica
dmontre que, parfois, lhomme peut
tomber en haut (tomber amoureux,
tomber dessus, tomber sur ). Et alors,
tomber signifie non seulement trouver,
arriver, mais aussi devenir
pourquoi pas cette idologie? Ce
pourquoi pas ?, dit Noica, permet une
libert du jeu celui qui nest pas
dans la condition paradisiaque,
seulement a celui qui est tomb.
Dautant plus claire est la
conscience de la chute dans son
deuxime oeuvre, La connaissance
lucifrienne, continue Noica.Quest
ce que cest Lucifer que lange
tomb? La condition de Lucifer est la
condition o se trouve notre
connaissance tombe, davoir devant
les yeux un objet avec une partie
ouverte et une autre cache, davoir
devant les yeux le fanique, ce qui
apparat daprs Blaga et le
cryptique. Le cryptique nest pas
donn celui qui se trouve dans
lordre, mais justement celui qui ne
lest pas, qui y est tomb.
Et si cette conscience de la
chute est discutable dans les
premires deux oeuvres, Noica nous
assure quelle est frappante dans la
Censure transcendante. Le Grand
Anonyme freine tout tre, donc non
seulement lhomme, pour maintenir
sa centralit. En installant la censure
transcendante, le Grand Anonyme
nous jette dans un monde tomb et
priphrique. En Horizon et style,
sont prsents les lments de notre
limitation stylistique et Lespace
mioritique (Mioria ballade
populaire roumaine), la deuxime
oeuvre de la Trilogie de la culture,
dmontre combien
daccomplissement et de positif il y a
dans la limitation. Lespace
mioritique est le livre de notre chute,
la chute roumaine. Mais do est-ce
quon est tombs? Se demande Noica
de manire rhtorique. On est tombe
en haut , ltre roumain est tombe
en haut dans la vision de Blaga, dans
169
Lespace mioritique. Et dans la
dernire oeuvre de la Trilogie de la
culture, La gense de la mtaphore et
le sens de la culture, le mtaphysique
se retrouve partout:le style, la matrice
stylistique, les catgories abyssales,
toutes nos limitations sont en mme
temps une freine et une source
cratrice.
Dans la Trilogie de la
connaissance, le philosophe de Cluj
parle pour la premire fois de
ltablissement mtaphysique de
lhomme comme existence pour le
mystre et la rvlation. Blaga
annonce toujours ici la mtaphysique
de la moins-connaissance.
Dans son grand oeuvre, les
Diffrentielles divines, le sommet de
toute la cration de Blaga, comme
lapprcie lcrivain mme, le penseur
sest rapport lexistence en son
entier, car jusquici Blaga stait
occup seulement de quelques aspects
fragments de celle ci, de la
connaissance, de la culture et de ses
inventions, aussi que des valeurs.
Noica identifie deux moments-cl de
la mtaphysique de Lucian Blaga
dans les Diffrentielles divines : la
moins-connaissance, valorise en sens
positif, et lambivalence de la
limitation. La moins-connaissance est
linstrument dinvestigation, l o
lon peut lire que la raison de leffet,
o lon peut voir que ses traces.
Daprs ses traces on lit quand mme
ce quest ltre anonyme qui nous a
tous rpudis sa priphrie. Dans les
Diffrentielles divines il apparat
clairement ce qui a fait que le terme
divin incommode les gens de
lglise. Blaga ne se mfie de dire que
le Grand Anonyme na pas toutes les
perfections. Il a de la jalousie , ne
veut pas tre mis en danger, veut
garder son centralisme. Il nest mme
pas comme Yahv, qui tait jaloux sur
son peuple, mais, au moins, il aimait
un peuple. Le Grand Anonyme
naime personne, il a peur de tous. Et
dans lEtre historique, Blaga nous dit
que le Grand Anonyme semble
regretter nous avoir tous jets a la
priphrie, il nous a permis alors
davoir accs lhistoire ou de crer,
par les intgrations des Diffrentielles
divines : de crer lhistoire, pour avoir
accs, autant que son centralisme le
permet, sa ralit.
Voil, donc, les deux grands
idaux des philosophes romantiques
allemands : lhumanit et lhistoire,
qui mritent toute lattention de la
philosophie. Pendant que chez les
romantiques allemands, la divinit est
dtrne ( Dieu est mort ), chez
Blaga le Grand Anonyme est retir
dans son monde, indiffrent aux
espoirs et aux checs de lhomme.
Cest pourquoi la philosophie de
Blaga nest pas une mtaphysique des
cieux, mais de la terre, de ltre
mondain qui, par la cration des
valeurs, se crent toujours lhumanit
et lhistoire.
Notre limitation est justement
ce qui nous rend crateurs, - et, dans
la vision de Blaga, le Grand Anonyme
ne nous a pas rpudie seulement pour
garder sa centralit, mais pour ne pas
tre menac, dans son identit de
facteur mtaphysique, il nous a jet
parmi des limites pour nous rendre
crateurs aussi. Noublions pas que,
dans Art et valeur, Blaga nous dit que
ceux que nous appelons valeurs
reprsentent, en fait des conversions
mtaphysique. Lhomme ne peut pas
saisir lordre, il est tomb en elle,
mais ses valeurs, la vrit, le bien, le
beau sont le substitut de lordre quil
170
nobtient pas, sont ses rponses, son
imagination et sa faon de faire entrer
en ordre, comme il peut, lesprit
tomb. Les anges ne sont pas des
crateurs, dit Noica, les tres qui
auraient lintellect divin, archetypus
daprs Kant, ne sont pas crateurs.
Et ici, Blaga rencontre Kant, une
rencontre o lon voit bien ce quil y
a de positif dans la limitation. Kant
disait, parfois : cest bien que nous
sommes des tres limits, car si lon
comprenait tout dun coup on aurait
plus de science. Cest bien quon na
pas une conscience morale acheve,
au sens de lintuition des lois de la
communaut, cest justement parce
que ce sont les lois faites par nous
mmes que nous avons une thique.
La limitation devient positive, comme
une affirmation humaine ; elle apporte
de la connaissance, comportement
thique, cration et culture. Tout est
li la limitation et, alors, voil
comment, avec une deuxime clef, le
systme de Blaga, du ngatif,
apparemment mystique, irrationnel,
devient lexpression mme, avec une
rationalit tendue jusqu la moins-
connaissance, jusqu lintgration du
ngatif, jusqu la conversion
mtaphysique. 14
Toute la mtaphysique de son
systme , pour citer Ion Mihai
Popescu, est un hymne adress
lhomme comme tre crateur, qui
dpasse toujours sa condition. Parce
que Lucian Blaga ne peut concevoir
lexistence cratrice de lhomme au
monde que par son complment
ncessaire : le devoir de la cration.15
14
Ibidem, p. 175-183
15
Ion Mihai Popescu, Patima intru
metafizica, in vol Dimensiunea metafizica
a operei lui Lucian Blaga (introducere,
Lhomme ne devient pas homme le divin Platon , pour lequel
quen essayant a rvler son mystre, lhomme (tout comme lunivers) nest
cest dire en crant sa propre que similitude , icne du Dieu.
culture. Il na pas dautre but plus
noble que celui ci. Mme quand il Bibliographie selective :
veut se dtacher a la vie, a lhistoire,
et se sauver , vivre dans 1. Bncil, Vasile, Lucian
labsolu , mme alors il cre de la Blaga, energie romneasc, Editura
culture. Car les philosophies, les Marineasa, Timioara, 1995
religions, le mystique humain sont 2. Blaga, Lucian, Censura
eux aussi des crations culturelles, ont transcendent, n Opere, vol. 8
un caractre mtaphorique et (Trilogia cunoaterii), Editura
participent une souche stylistique. Minerva, Bucureti, 1983
Le destin de lhomme comme 3. Blaga, Lucian, Diferenialele
tre crateur de valeurs lapproche a divine, n Opere, vol.11 (Trilogia
Dieu. En bonne tradition romantique cosmologica), Editura Minerva,
(chez Schelling, par exemple, qui Bucureti, 1988
considrait le gnie philosophique 4. Cioran, Emil, Cartea
identique lintellect archtypique) amgirilor, Editura Humanitas,
Blaga place lhomme sur le mme Bucureti, 1991
plan ontologique avec le Grand 5. Despre cdere n limba
Anonyme.16 noastr, din vol. Cuvnt mpreun
Par son effort crateur, par son despre rostirea romneasc, Editura
histoire soit-elle offensive, toujours Eminescu, Bucureti, 1987
en vain quil laisse aprs lui, 6. Noica, Constantin, Simple
lhomme devient un dmiurge, lgale introduceri la buntatea timpului
du Grand X en ce qui concerne la nostru, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti,
cration. Blaga a raison de considrer 1992,
lhomme ainsi, en faveur de ses 7. Platon, Timaios, n Opere,
affirmations tmoignant mme vol.VII, Editura tiinific,
Bucureti,1993
8. Popescu, I.M., Patima ntru
comentarii si antologare Angela Botez), metafizic, n Revista Romn, 6-7-
Bucuresti, editura Stiintifica, 1996,p.247. 8, 1992
16
Emil Cioran, en Cartea amgirilor,
9. Popescu, Ion Mihai, Patima
Bucuresti, Ed, Humanitas, 1991, la page
137, va encore plus loin, en
ntru metafizic, n vol. Dimensiunea
affirmant La premire condition de metafizic a Editura tiinific,
notre libert : notre dlivrance de Dieu, Bucureti, 1996
on ne peut crer si lon est des cratures.
Jusqua prsent on na rien fait que de
compromettre loeuvre de la cration.
Ah ! Si on pouvait la dtruire ! Et, sur ses
ruines, levons comme des crateurs, le
paradis terrestre, le deuxime paradis, en
vainquant le pch, la douleur et la mort.
Le monde qui natra et qui existera
seulement pour nous mmes...

171
Libertatea religioas i regimul juridic al cultelor. ansele i limitele unei
dezbateri social-teologice n Romnia la nceputul secolului al XX-lea
Rezumat: Articolul i propune s
decripteze analitic modul prin care
clerul ortodox i catolic a nsoit
procesul de modernizare a Romniei,
s prezinte curentele de idei ce au
definit atitudinal preoimea n ceea ce
s-a numit lupta pentru idealul naional
i unirea romnilor ntr-un singur stat.
n toate aceste dezbateri, libertatea
religioas i regimul cultelor au
reflectat capacitatea acestora de a se
adapta la noile cerine ale dezvoltrii
moderne a Romniei.
Cuvinte cheie: libertate religioas,
regim juridic, stat, biseric, Constituie
Formarea Romniei moderne i
desvrirea idealului naional s-a
reflectat i n capacitatea clerului
ortodox i catolic de a polariza n
rndurile sale slujitori care i-au
dedicat ntreaga activitate mplinirii
acestui ideal. Reprezentanii clerului
Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne au oferit
ndiferent de moment un suport
spiritual constant n desfurarea
evenimentelor legate de Revoluia de
la 1848, Unirea Principatelor i
alegerea ca domn a lui Alexandru
Ioan Cuza, rzboiul de independen
1877-1878, micrile rneti din
1907 i primul rzboi mondial, 1916-
1918.
Pe parcursul secolului al XIX-
lea, principiul modern al separrii
bisericii de stat nu cunoate n
Romnia forme agresive. De altfel,
Lect.dr. Anca Parmena OLIMID
Universitatea din Craiova
parmena2002@yahoo.com
tolerana i libertatea religioas au
constituit premisele constituirii
Bisericii Ortodoxe ca o instituie de
stat. De-a lungul istoriei poporului
romn, Biserica Ortodox Romn a
fost pstrtoarea tradiiilor religioase,
organizatoare a vieii morale i etnice
a naiunii romne i a patrimoniului,
denumit n dese rnduri Biseric
naional1. Mitropoliii vremii
nelegeau rolul bisericii n pstrarea
spiritului naional i n ntreaga viaa
cultural2. O lucrare de referin,
aprut n 1904, Biserica Ortodox i
Cultele Streine din Regatul Romn,
meniona c Totdeauna n cursul
vremurilor, de cnd exist viaa de
stat la Romni, Biserica Ortodox a
fost biserica naional i de stat.
Evoluiile religioase i
economice de la jumtatea secolului
al XIX-lea i nceputul secolului al
XX-lea au deschis o bre n edificiul
tradiional al raporturilor dintre stat,
societate i individ. n aceste condiii,
catolicismul a trebuit s fac fa unui
proces istoric ce se va perpetua pe tot
parcursul secolului al XIX-lea avnd
la origine un ansamblu de schimbri
1
Pompiliu Nicolau, Misiunea Bisericii
noastre naionale n lucrarea Arhiereului
Irineu Mihlcescu i Emilian Vasilescu,
Aprarea credinei, Editura Cugetarea,
Bucureti, 1941, p.197
2
Manuela Gheorghe, Religie i
schimbare social n Romnia, Editura
Fundaiei AXIS, Iai, 2004, p. 89
172
ce au generat o nou concepie asupra
politicii i religiei, i prin urmare, au
marcat i evoluia relaiilor dintre
autoritatea public i instituiile
confesionale. Aceast ultim
chestiune a privit n mod exclusiv
domeniul politic i a neglijat tocmai
ceea ce era specific religios, i anume
credina, cu toate consecinele ei
asupra existenei i comportamentul
credincioilor.
Legtura strns ntre Biseric
i naiune existent n cadrul Bisericii
Ortodoxe este fundamentat pe
principiul care confer Bisericii
orodoxe caracterul de Biseric
naional, adic fiecare naiune, chiar
dac nu este constituit ntr-un stat
independent i are: o limb naional
ca limb de cult condus de sinodul
su, Biserica sa cu un cler naional, o
Patriarhie ecumenic i relaii impuse
de canoane3.
Consacrnd vechile tradiii de
nelegere i de deplin solidaritate
ntre Biseric i Stat, Constituia de la
1866 a asigurat Bisericii Ortodoxe
situaia de Biseric dominant a
statului romn. Dup lungi dezbateri,
s-a ajuns la aceast formul
constituional: Biserica ortodox
romn fiind religia marii majoriti a
Romnilor este Biserica dominant n
statul romn4. Doctrina Bisericii
Ortodoxe privitoare la relaia sa cu
statul exclude posibilitatea unui
conflict provocat de Biseric. De fapt,
n evoluia Bisericii ortodoxenu
3
Irineu (Mitropolitul Moldovei i
Sucevei), Teologia lupttoare, Editura
Cugetarea-Georgescu Delafras, Bucureti,
1941, p. 210
4
Lazr Iacob, Stat i Biseric n
Ortodoxia, volumul I, Tipografia Crilor
Bisericeti, Bucureti, 1942, p.108
173
regsim conflicte majore care s fi
fost provocate de biseric, deoarece
relaiile sale dezvoltate cu statul sunt
circumscrise situaiei din imperiul
bizantin, adic Biseric de stat.
Contribuia clerului ortodox romn la
meninearea i intensificarea
contiinei naionale este ilustrat de
introducerea limbii romne n
biseric. Exista o limb cretin
romneasc vorbit care a contribuit
la meninerea unei limbi romne
proprii i unitare, deoarece coninutul
textelor bisericeti circula oral i
cptase o vie armonie sonor5.
Folsosirea limbii romne n Biseric
nu a fcut obiectul unei reforme de
ordin religios sau teologic, ci a fost
mai degrab o cerin de ordin
naional, o revoluie de ordin spiritual
a Ortodoxiei din acea perioad.
Paralel cu msurile luate n plan
intern, n planul extern se va
desfura o vie activitate pentru
meninerea caracterului canonic al
Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne i
dobndirea caracterului su
autocefalic.
La 3 decembrie 1864, este
adoptat Decretul organic pentru
nfiinarea unei autoriti sinodale
centrale. n articolul 2 se prevedea
formarea unui sinod general al
Bisericii Romne, format din
mitropolii i episcopi eparhioi, din
5
S. Stniloaie, Ion Ionescu, Mircea
Pcurariu, Cincizeci de ani de la Unirea
Transilvaniei cu Romnia. Contribuia
clerului romn la luptele poporului
romn pentru libertate naional i
unitate n Biserica Ortodox Romn
(Buletinul Oficial al Patriarhiei Romne),
Anul LXXXVI, Nr. 11-12, noiembrie-
decembrie 1968, Editura Institutului
Biblic i de misiune ortodox, Bucureti,
p. 1292
Arhiereii titulari romni, din decanii
Facultilor de Teologie din Bucureti
i Iai (inexsistente la acea vreme
ns) i din cte trei deputai din trei
deputai din fiecare eparhie, pentru
trei sesiuni, alei de clerul de mir,
dintre preoii de mir i laicii cu studii
teologice. Sinodul iurma s fie
prezidat de mitropolitul Ungrovlahiei,
care ncepnd cu data de 11 iunie
1865 a primit titlul de primat al
Romniei6. Decretul organic a fost
completat cu dou noi regulamente:
Regulamentul pentru alegerea
membrilor Sinodului general al
Bisericii Romne i Regulamentul
interior al Sinodului general. Cele trei
noi reglementri poart denumirea
comun de Legea sinodal. n
decembrie 1872, este aprobat Legea
organic a Bisericii Ortodoxe
Romne prin care s-au pus bazele
Sfntului Sinod al Bisericii Ortodoxe
Romne menit s pstreze unitatea
dogmatic i canonic cu Biserica
ecumenic.
Recunoaterea autocefaliei
Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne a
intensificat corespondena cu
Patriarhia ecumenic de la
Constantinopol. Dup rzboiul de
independen, patriarhul ecumenic
Ioachim III (1878-1884) a depus
obiecii cu privire la Legea organic,
dar mai ales la autocefalia Bisericii
Ortodoxe Romne, respingnd
recunoaterea sa.
La sfritul secolului al XIX-
lea schimbul de coresponden ntre
Biserica Ortodox Romn i
6
Mircea Pcurariu, Istoria Bisericii
Ortodoxe Romne, vol. 3, Bucureti,
Editura Institutului Biblic i de Misiune al
Bisericii Orrtodoxe Romne, 1981, p. 123
174
Patriarhia ecumenic nu s-a
mbuntit. Exemple n acest sens
sunt: scrisoarea patriarhal din 10
iulie 1882, raportul episcopului
Melchisedec aprobat i semnat de
Sfntul Sinod la 23 noiembrie 1882,
i naintat Patriarhiei ecumenice,
scrisoarea mitropolitului primat
Calinic Miclescu, din 20 aprilie 1885,
etc. La 25 aprilie 1885, patriarhul
Ioachim IV i ali zece mitropolii au
recunoscut autocefalia Bisericii
Ortodoxe Romne datat: aprilie
1885. edinele Sfntului Sinod
menionau c prin acest act, biserica
noastr devine ntru totul egal tuturor
celorlalte biserici, cci n fapt aceast
este adevrata semnificaie a
autocefaliei.
Dac n cazul Bisericii
Ortodoxe, putem vorbi de o legtur
strns ntre Biseric i naiune, n
cazul Bisericii Catolice, putem
identifica mai degrab un caracter
internaional sau supranaional ce i
regsete explicaia n urmtoarele
argumente: indiferent de loc sau
perioad, serviciul religios se
desfoar n limba latin; ierarhic-
organizatoric, biserica catolic nu are
un caracter naional pronunat.
Evoluia Romniei moderne a
avut loc pe parcursul a dou secole,
ncepnd cu sfritul secolului al
XVIII-lea i pn n a doua jumtate a
secolul al XX-lea, o dat cu sfritul
celui de-al doilea rzboi mondial,
fiind marcat de cel puin dou
eveninment majorek: prima etap
marcheaz tranziia Principatelor
Romne de la tradiia bizantin-
ortodox de sorginte sud-est
european la dinamismul inovator de
sorginte vestic iar cea de-a doua
etap marcheaz formarea Romniei
moderne7. Momentul de separaie al
celor dou perioade este delimitat de
anii 1866 o dat cu adoptarea
Constituiei i 1918 o dat cu sfritul
primului rzboi mondial.
n acest moment al discuiei este
important s precizm c cea dinti
dispoziie a Constituiei din 1866 este
o norm comun att pentru cultul
ortodox ct i pentru celelalte culte i
anume garantarea libertii de
contiin8. Prin intermediul acestei
norme, statul romn garanta tuturor
cultelor libertatea, atta timp ct
exercitarea acestora nu aduce atingere
ordinei publice i bunelor moravuri.
Constituia stabilea n aceast ordine
de idei modaliti de reglementare: o
lege special pentru autoritatea
sinodal central i pentru alegerea
mitropoliilor i episcopilor.
Garantnd neatrnarea fa de
orice chriarhie strin, pstrndu-i
ns unitatea cu Biserica ecumenic a
Rsritului, n privina dogmelor,
Constituia asigura principiile de
organizare intern a Bisericii
Ortodoxe Romne, prin nlturarea
oricrui element strin de scopurile
spirituale bisericeti. Totodat,
Constituia din 1866 garanta deplina
armonizare a colaborrii cu Biserica
Ortodox a Rsritului.
Teologul catolic Brunetire
afirma c ntotdeauna catolicismul a
conceput, a dezvoltat i promovat
religia ca social9, vrnd prin aceasta
7
Keith Hitchins, Romnii 1866-1947,
Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1996, p.
1-2
8
D.A.N.I.C. (Direcia Arhivelor
Naionale Istorice Centrale), Fond
Ministerul Cultelor i Instruciunii
Publice, dosar 234/1867, f. 35
9
Petre Vintilescu, Preotul i politica,
Tipografia Artistica, Piteti, 1926, p. 9
175
s jutifice amestecul n cele lumeti al
Bisericii catolice. O accepiune
general i oficial, recunoscut i
general acceptat nu s-a nchegat n
cadrul catoliclismului dect trziu,
fiind dupus influenei
protestantismului. De aceea, n
practic, clerul catolic este alturat
protestantismului cretin-social n
ceea ce privete interpretarea
activitii politice a preotului10.
Pn la primul rzboi mondial,
n ntreaga literatur de specialitate, n
afara de Biserica Ortodox, toate
celelalte culte erau denumite culte
strine, iar cultul romano-catolic era
considerat a fi primul, nc de la
primele meniuni legate de prezena
misionarilor (clugri bendicteni)
angajai n rspndirea cretinismului
roman.
Un secol mai trziu, apar
primele dovezi ale prezenei
cavalerilor teutoni (1211) n Moldova.
Dup nvlirea ttarilor (1241), vom
asista la apariia primelor forme de
organizare a cultului romano-catolic:
parohii catolice, la Trgovite (1300),
Cmpulung (1320), o episcopie latin
la Siret, apoi o alta la Baia (1420).
Dac n cazul preoimii ortodoxe
putem vorbi de o real implicare n
viaa social a poporului romn, n
cazul clerului catolic, trebuie s
corelm evenimentele din plan intern
cu evoluia de ansamblu a
catolicismului n spaiul european,
deoarece papalitatea a dezvoltat
ntodeauna n relaiile cu popoarele o
atitudine politic constant. n vechiul
Regat, cultul catolic avea un numr
redus comparativ cu populaia total a
rii (circa 174.000 dup unele
evaluri fcute n 1930) i era trecut
10
Ibidem, p. 11
n rndul cultelor strine. Cultul
catolic din Romnia fcea parte din
teritoriile de misiune i se afla n sfera
de influen a Congregaiei de
Propaganda Fide11. n 1883, Papa a
instituit pentru catolicii din Romnia
o ierarhie proprie, prin numirea unui
arhiepiscop la Bucureti i un episcop
la Iai. Dac n cazul bisericii
ortodoxe, doctrina teologic se poate
concilia uor cu sistemul de drept,
biserica romano-catolic vroia s fie
considerat ca singura Biseric n stat,
cu excluderea celorlalte culte.
Chiar dac anii 1870 sunt
marcai de ascensiunea doctrinelor
socialiste, liberalismul va fi cel care
va diviza catolicii. Catolicii
intransigeni-reprezentani n Frana
de Louis Veuillot, ziarul LUnivers,
Monseniorul Pie, episcop de Poitiers,
Dom Gueranger, abate de Solesmes-
au format un grup de influen n jurul
papei ce dorea ca Biserica catolic s
i recapete privilegiile de altdat12.
Lor li se vor opune catolicii liberali
care cer statului s adopte o
neutralitate binevoitoare, cernd
credincioilor romano-catolici s se
mulumeasc cu libertatea comun13.
Dup proclamarea doctrinei
concepiei imaculate a Mariei, papa
Pius al XIX-lea a observat
naionalismul i liberalismul politic al
vremii, ce nu convenea intereselor
bisericii catolice. n aceste condiiii,
sub presiunea mai multor episcopi,
Pius al XIX-lea va lua poziie prin
proclamarea a dou documente pe 8
11
Lazr Iacob, op. cit., p.108.
12
Jean Comby, Lets Read the History of
the Church, Vol. 2, Editura
Arhiepiscopiei Romano-Catolice,
Bucureti, 2001, p. 110
13
Ibidem, p. 111
176
decembrie 1864. n enciclica Quanta
Cura, papa va condamna
raionalismul (pus n discuie n
special de filozofia lui Kant care
afirma c nu putem ajunge la
Dumnezeu cu ajutorul raiunii),
galicanismul, socialismul i
liberalismul.
Papa va altura acestei enciclice
un catalog Syllabus (Compendiu de
greeli) care cuprinde optzeci de
propoziii condamnate. n aceast
lucrare, papa a condamnat formele
noi de filozofie ca idealismul, cu
tendina lui spre panteism, tolerana n
religie, separarea bisericii de stat,
socialismul, societile biblice,
sistemul de coli seculare, afirmaia
c papa nu are putere secular14. Sunt
condamnate urmtoarele afirmaii:
55. Biserica trebuie s fie
separat de stat i statul separat de
Biseric.
77. n epoca noastr, nu mai
este util ca religia catolic s fie
considerat ca unica religie a
statului, excluznd toate celelalte
culte.
79. Este fals afirmaia
conform creia libertatea civil a
tuturor cultelor ca i deplina putere
lsat tuturor de a-i manifesta
deschis i public toate gndurile i
toate opiniile conduc mai uor
popoarele ctre coruperea
moravurilor i a spiritului i ctre
extinderea ciumei indiferentismului.
80. Pontiful roman poate i
trebuie s accepte i s fac concesii
progresului, liberalismului i
civilizaiei moderne.
14
Earle E. Cairns, Christianity Through
the Ages. A History of the Christian
Church, Editura Dragostea lui Dumnezeu
n aciune, Chiinu, 1992, p. 386
 n esen, Syllabus condamn
libertatea contiinei i egala
ndreptire a cultelor, pornind de la
ideea coexistenei mai multor culte n
stat, pentru a evita un ru mai mare.
De altfel, n 1863, n Quanto
conficiamur, continuare la Quanto
cura, a proclamat concepia unam
sanctum, adic fiecare credincios se
poate mntui doar n cadrul bisericii
romano-catolice.
Dac n cadrul bisericii
ortodoxe, clerul nu urmrea o
superioritate fade stat i nu lupta
nici mpotriva libertii de contiin,
clerul catolic din Romnia nu va
constitui un corp independent, ci va fi
o parte constitutiv integrant a
Bisericii Universale sub jurisdicia
capului suprem-Papa, care nu este i
nici nu poate fi supus unei alte
autoriti lumeti. La 18 iulie 1870, a
fost proclamat constituia Pastor
Aeternus cu 533 voturi pentru i 2
contra care coninea, n principal,
afirmarea ntietii pontificale:
Proclamm i declarm c Biserica
roman are, asupra tuturor
celorlalte, din porunca Domnului, un
primat de putere ordinar, i c
aceast putere de jursdicie a
Pontifului roman, ntr-adevr
episcopal, este imediat...Aceast
putere a Suveranului Pontif nu
mpiedic n nici un fel puterea de
juriscie epsicopal ordinar i
imediat....
Esena hotrrii votate de
conciliu a fost c atunci cnd papa
vorbete ex cathedra, n calitate de
conductor al bisericii pe pmnt, n
legtur fie cu credina, fie cu morala,
orice declar este considerat a fi
infailibil i trebuie s fie acceptat de
credincioi ca dogm de crezut,
pentru a putea primi mntuirea pe
pmnt.
n practica teologic, doctrina
va accentua ntietatea papei n
ierarhia bisericii catolice i va face ca
viitoarele concilii s nu mai fie
necesare, deoarece el este acum
autoritatea final n ceea ce privete
credina i morala. Un vicariat
apostolic este menionat la Bacu
ncepnd cu anul 1580. La 27 aprilie
1883, prin scrisoarea apostolic
Praecipuum munus, a ridicat
Vicariatul Apostolic al Valahiei la
rangul de Arhiepiscopie, cu reedina
la Bucureti. Pe lng Arhidieceza
catolic Bucureti (cu 34 biserici
urbane i 52 rurale, 40 preoi i
70.089 credincioi), la Iai va lua
fiin o alt diecez catolic cu 4
decanate care nsumau 19 biserici
urbane i 277 rurale, cu 47 preoi i
75.624 credincioi15.
nfiinarea Arhiepiscopiei a fost
solicitat de guvernul romn,
tratativele fiind purtate de Ion
Blceanu, ministrul romn la Viena.
Primul titular al Arhiediecezei a fost
numit Iganatie Paoli din Congregaia
Pasionitilor, care n anul 1870 era i
episcop de Nicopole i Administrator
Apostolic al Valahiei. Printre
realizrile desosebite ale acestui
arhiepiscop trebuie menionat i
ncoronarea primului rege al
Romniei, Carol I, n anul 1881. Dup
moartea sa, al doilea arhiepiscop de
Bucureti a fost numit Paul Iosif
Palma, tot din Congregaia
Pasionitilor, numit de Papa Lon al
XIII-lea la 19 mai 1885. ncepnd cu
anul 1892, arhidieceza a fost condus
15
Manuela Gheorghe, Religie i
schimbare social n Romnia, Editura
Fundaiei AXIS, Iai, 2004, p. 94
177
de Vicarul General P. Basilius
Laureri, numit de Sfntul Scaun n
calitate de Administrator Apostolic.
La 14 ianuarie 1884, Papa Leon al
XIII-lea l-a numit Arhiepiscop de
Bucureti pe Otto Zardetti care a
ctigat n scurt timp simpatia Regelui
Carol I i a personalitilor din
Bucureti. Dup demisia sa din anul
1895, Papa l numete pentru puin
timp ca Administrator al
Arhiediecezei pe episcopul de Iai pe
Dominique Jaquet. La 31 martie
1896, Arhiepiscop de Bucureti va fi
numit Francisc Xaveriu de Hornstein
cu o important contribuie n
domeniul reorganizrii
nvmntului catolic, prin
construcia a 11 coli n Bucureti.
Dup o scurt vacan a Scaunului
Episcopal, Arhidieceza de Bucureti
va fi condus de Vicarul Capitular
Joseph Baud, iar la 16 septembrie
1905, pe Raymond Netzhammer,
clugr benedictin, pe atunci canonic
onorar de Bucureti i rector al
Colegiului Grecesc din Roma, care a
nfiinat o coal elementar i un
gimnaziu, a pus bazele Societii
Catolicilor din Bucureti, a construit
pentru credincioii greco-catolici o
biseric Sfntul Vasile. Un aspect
important al activitii sale
arhiepiscopale l reprezint studiile
importante n domeniul arheologiei
cretine.
Aadar, nu se poate vorbi
despre libertatea religioas i regimul
juridic al cultelor fr a vedea care
sunt punctele care apropie i cele care
separ principalele culte
(ortodoxismul i catolicismul) din
perspectiva devenit tradiional
pentru unitatea Bisericii: unitatea
mrturisirii de credin, unitatea
cultului i unitatea canonic.
Bibliografie selectiv:
1. Cairns, Earle E., Cretinismul de-
a lungul secolelor. O istorie a
bisericii cretine, Chiinu,
Editura Dragostea lui Dumnezeu
n aciune, 1992
2. Comby, Jean, S citim Istoria
Bisericii, Vol. 2, Bucureti,
Editura Arhiepiscopiei Romano-
Catolice, 2001
3. Gheorghe, Manuela, Religie i
schimbare social n Romnia,
Editura Fundaiei AXIS, Iai,
2004
4. Gheorghe, Manuela, Religie i
schimbare social n Romnia,
Iai, Editura Fundaiei AXIS,
2004
5. Hitchin, Keith s, Romnii 1866-
1947, Editura Humanitas,
Bucureti, 1996
6. Iacob, Lazr, Stat i Biseric n
Ortodoxia, volumul I, Tipografia
Crilor Bisericeti, Bucureti,
1942
7. Irineu (Mitropolitul Moldovei i
Sucevei), Teologia lupttoare,
Bucureti, Editura Cugetarea-
Georgescu Delafras, 1941
8. Nicolau, Pompiliu, Misiunea
Bisericii noastre naionale n
lucrarea Arhiereului Irineu
Mihlcescu i Emilian Vasilescu,
Aprarea credinei, Bucureti,
Editura Cugetarea, 1941
9. Pcurariu, Mircea, Istoria
Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, vol.3,
Editura Institutului Biblic i de
Misiune al Bisericii Orrtodoxe
Romne, Bucureti,1981
10. Stniloaie S., Ionescu Ion,
Pcurariu Mircea; Cincizeci de
ani de la Unirea Transilvaniei cu
Romnia. Contribuia clerului
178
romn la luptele poporului romn 11. Vintilescu, Petre, Preotul i
pentru libertate naional i politica, Tipografia Artistica,
unitate n Biserica Ortodox Piteti, 1926
Romn (Buletinul Oficial al 12. *** D.A.N.I.C. (Direcia
Patriarhiei Romne), Anul Arhivelor Naionale Istorice
LXXXVI, Nr. 11-12, noiembrie- Centrale), Fond Ministerul
decembrie 1968, Bucureti, Cultelor i Instruciunii Publice,
Editura Institutului Biblic i de dosar 234/1867, f. 35
misiune ortodox

179
 The religious liberty and the legal status of the cults. The opportunities
and the limits of a social-theological debate in Romania in the beginning
of the XXth century
Abstract: The article intends to
analytically decrypt the way in which
the orthodox and catholic clergy have
accompanied the modernisation
process of Romania, to present the
ideological currents which have defined
the attitude of the priests in what was
called the fight for the national ideal
and the unification of the Romanians in
a single state. In all these debates, the
religious freedom and the status of the
cults have reflected their capacity to
adapt to the new requirements of
modern development of Romania.
Key words: religious freedom, legal
status, state, church, Constitution
The formation of modern
Romania and the attainment of the
national ideal have also been reflected
in the capacity of the Orthodox and
Catholic clergy to attract subjects who
have dedicated their entire work to
attaining this ideal. The
representatives of the clergy of the
Romanian Orthodox Church have
always offered a constant spiritual
support in the development of the
events relating to the Revolution of
1848, the Unification of the
Principalities and the election as Lord
of Alexandru Ioan Cuza, the war of
Independence of 1877-1878, the
peasant rebellions of 1907 and the
First World War, 1916-1918.
180
Lect.univ.dr. Anca Parmena OLIMID
University of Craiova
parmena2002@yahoo.com
During the XIXth century, the
modern principle of the separation of
the church from the state does not
take aggressive forms in Romania.
Also, the religious tolerance and
freedom have been the basis of the
formation of the Orthodox Church as
a state institution. Along the history
of the Romanian people, the
Romanian Orthodox Church has been
the keeper of the religious traditions,
the organiser of the moral and ethnic
life of the Romanian nation and of its
heritage, often being called the
National Church1. The Metropolitans
of that time understood the role of the
church in the maintaining of the
national spirit and in the entire
cultural life2. An important work,
published in 1904, The Orthodox
Church and the Foreign Cults of the
Romanian Kingdom, noted that
Always in the course of time, since
there is the state life of the
Romanians, the Orthodox Church has
been a national Church and the
Church of the state.
1
Pompiliu Nicolau, Misiunea Bisericii
noastre naionale n lucrarea Arhiereului
Irineu Mihlcescu i Emilian Vasilescu,
Aprarea credinei, Editura Cugetarea,
Bucureti, 1941, p.197
2
Manuela Gheorghe, Religie i
schimbare social n Romnia, Editura
Fundaiei AXIS, Iai, 2004, p. 89
 The religious and economic
evolution in the middle of the XIXth
century and the beginning of the XXth
have opened a door in the traditional
structure of the rapports between
state, society and individual. In these
conditions, the Catholicism had to go
through a historical process that
would last all throughout the XIXth
century, originating in an ensemble of
changes that gave way to a new
perception of politics and religion,
and consequently also influenced the
evolution of the relationship between
the public authority and the
institutions of faith. The second
matter exclusively concerned the field
of politics and neglected what was
specifically religious, meaning faith,
with all of its consequences on the
lives and behaviour of the believers.
The tight bond between the
Church and the nation, present within
the Orthodox Church, is based on the
principle that gave the Orthodox
Church the character of national
Church, meaning that every nation,
even if it is not united into an
independent state, has: a national
language as cult language ruled by its
synod, its Church with a national
clergy, an Ecumenical Patriarchy and
relationships imposed by the canons3.
Establishing the ancient
tradition of understanding and
complete solidarity between the
Church and the State, The
Constitution of 1866 gave the
Orthodox Church the position of
dominant Church in the Romanian
state. After long debates, the
3
Irineu (The Metropolitan of Moldova
and Suceava), The Fighting Theology,
Bucharest, Editura Cugetarea-Georgescu
Delafras, 1941, p. 210
181
following Constitutional formula has
been established: The Romanian
Orthodox Church being the religion
of the majority of the Romanian
people is the dominant Church of the
Romanian state4. The Doctrine of the
Orthodox Church concerning its
relationship with the state excludes
the possibility of a conflict caused by
the Church. Actually, in the evolution
of the Orthodox Church one does not
find any major conflicts caused by the
Church, because its relationship with
the state is circumscribed to its
situation in the Byzantine Empire,
that is of State Church. The
contribution of the Romanian
orthodox clergy to the maintaining
and intensifying of the national
conscience is illustrated by the
inclusion of the Romanian language
into the Church. There was a spoken
Romanian Christian language which
contributed to the maintaining of a
personal and unitary Romanian
language, because the content of the
religious texts was circulating orally
and had acquired a vivid sonor
harmony5. The use of the Romanian
language in the church has not been
subjected to any religious or
4
Lazr Iacob, Stat i Biseric n
Ortodoxia, volumul I, Tipografia Crilor
Bisericeti, Bucureti, 1942, p. 108
5
S. Stniloaie, Ion Ionescu, Mircea
Pcurariu, Cincizeci de ani de la Unirea
Transilvaniei cu Romnia. Contribuia
clerului romn la luptele poporului
romn pentru libertate naional i
unitate n Biserica Ortodox Romn
(Buletinul Oficial al Patriarhiei Romne),
Anul LXXXVI, Nr. 11-12, noiembrie-
decembrie 1968, Editura Institutului
Biblic i de misiune ortodox, Bucureti,
p. 1292
theological reform, but was mostly a
national wish, a spiritual revolution of
the Orthodoxy of that time. In parallel
with the internal measures, externally
a lively activity was taking place for
the maintenance of the canonical
nature of the Romanian Orthodox
Church and its acquiring of an
autocephalous nature.
On 3 December 1864, the
organic Decree is given for the
foundation of a central synodic
authority. In article 2 it was stated
that the formation of a general synod
of the Romanian Church, comprised
of metropolitans and eparchial
bishops, of the titular Romanian
Archpriests, of the deans of the
Faculties of Theology of Bucharest
and Iai (which didnt exist at the
time) and three representatives of
every eparchy, for three sessions,
chosen by the secular clergy, among
the secular priests and the laics with
theological studies. The Synod was
going to be ruled by the Metropolitan
of Ungrovlahia, who, since 11 June
1865, received the title of Patriarch
of Romania6. The organic Decree was
completed with two new regulations:
The Regulation for the election of the
members of the general Synod of the
Romanian Church and The Interior
Regulation of the general Synod. The
three new regulations bear the
common name of The Synodic Law.
In December 1872, the Organic Law
of the Romanian Orthodox Church is
given, founding the Holy Synod of
the Romanian Orthodox Church,
6 Church, one can identify an
Mircea Pcurariu, Istoria Bisericii
Ortodoxe Romne, vol.3, Editura
Institutului Biblic i de Misiune al
Bisericii Orrtodoxe Romne,
Bucureti, 1981, p. 123
182
meant to maintain the dogmatic and
canonical unity with the ecumenical
Church.
The recognising of the
autocephaly of the Romanian
Orthodox Church intensified the
correspondence with the ecumenical
Patriarchy of Constantinople.
Following the war of Independence,
the ecumenical patriarch Ioachim III
(1878-1884) raised objections
concerning the Organic Law, but
especially the autocephaly of the
Romanian Orthodox Church,
rejecting the act of recognising it.
At the end of the XIXth century,
the correspondence between the
Romanian Orthodox Church and the
ecumenical Patriarchy did not
improve. Examples of this are: the
patriarchal letter of 10 July 1882, the
report of the bishop Melchisedec,
approved and signed by the Holy
Synod on 23 November 1882, and
given to the ecumenical Patriarchy,
the letter of the patriarch Calinic
Miclescu, of 20 April 1885, etc. On
25 April 1885, the patriarch Ioachim
IV and ten other metropolitans
recognised the autocephaly of the
Romanian Orthodox Church, dated:
April 1885. The sessions of the Holy
Synod mentioned that through this
document our church became equal to
the other churches, because in fact
this is the true meaning of the
autocephaly.
If in the case of the Orthodox
Church one can speak of a tight
connection between Church and
nation, when it comes to the Catholic
international and super-national
character which can be explained by
the following: no matter the time or
place, the religious service was taking
place in Latin; from a hierarchic and
organisational point of view the
Catholic church does not have a
pronounced national character.
The evolution of modern
Romania took place during two
centuries, starting with the XVIIIth
century, until the second half of the
XXth century, after the end of the
Second World War, being marked by
at least two major events: the first
step marks the transition of the
Romanian Principalities from the
orthodox-byzantine tradition of a
South-East European origin to the
innovative dynamism of Western
origin, and the second step marks the
formation of modern Romania7. The
moment of separation of the two
periods is delimited by the years
1866, with the passing of the
Constitution, and 1918, with the end
of the First World War.
At this point of the discussion,
it is important to mention that the first
ruling of the Constitution of 1866 is a
common norm for the Orthodox cult
and for the other cults: the insuring of
the freedom of conscience8. Through
this norm, the Romanian state was
giving every cult the freedom, as long
as practicing those cults did not
prejudice the public order and the
moral. In this sense, the Constitution
established manners of ruling: a
special law for the central synodic
authority and for the election of the
metropolitans and the bishops.
7
Keith Hitchins, Romnii 1866-1947,
Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1996, p.
1-2
8
D.A.N.I.C. (Direcia Arhivelor
Naionale Istorice Centrale), Fond
Ministerul Cultelor i Instruciunii
Publice, dosar 234/1867, f. 35
183
Guaranteeing the independence from
any foreign hierarchy, but
maintaining the unity with the
ecumenical Church of the East,
concerning the dogma, the
Constitution ensured the principles of
internal organising of the Romanian
Orthodox Church, by eliminating any
element that had nothing to do with
the spiritual purposes of the Church.
At the same time, the Constitution of
1866 insured the complete
harmonization of the collaboration
with the Eastern Orthodox Church.
The catholic theologian
Brunetire said that the Catholicism
has always considered, developed and
promoted religion as social9, thus
trying to justify the involvement of
the Catholic church in the laic affairs.
A general and official opinion,
recognised and generally accepted,
has not taken shape within the
Catholicism until much later, the
Catholicism being under the influence
of Protestantism. For this reason, in
practice, the catholic clergy is near
the Christian-social Protestantism in
what concerns the interpretation of
the political activity of the priest10.
Until the First World War, in
the entire speciality literature, apart
from the Orthodox Church, all the
other cults were called foreign
cults, and the Roman-Catholic cult
was considered the first, since the first
mentions were connected to the
presence of the missionaries
(Benedictine Monks) working for the
spreading of the Roman Christianity.
A century later, the first
evidence appears of the presence of
9
Petre Vintilescu, Preotul i politica,
Tipografia Artistica, Piteti, 1926, p. 9
10
Ibidem, p. 11
the Teutonic Knights (1211) in
Moldova. After the Tatar invasion
(1241), the first types of organisation
of the Roman-Catholic cult appear:
Catholic parishes, in Trgovite
(1300), Cmpulung (1320), a Latin
episcopate in Siret, another one in
Baia (1420). If in the case of the
Orthodox priests we can speak about
an actual involvement in the social
life of the Romanian people, in the
case of the Catholic clergy we must
correlate the internal events with the
evolution of Catholicism in the
European space, because the Papacy
has always had a constant political
attitude in its relationships with the
people. In the old Kingdom, the
Catholic faith had a small number of
believers as compared to the total
population of the country (about
174,000 after certain assessments
made in 1930) and was considered a
foreign cult. The Romanian Catholic
cult was a part of the mission
territories and was influenced by the
Congregation for the Evangelization
of Peoples11. In 1883, the Pope
created for the Romanian Catholics
their own hierarchy, by appointing an
Archbishop in Bucharest and a
Bishop in Iai. If the theological
doctrine of the Orthodox Church
could be easily reconciled with the
legal system, the Roman-Catholic
Church wanted to be the only Church
of the state, excluding the other faiths.
Even though the 1870s were
marked by the ascent of the socialist
doctrines, the liberalism will be the
one to divide the Catholics. The
intransigent Catholics represented in
France by Louis Veuillot, the paper
LUnivers, The Monsenior Pie,
11
Lazr Iacob, op. cit., p.108
184
bishop of Poitiers, Dom Gueranger,
abbot of Solesmes formed around
the Pope an influence group that
wanted the Catholic Church to regain
its past privileges12. They were
opposed to the liberal Catholics, who
asked that the state have a benevolent
neutral attitude, asking the Roman-
Catholic believers to be content with
the shared liberty13.
After proclaiming the doctrine
of Marys immaculate conception,
the Pope Pius XIX noticed the
nationalism and the political
liberalism of the time, which didnt
suit the interest of the Catholic
Church. In these conditions, under the
pressure of several bishops, Pius XIX
took a stand by creating two
documents on 8 December 1864. In
the encyclical Quanta Cura, the Pope
condemned the rationalism (brought
up especially by Kants philosophy
which said that we cant reach God
through reason), the gallicanism, the
socialism and the liberalism.
The Pope attached to this
encyclical a Syllabus catalogue (a
Compendium of errors) comprising
eighty condemned propositions. In
this work, the pope condemned the
new types of philosophy such as the
idealism, with its tendency towards
pantheism, the religious tolerance, the
separation of the Church from the
State, the socialism, the biblical
societies, the system of secular
schools, the opinion that the Pope
12
Jean Comby, Lets Read the History of
the Church, Vol. 2, Editura
Arhiepiscopiei Romano-Catolice,
Bucureti, 2001, p. 110
13
Ibidem, p. 111.
does not have secular14 power. The
following assertions are condemned:
55. The Church must be
separated from the State and the State
must be separated from the Church.
77. In our times, it is no longer
useful to consider the Catholic faith
the only religion of the state, thus
excluding every other cult.
79. It is considered false the
assertion that the civil freedom of
every cult, as well as the complete
freedom of everybody to openly and
publicly express their thoughts and
opinions pushes the peoples towards
moral and spiritual corruption and
towards the spreading of the plague
of indifferentism.
80. The Roman Pontiff can and
must accept and concede to the
progress, the liberalism and the
modern civilisation.
In essence, the Syllabus
condemned the freedom of
conscience and the equal rights of the
cults, having as a starting point the
idea of the co-existence of several
cults in the state for the avoidance of
a greater evil. Also, in 1863, in
Quanto conficiamur, a continuation to
Quanto cura, he proclaimed the
concept of unam sanctum, stating that
every believer can only receive
redemption inside the Roman-
Catholic Church.
If within the Orthodox Church
the clergy did not desire superiority in
the state and did not fight against the
freedom of conscience, the Romanian
Catholic clergy would not be
14
Earle E. Cairns, Christianity Through
the Ages. A History of the Christian
Church, Editura Dragostea lui
Dumnezeu n aciune, Chiinu, 1992,
p. 386
185
considered an independent body, but
would be an integral part of the
Universal Church under the
jurisdiction of the supreme ruler the
Pope, who is not and cannot be
subjected to any human authority. On
18 July 1870, the Pastor Aeternus
constitution was passed, with 533
votes for and 2 against, containing,
most importantly, the assertion of the
papal supremacy: We proclaim and
declare that the Roman Church has
on every other church, from Gods
will, a primacy of orderly power, and
that this power of jurisdiction of the
Roman pontiff, Episcopal in fact, is
immediate... This power of the
Sovereign Pontiff does not impede in
any way the ordinary and immediate
power of Episcopal jurisdiction...
The essence of the decision
voted by the Council is that when the
Pope speaks ex cathedra, as the leader
of the church on earth, in matters
concerning religion or morale,
anything he declares is considered
infallible and must be accepted by the
believers as a dogma, in order to
receive redemption on earth.
In the theological practice, the
doctrine will accentuate the
supremacy of the Pope in the
hierarchy of the Catholic Church and
will render any further council
unnecessary, because he is now the
final authority when it comes to faith
and morale. An apostolic vicariate is
mentioned in Bacu since 1580. On
27 April 1883, through the apostolic
letter Praecipuum munus, he
promoted the Apostolic Vicariate of
Walachia to the rank of
Archbishopry, with the residence in
Bucharest. Apart from the Bucharest
Catholic Archidiocese (with 34 urban
and 52 rural churches, 40 priests and
70,089 believers), another Catholic
diocese will be created in Iai with 4
deaneries encompassing 19 urban and
277 rural churches, with 47 priests
and 75,624 believers15.
The foundation of the
Archbishopry has been requested by
the Romanian Government, the
negotiations being made by Ion
Blceanu, the Romanian minister in
Viena. The first titular of the
Archidiocese was Iganatie Paoli of
the Congregation of the Passionists,
who in 1870 was also a Bishop of
Nicopolis and Apostolic
Administrator of Wallachia. Among
the notable accomplishments of this
archbishop we must mention the
coronation of the first king of
Romania, Carol I, in the year 1881.
After his death, the second
Archbishop of Bucharest was Paul
Iosif Palma, also from the
Congregation of the Passionists,
appointed by the Pope Lon XIII on 19
May 1885. Since 1892, the
Archidiocese was ruled by the
General Vicar P. Basilius Laureri,
appointed by the Holy See as
Apostolic Administrator. On 14
January 1884, the Pope Leon XIII
appointed as Archbishop of Bucharest
Otto Zardetti, who in a short period
won the sympathy of King Carol I
and of the important people of
Bucharest. After his resignation in
1895, the Pope appointed as
Administrator of the Archidiocese, for
a short period of time, the Bishop of
Iai, Dominique Jaquet. On 31 March
1896, the Archbishop of Bucharest
will be Francisc Xaveriu de
15
Manuela Gheorghe, Religie i
schimbare social n Romnia, Editura
Fundaiei AXIS, Iai, 2004, p. 94
186
Hornstein, who had an important
contribution to the reorganising of the
Catholic education, by building 11
schools in Bucharest. After a short
vacation of the Bishopry, the
Archidiocese of Bucharest will be
lead by the Vicar Capitular Joseph
Baud, and on 16 September 1905, by
Raymond Netzhammer, a Benedictine
monk, who was at the time a honorary
canonic of Bucharest and the rector of
the Greek College of Rome, and who
founded an elementary school and a
gymnasium, established the Society
of Catholics in Bucharest, built a
Saint Vasile Church for the Greek-
Catholic believers. An important
aspect of his activity as an
Archbishop is represented by his
studies in the field of Christian
archaeology.
Therefore, we cannot speak of
religious freedom and the legal status
of the cults without identifying the
similarities and differences between
the main cults (the Orthodoxy and the
Catholicism) from the traditional
perspective concerning the unity of
the Church: the unity of the
confession of faith, the unity of the
cult and the canonical unity.
References:
1. Cairns, Earle E., Cretinismul de-
a lungul secolelor. O istorie a
bisericii cretine, Chiinu, Editura
Dragostea lui Dumnezeu n aciune,
1992
2. Comby, Jean, S citim Istoria
Bisericii, Vol. 2, Bucureti, Editura
Arhiepiscopiei Romano-Catolice,
2001
3. Gheorghe, Manuela, Religie i
schimbare social n Romnia,
Editura Fundaiei AXIS, Iai, 2004
4. Gheorghe, Manuela, Religie i
schimbare social n Romnia, Iai,
Editura Fundaiei AXIS, 2004
5. Hitchin, Keith s, Romnii 1866-
1947, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti,
1996
6. Iacob, Lazr, Stat i Biseric n
Ortodoxia, volumul I, Tipografia
Crilor Bisericeti, Bucureti, 1942
7. Irineu (Mitropolitul Moldovei i
Sucevei), Teologia lupttoare,
Bucureti, Editura Cugetarea-
Georgescu Delafras, 1941
8. Nicolau, Pompiliu, Misiunea
Bisericii noastre naionale n lucrarea
Arhiereului Irineu Mihlcescu i
Emilian Vasilescu, Aprarea
credinei, Bucureti, Editura
Cugetarea, 1941
9. Pcurariu, Mircea, Istoria
Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, vol.3,
Editura Institutului Biblic i de
Misiune al Bisericii Orrtodoxe
Romne, Bucureti,1981
10. Stniloaie S., Ionescu Ion,
Pcurariu Mircea; Cincizeci de ani de
la Unirea Transilvaniei cu Romnia.
Contribuia clerului romn la luptele
poporului romn pentru libertate
naional i unitate n Biserica
Ortodox Romn (Buletinul Oficial
al Patriarhiei Romne), Anul
LXXXVI, Nr. 11-12, noiembrie-
decembrie 1968, Bucureti, Editura
Institutului Biblic i de misiune
ortodox
11. Vintilescu, Petre, Preotul i
politica, Tipografia Artistica, Piteti,
1926
12. *** D.A.N.I.C. (Direcia
Arhivelor Naionale Istorice
Centrale), Fond Ministerul Cultelor i
Instruciunii Publice, dosar 234/1867,
f. 35

187
 Mediul rural - spaiu social i economic de coabitare
a dou sisteme de producie
Rezumat: Acest articol vizeaz
analiza unor probleme din mediul rural
afectat de o criz prelungit. Structura
social i economic actual este
distribuit n jurul a dou axe care
fundamenteaz dou tipuri de societi.
pe de o parte lumea tradiional,
reprezentat de gospodriile rneti
supuse agresiunii dinamicii moderne a
globalizrii, persist nc n
detrimentul intereselor economice ale
membrilor, i cea antreprenorial,
reprezentat de adepii modernizrii
muncii n agricultur, orientat spre
profit. Piaa agricol a devenit spaiul
de confruntare public a exploataii agricole i dificulti
productorilor, comercianilor,
importatorilor i speculanilor. Direcia
actual este nesatisfctoare prin
prisma indicatorilor economici, iar
coabitarea celor dou sisteme de
producie, tradiional i modern,
reprezint o particularitate a Romniei
ca ar membr a U.E., favoriznd
jocul speculativ n detrimentul
economiei reale bazate pe
competitivitate.
Cuvinte cheie: gospodrie
rneasc, antreprenoriat, mediul
rural, economie, dezvoltare, piaa
produselor agricole, piaa de gros,
sisteme de producie
1. Gospodria rneasc -
unitate social reprezentativ
pentru satul romnesc
Mediul rural din Romnia se
afl n prezent sub influena unor
transformri profunde ale structurilor
Dr. Gabriel Pricin
Universitatea din Craiova
gpricina@yahoo.com
economice i sociale, pe fondul
modificrilor ample de natur
legislativ i politic. Pe de o parte
asistm la o dezvoltare a sectorului
privat, care deine aproape n
totalitate suprafeele de teren arabil i
mijloacele de producie, iar pe de alt
parte asistm la o structurare a
sistemelor de exploatare agricole.
Reformele legislative au
consfinit dreptul la proprietate asupra
pmnturilor pentru locuitorii
mediului rural. Peste aceast realitate
reformele economice au indus o stare
de criz generalizat a micilor
serioase pentru antreprenorii din
agricultur. Noii proprietari de
terenuri agricole s-au aflat n faa
unor alegeri dificile care presupuneau
cunotine de producere,
comercializare i investiii n
exploataiile agricole. Profitul a
devenit o noiune nou, care a intrat
n mentalul public cu nelesuri
diferite. Pentru cei fr resurse
profitul nseamn orice surs de venit
care asigur supravieuirea
gospodriei. Pentru cei care dein
capaciti de investiii, profitul are
semnificaia obinuit i definit
economic.
Spaiul social i economic
rural este mprit aadar ntre dou
categorii de productori: micii
productori tributari unor sisteme
tradiionale de producie, n care
exploataia agricol i planificarea
188
activitii graviteaz n jurul
gospodriei rneti tradiionale i
antreprenorii din agricultur care
utilizeaz, pe ct posibil, mijloace
moderne de practicare a agriculturii.
Cele dou sisteme convieuiesc
i nu n puine cazuri avem de-a face
cu suprapunerea celor dou sisteme
de producie, avnd n vedere
instituia arendei care a fost reluat n
ultimii ani. n baza acesteia,
antreprenorul ia n arend de la micii
proprietari suprafee de teren agricol
pentru a le exploata n schimbul unor
sume de bani sau produse.
Gospodria tradiional este
caracterizat de unitatea dintre spaiul
de locuit i o serie de activiti care
erau practicate mpreun de toi
membrii familiei. Acest sistem de
producie, care se regsete n
majoritatea satelor romneti i care
se bazeaz pe nevoile grupului
familial, era compensat de diverse
forme asociative care mbrcau un
caracter social i cultural
preponderent n raport cu interesul
economic. Aceste forme asociative
aveau drept funcie principal
asigurarea coeziunii grupului social,
iar ca rezultat principal solidaritatea
ntre grupurile familiale.
Productivitatea acestor
exploataii familiale se baza n mare
msur pe nevoile familiei i pe
numrul de membri aflai n
ntreinere. Reformele care au
influenat mediul rural de-a lungul
timpului, precum i viaa rnimii
romneti, au impus o serie de
modificri ale relaiilor de producie
n gospodriile rneti. Cunotinele
despre meninerea i exploatarea unei
gospodrii agricole se transmiteau pe
cale oral, din generaie n generaie
odat cu obiceiurile i tradiiile locale.
Efectele cooperativizrii i
rentoarcerea la proprietatea privat
au produso categorie de rani
lipsii de suportul cultural al
prinilor, de cunotinele practicrii
unei agriculturi de calitate, incapabili
s i nsueasc noi metode de
practicare a agriculturii.
Managementul micilor exploataii
agricole a fost inexistent expunndu-i
pe acetia diferiilor intermediari care
au beneficiat de profituri uriae n
comparaie cu micii productori. Aa
se explic i beneficiile uriae ce
revin intermediarilor n raport cu
productorii care se menin cu greu pe
linia de plutire.
n ncercarea de a gsi soluii
de meninere n funcie a
exploataiilor agricole au aprut
soluii hibride precum activitatea
combinat a membrilor familiei n
industrie i agricultur. Veniturile
realizate din activiti remunerate n
alte sectoare de activitate au fost
convertite n fonduri pentru
compensarea lipsei de lichiditi a
micilor gospodrii agricole ceea ce a
permis compensarea pierderilor
rezultate dintr-o pia ostil acestui tip
de agricultur. O alt soluie este cea
a revenirii n comunitile natale ale
celor care n perioada de masiv
industrializare au prsit satul n
cutarea unor condiii mai bune de
trai. Pensiile sunt reinvestite n
agricultur, n ncercarea de
meninere exploatailor agricole i nu
pentru realizarea de profit. O mare
parte dintre cei implicai n acest tip
de agricultur ateapt timpuri mai
bune, considernd c n anumite
perioade se va reui obinerea
profitului ntr-o astfel de gospodrie.
Implicaiile unei astfel de
agriculturi pentru economia naional,
189
n contextul actual, se regsete n
producii sczute, preuri mari la
produsele de baz, importuri masive
i la preuri mari, care se regsesc n
produsele prelucrate.
Antreprenorii din agricultur
reprezint o categorie aflat n
perioada de formare. Asumarea
riscurilor presupuse de investiia n
agricultur este mai ridicat tocmai n
regiunile n care observm i o
dezvoltare peste medie a celorlalte
sectoare de activitate. Regiunile care
sunt definite printr-o ruralitate
ridicat sunt populate de persoane cu
o aversiune ridicat la risc, iar
popularitatea antreprenorilor este
sczut. Paradoxul unei astfel de stri
de fapt se regsete n apariia n
aceste zone, n special regiunea Sud-
Vest- Oltenia, a unei categorii de
intermediari, deintori de mijloace de
producie, care presteaz servicii
ctre micii proprietari de pmnt,
propagndu-se pe mai departe o
form de dependen a acestora de
preurile impuse de prestatori. Puterea
de negociere i libertatea de micare
pe piaa produselor alimentare este
redus n cazul proprietarilor care i
epuizeaz o mare parte din resurse
pentru achitarea serviciilor de care au
beneficiat i care impun preurile prin
monopol sau nelegeri de tip cartel.
Dependena agricultorilor de
piaa liber este relevat de
organizarea actual a sistemului
economic care nu sprijin micii
agricultori ci i face dependeni de
micarea pieei. Unul dintre efectele
nedorite ale acestei involuii este
creterea populaiei neremunerate din
mediul rural, apariia i creterea
ponderii unei categorii de persoane
apte de munc a crei principal
activitate este aceea de a lucra pentru
190
asigurarea hranei zilnice. Pentru cei
aflai ntr-o situaie oarecum
avantajoas, beneficiind de extra-
resurse provenite din munca n afara
gospodriei rneti, apar o serie de
probleme care le depesc puterea
actual: integrarea pe piaa produselor
agricole. n cele mai multe cazuri
aceasta se reduce la cantiti mici de
produse, provenite din grdinrit, pe
pieele agro-alimentare ale oraelor.
Producia de cereale nu poate fi
vndut dect n sistemul creat i
iniiat de intermediari n care singurii
pgubii sunt productorii.
2. Piaa produselor agricole
din Romnia
Piaa este mijlocul de
reglementare a cererii i ofertei.
Meninerea acestei relaii n echilibru
aduce profit pentru toi juctorii de pe
piaa respectiv. n cazul Romniei
piaa produselor agricole nu s-a
dezvoltat dup anul 1989 n direcia
unei funcionri echilibrate, existnd
o serie de participani care au obinut
avantaje din disfuncionalitile
manifestate. Cei care au avut de
pierdut datorit capacitii reduse de a
interveni pe pia au fost productorii.
Intermediarii au reuit s i impun
interesele pe piaa produselor agricole
manevrnd n permanen n
achiziionarea produselor din import
sau de la productorii autohtoni.
Alternarea furnizorilor, sau
achiziionarea de produse n cantiti
mai mici dect cele oferite de un
productor a permis impunerea unei
politici de preuri care s convin
intermediarilor. Rezultatul a fost
excluderea micilor productori de pe
piaa agricol.
 Prevederile legislative menite
reglementrii pieei produselor - pieele produselor agroalimentare, la
agricole au fost sortite eecului fie nivelul industriei alimentare
datorit apariiei tardive, fie erorilor - pieele de consum, la nivelul
strategice de implementare a acestor gospodriilor
reglementri. Pentru edificare - pieele internaionale, pentru fluxuri
punctm cteva caracteristici eseniale de export i import la nivel mondial1
cu privire la funcionarea pieei de Clasificarea pieelor destinate
produse agro-alimentare: valorificrii muncii productorilor
- obiectul pieei agricole l agricoli indic i particularitile
constituie schimburile de produse acestora: perisabilitatea produselor
agricole, iar cel al pieei reduce posibilitatea de negociere a
agroindustriale l constituie primei verigi din lanul de desfacere,
schimburile de produse agricole productorii fiind aflai n permanen
transformate de industria de sub ameninarea deprecierii
prelucrare produselor proprii i sub presiunea
- produsele agricole sunt, n renfiinrii unor noi culturi pentru
majoritatea cazurilor, produse reluarea ciclului agricol. Lipsa
eterogene, adesea perisabile sau resurselor i a unui sprijin adecvat
produsul unor transformri primare pentru cei aflai la originea pieei
minime agricole i expune aciunilor
- produsele agroindustriale speculative practicate de cei interpui
nglobeaz activiti secundare i ntre productori i utilizatorii finali.
teriare, pot fi stocate i conservate o n lucrarea citat anterior sunt
anumit perioad de timp punctate i cteva dintre cele mai
- piaa reprezint spaiul n importante caracteristici ale pieei de
care, n urma confruntrii cererii cu gros din Romnia, un exemplu al
oferta, sunt validate caracteristicile de eforturilor de organizare a cererii i
calitate i competitivitate ale ofertei. Astfel, prin HG nr. 624/1993
produselor care fac obiectul s-a reglementat nfiinarea Pieei de
schimburilor gros Bucureti, pe baza unui
- circuitele tipice: Memorandum convenit cu BERD,
1. produsul este distribuit prin instituie care a finanat proiectul cu
intermediul pieei de gros i n 25 milioane de dolari SUA. Proiectul
continuare industriei alimentare a fost sprijinit i de firma de
2. direct pieei alimentare consultan AFC din Germania
3. prin intermediul pieei de (Agriculture and Food Consultants
detaliu direct consumatorilor International)2.
- pieele care concur la transferul Din desfurarea acestui
produselor agricole alimentare din proiect de nsemntate pentru
stadiul de producie n stadiul de agricultura romneasc spicuim
consum se grupeaz, n funcie de
localizarea lor n sistemul 1
agroalimentar: Mihai Nicolescu &alii, Manualul
fermierilor pentru producia vegetal,
- pieele produselor de baz, la nivelul
Editura Universitaria, Craiova, 2007, p. 7
agriculturii 2
Idem, p. 8

191
cteva elemente care demonstreaz
disfunciile existente pe piaa
romneasc de profil:
- piaa a intrat n funciune n 1993
sub forma unei societi pe
aciuni (Piaa de Gros S.A.)
- particip 15 acionari (14
persoane juridice din care trei
bnci comerciale i o persoan
fizic)
- acionarul majoritar este AVAS
prin Societatea de strategie
pentru piaa de gros SRL
- n structura acestei piee sunt
cuprinse Piaa de gros central
Bucureti i ase centre de colectare:
Centrul de legume fructe Vidra
(Ilfov)
Centrul de colectare Movilia
(Ialomia). Care a funcionat pn n
anul 2000
Centrul de colectare Cuza-Vod
(Clrai)- care nu funcioneaz n
prezent
Centrul de colectare Brezoaiele
(Dmbovia) care funcioneaz parial
Centrul de colectare Giurgiu, care
funcioneaz parial
Centrul de colectare Mihileti
(Arge), care nu funcioneaz3
n urma derulrii activitii de
organizare a pieei de gros au fost
constate o serie de disfuncionaliti
care impun o aciune coordonat
pentru soluionare:
- Piaa n general, inclusiv cea
agricol evideniaz starea
ansamblului economic naional.
- Dup anul 1989, agricultura s-a
nscris ntr-o direcie constant
descendent.
- Criza din agricultur a generat
distorsiuni pe piaa agricol, cauzat
de:
3 4
Ibidem, p. 9
- Meninerea unor structuri de
organizare i de producie care
adncesc caracterul de subzisten al
gospodriilor rneti
-Disfuncionaliti n orientarea
structurilor de producie n raport cu
cererea pe piaa intern i extern
- Lipsa condiiilor de prelucrare i
valorificare a produselor
agroalimentare
-Transferul de valoare nou creat din
agricultur spre alte sectoare pe
seama preurilor artificial stabilite la
inputurile agricole provenite din
industriile din amonte (adevrate
monopoluri de stat)
- Slaba promovare a investiiilor
strine n activiti de prelucrare a
produselor agricole
-Lipsa de stimulente pentru export
-Situaie financiar dificil a
industriilor din amonte i aval de
agricultur, care are efecte propagate
deosebit de grave asupra produciei
agricole
-Politica inadecvat de susinere
financiar a blocajului financiar i a
alocrii ineficiente a resurselo
- Lipsa sistemului de credit rural
- Infrastructura material i
4
informaional rudimentar
Printre direciile de
mbuntire a activitii avansate de
cei implicai, extrem de vagi, i fr
proiecia n viitor a aciunilor care
trebuie ntreprinse, menionm:
- Creterea cantitativ i calitativ a
produciei agricole vegetale i
animale prin valorificarea
potenialului productiv i promovarea
unor sisteme de agricultur ecologic
- Consolidarea i dezvoltarea
sectorului privat prin promovarea
unor programe de investiii
Ibidem, p.11
192
- Dotarea tehnic a agriculturii,
prin sprijinirea productorilor agricoli
n cumprarea de tractoare, maini
agricole, utilaje, echipamente, etc.
- Dezvoltarea unei piee
concureniale reale i stabile
- Promovarea unui amplu program
de dezvoltare rural n toate zonele
rii
- Crearea i modernizarea
structurilor agricole
- Atragerea capitalului strin n
condiii avantajoase
- Atingerea parametrilor minimali
de performan n domeniul
agroalimentar, la nivelul exigenelor
i cerinelor integrrii n U.E. 5
Direciile de aciune sunt
rezultatul identificrii lipsurilor
existente, fr a se identifica i
factorii care au iniiat un lan cauzal al
falimentului agriculturii, cel puin n
cazul pieei de gros, pstrndu-se un
nivel general al analizei. Reformarea
sistemelor de producie agricole sunt
dependente de importana pe care
productorii o capt n interior.
Plasarea acestora pe orbita intereselor
de grup i a aciunilor destabilizatoare
prin care se obine profit din aciuni
speculative i nu prin investiii n
producie va avea ca rezultat
meninerea preurilor de producie i
desfacere la un nivel ridicat i de
meninere a preurilor de achiziie de
la productori la un nivel care nu
permite implementarea de strategii
specifice economiei de pia n
vederea dezvoltrii reale
exploataiilor agricole.
ntre ideile privitoare la
dezvoltarea exploataiilor agricole i
situaia real din teritoriu exist o
mare discrepan, iar ideile cu privire
5 7
Ibidem, p.12
la ce ar trebui fcut nu sunt urmate de
idei despre cum ar trebui fcut.
Analizele n domeniu
completeaz cele menionate anterior.
ntr-un articol publicat n revista
Geopolitica (aprut sub auspiciile
Institutului de Sociologie al
Academiei Romne) se face o analiz
de profunzime a strii mediului rural
romnesc evideniindu-se fragilitatea
gospodriilor rneti n faa unei
piee competitive: pentru o mai bun
discriminare a gradului de dezvoltare
a agriculturii n cele 41 de judee ale
Romniei, am construit un indice
sintetic n care au fost agregate datele
privind gradul de cultivare al
pmntului gradul de dezvoltare al
sectorului zootehnic i
productivitatea.6 Rezultatele
aplicrii acestui indice au evideniat
c doar 11 judee au o economie
agricol relativ dezvoltat. Un numr
de 8 judee se afl ntr-o poziie
intermediar, din punct de vedere al
acestei ierarhii, dar care n realitate se
afl la un nivel de dezvoltare foarte
sczut, n timp ce mai mult de
jumtate dintre judee se afl sub
pragul unei minime dezvoltri a
sectorului agricol la nivel de
gospodrie.7
Principiile de funcionare ale
pieei actuale au ca rezultat
meninerea a mai mult dintre judeele
rii la un nivel de dezvoltare sczut
n sectorul agricol. Modificarea
acestei stri de lucruri depinde de
a intervenia extern, capacitatea de
echilibrare n baza raportrii interne a
cererii i ofertei avnd ca rezultat
6
Institutul de Sociologie al Academiei
Romne, Geopolitica spaiului rural,
Revista Geopolitica, nr. 1(5)/2005, an IV
Idem
193
relaionarea decalibrat a principalilor
juctori.
3. Dezvoltarea
antreprenorialului din mediul rural
A doua categorie de
productori agricoli, care coexist cu
proprietarii micilor gospodrii
agricole, este vorba de antreprenori,
reprezint o categorie nou n peisajul
rural romnesc. Dei reprezint un
segment socio-profesional - definind
patronatul din agricultur, acesta este
eterogen din punct de vedere al
compoziiei.
O categorie este reprezentat
de cei care investesc n agricultur n
scopul obinerii produciei i ncearc
utilizarea pe scar larg a metodelor
moderne de producie, mecanizate i
de trecere de la agricultura extensiv
la cea intensiv. n plus, acest tip de
antreprenori sunt cei care se
orienteaz spre practicarea unor
culturi n funcie de cererea de pe
pia i care renun la culturile
tradiionale (gru i porumb) n
condiiile n care productivitatea altor
culturi este superioar. Acest tip de
productori dein capacitatea de a
adopta tehnologiile solicitate de noi
culturi.
O a doua categorie de
antreprenori este cea a intermediarilor
din agricultur. Slbiciunile pieei
agricole i lipsa reglementrilor legale
au permis formarea unei categorii de
patroni pe acest segment i
dobndirea unei fore financiare
deosebite pentru cei care speculeaz
dificultile din agricultur.
Apariia acestei categorii
patronale nu are influene pozitive
asupra mediului rural. Rezultatul este
cel al creterii beneficiilor individuale
194
fr nici o influen asupra mediului
economic local i naional. n plus,
prezena n agricultur a acestor firme
le face susceptibile de primirea
subveniilor i bonificaiilor acordate
de statul romn i instituiile
internaionale pentru sprijinul
productorilor agricoli, ceea ce i
transform n fore mpovrtoare
pentru bugetul de stat. Prezena pe
piaa muncii din mediul rural este
inexistent, iar scopul este cel al
speculaiilor financiare aductoare de
profit:
Observm astfel c,
creterea ponderii patronatului nu este
acompaniat, aa cum ne ateptam, de
sporirea muncii salariate (aceasta
scade de la 55,6% la 32,7%, ntre
1991-1997). Patronatul nou aprut nu
se implic nici n sporirea
ntreprinderii moderne: ponderea
forei de munc implicat aici,
precum am vzut, a sczut
spectaculos- de la 5,2% n 1991 la
0,8% n 1997. Lipsa unei legturi
ntre creterea patronatului i o
eventual cretere a muncii salariate
la sate ar putea fi ns explicat prin
observarea rolului pe care acest
patronat i-l asum, cel mai probabil
acela de intermediere ntre marfa de
subzisten a gospodriei rneti i
angrositii de la orae. Patronatul
rural este integrat n economia
monetar prin intermediul celor din
urm. Banii se opresc n ca mai mare
parte la acest patronat, iar o parte
infim este returnat lucrtorului
familial neremunerat, de unde i
denumirea acestei categorii rurale.8
8
Ilie Bdescu, Structura social i clasa
intermediarilor n mediul rural. Dictatura
oligarhiei financiare i agricultura de
 Acest tip de intermediari este
destul de rspndit n satele
romneti, ns poate fi apreciat ca
prezent n baza conjuncturii actuale.
n diferite proporii putem aprecia c
exist mai multe tipuri de antreprenori
care au un rol important n
dezvoltarea mediului rural.
Responsabilii sociali se afl n faa
unei provocri majore: aceea de a
favoriza prin prevederi legislative i
faciliti economice pe cei care au un
rol pozitiv n dezvoltarea
comunitilor locale, n condiiile n
care regulile pieei sunt respectate.
Diferena dintre cei care investesc n
mediul rural este dat de inteniile pe
care le au fa de activitatea agricol,
de investiiile efectuate n agricultur
i de proiectele demarate, un rol
important fiind cel al duratei acestor
proiecte. Caracteristica principal a
intermediarilor din agricultur este
orientarea ctre profitul imediat, fr
existena unui plan de afaceri sau de
investiii.
Cercetri anterioare au
realizat o clasificare a tipului de
antreprenori din Romnia.
Antreprenorul total9 este cel care
investete n producia agricol.
Pentru aceasta folosete tehnologii
moderne, investete n utilaje i
culturi noi. Activitatea este proiectat
pe termen lung i nu vizeaz profitul
pe termen scurt. Al doilea tip este cel
al antreprenorului potenial10, care
cuprinde persoanele ce intenioneaz
s investeasc ntr-o ntreprindere
subzisten (familial), Rev. Sociologie
Romneasc, nr. I, anul 1999, p. 58
9
Dumitru Sandu, Cine sunt antreprenorii
din agricultura de tranziie?, n revista
Sociologie Romneasc, nr. I, anul 1999
10
Idem
195
agricol. Activitatea economic a
acestor persoane este redus i
depinde de hotrrea care urmeaz a
fi adoptat. Antreprenorul
speculativ11 este centrat pe vnzri.
Acesta activeaz n mediul rural dar
nu este dependent doar de producia
agricol din zona de domiciliu.
Numrul acestor persoane este destul
de ridicat, iar activitile speculative
din prezent sunt destul de numeroase
n raport cu eforturile destinate
produciei agricole. Alturi de aceste
categorii n agricultura romneasc
activeaz agricultorii de autoconsum
care au un comportament propriu i
nu particip la piaa de profil ca
ageni economici ci doar sunt orientai
spre autoconsum.
Creterea numeric a unuia
sau a altuia dintre aceste categorii
deja sintetizate, depinde de cadrul
economic i legal, care poate inhiba
sau favoriza dezvoltarea categoriei
antreprenorilor totali. Aceast
categorie ar putea fi soluia
ameliorrii crizei din mediul rural
prin impactul pozitiv pe care l au
asupra economiei locale i a locurilor
de munc din comunitile rurale.
Fora financiar acumulat de
intermediarii agricoli se observ i din
eecul managementului centrelor de
gros care s-au dovedit incapabile s
se integreze pe o pia care i-a
dobndit ritmuri proprii de
funcionare. Reiterarea ideii unor
centre de gros fr intervenia n
reglementarea pieei actuale va avea
acelai destin ca i cea anterioar,
ntruct nu lipsa unei piee a
produselor agricole afecteaz mediul
rural ci modul n care funcioneaz
piaa deja existent.
11
Idem
 Resursele utilizate pentru
crearea unei piee sunt sortite eecului
n lipsa unei culturi a economiei de
pia europene. Trocul, schimburile n
natur, producia pentru autoconsum
reprezint elemente care nu fac parte
din strategiile fermierilor europeni i
nu sunt sprijinite de politicile
economice destinate agriculturii.
Planul naional de dezvoltare
2007-2013 evideniaz punctele slabe
ale agriculturii romneti incapabil
s asigure necesarul de produse
pentru piaa intern. Soluia rezid n
creterea importurilor. Conform
acestui document,12 contribuia
agriculturii n formarea produsului
intern brut (PIB) i a valorii adugate
brute (VAB) este n declin constant.
O explicaie a acestui declin este dat
de dinamica sporit a sectoarelor de
activitate non-agricole. O alt
explicaie rezult din scderea
productivitii n agricultur datorat
reformelor necompetitive
implementate n acest sector de
activitate.
Balana importuri-exporturi
este negativ, datorit scderii
produciei agricole la o serie de
produse, n special la produsele
animale. Principalele produse
importate au fost cele din carne, tutun
, zahr, preparate alimentare, fructe,
cereale (n anii cu secet), cafea i
ceai, grsimi i uleiuri, conserve din
legume i fructe13.
Capacitatea de absorbie a
forei de munc n sectorul agricol a
devenit din ce n ce mai mic datorit
dispariiei de pe piaa agricol a
12
Guvernul Romniei, Planul naional de
dezvoltare 2007-2013, decembrie 2005
13
Ibidem, p. 172
196
principalilor angajatori: fostele IAS,
GOSTAT i CAP.
Odat cu scderea ocuprii
forei de munc a aprut o nou
categorie de populaie: aceea a
lucrtorilor agricoli neremunerai.
Fragmentarea suprafeelor agricole a
dus la apariia a 4.462.221 mii de
gospodrii individuale cu o suprafa
medie de a exploataiei agricole de
1,73ha, din totalul de 4.484. 893
exploataii agricole14.
Reformele economice i cele
sociale impun efectuarea unei paralele
ntre situaia de facto i principiile
economiei de pia datorit unui mare
segment de populaie proprietar pe
mici suprafee de teren care nu deine
mijloacele de producie modern i
nici cunotinele manageriale
necesare unei activiti profitabile.
n concluzie, regiunile de
dezvoltare din Romnia au fost
supuse unei game variate de influene
odat cu transformrile de natur
politic i economic. Noile provocri
au fost ridicate de dificultile
ntmpinate de fiecare regiune, iar
capacitatea de adaptare a fost diferit,
n funcie de specificul fiecrei
regiuni.
O parte dintre regiuni, s-au
adaptat prin exploatarea eficient a
propriilor oportuniti i s-au integrat
rapid pe un trend evolutiv. Alte
regiuni au pendulat o perioad mai
mare de timp ntre tendine
conservatoare i reformele impuse de
economia de pia, astfel c integrarea
n curentul nnoitor s-a produs cu
ntrziere. Dificultile astfel aprute
au devenit la rndul lor obstacole n
calea dezvoltrii. Acestea au
contribuit la ntrzierea reformelor
14
Ibidem, p. 174
care ar fi putut menine la un nivel
mai redus disparitile regionale.
Experienele fiecrei regiuni
de dezvoltare sunt diferite, dar
generatoare de cunoatere pentru
ameliorarea indicatorilor economici i
sociali din regiunile rmase n urm.
Aceast ierarhizare a regiunilor de
dezvoltare este subordonat nevoii de
analiz. Contextul internaional al
pieelor agricole are un rol important
care influeneaz piaa intern i nu
poate fi exclus din analiz.
Competitivitatea sczut a
agricultorilor romni este datorat i
contextului extern care prin libertatea
circulaiei mrfurilor intervine direct
n piaa intern. n prezent, evalum
direcia pe care se nscriu trendurile
regionale ale produciei agricole,
ntruct productivitatea la nivelul
fiecrei regiuni de dezvoltare se afl
sub nivelul celor care activeaz n
condiii similare din rile membre ale
Uniunii Europene.

Bibliografie selectiv:

1. Bdescu, Ilie, Structura

social i clasa intermediarilor n
mediul rural. Dictatura oligarhiei
financiare i agricultura de
subzisten (familial), Rev.
Sociologie Romneasc, nr. I, anul
1999
2. Guvernul Romniei, Planul
naional de dezvoltare 2007-2013,
decembrie 2005
3. Institutul de Sociologie al
Academiei Romne, Geopolitica
spaiului rural, Revista Geopolitica,
nr. 1(5)/2005, an IV
4. Sandu, Dumitru, Cine sunt
antreprenorii din agricultura de
tranziie?, n revista Sociologie
Romneasc, nr. I, anul 1999

197
 Rural areas - economic and social space of cohabitation
of two systems of production
Abstract: The present article aims to
analyze problems in rural areas
affected by a prolonged crisis. Current
social and economic structure is
distributed around two axes which
underline two types of societies. On one
hand the traditional world, represented
by rural households subject to
aggression of modern dynamics of
globalization, remains still at the
expense of economic interests of its
members, and entrepreneurship,
represented by advocates of
modernization of agricultural work,
oriented towards profit. Agricultural
market became a public confrontation
space of producers, traders, importers
and speculators. Current path is
unsatisfactory in terms of economic
indicators and the cohabitation of the
two production systems, traditional and
modern, is a particular feature of
Romania as a EU country, promoting
the speculative game at the expense of
realistic economy based on
competitiveness.
Key words: rural farm,
entrepreneurship, rural economy,
development, agricultural products
market, wholesale markets, production
systems.
1. Rural household -
representative social unit of
the Romanian village
Rural Romania is currently
under the influence of profound
transformation of economic and social
structures, amid ample legislative and
political changes. On one hand we
198
Ph.D. Gabriel PRICINA
University of Craiova
gpricina@yahoo.com
witness a development of the private
sector, which accounts for almost all
areas of arable land and the means of
production, and on the other hand we
witness a structuring of all
agricultural systems.
Legislative reforms enshrined
the right to ownership of land for
rural residents. Beyond this fact,
economic reforms have induced a
state of generalized crisis of small
farms and serious difficulties for
entrepreneurs in agriculture. New
owners of agricultural land have been
faced with difficult choices involving
the knowledge of manufacturing,
trading and investment holdings.
Profit has become a new notion,
which entered the public mind with
different meanings. For those without
resources means any source of
income to ensure survival of the
household. For those who have
investment capacity, the profit is
common and economically defined.
Rural economic and social
space is divided accordingly between
the two types of producers: small
producers tributary to traditional
production systems, in which farm
and business planning revolves
around traditional households and
entrepreneurs in agriculture using,
where possible, modern means of
farming.
The two systems coexist and
not a few cases we are dealing with
the overlap of the two production
systems, given the institution of lease
which resumed in recent years. Under
it, the entrepreneur takes on lease
from small owners areas to exploit in
exchange for money or goods.
Traditional household is
characterized by unity of living space
and a series of activities that were
practiced by all family members
together. This production system,
which is found in most Romanian
villages and based on the needs of
family group, was offset by various
associative forms who wore a social
and cultural interest mainly in relation
to the economy. These forms were
designed principally to help to social
group cohesion and solidarity among
family groups.
The productivity of these
family farms relied heavily on family
needs and the number of dependent
members. Reforms that have affected
rural areas over time and the
Romanian peasant life have led to a
series of changes in production
relations in rural households.
Knowledge about the maintenance
and operation of agricultural
households is transmitted orally from
generation to generation along with
local customs and traditions.
Effects cooperativization and
return to private ownership have
"produced" a family of peasants
lacking the cultural support of
parents, knowledge of quality farming
practice, unable to acquire new
methods of farming. Management of
small farms was absent, giving
various intermediaries the chance to
receive huge profits compared to
smaller producers.
In an attempt to find solutions
to maintain the function of the farm
"hybrid" solutions occurred, a sort of
199
combination of the family working in
industry and agriculture. Income from
paid work in other fields has been
converted into funds to offset the lack
of liquidity of small farms which
allowed compensation for losses
resulting from such hostile
agricultural market. Another solution
is the return of the native
communities that have left the village
in search of better living conditions in
the period of massive
industrialization. Pensions are
reinvested in agriculture, in an effort
to maintain agricultural exploitations
and not for making profit. Many of
those involved in this type of
agriculture expect "better times",
considering that at certain times will
be able to obtain profits in such a
household.
The implications of such
agriculture to the national economy in
the current context, are reflected in
low yields, high commodity prices,
massive imports and high prices,
which are found in processed
products.
Entrepreneurs in agriculture are
going through a period of formation.
Implication in risk-taking investment
in agriculture is very high in regions
where we see above average growth
and in other sectors. The regions that
are defined by a high rurality are
populated by persons with high risk
aversion, and the popularity of
entrepreneurs is at low rates. The
paradox for such state of affairs is
reflected in the appearance in these
areas, particularly South-West-
Oltenia, of a class of intermediaries,
owners of means of production,
providing "services" to small
landowners further shaping their
dependency of prices charged by
providers. Bargaining power and
freedom of movement to the food
market is reduced for owners who
cover most of the resources to pay for
services received and prices by
imposing a monopoly or cartel of
"cartel".
Dependence of farmers on the
free market is revealed by the
organization of the current economic
system that does not support small
farmers but it is dependent on market
movements. One of the unintended
effects of this devolution is unpaid
rural population growth, development
and increase of the share of a class of
people of working age whose main
activity is to work to ensure daily
food. For people in a situation
somewhat advantageous, with extra
resources from outside the peasant
work, a number of issues arise that
exceed the current power: market
integration of agricultural products. In
most cases this is reduced to small
quantities of products, from
gardening, agro-food markets in
cities. Cereal production can be sold
only in the system created and
initiated by intermediaries where the
only losers are the producers.
2. Agricultural products
market in Romania
The market represents the
means to regulate supply and demand.
Keeping this relationship in balance
makes it profitable for all players in
the market. Romanian market has not
developed after 1989 towards a
balanced operation, a number of
participants beneficiating from
failures manifested. Those who had
lost due to reduced capacity to
intervene in the market were the
producers. Intermediaries were able to
200
impose their interests on agricultural
products market permanently
managing import or purchase of
products from local producers.
Alternate suppliers, or purchase of
products in smaller quantities than
those offered by a manufacturer
permitted to impose a pricing to suit
intermediaries. The result was the
exclusion of small producers of
agricultural market.
The laws and regulations
intended for the market of agricultural
products were bound to fail either due
to late emergence or strategic errors in
implementing these regulations. To
build some key features of the
functioning of agro-food market we
emphasize on:
Agricultural market is the
subject of trade of agricultural
products and the agro-industrial
market is the trade of agricultural
products processed in industry;
Agricultural products are, in
most cases, heterogeneous products,
often perishable or products of the
primary minimum changes;
Agro-industrial products,
incorporating secondary and tertiary
activities, can be stored and preserved
a certain period of time;
The market is the space
where, after the confrontation of
demand and supply, quality
characteristics and competitiveness of
products traded are validated;
Typical circuits:
1. products are distributed
through the wholesale to the food
industry, or
2. directly to food market
3. through detailed market directly
to consumers
Markets for agricultural
products which contribute to transfer
from the state of production to that of
consume stage are grouped according
to their location in the agro-food
system:
1. primary markets, in
agricultural stage
2. Food product markets in the
food industry
3. Consumer markets, in
housing
4. International markets for
export and import flows worldwide1
Classification of labor markets
shows their particularities:
perishability of products reduces the
possibility of negotiating in the first
link in the chain of distribution,
manufacturers are constantly under
threat are the depreciation of their
products and then reconstituting under
new pressure the agricultural cycle.
Lack of resources and adequate
support for those at the origin of
agricultural market speculation
exposes them to intermediaries.
In the work cited above are
dashed and some of the most
important characteristics of the
wholesale market in Romania, an
example of efforts to organize supply
and demand. Thus, "by GD.
624/1993, the aim was to regulate the
establishment of the wholesale market
in Bucharest, based on a
memorandum agreed with the EBRD,
the institution which funded the
project with 25 million dollars. The
project was supported by the German
consulting firm AFC (Agriculture and
Food Consultants International).2
1
Mihai Nicolescu &alii, Manualul
fermierilor pentru producia vegetal,
Editura Universitaria, Craiova, 2007, p. 7
2 3
Ibidem, p. 8
201
In carrying out this project of
importance for the Romanian
agriculture gleaned a few items
showing existing failures on the
Romanian profile:
1. The market has become
operational in 1993 as a company
limited by shares (SA Wholesale)
2. With 15 shareholders (14
legal entities in which three
commercial banks and an individual)
3. Majority shareholder is
AVAS by Society Strategy Wholesale
LLC
4. The structure of this market
included Wholesale central Bucharest
and six collection centers:
Center fruits vegetables Vidra
(Ilfov)
Collection center Movilita
(Ialomita). Which operated until 2000
Collection center Cuza-Voda
(Calarasi) - which currently operates
Brezoaiele collection center
(River) which partially operates
Giurgiu collection center,
which partially operates
collection center Mihileti
(Arges), which does not work3
After conducting activities of
organization the wholesale business
was noted a series of failures that
require coordinated action:
The market in general,
including agricultural one, shows all
the national economic status.
After 1989, agriculture has
registered a steady downward
direction.
The crisis in agriculture has
created distortions in agricultural
markets due to:
Ibidem, p. 9
 Maintaining organizational
structure and deepen the character of
subsistence production of rural
households
Disruption of the orientation
of production structures in relation to
domestic and external demand
Lacks in the processing and
marketing of food products
Transfer of newly created
value of agriculture to other sectors at
the expense of artificially set prices of
agricultural inputs from upstream
industries (real state monopolies)
Poor promotion of foreign
investment in agricultural product
processing activities
Lack of incentives for export
Difficult financial situation of
upstream and downstream industries
of agriculture, which propagated very
serious effects on agricultural
production
Inadequate policy of
supporting the financial blockage and
inefficient allocation of resources
Lack of rural credit system
Physical infrastructure and
rudimentary information4
Among the directions for
improving the activity of those
involved advanced, extremely vague,
and with no projection of future
actions, are to be taken into
consideration:
Increase the quality and
quantity of agricultural plant and
animal production potential by
building and promoting organic
farming systems
Strengthen private sector
development by promoting
investment programs
4 5
Ibidem, p. 11
202
Technical equipment of
agriculture, supporting farmers to
purchase tractors, agricultural
machinery, equipment, etc.
Develop real competitive and
stable markets
Promoting a comprehensive
rural development program in all
areas of the country
Creation and modernization
of agricultural structures
Attracting foreign capital on
advantageous terms
Achieving minimum
performance parameters in the
agricultural and food to the demands
and requirements of EU integration5
Courses of action are the result
of identifying shortcomings, without
identifying the factors that have
initiated a causal chain of agricultural
failure, at least in the wholesale,
whilst maintaining a general level of
analysis. Reforming agricultural
production systems is dependent on
the importance of a producer gets
inside. Placing him in the orbit of
group interests and destabilizing
actions which profit from speculation
and not investment in production will
result in maintaining production and
sales prices at a high level and
purchase prices from producers to a
level which does not allow
implementation of specific strategies
to develop real farm market economy.
Among the ideas concerning
the development of farms and the
actual situation there is a large
discrepancy, and ideas about what
should be done are not followed by
ideas on how we should do.
Analysis in this field
complement the above mentioned. In
Ibidem, p.12
an article published in the journal
Geopolitics (released under the
auspices of the Institute of Sociology
of the Romanian Academy) exists a
thorough analysis of the status of the
Romanian rural environment
emphasizing the fragility of rural
households before a competitive
market. "for a better discrimination of
the degree of development of
agriculture in the 41 counties of
Romania, we constructed a synthetic
index that has aggregated data about
the extent of cultivation of land, the
state of the livestock sector and
productivity. "6 The results of this
index showed that only 11 counties
have a relatively developed
agricultural economy. A total of 8
counties are in an intermediate
position, in terms of this hierarchy,
but which in reality is at a very low
level of development, while more
than half of the counties is "below an
minimal development of the
agricultural sector at the household
level."7
Operating principles of current
market result in the maintenance of
more than half of the counties at a low
level of development in agriculture.
Changing this state of affairs depends
on external assistance, capacity
balancing based on internal reporting
of supply and demand resulting a
recalibrated linking of the main
players.
6
Institutul de Sociologie al Academiei
Romne, Geopolitica spaiului rural,
Revista Geopolitica, nr. 1(5)/2005, an IV
7
Idem
203
3. Rural entrepreneurship
development
The second category of
farmers, which coexist with the
owners of small farms is the
entrepreneurs, is a new category in
the Romanian countryside. Although
it is a socio-professional segment -
defined as employers in agriculture, it
is heterogeneous in terms of
composition.
A category is represented by
those who invest in agricultural
production and try to obtain
widespread use of modern,
mechanical methods of production
and the shift from extensive to the
intensive agriculture. In addition, this
type of entrepreneurs is those who are
guided to the practice of crops
according to market demand,
renounce at the traditional crops
(wheat and maize) in conditions in
which the productivity of other crops
is higher. Such producers have the
capacity to adopt new crop
technologies required.
A second class of entrepreneurs
is that of intermediaries in agriculture.
Agricultural market weakness and
lack of legal regulations allowed
forming a class of owners in this
segment and the acquisition of great
financial force for those who
speculate in agriculture.
The emergence of this category
of employers has no positive
influence in the countryside. The
result is the growth of individual
benefits with no impact on local and
national economic environment. In
addition, the presence of these firms
in agriculture is likely to receive
subsidies and price increases granted
by the Romanian and international
institutions to support agricultural
producers, which burdens the state
budget. The presence of the rural
labor market is nonexistent, and the
aim is that of profit-making financial
speculation:
"We see that, increasing the
share of employers is not
accompanied, as we expected, by the
increase in paid work (it dropped
from 55.6% to 32.7% between 1991-
1997). Employers do not involve in
the growth of modern enterprise: the
share of labor involved here, as we
have seen, declined dramatically-from
5.2% in 1991 to 0.8% in 1997. The
lack of a link between growth of
management and a possible increase
in paid work in the countryside may
be explained by observing the role
that employers assume; this is most
likely that of intermediary between
the peasants subsistence goods and
wholesalers in town. Patronage
integrated rural monetary economy
through the latter. Stop of the money
mostly is related to the employers,
only a tiny part is returned to unpaid
family workers, hence the name of the
category."8
This type of intermediate is
quite widespread in the Romanian
villages, but may be considered as
present in the current conjuncture. In
varying degrees we can appreciate
that there are several types of
entrepreneurs who have an important
role in rural development. Social
leaders face a major challenge: to
encourage by legislation and
8 9
Ilie Bdescu, Structura social i clasa
intermediarilor n mediul rural. Dictatura
oligarhiei financiare i agricultura de
subzisten (familial), Rev. Sociologie
Romneasc, nr. I, anul 1999, p. 58
204
economic incentives those who have a
positive role in developing local
communities, given that market rules
are followed. The difference between
those who invest in rural areas is
given by the intentions we have
towards farming, the investments
made in agriculture and the projects
started, a role being that of the
duration of the project. The main
feature of intermediaries in
agriculture is towards immediate
profit, without the existence of a
business plan or investment.
Previous inquiries have made a
classification of the type of
entrepreneurs in Romania. Total
entrepreneur9 is one who invests in
agricultural production. This uses
modern technologies, invests in
equipment and new cultures. The
work is a long term project and does
not cover short-term profit. The
second type is the potential
entrepreneurs10, including those
wishing to invest in an agricultural
enterprise. Economic activity of these
people is low and depends on the
decision to be adopted. Speculative
contractor11 is centered on sales. It is
active in rural areas but is not
dependent only agricultural
production. The number of such
persons is quite high and the current
speculative activities are quite
numerous in relation to efforts
towards agricultural production.
Along with these categories,
Romanian agriculture enables farmers
who conduct their own self-
Dumitru Sandu, Cine sunt antreprenorii
din agricultura de tranziie?, n revista
Sociologie Romneasc, nr. I, anul 1999
10
Idem
11
Idem
consumption and do not participate in
the market as economic profile but are
oriented towards self-consumption.
Growths of one or other of
these categories already synthesized,
depends on the economic and legal
framework, which may inhibit or
promote the development one
category of total contractors. This
category could be the solution to
improving rural crisis by the positive
impact they have on the local
economy and jobs in rural
communities.
Agricultural intermediaries
gained financial strength by failure of
management of the wholesale centers
that have proved unable to integrate in
a market which has acquired its
operating rates. Reiterating the idea of
wholesale centers without any
intervention in the current market
regulation will have the same fate as
the previous one, since not lack of a
market for agricultural products
affects rural areas but how the
existing market functions.
Resources used to create a
market are doomed to failure without
a culture of European market
economy. Barter, trade in nature,
production for self consumption are
not part of European farmers
strategies and are not supported by
economic policies for agriculture.
National Development Plan
2007-2013 highlighted the
weaknesses of Romanian agriculture
unable to provide products for
domestic needs. The solution lies in
increased imports. Under this
document12, the contribution of
12
Romanian Governement, Planul
naional de dezvoltare 2007-2013,
december 2005
205
agriculture in gross domestic product
(GDP) and gross value added (GVA)
is in steady decline. An explanation of
this decline is given by enhanced
dynamics of non-agricultural sectors
of activity. Another explanation
results from decreased agricultural
productivity due to non-competitive
reforms implemented in the sector.
Import-export balance is
negative, due to decreased
agricultural production in a number of
products, especially animal products.
The major imported products were the
meat, tobacco, sugar, fruit, cereal (in
years of drought), coffee and tea, fats
and oils, canned vegetables and
fruit.13
Capacity to absorb labor in the
agricultural sector has become
increasingly smaller due to the
disappearance of the major employers
of agricultural market: former IAS,
GOST and CAP.
With falling employment
emerged a new category of people:
those unpaid farm workers.
Fragmentation of agricultural land has
given rise to 4,462,221 thousands of
individual households with an average
size of farm of 1.73 ha of the total
4.484. 893 farms.14
Economic and social reforms
make absolutely necessary to carry
out a parallel between the de facto
situation and the principles of market
economy because a large segment of
the population owns small areas of
land and has no modern means of
production or management
knowledge required for profitable
activities.
13
Ibidem, p. 172
14
Ibidem, p. 174
 In conclusion, the development References:
regions of Romania have undergone a
variety of influences upon the 1. Bdescu, Ilie, Structura social i
political and economic clasa intermediarilor n mediul rural.
transformations. The new challenges Dictatura oligarhiei financiare i
were posed by the difficulties faced agricultura de subzisten (familial),
by each region and resilience Rev. Sociologie Romneasc, nr. I,
depending on the specifics of each anul 1999
region. 2. Institutul de Sociologie al
Some regions have adapted the Academiei Romne, Geopolitica
efficient operation of their spaiului rural, Revista Geopolitica,
opportunities and were quickly nr. 1(5)/2005, an IV
integrated on a progressive trend. 3. Sandu, Dumitru, Cine sunt
Other regions have swung a longer antreprenorii din agricultura de
period of time between conservative tranziie?, n revista Sociologie
trends and requirements of market Romneasc, nr. I, anul 1999
economy reforms, so that integration 4. Guvernul Romniei, Planul
occurred late. Such difficulties arisen naional de dezvoltare 2007-2013,
have also become obstacles to decembrie 2005
development. They helped to delay
reforms that could maintain a lower
level of regional disparities.
Development experiences of
each region are different, but
generating knowledge to improve
economic and social indicators in the
lagging regions. The ranking of
regions development is subject to the
need of analysis. The international
context of agricultural markets has an
important role influencing the
domestic market and cannot be
excluded from the analysis. Low
competitiveness of Romanian farmers
is due to the external context of free
movement of goods directly involved
in the domestic market. At present,
we evaluate the direction the regional
trends of agriculture fall, as
productivity in the development of
each region are below those working
in similar conditions in countries of
the European Union.

206
 Percepia social sntii
O abordare din perspectiva imaginarului social
Abstract: Voi ncerca n acest
studiu o abordare a sntii i a bolii
dintr-o perspectiv interdisciplinar,
care face referire att la studii de
sociologie i psihologie medical, ct i
la cercetri din domeniul filosofiei
imaginarului i a istoriei mentalitilor.
Trebuie s recunoatem cu aceast
ocazie c sntatea i boala nu sunt
doar fenomene medicale, ci i fenomene
sociale care beneficiaz la nivelul
imaginarului social (sau, n ali
termeni, ai incontientului colectiv) de
anumite semnificaii i imagini, nu de
puine ori ncrcate cu stereotipii i
prejudeci. Bunoar, perspectiva pe
care o avem astzi asupra bolii nu este
aceiai pe care o aveam n trecut,
sntatea, la rndul ei nu mai este
tratat astzi n aceiai termeni,
inclusiv medicali, ca n urm cu cteva
secole. O eventual explicaie la
aceast schimbare de perspectiv ar
putea fi progresul realizat de medicin,
n special n ultimul secol. Ceea ce
susin eu, ns, este c nu numai
dezvoltarea medicinii a dus la
asemenea efecte ci i imaginea pe care
o au sntatea i boala n percepia
colectiv. Ba mai mult dect att, a
putea spune c nsi evoluia medicinii
depinde de depirea unor prejudeci,
care pot aciona ca frne la nivelul
mentalitilor colective.
Cuvinte cheie: sntate, boal,
imaginar social, sociologie medical
207
tefan Viorel GHENEA
Universitatea din Craiova
gheneastefan@yahoo.com
Introducere
Voi ncerca n acest studiu o
abordare a sntii i a bolii dintr-o
perspectiv interdisciplinar, care
face referire att la studii de
sociologie i psihologie medical, ct
i la cercetri din domeniul filosofiei
imaginarului i a istoriei
mentalitilor. Trebuie s
recunoatem cu aceast ocazie c
sntatea i boala nu sunt doar
fenomene medicale, ci i fenomene
sociale care beneficiaz la nivelul
imaginarului social (sau, n ali
termeni, ai incontientului colectiv)
de anumite semnificaii i imagini, nu
de puine ori ncrcate cu stereotipii i
prejudeci. Bunoar, perspectiva pe
care o avem astzi asupra bolii nu este
aceiai pe care o aveam n trecut,
sntatea, la rndul ei nu mai este
tratat astzi n aceiai termeni,
inclusiv medicali, ca n urm cu
cteva secole. O eventual explicaie
la aceast schimbare de perspectiv ar
putea fi progresul realizat de
medicin, n special n ultimul secol.
Ceea ce susin eu, ns, este c nu
numai dezvoltarea medicinii a dus la
asemenea efecte ci i imaginea pe
care o au sntatea i boala n
percepia colectiv. Ba mai mult dect
att, a putea spune c nsi evoluia
medicinii depinde de depirea unor
prejudeci, care pot aciona ca frne
la nivelul mentalitilor colective.
Voi porni de la definirea n
termeni de specialitate a fenomenelor
de sntate i de boal n termeni
psihologici i medicali, pentru a
continua cu o abordare a acestora din
perspectiva cercetrilor asupra
imaginarului i a mentalitilor.
Aspecte sociale ale sntii i
ale bolii
Cel mai adesea sntatea i
boala sunt definite n termeni de
normalitate i de patologie. Astfel,
sntatea poate fi considerat o stare
nscris n perimetrul care definete
normalitatea existenei individului.
Sntatea nseamn, n primul rnd,
meninerea echilibrului structural al
persoanei att n perspectiva intern,
ct i n perspectiva extern, a
echilibrului adaptativ dintre individ i
mediul su ambiant concret.1
Dimpotriv, boala se caracterizeaz,
n general, prin perturbarea la diverse
nivele i din variate incidente a
structurilor funcionale ale individului
n perspectiv corporal-biologic sau
psihic-contient. Aceast perturbare
determin un minus i o dizarmonie a
ansamblului unitar al persoanei,
dificulti obiective i subiective n
prezena, adaptarea i eficiena n
cadrul vieii sociale, orientarea
existenei ntr-un sens opus adaptrii,
evoluiei i creaiei. Adic, spre
dezadaptare, involuie, moartea
nefireasc ori spre realizarea unui
defect sau a deteriorrii grave.2
Modelul medical explic starea
de sntate prin absena unor valori
biologice anormale. Cu toate c este
util prin oferirea unor posibiliti de
msurare precis a strii de sntate,
aceast perspectiv se dovedete a fi
1
Florin Tudose, Fundamente n
psihologia medical, Editura Fundaiei
Romnia de Mine, Bucureti, 2007, p.43
2
Ibidem, p. 51
restrictiv i incapabil de a cuprinde
toate atributele asociate strii de
sntate.3 A defini omul sntos prin
lispa unor maladii sau infirmiti
nseamn a raporta sntatea i boala
doar la stri corporale i a ignora
unele aspecte nu mai puin importante
care in de starea psihic i de viaa
social a individului. Mai mult dect
att explicarea sntii i a bolii n
termeni de normalitate i anormalitate
impune existena unei rupturi ntre
sensurile celor dou concepte.
Dihotomia sntate-boal poate fi
depit prin implicarea unor
elemente de natur social i
psihologic.
Astfel, conceptele de sntate
i de boal sunt considerate a fi
concepte evaluative, deoarece ele sunt
dependente de dezvoltarea cunoaterii
biomedicale, de orientrile
intelectuale ale culturii, de sistemul
axiologic al societii.4 Va exista, deci
o percepie diferit asupra strii de
sntate sau de boal, n funcie de
nivelul de dezvoltare al societii, de
i de tipul de cultur n care se
ncadreaz societatea respectiv.
Cele trei perspective
tradiionale de abordare a sntii
(biologic sau medical, psihologic
i sociologic) evideniaz, deja,
diferenele de semnificaie pe care le
presupune acest concept.
Din punct de vedere biologic,
sntatea este definit ca starea n
care se afl un organism neatins de
boal, n care toate organele, aparatele
3
Elena Iulia Mardare, Suportul social i
starea de sntate n Revista de Asisten
Social, Nr.3-4/2005, p. 109
4
Iustin Lupu, Ioan Zanc, Sociologie
medical. Teorie i aplicaii, Editura
Polirom, Iai, 1999, p.55
208
i sistemele funcioneaz normal. Din
punct de vedere psihologic, sntatea
apare ca o stare a organismului care
are capacitatea de a munci, de a studia
sau de a desfura anumite activiti
n mod eficient. Aceast stare ne ofer
posibilitatea de a avea un
comportament armonios i eficient.
Perspectiva sociologic asupra
sntii ne vorbete despre o stare a
organismului n care capacitile
individuale sunt optime pentru ca
persoana s i ndeplineasc n mod
adecvat rolurile sociale.5 Aceast
perspectiv aduce, totui, un element
de noutate: sntatea reprezint o
stare individualizat att biologic ct
i social. Percepia asupra sntii
este diferit, de exemplu, n funcie de
vrsta persoanei. O tnr de 20 de
ani este considerat sntoas dac
este capabil s alerge 8-10 km pe zi,
dar i o persoan n vrst de 70 de
ani este considerat tot sntoas,
dac este capabil s parcurg 1-2 km
pe zi. Cu alte cuvinte, sntoas este o
persoan care este capabil s
realizeze majoritatea lucrurilor pe
care i le propune n viaa cotidian.
Noiunea de boal poate fi
abordat, de asemenea din perspectiv
biologic, psihologic i social. Din
punct de vedere biologic, boala este o
stare a organismului sau a unei pri
din organism, n care funciile sunt
afectate sau deranjate datorit unor
ageni din mediul intern sau extern.
Este evident c aceast perspectiv
este limitate deoarece consecinele
strii de boal depesc disfunciile
biologice i chiar psihologice,
afectnd ntreaga via social a
persoanei. Perspectiva social asupra
bolii aduce un plus de lumin
5
Ibidem, p. 56-57
deoarece intervine aici i factorul
percepie social. Boala nu este doar o
afeciune a organismului, ea este i o
stare social alterat. De fapt ceea ce
conteaz mai mult, n opinia noastr
nu este boala ca atare ci mai ales
modul n care ea este receptat de noi
i de cei din jur. Sunt bine cunoscute
cazurile de boli stigmatizate, dar i
mai important este de tiut c boala
nsi este purttoarea unui stigmat la
nivelul societii. De multe ori
bolnavii sunt considerai deviani, ei
reprezentnd o ameninare la adresa
armoniei societii.
Sntatea i boala nu ne mai
apar, astfel, ca dou realiti absolute,
ele depinznd de perspectiva social
asupra lor. Mai mult dect att, pentru
unii teoreticieni ai medicinii, ntre
sntate i boal nu exist o frontier
obiectiv, o linie clar de demarcaie
cele dou fenomene ntreptrunzndu-
se chiar n zona lor de grani.6 Dac
din punct de vedere medical sntatea
i boala nu se difereniaz n mod
radical, cu att mai puin acest lucru
va fi evident la nivelul simului
comun. Imaginea bolnavului i a
omului sntos au suferit numeroase
mutaii, n funcie de epocile istorice
parcurse.
Perspectiva imaginarului
social
n continuare, vom ncerca s
schim o alt perspectiv asupra
fenomenelor de sntate i de boal
pornind de la ideea c percepia
social a acestora are un rol, cel puin
la fel de important, ca i manifestrile
lor biologice. Pentru a face mai
6
Ioan Andronic, Psihologia general i
psihologia medical, Editura Sitech,
Craiova, 2004, p.164
209
operativ aceast abordare vom apela
la termenul de imaginar. Acest
termen apare tot mai des n lucrri de
specialitate din filosofie, istorie,
istoria religiilor, psihologie sau
sociologie.7 Imaginarul nu trebuie
confundat cu imaginaia el este vzut
cel mult ca un produs al acesteia, un
set de imagini, idei i simboluri care
dei i aparin omului sunt transpuse
asupra lumii determinnd o re-
prezentare a acesteia. Imaginarul nu
este mai puin real ca realitatea nsi
ci doar un alt fel de realitate, una
mental. Tocmai de aceea nu trebuie
sa confundm imaginarul cu
fantasticul sau cu iluzoriul deoarece
realitatea sa este dat de faptele i
gndurile noastre. Dincolo de
utilizrile, de cele mai multe ori
diferite ca semnificaie ale
termenului, trebuie s remarcm
redescoperirea odat cu imaginarul a
unei laturi a naturii umane de multe
ori uitat si marginalizat. Imaginarul
ne ofer posibilitatea unei nelegeri
mai profunde a modului nostru de
raportare la realitate. Prin intermediul
imaginilor, a miturilor, al simbolurilor
putem redescoperi semnificaii
ascunse, care, odat scoase la lumin,
ne pot fi utile n nelegerea locului
nostru n lume. Dei, prezena
imaginarului poate fi mai uor de
detectat n religie sau n literatur nu
trebuie neglijat rolul acestuia la
nivelul comportamentelor i sistem de mentaliti, ne poate oferi o
7
Dintre cei care s-au ocupat cu studiul
imaginarului amintim pe Gaston
Bachelard, Gilbert Durand,
J-J.Wunenburger, n filosofie i mult for fizic, dar are i anse mai
antropologie, n istorie pe Jacques Le
Goff, Georges Duby, Jean Delumeau, iar
in istoria religiilor remarcm contribuiile
lui Mircea Eliade i pe cele ale lui Henry
Corbin
210
atitudinilor sociale i, de ce nu, la
nivelul simului comun. n societate
interacionm unii cu ceilali nu doar
prin intermediul unor fapte i idei
explicite ci i prin intermediul unor
imagini i simboluri adnc
nrdcinate n incontientul colectiv.
Toate acestea se manifest n viaa de
zi cu zi, n relaiile cu ceilali i n
aciunile pe care le ntreprindem.
Putem vorbi, deci despre un imaginar
social care guverneaz toate aceste
relaii i aciuni. Imaginarul social,
care reprezint un produs al
contiinei sociale, are drept efect
degajarea unei ntregi lumi de
sentimente i imagini, care
funcioneaz dup legi specifice.
Dup E.Durkheim, aceste imagini i
sentimente au posibilitatea de a se
atrage reciproc, de a se respinge, dar
i de a fuziona i a se prolifera, dnd
natere reprezentrilor colective, care
sunt produsul vieii sociale.8
Imaginarul, configureaz o
imagine n oglind a realitii
cotidiene, profund legat de aspectele
trupului i ale strii sale de sntate.
Putem vorbi despre un imaginar al
corpului n care imaginea sntii i
a bolii joac un rol important. O
abordare istoric ne poate ilustra
semnificaia pe care aceste imagini o
au asupra constituirii mentalitilor
societii respective. Imaginea asupra
trupului, specific unei epoci, unui
percepie social asupra sntii. n
societile arhaice, mai apropiate de
natur, imaginea trupului poate stabili
ierarhia social: cel sntos are mai
8
Emile Durkheim, Formele elementare
ale vieii religioase, Editura Polirom, Iai,
1995, p. 388
mari de a accede la putere n plan
social. Asistm la un transfer al
puterii, de la nivelul corporal,
guvernat de starea de sntate, la cel
social. Starea de sntate definete i
raportarea la sacru. Sacralitatea este
asociat cu starea de sntate, pe cnd
boala este un semn al impuritii. n
antichitatea greac i roman
sntatea corporal este nu doar un
semn al frumuseii ci i un semn al
unei armonii sufleteti, maxima
latin: mens sana in corpore sano,
fiind ilustratoare n acest sens. Limba
greac a dat, de asemenea, natere
unei expresii ilustrative, n acest sens.
Kalocagathia reprezint simbioza
perfect ntre frumuseea corporal i
cea spiritual. Binele i frumosul
coexist i dau natere unei naturi
umane desvrite. Aceast armonie
ntre corporal i moral devine un
adevrat ideal educativ.
Reflectnd asupra imaginarului
medieval, Jacques Le Goff sugereaz
c imaginarul colectiv este ancorat n
atitudinile fa de trup i ideologiile
generate de aceste atitudini.9 Evul
Mediu fixeaz n imaginarul colectiv
imaginea unei fragilitii extreme a
trupului, receptat doar ca un sla
trector al sufletului, expus inevitabil
bolilor, morii, putrezirii.10
Boala este asociat trupului,
care este supus pcatului i
degradrii, dar sufletul, care este
nemuritor i pur, poate oferi ansa
unei nsntoiri spirituale prin
credin.
9
Jacques Le Goff , Imaginarul medieval,
Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1991,
p. 176-180
10
Camelia Burghele, Sfntul terapeut i
reflexele sale n imaginar, Caietele
Echinox, Nr.6/2004, p. 181
211
Boala individului este boala
societii (aa cum, sugestiv o
demonstreaz lepra, boala organic a
medievalitii). Epidemiile sunt
semne ale decderii morale ale
societii. Perioadele de epidemii
prelungite sunt ru prevestitoare, ele
anun un nou nceput, de curire
moral, deci de nsntoire a
societii.11
n mentalitatea popular
marcat, la rndul ei, de neputinele
trupului, omul simplu se definete
prin starea sa de sntate, clugrul -
prin trupul sau supus ascezei, regele -
prin calitile taumaturgice ale
minilor sale ce doar ating bolnavul
pentru a-l vindeca, iar sfntul se
definete prin martiriul trupului su
sau prin puterea acestuia de a emana
mirosuri plcute ("mireasma de
sfineniei") i de a tmdui oamenii
prin simpla atingere, ca relicva
sacr.12
Asistm la o atitudine de
resemnare i teama n fata bolii,
proprie mai ales societii medievale,
care a atras dup sine, n mod firesc,
credina n mijloacele supranaturale
de vindecare a maladiilor: fie prin
apelul la puterea malefica a
vrjitoarelor, fie prin puterea benefica
a vindectorilor ce lucreaz cu
11
Milenarismele apar, de regul, n
perioadele n care societatea este
considerat a fi bolnav. Moartea datorat
bolilor trupeti este vzut nu doar ca un
sfrit individual, dar i ca semn al
proximitii unui sfrit colectiv. Pentru
milenarismele medievale concentrate n
jurul anului 1000 vezi: Georges Duby,
Anul 1000, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1996 i
Dominique Barthlemy, Anul 1000 i
pacea lui Dumnezeu, Editura Polirom,
Iai, 2002
12
Camelia Burghele, op.cit, p. 181
sprijinul lui Dumnezeu sau prin
intermediul virtuilor taumaturgice ale
sfinilor i ale Mntuitorului.13
Aceste atitudini specifice Evului
Mediu, pot fi ncadrate n, ceea ce am
putea numi terapii ale credinei.
Observm c sntatea i boala
polarizeaz imaginarul social, specific
mentaltilor tradiionale. Rmne de
vzut dac lucrurile se schimb atunci
cnd vine vorba despre perioada
contemporan.
ntr-un fel sau altul, din timpuri
strvechi, omenirea ca ntreg i omul
ca individualitate au fost marcai de
existena bolii, a bolilor i, dintre
acestea (pe lng altele, precum, de
exemplu, ciuma, tuberculoza sau,
astzi, SIDA, gripa aviar sau
pericolul gripei porcine). Poate c cea
mai solicitant pentru imaginarul
social al bolii la nceput de secol XXI
este confruntarea cu boala canceroas.
Dr. Karl Menninger, afirma c nsui
cuvntul cancer se spune c-ar ucide
pacieni, care, altfel, n-ar sucomba
(att de repede) din cauza tumorii
maligne de care sufer. Una dintre
soluiile ntrevzute este ca bolnavilor
de cancer nu doar s li se spun
adevrul, ci s li se modifice
concepia despre boal, boala
canceroas s fie, aadar,
demitizat. n general se consider
c dintre toate teoriile puse n discuie
n legtur cu cancerul, numai una a
supravieuit trecerii timpului, cea
potrivi creia cancerul, urmnd faze
precise, conduce la moarte. Aceasta
face ca mitizarea din jurul acestei boli
s fie dus la extrem. Putem observa,
ns i c, evolund, omenirea a
acionat, de fapt, i acioneaz n
sensul demitizrii bolii canceroase.
13
Ibidem, p. 185
212
Cancerul este adesea utilizat ca
imagine (metafor) n calificarea unor
situaii sociale (ca i cangren sau
plag): omajul, rasismul, consumul
de droguri, corupia, poluarea sau
terorismul. Ca i tumoarea malign,
se consider, aceste rele i au
originea n interiorul societii i
amenin, pe msur ce se dezvolt,
s o distrug din interior. S-ar putea
spune c, dinspre mijlocul secolului
XX, cancerul i miturile sale din ce n
ce mai actuale ncep s se
democratizeze mai mult, datorit
mass-mediei, a cinematografiei, a
artelor n general etc.
Medicina contemporan
beneficiaz nu numai de dezvoltarea
tehnicii medicale i de descoperirea
unor tratamente eficiente, dar i de
schimbarea reprezentrilor cu pribire
la starea de sntate. Schimbarea
imaginii asupra bolii ca fiind un ru
necesar a dat i un alt sens medicinii.
Dihotomia sntate-boal a dat
natere la nivelul imaginarului social
unei alte dihotomii: medicin nfrnt-
medicin glorioas. Ineficiena unui
tratament atrgea dup sine o
atitudine de resemnare n faa bolii.
De aici i apelul la mijloacele
supranaturale de vindecare, pe care
le-a putem observa, n special n Evul
mediu. Medicina glorioas, a dat,
dimpotriv, mai mult ncredere n
viitor, optimism n creterea duratei
de via. observm i o deplasare a
semnificaiilor de la terapeut la
terapie. Dac n trecut virtuile
terapeutului erau supradimensionate,
deoarece totul de pindea de el.14 Din
14
De aici i nzestrarea cu virtui
terapeutice a unor sfini, a regilor
taumaturgi. Puterea spiritual i social
sunt asociate cu puterea de vindecare.
contr, n medicina contemporan, nu miturile, imaginile i simbolurile,
conteaz att imaginea medicului n ntr-un cuvnt: imaginarul i
calitate de terapeut, ct virtuile structurile sale. Nu doar povetile i
tratamentului, care este verificat basmele sunt impregnate de imaginar
experimental, tiinific i este, n felul ci i propria noastr imagine asupra
acesta demn de ncredere. Calitile unor realiti sociale cum sunt
vindectoare ale tratamentului sntatea i boala. Poate c pentru a
transcend condiia terapeutului. nelege mai bine medicina, trebuie s
Putem identifica n medicina o trecem prin imaginar.
contemporan o diversificare a
imaginilor cu privire la medicament.
Dup adevrata revoluie pe care au Bibliografie selectiv:
provocat-o n medicamentele alopate,
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aproape instantaneu i n mod sigur, general i psihologia medical,
observm o tendin de rentoarecere Editura Sitech, Craiova, 2004
la medicina tradiional, bazat pe 2. Barthlemy, D., Anul 1000 i
tratamente naturiste. Putem identifica pacea lui Dumnezeu, Editura Polirom,
aici nu neaprat o scdere a ncrederii Iai, 2002
n medicina actual ci mai degrab o 3. Birch, Ann; Hayvard Shelia,
resemnificare a relaiei dintre sntate Diferene interindividuale, Editura
i natur. Tehnic, Bucureti, 1999
4. Burghele, C., Sfntul
Concluzii terapeut i reflexele sale n imaginar,
Am ncercat s subliniem n Caietele Echinox, Nr.6/2004
acest articol importana includerii n 5. Duby, G., Anul 1000, Editura
explicarea fenomenelor de sntate i Polirom, Iai, 1996
de boal a unei perspective sociale, 6. Durand, G., Structurile
dar mai ales a unor reprezentri la antropologice ale imaginarului,
nivelul imaginarului social. Editura Univers Enciclopedic,
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comportamentelor noastre legate de elementare ale vieii religioase,
starea de sntate. Pentru definirea Editura Polirom, Iai, 1995
sntii nu ne putem opri doar la 8. Le Breton, D., Antropologia
aspecte legate de stri ale trupului, corpului i modernitatea, Editura
ignornd rolul pe care l au atitudinea Amarcord, Timioara, 2002
fa de boal, informaia, sau suprtul 9. Le Goff, J., Imaginarul
social. De asemenea modul n care ne medieval, Editura Meridiane,
reprezentm starea de sntate Bucureti, 1991.
determin atitudinea pe care o avem 10. Lupu, I., Zanc, I., Sociologie
fa de ea i modul n care acionm medical. Teorie i aplicaii, Editura
pentru prevenirea sau meninerea ei. Polirom, Iai, 1999
Cele prezentate mai sus 11. Mardare, E.I., Suportul
demonstreaz, odat n plus, rolul social i starea de sntate n Revista
major pe care l au n societate de Asisten Social, Nr.3-4/2005

213
 12. Rcanu, R., Psihologia
sntii: de la credine i explicaii
la sisteme de promovare a ei, n
Mielu Zlate, (coord.), Psihologia la
rspntia mileniilor, Editura Plirom,
Iai, 2001
13. Tudose, F., Fundamente n
psihologia medical, Editura
Fundaiei Romnia de Mine,
Bucureti, 2007.

214
 La perception sociale de la sant
Une aproche de la perspective dimaginaire social
Abstract: This study is a about
health and sickness view from one
interdisciplinary perspective, which
refers to both sociological and
psychological medical studies and
researches about imaginary philosophy
and history of mentalities. We have to
admit at this point that health and
sickness are not only medical
phenomena but also social phenomena
which benefit at the social imaginary
level from some images and
significations, sometimes filled with
stereotypes and prejudgments. For
example, the actual perspective in what
sickness is concerned is not the same as
a while ago. Health at its turn is no
longer seen as it was a few centuries
before. One explication for this change
of view could be the progress that
medicine made, especially in the past
century. But what this study sustains is
that not only the medicines
development brought those effects, but
it is also the image of health and
sickness in the collective perception
that succeeded. More than that, we
could say that, the medicine
development it self depends on the
overtaking of some prejudgments,
which could act as trammels at the
collective mentalities level.
Key words: health, sickness,
social imaginary, medical sociology.
215
Assist.drd. tefan Viorel GHENEA
Universit de Craiova
gheneastefan@yahoo.com
Introduction
Cette tude est une approche
de la sant et de la maladie vues
dune perspective interdisciplinaire,
qui se rfre, dans le mme temps,
aux tudes sociologiques ou de la
psychologie mdicale et aux
recherches de la philosophie
d'imaginaire et de lhistoire des
mentalits.
Alors il faut reconnatre que la
sant et la maladie ne sont pas
seulement des phnomnes mdicales
mais aussi de phnomnes sociales
qui, au niveau de limaginaire social
(ou autrement dit, de l'instinct
collectif) ont le bnfice des certaines
significations et images, chargs avec
des strotypes et prjuges.
Pour exemplifier, on va
signaler que la perspective actuelle en
ce qui concerne la maladie diffre de
celle quon avait dans le pass. Aussi
la sant, nest plus vue comme il y a
quelques sicles. L'explication pour
cette change de vu pourrait tre le
progrs que la mdecine a connu,
spcialement pendant le dernire
sicle. Bref, pas seulement le
dveloppement de la mdecine a
apport ces effets, mais cest aussi
grce limage que la sant et la
maladie on dans la perception
collective. En plus, on pourrait dire
que l'volution mme de la mdecine
dpends du franchissement des
prjuges, qui peuvent agir comme des
freins au niveau des mentalits
collectives.
On va alors commencer, en
termes de spcialit, par la dfinition
des phnomnes de la sant et de la
maladie du point de vu psychologique
et mdical. Puis on va continuer a les
aborder de la perspective des
recherches sur limaginaire et sur les
mentalits.
Des aspectes sociales de la
sant et de la maladie
Le plus souvent la sant et la
maladie sont dfinies en termes de
normalit et de pathologie. Ainsi, la
sant peut tre considre un tat qui
se note dans le primtre de la
normalit de l'existence de lindividu.
La sant signifie, premirement, le
maintien de l'quilibre structural de la
personne en mme temps dune
perspective interne et externe. On
parle ici de l'quilibre adaptatif entre
lindividu et son environnement
concret.1
Contrairement, la maladie
signifie, en gnral, la perturbation
aux diffrents niveaux et pour
diffrentes incidentes des structures
fonctionnelles de lindividu, vu dune
perspective corporel-biologique ou
psychique-conscient. Cette
perturbation dtermine un minus et
une disharmonie de l'ensemble
unitaire de la personne, des difficults
objectives et subjectives dans la
prsence, ladaptation et l'efficience
l'intrieur de la vie sociale,
l'orientation de l'existence contre
ladaptation, l'volution et la cration.
1
Florin Tudose, Fundamente n
psihologia medical, Editura Fundaiei
Romnia de Mine, Bucureti, 2007, p.
43
216
Cest dire vers la dsadaptation,
involution la mort anormale ou vers
l'achvement dun dfait ou dune
grave dtrioration.2
Le model mdical explique la
sant par l'absence dune valeur
biologique anormale. Mme si elle est
utile par les possibilits de mesurer
prcisment la sant quelle donne,
cette perspective est finalement
restrictive et incapable de contenir
tous les attributs associs l'tat de
sant.3 Dfinir lhomme saine par une
manque des maladies ou infirmits
signifie a rapporter la sant et la
maladie seulement aux tats
corporelles et dignorer des aspectes
aussi importantes qui se rfrent
l'tat psychique et la vie sociale de
lindividu. En plus, explication de la
sant et de la maladie en termes de
normalit ou anormalit produise une
rupture entre les sens des ces deux
concepts. La dichotomie sant-
maladie peut tre surmonte par
l'implication des lments de nature
sociale et psychologique.
Ainsi, la sant et la maladie
sont vues comme des concepts
valuatives, parce quelles sont
dpendantes du dveloppement de la
connaissance biomdicale, des
orientations inter culturales de la
culture, du systme axiologique de la
socit.4 Il va exister alors une
perception diffrente en ce qui
concerne l'tat de sant ou de maladie,
en fonction du niveau du
2
Ibidem, p. 51
3
Elena Iulia Mardare, Suportul social i
starea de sntate n Revista de
Asisten Social, Nr.3-4/2005, p. 109
4
Iustin Lupu, Ioan Zanc, Sociologie
medical. Teorie i aplicaii, Editura
Polirom, Iai, 1999, p.55
dveloppement de la socit et du
type de la culture dans lequel cette
socit - la est encadre.
Les trois perspectives
traditionnelles daborder la sant
(biologique ou mdicale,
psychologique et sociologique)
soulignent les diffrences de
signification que ce concept implique.
Du point du vu biologique, la
sant est dfinie comme l'tat dans le
quel un corps nest pas touch par la
maladie, dans lequel tous les organes,
les appareils et les systmes
fonctionnent normalement. Du point
du vu psychologiquement, la sant est
l'tat de l'organisme qui a la capacit
de travailler, d'tudier et de faire
certaines activits eficientement. Cet
tat nous offre la possibilit davoir
un comportement harmonieux et
efficient. La perspective sociologique
sur la sant nous parle dun tat de
l'organisme dans lequel les capacits
individuelles sont optime afin que la
personne remplit adquatement ses
rles sociales.5 Cette perspective
apporte quelque chose de nouveau: la
sant est un tat individualis en
mme temps du point du vue
biologique et social. La perception en
ce qui concerne la sant est diffrente,
par exemple, en fonction du l'ge de
la personne. Une jaune femme de 20
ans est considre saine si elle est
capable de courir 8-10 km chaque
jour, mais une personne de 70 ans
peut tre aussi considre saine si elle
peut courir 1-2 km chaque jour.
Alors, une personne est saine si elle
est capable de raliser la plus part des
choses quelle se propose dans la vie
quotidienne.
5
Ibidem, p. 56-57
217
La notion de maladie peut tres
aussi aborde du point du vu
biologique, psychologique et social.
Du point du vu biologique, la maladie
est l'tat de l'organisme ou dune
partie de l'organisme, dans le quel les
fonctions sont affectes ou dranges
cause des agents provenant de
l'intrieur ou de l'extrieure. Cette
perspective est srement limite car
les consquences de la maladie
dpassent les dysfonctions
biologiques et mme psychologiques,
en affectant l'entire vie sociale de la
personne. La perspective sociale sur
la maladie est plus claire, car ici il
intervient le facteur de la perception
sociale. La maladie nest seulement
une affection de l'organisme, elle est
aussi un tat social altr. En fait, ce
quon trouve le plus important, nest
pas la maladie elle mme, mais la
manire dans la quelle elle est recepe
par nous et par les autres. Il y a et
elles son bien connues les cas des
maladies stigmatises, et il est
important de savoir que la maladie
elle mme porte un stigmate au
niveau de la socit. Parfois, les
malades sont considrs comme
dviantes et reprsentent une menace
pour lharmonie de la socit.
Ainsi, la sant et la maladie ne
sont plus des ralits absolues, mais,
elles dpendent de la perspective
sociale quon a sur eux. En plus, pour
certains theoreticiens de la mdecine,
entre la sant et la maladie il nexiste
pas une frontire objective, une ligne
claire de dmarcation entre les deux
phnomnes tant prcisment dans
leur zone de frontire.6 Si du point de
6
Ioan Andronic, Psihologia general i
psihologia medical, Editura Sitech,
Craiova, 2004, p.164
la vue mdicale, la sant et la maladie
ne se sparent pas radicalement, au
niveau du sens commun les choses
sont pareilles. Limage du malade et
de lhomme saine a souffert des
modifications, selon les poques
historiques.
La perspective de
limaginaire social
Il faut maintenant prsenter
une autre perspective sur les
phnomnes de la sant et de la
maladie en commenant de l'ide que
la perception sociale deux a un rle,
au moins aussi important que leur
manifestations biologiques. Pour faire
cette approche plus claire on va
utiliser le terme imaginaire. Ce
terme est de plus en plus prsent dans
les uvres de spcialit du domaine
philosophique, historique, de
lhistoire des religions, psychologique
ou sociologique.7 Limaginaire ne
faut pas tre confondu avec
limagination, il est vu comme son
produit, une srie des images, ides et
symboles qui mme si elles font
partie de lhomme sont transposes
sur le monde en dterminant une
reprsentation de celui ci.
Limaginaire nest moins rel que la
ralit mme, mais seulement une
autre ralit, une ralit mentale.
Cest pour a quil ne faut pas
confondre limaginaire avec le
fantastique ou l'illusoire parce que sa
7
Parmi ceux qui taient occups tudier
limaginaire on mentionn Gaston
Bachelard, Gilbert Durand, J.-
J.Wunenburger en philosophie et en
anthropologie, en histoire par Jacques Le
Goff, Georges Duby, Jean Delumeau et
de noter dans l'histoire des religions
Mircea Eliade et les contributions de
Henry Corbin.
218
ralit est donne par nos faits et nos
penses.
Il faut remarquer quune fois
avec la dcouverte de limaginaire on
peut aussi dcouvrir une partie de la
nature humaine parfois oublie et
marginalise. Limaginaire nous offre
la possibilit dune comprhension
plus profonde de notre manire de se
rapporter la ralit. Par l'intermde
des images, des mythes, des symboles
on peut redcouvrir des significations
caches, qui une fois dcouvertes
nous aide a mieux comprendre quel
est notre lieu dans ce monde. Mme si
limaginaire peut tre plus facilement
dtect dans la religion ou la
littrature, il ne faut pas ngliger son
rle au niveau des comportements et
attitudes sociales, ou mme au niveau
du sens commun. Au milieu de la
socit nous interactionons uns avec
les autres pas seulement par des faits
ou des ides explicites mais aussi par
des images et des symboles
profondment invtrs dans
linconscience collective. Tout a
s'applique dans la vie quotidienne,
dans les relations avec les autres et
dans les actionnes que nous
entreprenons. Il sagit alors dun
imaginaire social qui gouverne toutes
ces relations et actionnes.
Limaginaire social, qui reprsente un
produit de la conscience sociale a
comme effet lapparaitre dun monde
des sentiments et des images qui
fonctionnent daprs des lois
spcifiques. Selon Durkheim, ces
images et sentiments ont la possibilit
de sattirer rciproquement, de se
rejeter, mais aussi de fusionner et de
se prolifrer, en produisant les
reprsentations collectives, qui sont le
produit de la vie sociale.8
Limaginaire dfinit une image
dans la miroir pour la ralit
quotidienne, lie aux aspectes du
corps et de ltat de la sant. On peut
alors parler dun imaginaire du corps
dans lequel limage de la sant et de
la maladie ont un rle important. Une
approche historique peut illustrer la
signification que ces images ont sur la
formation des mentalits de cette
socit-l. Limage sur le corps,
spcifique une poque, un systme
des mentalits, peut nous offrir une
perception sociale sur la sant. Dans
les socits archaques, qui sont plus
proche de la nature, limage du corps
peut tablir l'hirarchie sociale: celui
qui est saine a plus de la force
physique et aussi plus des chances
d'accder la puissance sociale. On
parle dun transfre de puissance, du
niveau corporal, gouvern par la
sant, au niveau social. Ltat de
sant dfinit aussi laspect sacre. La
sacralit est associe avec ltat de
sant. La maladie, au contraire, est un
signe de l'impuret. Dans lantiquit
grecque et romaine la sant corporelle
est un signe de beaut et aussi
dharmonie intrieure. La maxime
latine mens sana in corpore sano est
difiant en ce sens. La langue
grecque a aussi des expressions
ilustrative. Kalocagathia reprsente la
symbiose parfaite entre la beaut
corporelle et la beaut spirituelle. Le
bien et le beau coexiste et produisent
une nature humaine accomplie. Cette
harmonie entre le corporel et le moral
devient un idal ducatif.
8
Emile Durkheim, Formele elementare
ale vieii religioase, Editura Polirom, Iai,
1995, p. 388
219
En refltant sur limaginaire
mdival, Jacques Le Goff croirait
que limaginaire collectif est li aux
attitudes vers le corps et aux
idologies gnres par ces attitudes.9
Le Moyen ge fixe dans limaginaire
collectif limage dune fragilit
extrme du corps, vu seulement
comme le simple logement passant de
l'me, expos aux maladies, la
morte, au putrfaction.10
La maladie est associe au
corps, qui est soumis au pch et la
dgradation, mais l'me, qui est
immortel et pur, peut offrir la chance
dune gurison par la foi. La maladie
de lhomme est la maladie de la
socit ( voir la lpre, la maladie
organique du Moyen ge). Les
pidmies sont des signes de la
dcadence morale de la socit. Les
priodes d'pidmies prolonges
menaant, elles annoncent un
nouveau dbut; de nettoyage morale,
alors une gurison de la socit.11
Dans la pense populaire
marque par les impuissances du
corps, lhomme simple se dfinit par
9
Jacques Le Goff , Imaginarul medieval,
Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1991, p.
176-180
10
Camelia Burghele, Sfntul terapeut i
reflexele sale n imaginar, Caietele
Echinox, Nr.6/2004, p. 181
11
Les Millnarismes se produisissent,
habituellement pendant les priodes o la
socit est considre comme malade.
Dcs dus la maladie physique est
considre non seulement comme une fin
la personne, mais aussi comme un signe
de la proximit d'une fin collective. Pour
les millnarismes mdivale concentres
autour de l'an 1000, voir Georges Duby,
Anul 1000, Polirom, Iai, 1996, et de
Dominique Barthlemy, Anul 1000 i
pacea lui Dumnezeu, Polirom, Iai, 2002
son tat de sant, le moine par son
corps sumis l'ascse, le roi par les
qualits de ses mains qui gurissent le
malade seulement en le touchant, et le
saint se dfinit par le martyre de son
corps ou par lodeur plaisant de celui
ci ( le parfum de la satit) ou par la
puissance de gurir les hommes
seulement en les touchant, pareil
une relique sacre.12
On parle ici dune attitude de
rsignation et du peur vers la maladie,
attitude que dcrit spcialement les
socits du Moyen ge et qui a attir
naturellement la croyance dans les
moyennes surnaturelles de gurison:
soit par les sorcires, soit par la force
bnfique des gurisons qui agissent
avec laide de Dieu ou par les virtus
des saints ou de Jsus.13 Ces attitudes
du Moyen ge peuvent tre appeles
des thrapies de la foi:
On voit que la sant et la
maladie polarisent limaginaire social,
spcifique aux mentalits
traditionnelles. On va voir quest qui
se passe pendant l'poque
contemporaine.
Dune manire ou lautre,
depuis toujours, lhumanit entire et
lhomme comme individualit ont t
marqus par les maladies (parmi
lesquelles la peste, la tuberculose, ou
AIDES, la grippe aviaire ou le pril
de la grippe porcine). Peut tre le plus
grave pour limaginaire social, au
dbut du XXIme sicle, est la
confrontation avec la maladie
cancreuse. Selon Dr. Karl
Menninger mme le mot cancer
pourrait tuer les patients, qui,
autrement ne succomberaient si
facilement cause de la tumeur
12
Camelia Burghele, op.cit., p. 181
13
Ibidem, p. 185
220
maligne quils souffrent. Une
solution serait de ne pas avertir les
patients de la maladie quils souffrent,
ainsi la conception sur la maladie
serait change, dmitise.
Gnralement dentre toutes les
thories en ce qui concerne le cancer,
seulement une a survcu au passant
du temps, celle qui dit que le cancer
conduit la morte. a fait la
dmitisation du cancer tre apporte
l'extrme. Mais aussi on peut voir que
pendant son volution, lhumanit a
agit et agit pour la dmitisation du
cancer.
Le cancer est souvent utilis
comme une image (la mtaphore) de
qualification dans des situations
sociales (comme la "corruption" ou
"liquidation"): le chmage, le
racisme, la consommation de drogues,
la corruption, la pollution ou le
terrorisme. Comme la tumeur maligne
est considre, ces maux ont leur
origine dans la socit et la menace,
comme elle se dveloppe, de dtruire
de l'intrieur. On pourrait dire que,
ds le milieu du vingtime sicle, le
cancer et ses mythes ont commenc
se "dmocratiser" de plus en plus,
raison de la presse, le cinma, les arts
en gnral, etc. La mdecine
contemporaine bnficie non
seulement du dveloppement de la
technologie mdicale et de la
dcouverte de traitements efficaces,
mais aussi de l'volution des
reprsentations sur la sant. Changer
l'image de la maladie comme un mal
ncessaire a donn aussi un autre
objectif la mdecine. La dichotomie
sant-maladie a donn lieu au niveau
dimaginaire social une autre
dichotomie: mdicine soumise
mdecine glorieuse. Linefficacit du
traitement entrane une attitude de
dmission la maladie. Ici, le
surnaturel et l'appel des moyens de
gurison, qu'il peut voir, en particulier
au Moyen-ge. Mdecine glorieuse a
donn une plus grande confiance dans
l'avenir. Nous voyons un mouvement
de l'importance du thrapeute la
thrapie. Si le thrapeute a t adopt
vertus capacit, car tout dpendait de
lui,14 au contraire, dans la mdecine
contemporaine, jamais l'image du
mdecin en tant que thrapeute sont
plus importantes que les vertus du
traitement, qui est vrifi
exprimentalement, scientifique et qui
est donc digne de confiance. Les
qualits du traitement transcendent la
condition du thrapeute.
On peut identifier une
diversification des images sur les
mdicaments dans la mdecine
contemporaine. Aprs la vritable
rvolution qui provoque par les
mdicaments en raison de leurs vertus
pour gurir presque instantanment,
maintenant on voit une tendance de
revenir la mdecine traditionnelle
base sur des traitements naturels. Ici
ne sont pas ncessairement
d'identifier une diminution de la
confiance dans la mdecine actuelle,
mais plutt la resignification de la
relation entre la sant et la nature.
Conclusion
On a essay de souligner dans
cet article l'importance d'inclure dans
lexplication des phnomnes de
sant et de la maladie le point de vue
social, mais surtout la reprsentation
du niveau dimaginaire social. La
14
Dici les vertus thrapeutiques des
saints, des rois de thaumaturge. La
puissance spirituelle et sociale sont
associes la puissance de gurison.
221
perspective sociale nous montre
l'influence de la vie sociale sur le
comportement li notre sant. Pour
la dfinition de la sant nous ne
pouvons pas nous arrter seulement
des questions lis aux tats des corps,
en ignorant le rle de l'attitude
l'gard de la maladie, de
l'information, ou le support social.
Aussi la faon dont nous reprsentons
l'tat de sant dtermine l'attitude que
nous avons son gard et la manire
d'agir afin de la prvenir ou de la
maintenir. Le ci-dessus dmontre, une
fois de plus, le rle majeur qu'ils ont
dans la socit, les mythes, les images
et les symboles dans un mot:
l'imaginaire et ses structures. Pas
seulement des histoires et des contes
de fes sont imprgns de l'imaginaire
mais aussi notre propre image de la
ralit sociale telle que la sant et la
maladie. Peut-tre pour mieux
comprendre la mdecine, on doit la
passer par l'imaginaire.
Bibliographie selective:
1. Andronic, I. Psihologia general
i psihologia medical, Editura
Sitech, Craiova, 2004
2. Barthlemy, D., Anul 1000 i
pacea lui Dumnezeu, Editura Polirom,
Iai, 2002
3. Birch, Ann; Hayvard Shelia,
Diferene interindividuale, Editura
Tehnic, Bucureti, 1999
4. Burghele, C., Sfntul terapeut i
reflexele sale n imaginar, Caietele
Echinox, Nr.6/2004
5. Duby,G., Anul 1000, Editura
Polirom, Iai, 1996
6. Durand, G., Structurile
antropologice ale imaginarului,
Editura Univers Enciclopedic,
Bucureti, 2000
7. Durkheim, E., Formele elementare
ale vieii religioase, Editura Polirom,
Iai, 1995
8. Le Breton, D., Antropologia
corpului i modernitatea, Editura
Amarcord, Timioara, 2002
9. Le Goff, J., Imaginarul medieval,
Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1991.
10. Lupu,I., Zanc, I., Sociologie
medical. Teorie i aplicaii, Editura
Polirom, Iai, 1999
11. Mardare, E.I., Suportul social i
starea de sntate n Revista de
Asisten Social, Nr.3-4/2005
12. Rcanu, R. Psihologia sntii:
de la credine i explicaii la sisteme
de promovare a ei, n Mielu Zlate,
(coord.), Psihologia la rspntia
mileniilor, Editura Plirom, Iai, 2001.
13. Tudose, F., Fundamente n
psihologia medical, Editura
Fundaiei Romnia de Mine,
Bucureti, 2007.

222
 Albanezii: puterea de a-i alege propriul mod de via
Rezumat: Acest studiu analizeaz
fenomenul de emigrare albanez,
subliniind evoluia sa istoric i
provocrile sociale ale rilor care se
confrunt cu aceastae. De asemenea,
sunt evideniate att politicile
descurajatoare de emigrare din
Albania ct i cele mpotriva
imigranilor ale rilor din cadrul
Uniunii Europene.
Cuvinte cheie: migraia, poporul
albanez, politici sociale, msuri de
control
Emigrarea albanez a parcurs
trei faze principale: un exod timpuriu
a emigranilor nainte de 1944, o
diaspora mai recent a celor care au
plecat ntre anii 1945-1990, precum i
o emigrare semnificativ ce a avut loc
n anul 1990, generat de cderea
regimului comunist aflat la
conducerea statului din anul 1944.
nainte de 1944, SUA i unele
state din America Latin au fost
principalele ri de destinaie. Exist
puine date care pot releva fluxul
migraionist albanez, nainte de anii
1990. Cei mai muli dintre cei care au
prsit ara nainte de 1944 au fost
determinai de scderea puterii de
cumprare a monedei naionale,
precum i de indiferena guvernelor
albaneze fa de aceste tendine.
ntre timp, n cea de-a doua
faz, un alt fel de emigrare a avut loc,
majoritatea albanezilor plecnd ca
223
Drd. Bledar ILIA
Universitatea din Craiova
bledi_afrodite@hotmail.com
urmare a factorilor politici. Unul
dintre factori a constat n
dezacordurile dintre regimul comunist
albanez i presiunea politic pe care
acesta se atepta s o exercite asupra
emigranilor, cauzate de colaborrile
lor cu ocupatorii italieni i germani
din timpul Celui De al Doilea Rzboi
Mondial. Guvernul albanez cu greu a
descurajat aceast migrare prin
stabilirea unor bariere politice i
juridice, etichetnd acest proces drept
o crim.
Cu toate acestea, a urmat o alt
faz de emigrare, dup anul 1990,
care poate fi de alt fel, mprit
astfel: ntre anii 1991-1992, cnd
acest fenomen a fost imposibil de
controlat, astfel c aproximativ
300.000 de albanezi au prsit ara;
ntre anii 1992-1996, atunci cnd un
numr similar de ceteni albanezi au
emigrat, de cele mai multe ori ilegal,
n ciuda mbuntirii temporare a
economiei i a controalelor de
frontier mult mai bine reglementate;
ntre anii 1996-1997, imediat dup
prbuirea diverselor scheme
piramidale, care au nimicit
economiile a sute de mii de oameni.
Pe fondul tulburrilor ce au avut loc
la nivel naional, o combinaie de
omaj, srcie i greuti economice a
condus la emigrarea unui numr de
aproximativ 70.000 de oameni pe
parcursul a cteva luni. n sfrit, din
anul 1998, o mbuntire treptat a
condiiilor economice, politice i
sociale, precum i a strategiilor
favorabile de emigrare n dou ri-
cheie de destinaie, Grecia i Italia, au
crescut emigraia legal, redund
fluxurile ilegale.
n alegerea unei ri de
destinaie, pentru emigranii albanezi,
factorii-cheie au fost cei de natur
geografic, cultural, lingvistic i de
proximitate, precum i accesibilitatea
juridic. Precedentele valuri de
emigrani care au ales ri ndeprtate,
de unde un numr nesemnificativ s-a
ntors n ara de origine, se pare c au
avut un rol cultural important n a-i
convinge pe albanezi s se orienteze
spre destinaii apropiate. Cu toate
acestea, oportunitile de a obine
locuri de munc mai bune i un statut
juridic au mpins, totui pe unii dintre
albanezi mai departe de cas.
Grecia, Italia i alte ri
europene au fost principalele
destinaii n perioada anilor 1992-
1995. Preferina pentru Germania,
Elveia i alte ri din Europa de Vest
a devenit mai puin pronunat ca
urmare a tendinei lor restrictive fa
de politicile de migrare. SUA i
Canada au devenit principalele ri de
destinaie, dup 1995.
Pentru albanezi, Italia combin
atracia cultural i geografia
accesibil. Pentru muli albanezi,
trind ntr-o ar aflat sub
conducerea regimului comunist, Italia
i rile din Vest au fost simbolul
libertii, iar transmisiunile radio i
TV italiene au fost principalul mod
prin care albanezii erau informai
despre occident.
Italiana este cea mai utilizat
limb strin n Albania, iar arta i
cultura italian prezint un vdit
interes pentru albanezi. Toi aceti
224
factori explic de ce Italia a fost
preferat de emigranii albanezi.
Grecia este o alt ar n care
albanezii ajung, din punct de vedere
geografic, relativ uor. Trecerea
ilegal a frontierei greco-albanez nu
necesit un efort financiar
semnificativ. Cetenii celor dou ri
mprtesc, de asemenea, anumite
similitudini culturale i istorice. n
timp ce limba greac nu este folosit
n Albania, n aceeai msur ca
limba italian, exceptnd partea
sudic, locuit de comunitatea greac,
migraiile recente au sporit numrul
albanezilor care utilizeaz vacabularul
elen. Acest fapt a redus lingvistic,
distana dintre cele dou ri vecine.
rile vest-europene mai sus
menionate, respectiv, Italia i Grecia
au fost favorizate la nceputul anilor
1990, ca urmare a posibilitilor
reduse ale albanezilor de a elabora i
implementa un proiect i o strategie
migraionist. SUA i Canada au
devenit principale ri de destinaie
dup anul 1995, ca urmare a
politicilor de acces ce favorizau
migranii pricepui, calificai, cu
studii de specialitate.
Exodul de albanezi s-a extins
rapid la nceputul anilor 1990, ca
rezultat a numeroi factori. Situaia
economic n acel moment a
nregistrat toate semnele unei crize:
inflaia a fost de aproximativ 350%;
PIB-ul a sczut drastic, cu 50% anual;
rata omajului a crescut n mod
accelerat i fenomenul de
,,urbanizarea rapid, a favorizat
emigrarea de oameni bine pregtii i
absolveni de diferite specializri.
Albania, la nceputul anilor
1990 a avut, aa cum are i n prezent,
o populaie foarte tnr i o for de
munc bine instruit. n anul 1989,
circa 19,5% din populaie avea vrsta
cuprins ntre 15-24 de ani. Din acea
perioad, occidentul a constituit
idealul tinerilor albanezi, alimentat
fiind de anumite surse, cum ar fi
televiziunea italian, uor accesibil.
n consecin, dup o jumtate de
secol de izolare politic, albanezii, n
mod instinctiv, au identificat ideea de
libertate cu libera circulaie.
Aceti factori, combinai cu
transformrile economice i politice
ce au avut loc n Europa de Est i
Europa Central, au ncurajat
migraia. Albania a devenit rapid ara
cu cel mai mare fluxul de migrare n
Europa.
n timpul primului deceniu de
tranziie (1991-2000), lipsa unui
control guvernamental asupra
fluxurilor de migraie a fost evident.
Eforturi nensemnate pentru a extinde
direcile de migraie legal nu au fost
suficiente pentru a reduce sau
descuraja aceste fluxuri.
Pn n prezent, aproximativ
25% din totalul populaiei sau peste
35% din fora de munc, a emigrat.
ara numr aproximativ 900,000 de
emigrani, ce au, n prezent reedina,
n principal n Grecia (600.000), Italia
(200,000), iar cea mai mare parte din
ceilali, n alte ri din Europa de
Vest, SUA, i Canada. Fluxul de
migrare a cetenilor albanezii, a fost,
ncepnd cu anul 1990, n medie de
cinci ori mai mare dect fluxul de
migrare n rile n curs de dezvoltare.
Potenialul n ceea ce privete
emigrarea din Albania rmne ridicat
din cauza anumitor factori, cum ar fi
omajul i srcia. Circa 30% din
albanezi sunt n prezent sub nivelul de
trai, iar jumtate din ei triesc n
srcie extrem, subzistnd cu mai
puin de 1 dolar pe zi. Dei s-a
225
nregistrat o ncetinire a declinului
economic, rata omajului rmne la
un nivel ridicat. n plus, bolile sunt o
preocupare major i accesul la o
ngrijire medical este redus, n
special n zonele rurale. Patru din
cinci persoane srace locuiesc n
mediul rural, iar rata srciei n rndul
tinerilor este mai mare dect media.
Factorii de atracie,
experienele complexe i
contradictorii ale emigrrii i-au
convins pe albanezi cu privire la
posibilitile limitate oferite, n
prezent, de rile de destinaie. Dei
nu la fel de puternic cum a fost la
nceputul anilor 1990, impactul
factorilor de atracie este considerabil,
nc. Motivaiile culturale, de
exemplu, sunt influente. Exist un
simplu impuls de a experimenta o
lume din afar, aparent ademenitoare,
n special pentru tineri. Acest fapt a
fost determinat mai ales ca urmare a
izolrii instaurate de regimul
comunist.
Educaia este un factor cheie
de atracie. Tot mai muli studeni
albanezi sunt nscrii n universiti
din Romnia, Italia, Grecia, n alte
ri ale UE i Statele Unite ale
Americii. Satisfacerea intereselor n
plan profesional, n condiiile unui
numr insuficient de locuri de munc,
constituie un alt factor cheie de
atracie.
Cercetrile indic faptul c
albanezii percep fenomenul emigrrii
att individual, ct i la nivel de
familie, ca pe o strategie de
supravieuire. Deplasarea n
strintate este privit ca o investiie
n viitor, crend astfel oportuniti
pentru o a doua generaie de
,,migrani"-copiii lor.
 ntr-un sens mai larg, politicile
de emigrare actuale din Albania sunt
menite s descurajeze fluxurile reale
i poteniale de emigraie prin crearea
oportunitilor de angajare. O cale de
a realiza acest fapt este crearea de noi
locuri de munc n ar. O alt cale
este extinderea canalelor de emigraie
legal, prin semnarea de acorduri cu
rile vecine, n special cu Grecia
(1996), Italia (1997) i alte state ale
UE.
Politicile privind descurajarea
emigraiei ilegale includ informarea i
asistarea subiecilor activi n ceea ce
privete oportunitile de emigrare
legal, precum i ncurajarea
cooperrii descentralizate ntre
autoritile locale din interiorul
frontierelor. Autoritile albaneze
sunt, de asemenea, implicate n
facilitarea intrrii, ocuparea unui loc
de munc, reglementarea juridic,
precum i integrarea social a
emigranilor albanezi n rile de
destinaie. Ele au depus eforturi
susinute pentru a negocia cu
guvernele rilor de destinaie i s
asigure respectarea conveniilor
internaionale n materie de munc i
migraie.
n scopul de a profita diasporei
albaneze, guvernul promoveaz
ntoarcerea voluntar a emigranilor
de succes i ncearc s valorifice
capitalul lor financiar, uman i social
pentru a stimula dezvoltarea rii.
Politicile rilor din cadrul UE,
care afecteaz emigraia albanezilor,
sunt n prezent, n principal, inspirate
de o filosofie de a pune capt, de
control, precum i de reducere a
fluxurilor migraioniste, ca opus al
favorizrii i liberalizrii canalelor de
emigraie legal. Aceste politici
alimenteaz o asimetrie legal i
226
instituional n sistemul migraiei
globale, ntruct acestea au dus la o
cretere a fluxurilor de migraie i a
canalelor de migraie ilegal. n rile
de origine, cum ar fi Albania,
migraia forei de munc este
considerat un fenomen economic i
social, n timp ce n rile de
destinaie, se consider c este un risc
pentru sigurana public. Ca urmare a
politicilor UE din ce n ce mai
restricioniste, fluxul regulat de
migrani din Albania spre Italia i
Grecia este n scdere la momentul
actual.
Au existat mai multe canale-
cheie ale emigraiei albaneze n
perioada extrem de activ a anilor
1990-1998. n primul rnd, muli au
rmas n rile de destinaie dup
expirarea vizei turistice sau alt tip de
viz.
Se estimeaz c sunt eliberate
de ctre Consulatul Italian 35.000-
50.000 de vize pe an, pentru ceteni
albanezi i 60.000-70.000 de
Consulatul Grec. Recent, Consulatul
Grec din Albania a nceput s emit
vize pentru ocuparea forei de munc
sezonier a albanezilor n Grecia, n
special n zonele situate de-a lungul
frontierei lor comune. Acest fapt este
de ateptat s reduc numrul de
,,turisti, care au devenit emigrani
ilegali.
O tendin contradictorie este
vizibil n Italia: numrul de vize de
munc eliberate a fost nlturat ca
urmare a revizuirilor recente ce au
avut loc n legislaia privind
emigraia, ceea ce va determina, n
consecin, creterea numrului de
,,turisti ce se va transforma n
emigrani ilegali. Ali albanezi trec
frontiera de stat n mod fraudulos
folosind ca mijloc de transport, taxiul,
vaporul sau avionul. ntr-o lun,
aproximativ 5000 de albanezi au
trecut grania n Grecia i 1500 n
Italia, n perioada 1991-2003, att n
mod legal, ct i ilegal. Treceri
ilegale de frontier se fac folosind
brci cu motor din porturile i oraele
de coast (Vlora, Durrs), n principal
n Italia i ntr-o msur mai mic, n
Grecia (de la Saranda). Msuri ferme
de combatere a traficului de fiine
umane au fost adoptate, n ultimii ani,
de ctre guvernele albanez, italian i
grec. Revendicarea identitii
kosovare a fost o alt form
important de migraia clandestin
din Albania, mai ales din anul 1999,
cnd rile occidentale au nceput s
accepte refugiai din Kosovo.
Un procent mare de emigrani
din Albania au fost luai n evidene n
perioada de mare volum dintre anii
1990-1998. Dintr-o evaluare
aproximativ de 150.000 de emigrri
albaneze ce au avut loc n Italia n
anul 1998, doar 82.000 au fost
nregistrate de autoriti. Cifrele
corespunztoare pentru Grecia au fost
de 10.000 de emigrri, cu excepia a
400.000 ce au avut loc la sfritul
anului 1997.
Italia i Grecia i-au modificat
legislaia n scopul de a legaliza toate
emigraiile ilegale ce au avut loc, pe
teritoriul lor, dup 1999. Pn la
sfritul anului 2003 existau 160.000
de emigrani cu acte n regul din
aproximativ 200.000 de albanezi n
Italia i 300.000 dintr-un total estimat
de 600.000 n Grecia.
n perioada 1990-2003,
aproximativ 45% dintre profesori i
cercettori de la universiti i
instituii de cercetare au emigrat, aa
cum au procedat mai mult de 65%
dintre studenii deintori de titluri
doctorale obinute n Occident, n
perioada 1980-1990. de asemenea,
mii de absolveni de facultate au
emigrat. Majoritatea au luat cu ei i
membrii de familie. Motivul acestei
emigrri este simplu: lipsa
oportunitilor de angajare n ara de
origine. Dac situaia economic i
social a rii nu se mbuntete,
exodul creierelor din Albania va
continua s fie o preocupare, n
condiiile n care, actual, legislaia
albanez nu ridic nici un obstacol
pentru emigrare, iar factorii de
atracie continu s atrag cetenii
albanezi specializai.
Aceast dezvoltare presupune
costuri sociale i economice pentru
Albania. Albanezii foarte pricepui
care emigreaz n SUA i Canada iau
cu ei o cantitate de bani considerabil
ceea ce reprezint un export net de
capital. Acesta este, de asemenea, un
,,canal de scurgere a celor care ar
putea, de altfel deveni lideri i
investitorii autohtoni, care s
promoveze stabilitatea i dezvoltare
n Albania.
Mai mult dect att, studiile
arat c o dat ajuni n strintate,
muli emigrani, bine pregtii
profesional, nu desfoar activiti n
domeniile lor de specializare,
respectiv 74% n Grecia, 67% n
Italia, 58% n Austria i 70% n
Statele Unite ale Americii.
Albania face parte din Europa
de Est, iar multe dintre rile acesei
pri de continent au devenit sursa
emigraiei clandestine n rile
Uniunii Europene n anii 1990.
Extinderea UE n mai 2004, cu mai
multe granie deschise, este de
ateptat s afecteze profund aceast
problem.
227
 Ca parte a emigraiei ilegale,
traficanii faciliteaz traversarea
ilegal a Mrii Adriatice spre Italia cu
ajutorul brcilor cu motor, n
schimbul perceperii unor taxe.
Traficanii de fiine umane utilizeaz
aceeai cale pentru a plasa tinere
femei, n direcia rilor din Europa de
Vest pentru expolatarea sexual a
acestora, fiind supuse prostituiei.
Aceast contraband sofisticat
i desfurat pe scar larg, precum
i operaiunile de trafic, constituie
afacerile mai multor bande naionale,
regionale i internaionale care
opereaz n regiune. Ele sunt bine
organizate i asemntoare cu bandele
de exploatare ce opereaz de-a lungul
graniei ceho-german, precum i la
alte granie ale Europei de Est i Vest.
n timp ce Albania a fost mult
timp considerat o surs de emigrani
de contraband i o ar de tranzit de
la est spre vest, acest fapt s-a
schimbat n ultimul timp. n prezent,
este considerat doar o ar de tranzit,
datorit cooperrii reuite a reelelor,
coaliiilor i organizaiilor anti-
contraband i anti-trafic. La rndul
su, guvernul albanez a implementat,
ncepnd cu anul din 2002, msuri
radicale de reducere a emigraiei
ilegale i a traficului de fiine umane,
precum i de a stopa traficul de
droguri.
228
 The Albanians: the power of choosing their own way of living
Abstract: This study aims at
analysing the phenomenon of Albanian
emigration, emphasizing its historical
development and the social challenges
of the countries facing it. Also, this
article emphasizes the discouraging
emigration policies from Albania and
those against immigrants in EU
countries.
Key words: migration,
Albanian people, social politics, control
measures
Generally speaking, Albanian
emigration has had three key phases:
an early outflow of emigrants before
1944, a more recent diaspora of those
who left 1945-1990, and a significant
outflow following the 1990
breakdown of the communist
leadership that had been in place
since 1944.
Before 1944, the US and some
Latin American states were the main
destination countries. There are only
scarce data to measure the flow of
Albanian migration before the 1990s.
Most of the people who left the
country before 1944 did so because of
economic push factors, and the
Albanian governments during that
time were mostly indifferent to these
flows.
Meanwhile, in the second
phase, a sort of political migration
took place. Most migrants from
Albania in this period left because of
political factors. These included
disagreements with the country's
229
Ph.D. St. Bledar ILIA
University of Craiova
bledi_afrodite@hotmail.com
communist regime and the political
pressure they expected to be placed
on them, in some cases because of
their collaboration with Italian and
German occupiers during World War
II. The Albanian government heavily
discouraged this migration by
establishing political and legal
barriers to migration and labelling it a
crime.
Yet another phase follows, that
of post-1990 migration. This can be
broken down into the 1991-1992
stream, which was wholly
uncontrolled, when approximately
300,000 Albanians left the country;
the 1992-1996 stream, when a similar
number migrated, most illegally,
despite the temporary improvement of
the economy and better border
controls; and the 1996-1997 stream,
immediately after the collapse of
various pyramid schemes, which
wiped out the savings of hundred of
thousands of people. In the national
unrest that followed, a combination of
unemployment, poverty, and
economic hardships led to the
migration of around 70,000 people
within a few months. Finally, since
1998, a gradual improvement in
economic, political, and social
conditions and favourable
immigration policies in two key
receiving countries, Greece and Italy,
have increased legal migration and
reduced illegal flows.
 When choosing a destination
country, key factors for Albanian
migrants have been geographical,
cultural, and linguistic proximity, as
well as legal accessibility. Previous
waves of migration to far-off
countries, from which no significant
numbers of Albanians returned,
appear to have played a key cultural
role in convincing Albanians to lean
towards more nearby destinations.
However, opportunities to obtain
better jobs and legal status have still
lured some Albanians farther afield.
Greece, Italy, and other
European countries were the main
destinations during 1992-1995. An
earlier preference for Germany,
Switzerland, and other Western
European countries has become less
pronounced due to their trend towards
increasingly restrictive migration
policies. The US and Canada emerged
as relevant destination countries after
1995.
For Albanians, Italy combines
the attractions of a culturally
preferred and geographically
accessible country. To many
Albanians living under the country's
communist regime, Italy was a
symbol of freedom and the West, and
Italian radio and TV broadcasts were
the most important way in which
Albanians were exposed to the West.
Italian is the most-used foreign
language in Albania, and Italian arts
and culture hold a clear attraction. All
of these factors help explain why Italy
has been sought out by Albanian
migrants.
Greece is another country
within comparatively easy
geographical reach of Albanians.
Illegally crossing the Greek-Albanian
border does not require a large
230
financial investment. People of the
two countries also share certain
cultural and historical similarities.
And while Greek is not spoken in
Albania to the same extent as Italian,
except in the southern regions where
the Greek community lives, recent
migration has increased the number of
Albanians who can speak Greek. This
has shortened the linguistic distance
between these neighbouring
countries.
The Western European
countries mentioned above were
favoured during the early 1990s
because of the scarce opportunities of
Albanians to design and implement a
migration project and strategy. The
US and Canada became significant
destination countries post-1995, due
to admissions policies favouring
skilled and well-educated migrants.
The outflow of Albanians
expanded rapidly in early the 1990s
as a result of several factors. The
economic situation at that time had all
the signs of a crisis: inflation was
around 350 percent; GDP was
plummeting by 50 percent annually;
the unemployment rate was rising
rapidly; and "rapid urbanization"
favoured the emigration of well-
educated people.
Albania in the early 1990s had,
as it has now, a very young
population and a well-educated
workforce. In 1989, around 19.5
percent of the population was in the
15-24 age bracket, but the country
had (and still has) limited job-creation
capacities. The West was by then the
ideal of Albanian young people due to
such influences as Italian TV, which
was easily accessible. Consequently,
after a half-century of political
isolation, Albanians instinctively
identified the idea of liberty with free
movement.
These factors, combined with
economic and political
transformations in Eastern and
Central Europe, encouraged
migration. Albania quickly became
the country with the highest migration
outflow in Europe, when measured in
terms of the ratio of migrants to
overall population.
During the first decade of
transition (1991-2000), an absence of
governmental control of migration
flows was apparent. The scant efforts
to extend the legal channels of
migration were not sufficient to
reduce or discourage these flows.
By the present day,
approximately 25 percent of the total
population, or over 35 percent of the
labour force, has emigrated. The
country has approximately 900,000
emigrants, now residing mainly in
Greece (600,000), Italy (200,000),
and most of the remainder in other
Western European countries, the US,
and Canada. Albania's migration flow
has, since the early 1990s, been five
times higher than the average
migration flow in developing
countries.
The potential for migration
from Albania remains high due to
such push factors as unemployment
and poverty. Around 30 percent of
Albanians are currently below the
poverty line, and half of them live in
extreme poverty, subsisting on less
than $1 per day. The unemployment
rate remains high, despite a recent
slow decline. In addition, illnesses are
a major concern and access to
medical care is scarce, especially in
rural areas. Four out five poor people
live in rural areas, and the poverty
231
rate among young people is higher
than average.
In terms of pull factors,
complex and contradictory migration
experiences are convincing Albanians
of the limitations of the possibilities
actually offered by destination
countries. While not as powerful as
they were in the early 1990s, the
impact of pull factors is still
considerable. Cultural motivations,
for example, are influential. There is a
simple urge to experience an
apparently alluring outside world,
especially among young people. This
was particularly true in the wake of
the isolationist years of the
communist regime.
Education is a key pull factor.
A growing number of Albanian
students are enrolled in universities in
Romania, Italy, Greece, in other EU
countries, and the United States.
Satisfying career interests outside the
job-scarce Albanian environment is
another key pull factor.
Research indicates that
Albanians view migration as both an
individual and a family survival
strategy. Moving abroad is seen as an
investment in the future, creating
opportunities for a second generation
of "migrants"their children.
In a wider sense, Albania's
current migration policies are aimed
at discouraging real and potential
migration flows by creating
employment opportunities. One path
to accomplishing this is creating new
jobs in the country. Another is
extending channels of legal migration
through signing seasonal employment
agreements with neighbouring
countries, especially Greece (1996)
and Italy (1997), and other EU states.
 Policies to discourage illegal
immigration include informing and
assisting potential emigrants with
regard to legal migration
opportunities, as well as encouraging
decentralized co-operation between
the local authorities of inter-border
areas. Albanian authorities are also
engaged in facilitating the entry,
instalment into the labour market,
legal regulation, and social integration
of Albanian emigrants in receiving
countries. They have made persistent
efforts to negotiate with these
receiving-country governments and
ensure compliance with international
conventions on labor and migration.
In terms of taking advantage of
the Albanian diaspora, the
government promotes the voluntary
return of successful emigrants and
tries to harness their financial, human,
and social capital to boost the
country's development.
EU state policies that affect
Albanian migration are currently
mainly inspired by a philosophy of
stopping, controlling, and reducing
migration flows, as opposed to
favouring and liberalizing channels of
legal migration. These policies are
feeding a legal and institutional
asymmetry in the global migration
system, since they have resulted in an
increase in illegal channels and flows
of migration. In sending countries
such as Albania, labour migration is
considered an economic and social
phenomenon, while in receiving
countries it is considered a risk to
public safety. Due to the EU's
increasingly restrictionist policies, the
flow of regular immigrants from
Albania to Italy and Greece is
currently declining.
232
There were several key
channels of Albanian migration in the
extremely busy period of 1990-1998.
First, many remained in destination
countries after the expiration of their
tourist or other type of visa.
It is estimated that Italian
consulates issue 35,00050,000 visas
per year to Albanian citizens, and
Greek consulates about 60,000
70,000. Recently, Greek consulates in
Albania started to issue visas for
seasonal employment of Albanians in
Greece, especially in areas along their
common border. This is expected to
reduce the number of "tourists" who
become unauthorized immigrants. A
contradictory trend is visible in Italy:
the number of work visas issued has
been cut after recent revisions to
migration legislation, and the number
of "tourists" transformed into
unauthorized immigrants is
consequently expected to increase.
Other Albanians illegally cross state
borders by taxi, ship, or airplane.
Approximately 5,000 Albanians a
month entered Greece and 1,500
entered Italy in the period 1991-2003,
both legally or illegally. There are
illegal border crossing by speedboat
from ports and coastal cities (Vlora,
Durrs), mainly to Italy and to a
lesser extent to Greece (from
Saranda). Strong measures to combat
human smuggling have been taken in
recent years by the Albanian, Italian,
and Greek governments. Claiming
Kosovar identity has been another
important form of clandestine
migration from Albania, especially
since 1999, when Western countries
started taking in Kosovar refugees.
A high proportion of Albania's
immigrants were unauthorized in the
high-volume period of 1990-1998.
Out of an estimated 150,000 Albanian
immigrants in Italy in 1998, only
some 82,000 were registered with
authorities. The corresponding figures
for Greece were 10,000 out of
400,000 at the end of 1997.
Italy and Greece changed their
migration legislation in ways that
promoted legalization of all illegal
immigrants in their territory after
1999. By the end of 2003 there were
160,000 documented Albanian
immigrants out approximately
200,000 in Italy, and 300,000 out of
an estimated 600,000 in Greece.
In the period 1990-2003,
approximately 45 percent of the
professors and researchers at
universities and institutions
emigrated, as did more than 65
percent of the scholars who received
PhDs in the West in the period 1980-
1990. Thousands of university
graduates left as well. The majority
took along their family members. The
reason for this migration is simple: a
lack of employment opportunities at
home. If the country's economic and
social situation does not improve,
Albania's brain drain will continue to
be a concern, as Albanian legislation
currently poses no obstacles to
migration and pull factors look likely
to continue to draw the educated.
This development has social
and economic costs for Albania.
High-skilled emigrants to the US and
Canada are taking with them a
considerable amount of money, which
represents a net export of capital. It is
also a drain of those who would
otherwise likely become leaders and
domestic investors, promoting
Albania's stability and development.
Moreover, studies show that
once abroad, many highly educated
233
emigrants do not work in their areas
of specialization, including 74 percent
in Greece, 67 percent in Italy, 58
percent in Austria, and 70 percent in
the United States.
Albania is part of Eastern
Europe, many of whose countries
became the source of clandestine
migration to EU countries in the
1990s. The expansion of the EU in
May 2004, with more open borders, is
expected to deeply affect this issue.
As part of this illegal
migration, smugglers ferry fee-paying
migrants from Albania across the
Adriatic to Italy in speedboats.
Human traffickers use the same route
to move young women in the
direction of Western Europe countries
to work as prostitutes. These
sophisticated and large-scale
smuggling and trafficking operations
are the business of several national,
regional, and international gangs
operating in the region. They are
well-organized and very similar to the
gangs operating along to the Czech-
German border and other East-West
European borders.
While Albania was long
considered a source of smuggled
migrants and a transit country from
the East to the West, this has recently
changed. It is now considered only a
transit country, due to the successful
cooperation of anti-smuggling and
anti-trafficking networks, coalitions,
and organizations. For its part,
Albanian government has since 2002
added tough measures to reduce the
illegal migration and trafficking of
human beings, as well as to halt drug
trafficking.
 Provocri n domeniul concurenei n contextul integrrii
europene
Rezumat: n sistemul economiei de
pia, politica de concuren este
proiectat pentru a asigura protejarea
i promovarea procesului concurenial.
Acest proces competitiv nu este un
obiectiv n sine, ci doar un mijloc,
pentru c el conduce la creteri ale
eficienei, ceea ce n final, se transform
n ctiguri de bunstare pentru
societate n ansamblul ei. Totui, n
cazul economiilor de pia de talie
relativ mic, aa cum este i economia
Romniei, apare o tensiune inevitabil
ntre concentrarea dat de dimensiunile
reduse ale pieei naionale i atingerea
obiectivelor de eficien. Aceast
tensiune este central n formularea i
aplicarea politicii concurenei.
Autoritatea de concuren n Romnia
se confrunt i ea cu aceast tensiune: o
abordarea exagerat de agresiv a
rolului poate mpiedica sporirea
eficienei, pe cnd o abordare prea
permisiv poate duce la instalarea
abuzului de putere de pia. Mai mult, o
implicaie de natur politic deloc de
neglijat se refer la nevoia de integrare
a politicii concurenei cu alte politici,
cum este, de exemplu, politica
comercial. Este imperativ s ne
asigurm c politicile de reglementare
nu contribuie la crearea sau ntrirea
barierelor la intrarea i ieirea de pe
pieele crora li se adreseaz. Pe de alt
parte, n sectoarele unde concurena
este limitat, reglementarea poate fi
necesar tocmai pentru limitarea
potenialelor costuri impuse de prezena
puterii de pia.
234
Drd. Adina Gabriela DASCLU
Universitatea din Craiova
Cuvinte cheie: politica de concuren,
eficiena economic, abuzul de putere
de pia, integrarea politicilor
economice.
Premise i provocri care
necesit atenia autoritilor n
domeniul concurenei
Protecia concurenei reprezint
o arie de politic relativ nou pentru
Romnia. Astfel, este necesar ca
legislaia dar mai ales aplicarea ei n
practic s ofere un set de instrumente
flexibile care s poat fi aplicate de la
caz la caz pentru reducerea abuzurilor
i promovarea eficienei economice.
Este valabil nu numai pentru
economiile mici, dar i pentru cele
mari precum spaiul pieei unice
europene, s se foloseasc o abordare
bazat mai puin pe prevederile rigide
legale i mai mult pe analiza efectelor,
cu o atenie sporit pentru
consideraiile privind eficiena.
Condiiile de pe pieele
economiilor de talie redus faciliteaz
comportamentul cooperant ntre firme,
datorit numrului limitat de companii
care opereaz n multe industrii.
Evident, comportamentele ale cror
efecte procompetitive nu prevaleaz
peste cele negative trebuie
reglementate foarte strict. Totui, n
economiile mici, aranjamente precum
restriciile de comercializare sau
joint-ventures pot duce la sporirea
eficienei sau, paradoxal, pot avea
efecte procompetitive(cum ar fi
permisiunea unui grup de firme mai
mici s coopereze pentru a concura cu
firmele mai mari de pe pia, ducnd
astfel la stabilirea unui echilibru mai
puin fragil). Existena unor astfel de
acorduri care sporesc bunstarea
consumatorului nu ar trebui interzis i,
prin urmare, analiza bazat pe efecte ar
trebui s decid n astfel de cazuri1.
n condiiile integrrii, Romnia
nu mai constituie o pia ntr-o
economie de talie mic, ci o parte a
pieei unice. Din acest punct de vedere,
pe lng exigenele legate de
protejarea concurenei corespunztor
unui mecanism funcional de pia, un
domeniu important n care autoritatea
de concuren poate s joace un rol
esenial l constituie garantarea
respectrii legilor concurenei
europene astfel nct s se permit
realizarea libertilor fundamentale ale
schimbului pe care piaa intern
european le presupune.
Aadar, pentru ndeplinirea
misiunii ce i-a fost atribuit i pentru
promovarea bunstrii tuturor
consumatorilor de bunuri i servicii, n
acest an, Consiliul Concurenei i-a
propus s prezinte spre dezbatere
public un raport privind situaia
concurenei n Romnia n cteva
domenii care au fost identificate drept
domenii cheie pentru economia
naional (sectorul bancar, comerul cu
amnuntul- n special cel cu produse
alimentare, sectorul energetic,
farmaceutic, etc.). Acest demers este
considerat de autoritatea de
concuren un prim pas n
1
Anisia Cristina Popescu, Politica
european de concuren n contextul
integrrii, Ed. ASE, Bucureti, 2006
235
dezvoltarea viitoare a unei colaborri
mult mai active cu toi factorii
decideni i partenerii sociali 2 n
scopul de a-i contientiza asupra
faptului c atingerea obiectivelor de
competitivitate i performan
presupune respectarea legilor, a
partenerilor de afaceri, dar mai ales a
principiilor pieei libere. Acest raport a
rezultat n urma unei analize detaliate
a practicilor agenilor economici i a
reglementrilor n fiecare dintre aceste
sectoare, att la nivelul rii noastre,
ct i la nivel comunitar. Concluziile
analizei au fost c aceste sectoare
prezint mai multe puncte vulnerabile
n ceea ce privete comportamentul
concurenial, Consiliul Concurenei
propunnd mai multe recomandri
menite s amelioreze situaia existent
n aceste sectoare, mai ales c
disfuncionalitile descoperite n
cadrul acestora i-ar putea extinde
efectele i asupra altor zone ale
economiei naionale.
Intenia declarat a Consiliului
este de a deveni mai activ n atragerea
ateniei asupra activitilor care, dei
afecteaz concurena, nu pot fi
corectate direct de ctre acesta.
Stadiul actual al legislaiei
romneti i realitatea economic
concret
Cadrul legal sub care se
desfoar activitatea tuturor
participanilor la viaa economic este
primul element care trebuie avut n
vedere n analiza funcionrii normale
2
Bogdan M. Chirioiu, Pia unic, pia
naional: politica de concuren n
sectoare cheie, 2009,
Sursa: www.consiliulconcurentei.ro
a pieii. Se consider c, n acest
moment, cadrul legislativ romnesc
este integral armonizat cu cel european.
Totui, literatura menioneaz
existena unor diferene sau chiar
slbiciuni fie de form, fie chiar de
substan sau abordare fa de
abordarea comunitar. Trebuie
menionate cteva dintre cele mai
importante care se refer la substana
economic i mai puin pe cele
procedurale n urmtoarele cteva
paragrafe.
Astfel, definirea alternativ a
comportamentului abuziv al firmei
dominante prin recurgerea la fapte
anticoncureniale care au ca obiect sau
pot avea ca efect afectarea comerului
ori prejudicierea consumatorilor este
un criteriu care apare n plus n legea
romneasc fa de art 82 din Tratatul
CEE. Urmarea este c orice majorare
de pre care ar putea aprea ar putea fi
interpretat corect ca o prejudiciere a
consumatorilor n vreme ce intervenia
autoritii ar putea s nu fie justificat
de distorsionarea concurenei.
Important este c sectoarele care ar
putea cdea sub incidena acestei
prevederi sunt cele foarte sensibile de
genul energie electric, ap,
termoficare etc.
Un al doilea aspect de
difereniere se refer la vnzarea
produselor autohtone pe pieele
externe la preuri mai sczute dect cel
practicat pe piaa intern n scopul
nlturrii concurenilor i acaparrii
pieelor externe (dumping) i const n
interzicerea vnzrii la export sub
costul de producie, cu acoperirea
diferenelor prin impunerea de preuri
majorate consumatorilor interni.
Aceasta nseamn interzicerea
discriminrii pe piee cu elasticiti
diferite prin subvenionare ncruciat
de ctre monopolist. Exist situaii n
care monopolistul vinde sub cost
datorit conjuncturii nefavorabile sau,
aa cum spune teoria economic,
continuarea activitii pe termen scurt
atta vreme ct este posibil
recuperarea cel puin a costurilor
variabile medii. Aceste situaii ar
trebui s nu fie incriminate ca ducnd
la distorsionarea concurenei.
n fine, o practic de genul
forward pricing(stabilirea anticipat
a preului n stadiul de introducere al
produsului pe pia pentru care se
previzioneaz scderea semnificativ
a costurilor n viitor datorit curbei
nvrii sau pentru bunurile ce
necesit un volum important al
costurilor nerecuperabile) n faza de
producie iniial a produselor
constituie nu numai o strategie de
marketing ades folosit ci i o
modalitate de a da posibilitatea
consumatorilor s aib acces la
primele uniti de produs. Existena
economiilor de scar poate s fac
exportul la preuri sub costul mediu
total justificat tocmai de antrenarea
reducerii costului pe unitatea medie de
produs prin sporirea produciei.
O alt strategie pentru
penetrarea pe o nou pia presupune
folosirea unor preuri mai mici dect
cele prevalente pe piaa respectiv,
dei n mod normal aceast reducere
de pre ar duce la sporirea caracterului
concurenial al pieei respective. Un
pre sub costurile variabile medii
cuplat cu creterea lor n viitor dup
excluderea concurenei este o practic
de ruinare i deci, incriminabil. ns,
uneori, folosirea de preuri sub nivelul
costului total mediu poate fi singurul
mod de a escalada barierele de pe piaa
de export, indiferent dac ele provin
din reticena consumatorilor de a
236
renuna la furnizorii tradiionali sau
din nsi structura de oligopol a pieei
respective.
n concluzie, adoptarea de
msuri de tip antidumping n cazul
firmelor exportatoare care dein o
poziie dominant pe piaa intern
trebuie fcut cu precauie. Mai mult,
rmne deschis discuia dac
autoritatea de concuren din ara de
provenien este cea care trebuie s
condamne preurile de dumping sau
aceast responsabilitate revine integral
autoritii din ara importatoare.
Totui, sunt de remarcat i
modificrile absolut necesare care au
fost aduse pentru eliminarea
discordanelor. n ceea ce privete
concentrrile, o modificare important
o constituie eliminarea posibilitii de
a autoriza o concentrare pe motivul c
ea ar duce la o cretere a
competitivitii la export a entitii nou
create. Din punct de vedere al
formulrii, aceast prevedere dorete
s corijeze deficiena care a fost
adesea reproat sistemului european
de control al concentrrilor datorit
nelurii ndeajuns n considerare a
evalurii creterilor de eficien.
Totui, ea era contrar ideii de pia
unic european. La fel de important
a fost i eliminarea prevederilor
referitoare la tratamentul difereniat
ntre ntreprinderile private i anumite
ntreprinderi de stat, prevedere care
avea potenialul unei distorsionri
semnificative a concurenei pe piaa
romneasc.
n legislaia romneasc, fa
de cea comunitar, exist numeroase
diferene si slbiciuni, derivate din
lipsa de experien (dac ne raportm
la experiena de peste 50 de ani a
rilor membre ale UE) n adoptarea i
implementarea unor norme,
nenelegerea n totalitate a
fenomenului economic sau chiar erori
de nelegere cauzate de traducerea
dintr-o limb strin. De asemenea,
exist i ali factori care in de
specificul economiei, practicile de
afaceri, stadiul actual de evoluie al
economiei, gradul de informare a
agenilor economici etc.
De exemplu, legislaia
romneasc nu preia criteriul
potenialitii afectrii comerului ntre
statele membre ca unul care trebuie
ndeplinit pentru a sanciona
nclcarea articolului 5, care interzice
nelegerile dintre firme n scopul
denaturrii mediului concurenial
normal, sau 6, prin care se interzice
abuzul de poziie dominant, din
Legea concurenei nr. 21/1996.
Potrivit unor analiti, acest lucru ar
nsemna c n Romnia sunt
sancionate i nelegeri care nu
afecteaz comerul cu UE, adic
ntr-un anumit fel, legislaia
romneasca este mai sever. Totui,
potrivit Regulamentului 1/2003
statele membre trebuie s aplice i
articolul 81 i 82 atunci cnd
analizeaz un caz i nu numai
legislaia naional. De multe ori, acest
lucru a creat confuzie n rndul
mediului de afaceri, netiindu-se exact
ce conduit se ateapt din partea
firmelor. Oricum, important de
menionat este faptul c efectele
asupra comerului pot fi directe sau
indirecte, actuale sau poteniale, cu
alte cuvinte, legislaia se aplic doar
dac exist posibilitatea unei
ameninri, i nu este necesar ca
efectul negativ (exprimat prin
scderea importurilor sau exporturilor)
s se fi produs deja.
Un specific aparte l are
articolul 6 lit.f, care interzice vnzarea
237
la export sub costul de producie, cu
acoperirea diferenelor prin impunerea
unor preuri majorate consumatorilor
interni, unde se face referire la practica
de dumping. Relaia dintre legislaia
de protecie a concurentei i msurile
antidumping este evident din punct
de vedere teoretic, dar suficient de
neclar n practic. Exist opinii care
sugereaz c atunci cnd
instrumentele antitrust sunt eficiente,
statele ar trebui s renune la aplicarea
de masuri antidumping. Aceasta
deoarece sancionarea practicii
preurilor de ruinare (pe baza
legislaiei antitrust) ar avea aceleai
efecte ca i msurile antidumping.
Acest lucru se ntmpl rareori n
practic, deoarece diferenele
existente ntre ri n ceea ce privete
legislaia de protecie a concurenei i
modul ei de implementare fac ca
recurgerea la msurile antidumping s
fie mult mai facil i mai eficient.
Potrivit Legii concurenei nr.
21/1996, Legea concurenei se aplic
actelor i faptelor care au sau pot avea
ca efect restrngerea, mpiedicarea sau
distorsionarea concurenei, care sunt
svrite pe teritoriul Romniei, dar i
celor svrite n afara rii, atunci
cnd produce efecte pe teritoriul
Romniei 3 . Potrivit specialitilor, o
operaiune de dumping produce, de
regul, efecte n ara n care se
realizeaz exportul respectiv, fiind
astfel la latitudinea autoritilor din
acea ar ca n msura n care se
creeaz sau amenin s se creeze un
prejudiciu productorilor interni,
respectivele autoriti fiind singurele
n msur s aprecieze acest lucru s
iniieze msuri antidumping. Ori este
greu de imaginat ca autoritile unei
3 trecut, muli dintre economiti
Legea concurenei nr. 21/1996
ri acioneaz mpotriva propriilor
firme, n scopul eventualei protejri a
mediului de afaceri dintr-o alt ar.
n ceea ce privete abuzul de
poziie dominant, problema care se
ridic este c, n Romnia, ca de altfel
i n alte ri care au trecut prin aceast
etap autoritile sectoriale nu dein
expertiza necesar pentru a preveni
sau dovedi un abuz de poziie
dominant sau a face o definire a pieei
relevante, iar autoritile de
concuren nu dispun de informaii
referitoare la aspecte ca accesul la
reea, interconectare, .a.m.d.
Cooperarea ntre ele, pe de o parte i
specializarea accelerat a fiecreia pe
de alt parte sunt condiii eseniale
pentru asigurarea cadrului necesar
procesului de liberalizare
(transparen, credibilitate,
responsabilitatea pentru deciziile luate,
dar i posibilitatea de a fi contestate)
pentru asigurarea siguranei de care
trebuie s beneficieze noii intrai pe
pia, dar i a compensrilor echitabile
ale celor deja existeni. Aceasta cu att
mai mult cu ct intervenia fiecreia
dintre cele dou tipuri de autoriti are
loc, n principiu, la momente diferite
de timp: autoritatea sectorial
acioneaz de regul anterior(stabilind
regulile de joc pe piaa respectiv), n
vreme ce autoritatea de concuren
acioneaz dup producerea
aciunii(analiznd comportamente).
Provocri pentru aciunile
viitoare ale autoritilor n domeniul
concurenei
Liberalizarea pieelor este unul
dintre subiectele cele mai discutate, n
special cnd este vorba de sectorul
serviciilor i al utilitilor publice. n
238
considerau multe dintre piee
industriile de ip reea (telecomunicaii,
gaze, pot, transport feroviar etc.), o
mare parte din utilitile publice,
monopoluri naturale.
Consiliul Concurenei trebuie s
joace rolul de creator de piee.
Designul pieelor liberalizate este o
sarcin deosebit de dificil chiar i
pentru ri cu experien. Marile
probleme sunt cele la monopolurile
reglementate unde liberalizarea
trebuie gndit i realizat prin
colaborarea dintre autoritatea de
concuren i autoritile de
reglementare existente. Aceasta este,
probabil una dintre cele mai mari
provocri creia Consiliul Concurenei
va trebui s-i fac fa n perioada
urmtoare. Pe lng un volum de lucru
sporit, va fi necesar i o expertiz n
fiecare dintre aceste domenii extrem
de specializate, precum i un dialog
continuu cu ageniile de reglementare.
Deschiderea pieelor va duce la
intrarea de noi operatori, ns este
foarte posibil ca fostele monopoluri de
stat s continue s existe i chiar s
dein poziii dominante. Dac ele vor
continua s dein proprietatea asupra
reelelor, atunci accesul la aceste
faciliti eseniale va trebui s fie
asigurat prin asigurarea unui mediu
concurenial corespunztor. Astfel,
mpiedicarea abuzului de poziie
dominant pe aceste piee va constitui
o sarcin important pentru Consiliu,
aceasta n cazul n care se alege un
sistem n care autoritii de
reglementare s i se confere astfel de
puteri. Un factor care face aceste
industrii cu att mai greu de urmrit i
monitorizat n ceea ce privete
concurena l constituie faptul c unele
dintre ele vnd produse att pe piaa
intern, ct i pe cea extern. Pe piaa
239
intern, tocmai datorit poziiei
dominante pe care o ocup, anumite
monopoluri vor folosi preuri mai mari
dect pe pieele externe. Totui, o
component important o constituie
artificiile contabile prin care sumele
scap, ceea ce ns iese de sub
competena Consiliului i intr n
competena justiiei. Cu alte cuvinte,
pentru asigurarea eficienei activitii
Consiliului Concurenei, o condiie
necesar o constituie descoperirea
acelor artificii comerciale i contabile
care fac posibil folosirea de strategii
de ruinare i practici restrictive
deghizate. Acestea sunt dificil nu
numai de sesizat, ci i aproape
imposibil de dovedit cu mijloacele de
care Consiliul dispune. Din nou,
problema o constituie asigurarea unui
cadru n care i celelalte instituii s-i
ndeplineasc prompt obligaiile. O
alt provocare de data aceasta att
pentru Consiliu dar i pentru
autoritile de reglementare o
constituie angajarea de personal i
perfecionarea acestuia pentru a
ajunge la gradul de expertiz necesar
fiecruia dintre aceste domenii extrem
de specializate.
Delimitarea clar a
atribuiunilor celor dou tipuri de
autoriti pentru a asigura transparen,
claritate i siguran legal n luarea
deciziilor, responsabilitatea care
revine fiecreia dintre ele este o
condiie absolut necesar construirii
unui cadru adecvat intrrii de noi
operatori pe piee i a echilibrrii de
fore ntre cei existeni. Mai mult,
aciunile autoritilor de concuren i
reglementare trebuie concertate n aa
fel nct s asigure coeren iar n acest
caz cooperarea dintre ele este crucial
i poate presupune crearea de echipe
de lucru mixte care s acioneze n
paralel i n strns interdependen.
Dac adoptarea acquis-ului i
armonizarea legislativ este relativ
uor de realizat, alinierea modului de
aplicare la practica european dar i,
ntr-o anumit msur, la cea
internaional este mai problematic.
Rapoartele Comisiei Europene arat
c legislaia rii noastre poate fi
considerat integral armonizat.
Totui, rmn cteva inadvertene
legate de unele prevederi referitoare la
sancionarea vnzrii la export sub
costurile de producie, interzicerea
importurilor fr competiie de oferte
i tratative tehnico-economice uzuale,
dar mai ales condiia privind creterea
competitivitii la export (aceasta
poate duce la autorizarea unei
concentrri, ceea ce pune n discuie
condiiile respectrii principiilor pieei
interne europene). Mediul de afaceri
Romnesc este unul tnr i destul de
diferit fa de cel al pieei interne
europene, ceea ce face i mai dificil
sarcina Consiliului.
Concluzii
Politica de concuren este o
component a vieii economice aflat
n permanent micare, iar autoritatea
de concuren trebuie s fie cea care d
prima semnalul adaptrii la
provocrile ce apar n acest domeniu.
n acest sens, aderarea Romniei la
Uniunea European a reprezentat un
moment ce a influenat evoluia
autoritii naionale de concuren.
Astfel, n materie de antitrust,
ncepnd cu 1 ianuarie 2007 Consiliul
Concurenei aplic direct prevederile
acquis-ului comunitar, respectiv
articolele 81 i 82 din Tratatul CE i
legislaia secundar comunitar emis
pentru aplicarea acestor articole.
240
Aceasta nu nseamn c Legea
concurenei nr.21/1996, republicat, a
devenit depit, dimpotriv ea va
continua s fie aplicat la cazurile de
dimensiune naional. ns, pentru
acele practici i nelegeri
anticoncureniale ce afecteaz
comerul dintre statele membre,
Consiliul Concurenei va aplica direct
acquis-ul comunitar n colaborare cu
Comisia i cu celelalte autoriti
naionale.
Aceast colaborare ntre
Consiliul Concurenei, Comisie i
restul autoritilor europene de
concuren se va realiza n cadrul
Reelei Europene de Concuren. Pe
lng cooperarea n cadrul Reelei
Europene de Concuren, politica
comunitar n acest domeniu mai
dispune i de alte instrumente menite
s garanteze consumatorilor cele mai
avantajoase opiuni i, n acelai timp,
s susin obiectivul principal al
Strategiei Lisabona de a crea o
economie european durabil, cea
mai dinamic i competitiv din
lume4. Pentru a permite rii noastre
s-i aduc propria contribuie la
atingerea acestui obiectiv, este
important ca i n viitor Consiliul
Concurenei s-i menin atitudinea
proactiv n materie de antitrust, ceea
ce trebuie s nsemne: concentrarea
resurselor asupra cazurilor importante
de distorsionare a concurenei,
utilizarea adecvat a instrumentelor de
investigaie i aplicarea de sanciuni
severe n caz de nclcare grav a
regulilor relevante.
n ceea ce privete ajutorul de
stat, de la data aderrii,
4
Uniunea European pe scurt, Agenda
Lisabona, martie 2008, Sursa:
www.euractiv.ro
responsabilitatea autorizrii msurilor au loc n prezent la nivel european.
naionale de sprijin a trecut de la
nivelul Consiliului Concurenei n Bibliografie selectiv:
competena Comisiei Europene.
Aceast modificare de atribuii nu va 1. Popescu, Anisia Cristina -
nltura ns autoritatea romn de Politica european de concuren n
concuren de la aplicarea regulilor n contextul integrrii, Ed. ASE,
domeniu. Actualele proceduri Bucureti, 2006
naionale n domeniul ajutorului de 2. www.consiliulconcurentei.r
stat confer Consiliului Concurenei o, Chirioiu, M. Bogdan, Pia
statutul de autoritate de contact n unic, pia naional: politica de
relaia cu Comisia European. Astfel, concuren n sectoare cheie, 2009
autoritatea romn de concuren 3. Legea concurenei nr.
reprezint intermediarul naional 21/1996.
dintre autoritile de concuren 4. www.euractiv.ro
comunitare cu atribuii n domeniul Uniunea European pe scurt,
ajutorului de stat, pe de o parte, i Agenda Lisabona, martie 2008.
autoritile naionale ce pot acorda
ajutor de stat, pe de alt parte.
De asemenea, pentru a rspunde
mai bine cerinei din ce n ce mai
imperioase de a acorda ajutoare mai
puine i mai bine direcionate,
Comisia European a lansat un amplu
proces de adaptare a regulilor
europene relevante n acest domeniu.
Aceast reform va permite creterea
gradului de predictibilitate i
transparen n domeniu, va ncuraja
analiza economic a msurilor de
ajutor de stat pentru a le reorienta
astfel nct acestea s contribuie ntr-o
manier remarcabil la implementarea
Strategiei Lisabona. n aceste condiii,
eforturile viitoare ale Consiliului
Concurenei n domeniul ajutorului de
stat trebuie s urmreasc asigurarea
gestionrii n mod adecvat a celor
dou mari provocri ce se vor regsi
pe agenda de lucru a autoritii romne
n perioada urmtoare, respectiv:
modificarea de atribuii determinat de
transferul competenei de autorizare a
ajutoarelor de la nivel naional la nivel
comunitar i adaptarea politicii
naionale n domeniu la reformele ce

241
 Challenges in the Field of Competition in the Context of European
Integration
Abstract: In the market economy system,
competition policy is designed to ensure
the protection and promotion of the
competition process. This competitive
process is not an objective in itself but
just a means because it leads to
efficiency increases, which, in the end,
are transformed into welfare gains for
the society as a whole. However, for the
market economies of small countries, as
Romanian economy is, an inevitable
tension appears between the
concentration given by the reduced
dimensions of the national market and
attaining the efficiency objectives. This
tension is central in the framing and
implementation of the competition
policy.
The competition authority in
Romania itself also confronts this
tension: an excessive aggressive
approach of its role can prevent the
efficiency increase, while a too
permissive approach can lead to abuse
of market power. Moreover, a political
implication that must not be neglected
refers to the need of integrating the
competition policy with other policies as,
for example, the commercial policy. It is
imperative to ensure that the other
policies do not contribute to the creation
or strengthening of barriers when
entering or exiting on or from the
markets they address. On the other hand,
in the sectors where competition is
limited, regulation is necessary
precisely for limiting of potential costs
imposed by market power abuses.
242
Drd. Adina Gabriela DASCLU
University of Craiova
Key words: competition policy,
economic efficiency, market power
abuse, the integration of economic
policies.
Premises and challenges which
demand the authorities attention in
the competition field
Competition protection
represents a relatively new area of
politics for Romania. Thus, it is
necessary that the law, but most of all
its practical implementation, offers a
set of flexible instruments that can be
applied from one case to another in
order to reduce abuses and to promote
economic efficiency. This rule is valid
not only for smaller economies, but
also for the larger ones, as it is the case
of the Single European Market space,
as it must use an approach based less
on the rigid laws and more on the
effects analysis, showing more
attention to efficiency.
Conditions of the markets in
small economies facilitate cooperating
behaviour between companies because
of the small number of firms that
operate in many industries. Obviously,
when the behaviours with pro
competitive effects do not prevail over
the negative ones, the law must be
clear and firm. However, in small
economies, arrangements as
commercial restrictions or
joint-ventures can lead to efficiency
increase or, paradoxically, can
encourage pro competitive behaviours
(for example, a group of small firms
can cooperate and act together in order
to be able to compete with bigger
firms on the market, situation that
could lead to a more stable balance of
market forces). The existence of such
agreements that increase consumer
welfare should not be forbidden, thus,
the effects based analysis should be
the decision factor in this cases.1
In the context of integration,
Romania does no more constitute a
market of a small economy but a part
of the Single European Market. From
this point of view, besides the
exigencies tied of the competition
protection according to a functional
market mechanism, an important area
in which the competition authority can
play a key role is to ensure compliance
with European competition laws in
order to allow the expression of the
fundamental freedoms of exchange
that the European internal market
involves.
Therefore, in carrying out the
mission that has been attributed and
for promoting the welfare of all
consumers of goods and services, this
year, The Competition Council has
proposed to present for public debate a
report regarding the competition
situation in Romania, in some fields
that have been identified as key fields
for the national economy (the banking
sector, retailing- especially food
commerce, the energetic sector, the
pharmaceutical sector, etc.). This
approach is considered by the
competition authority the first step in
developing of a future collaboration
much more active with all the decident
1
Anisia Cristina Popescu, Politica
european de concuren n contextul
integrrii, Ed. ASE, Bucureti, 2006
247
factors and social partners2 in order
to make them aware of the fact that
attaining the competitiveness and
performance objectives involve
respecting the laws, respecting
business partners and moreover
respecting the principles of a free
market.
This report resulted from a
detailed analisys of the economic
agents practices and of the regulations
in each of these fields, in our country,
but also at the European level. The
analysis conclusions were that these
sectors present many vulnerable points
in what regards the competition
behaviour. The Competition Council
proposed several guidelines designed
to improve the existent situation in
these sectors, especially because the
malfunctions discovered could also
extend their effects over other areas of
the national economy.
The declared intention of the
Council is to become more active in
drawing attention over the activities
that, although affect competition,
cannot be directly corrected by
himself.
The current state of Romanian
legislation and the actual economic
reality
The legal framework under
which the activity of all participants in
economic life occurs is the first
element to be considered in the
analysis of normal operation of the
market. It is considered that, at this
2
Bogdan M. Chirioiu, Pia unic, pia
naional: politica de concuren n
sectoare cheie, 2009,
Source: www.consiliulconcurentei.ro
time, Romanian legislation is fully
harmonized with the European one.
However, literature states that there
are differences or weaknesses either of
form or even of substance or approach
to the Community approach. In the
next few paragraphs, there must be
mentioned some of the most important
differences which concern more the
economic substance rather than the
procedural related ones.
Thus, an alternative definition
of abusive behaviour of dominant firm
through the use of anti-competitive
acts which have as their object or may
have the effect of prejudicing
commerce or affecting consumers" is a
criterion which is in addition to
Romanian law compared to the Article
82 of The EC Treaty. The result is that
any price increase that may arise could
be interpreted correctly as harm to
consumers while the intervention of
the authority may not be justified by
distorting competition. Important is
that the sectors that could fall under
this provision are the very sensitive
ones like electricity, water, heat, etc..
A second point of
differentiation refers to the sale of
local products in foreign markets at
prices lower than prevailing domestic
ones, in order to remove competitors
and capture foreign markets
(dumping), and consists of prohibiting
the export sales below the cost of
production, to bridge the gap by
imposing domestic consumers
increased prices. This means the
prohibition of discrimination in
markets with different elasticity by
cross-subsidization by the monopolist.
There are times when the monopolist
sells below cost due to unfavourable
conjuncture or, as economic theory
says, continuing work in the short term
248
as long as it is possible to recover at
least the average variable costs. These
situations should not be incriminated
as leading to distortion of competition.
Finally, a practice like forward
pricing (setting the price in the early
stage of introducing the product on the
market- for which is forecasted a
significant decrease in future costs due
to learning curve or for goods that
require a substantial amount of sunk
costs) in the initial production phase of
goods is not only a marketing strategy
often used, but also a way to permit
consumers the access to the first units
of the product. The existence of
economies of scale can make exports
at prices below average total cost of
training justified just mean reducing
the cost per unit of product by
increasing production.
Another strategy to penetrate a
new market involves the use of lower
prices than those prevailing in that
market, although normally the price
reduction would increase the
competitive nature of the market. A
price below average variable costs
coupled with that price increase in the
future after the exclusion of
competition is a predatory practice and
therefore indictable. But sometimes,
the use of prices below average total
cost may be the only way to climb
barriers on the export market, whether
they come from consumers' reluctance
to abandon the regular suppliers or
from the very structure of the
oligopolistic market.
In conclusion, applying
anti-dumping measures for exporting
firms holding a dominant position in
domestic market must be made with
caution. Moreover, the discussion
remains open whether the competition
authority in the country of origin is the
one to condemn dumping prices, or
this responsibility goes entirely to the
authority of the importing country.
However, they are to note the
absolutely necessary changes that
were made to eliminate discrepancies.
Regarding mergers, an important
change is the elimination of the
possibility of authorizing a merger on
the grounds that it would lead to
increased export competitiveness of
the newly created entity. In terms of
wording, this provision is to correct
the deficiency that was often
reproached to the European system of
merger control due to not taking into
sufficient account of the evaluations of
efficiency increases. However, it was
against the idea of a European single
market. Equally important was the
elimination of provisions relating to
the differentiation in treatment
between private companies and some
state enterprises, a provision which
had the potential for significant
distortions of competition on the
Romanian market.
In Romanian legislation,
comparing to the Community, there
are many differences and weaknesses
derived from lack of experience (if we
refer to the experience of over 50 years
of member countries of the EU) in
adopting and implementing rules,
failure to understand fully the
economic phenomenon or even
misunderstandings caused by
translation from a foreign language.
There are also other specific factors
related to economy specific, business
practices, the present state of
development of the economy, the
economic awareness of enterprises,
etc.
For example, Romanian law
does not take into consideration the
249
criterion of potential damage brought
over trade between Member States as
one that must be met to sanction
violation of Article 5, which prohibits
agreements between firms to distort
normal competitive environment, or
Article 6, which prohibits abuse of
dominant position of the Competition
Law no. 21/1996. According to some
analysts, this would mean that in
Romania are also sanctioned
agreements which do not affect trade
with the EU, meaning that, in a certain
way, Romanian legislation is more
severe. However, under Regulation
1/2003 Member States must apply
Article 81 and 82 when considering a
case and not only national legislation.
Many times, this created confusion
among business environment, not
knowing exactly what conduct is
expected from companies.
Nevertheless, it is important to note
that the effects on trade can be direct
or indirect, actual or potential, in other
words, the law applies only when there
is a possibility of a threat, and is not
necessary that the negative effect
(expressed by lower imports or exports)
to have occurred already.
It has a particular note Article 6
letter f., which prohibits export sales
below the cost of production, to bridge
the gap by imposing higher prices to
domestic consumers. Here, reference
is made to the practice of dumping.
The relationship between competition
protection legislation and
anti-dumping measures is obvious
theoretically, but insufficiently clear in
practice. There are opinions that
suggest that when antitrust tools are
effective, states should refrain from
applying anti-dumping measures. This
is because penalizing predatory
pricing practice (based on antitrust law)
would have the same effect as
anti-dumping measures. This happens
rarely in practice, because the
differences between countries in terms
of legislation to protect competition
and how it is implemented make the
use of anti-dumping measures much
easier and more efficient.
According to the Competition
Law no. 21/1996, "Competition Law
applies to acts and facts that have or
may have the effect of restricting,
preventing or distorting competition,
which are committed in Romania, but
also those committed outside the
country, when they produce effects on
Romanian territory" 3 . According to
experts, a dumping operation usually
generates effects in the country in
which the respective export takes
place, and thus it is up to the
authorities of that country that ( to the
extent that it creates or threatens to
create harm to domestic producers, the
respective authorities being the only
able to appreciate it) to initiate
anti-dumping measures. Yet it is hard
to imagine that the authorities of a
country act against their companies in
order to protect businesses from
another country.
Regarding the abuse of
dominant position, the question that
arises is that, in Romania, as well as in
other countries that have gone through
this stage - sectoral authorities do not
have the expertise to prevent or prove
an abuse or to provide an appropriate
definition of the relevant market- the
competition authorities have no
information on aspects such as
network access, interconnection, etc.
Cooperation between them, on one
hand and rapid specialization of each
3
Competition Law no. 21/1996
250
on the other hand are essential
conditions for ensuring the necessary
framework of the liberalization
process (transparency, credibility,
responsibility for decisions taken, but
also the opportunity to challenge them)
in order to ensure the safety of which
new entrants on the market should
benefit, but also a fair reward for the
firms that act already on that market.
This especially since the intervention
of each of the two types of authorities
takes place, in principle, at different
time: the sectoral one usually acts
previously (setting rules of the game in
that market), while the competition
one acts after the action takes place
(analyzing the behaviour).
Challenges for the future
actions of competition authorities.
Liberalization is one of the most
discussed topics, especially when it
comes to public services and utilities.
In the past, both technologies but also
many economists believed many of the
markets - network-based industries
(telecommunications, gas, post, rail,
etc..), much of public utilities as
natural monopolies.
The Competition Council must
act as a "market maker". Liberalized
markets' design is a particularly
difficult task even for countries with
experience. Major issues are regulated
monopolies where liberalization must
be designed and carried out by
cooperation between competitions the
existent regulatory authorities. This is
probably one of the biggest challenges
that the Competition Council will have
to cope with in the next period.
Besides an increased workload, an
expertise in each of these highly
specialized areas will be required; also
an ongoing dialogue with regulatory
agencies is essential.
Open markets will lead to entry
of new operators, but it is very
possible that former state monopolies
continue to exist and even hold a
dominant position. If they continue to
hold property over networks, than
access to essential facilities should be
ensured by providing an appropriate
competitive environment. Thus,
preventing abuse of dominant position
in these markets will be an important
task for the Council, if a system in
which the regulatory authority is
conferred such powers is chosen. One
factor that makes these industries even
more difficult to follow and monitor in
terms of competition is that some of
them sell products both on domestic
and on foreign markets. On the
domestic market, precisely due to the
dominant position they have, some
monopols will use higher prices than
those used on external markets.
However, accounting schemes are an
important means by which amounts
are hidden, practice which goes
beyond the Council's competency but
comes under the competency of justice.
In other words, to ensure the efficiency
of the Competition Council's activity,
a prerequisite is the discovery of those
commercial schemes and accounting
strategies that enable the use of
disguised predatory and restrictive
practices. These are not only difficult
to grasp, but almost impossible to
prove by the means of which the
Council disposes. Again, the problem
is providing a framework for other
institutions to fulfil their obligations
promptly. This time, another challenge
both for the Council but also for
regulators is staffing and its
improvement in order to reach the
251
necessary level of expertise of each of
these highly specialized fields. The
clear delimitation of the powers of the
two types of authorities to ensure
transparency, clarity and legal
certainty in decision making, and
establishing the responsibilities
assigned to each of them, is a
necessary condition for building a
suitable framework on the market to
encourage the entry of new operators
and the balance of power between the
existing ones. Moreover, competition
and regulatory authorities' actions
should be concerted so as to ensure
consistency and in this case their
cooperation is crucial and may involve
the creation of joint working teams to
work in parallel and in close
interdependence. If adoption of the
acquis and the harmonization of laws
is relatively easy to achieve, the
alignment of their application to the
European practice but also, to a certain
extent, to the international practices is
more problematic. European
Commission's reports show that the
law of our country can be considered
fully harmonized. However, some
inconsistencies remain referring to
certain provisions relating to the
sanction of export sales below cost of
production, to the ban "of imports
without competing offers technical
and of usual "economic negotiations",
but especially the condition of export
competitiveness increase(this can lead
to the authorization of a concentration,
which calls into question the
compliance with the principles of the
European internal market). Romanian
business environment is young and
quite different from that of the
European internal market, making the
task even harder for the Council.
 Conclusions
Competition policy is a part of
economic life which finds itself in a
permanent move, and the competition
authority should be the one which
gives the first signal to adapt to the
challenges arising in this area. To this
end, Romania's EU accession was a
point that has influenced the
development of the national
competition authority. Thus, in what
regards antitrust law, since January 1,
2007 the Competition Council directly
applies the provisions of the
Community's acquis, respectively the
Articles 81 and 82 of the European
Comunity Treaty and the secondary
European legislation issued to enforce
these articles. This does not mean that
the Competition Law 21/1996,
republished, has become obsolete,
rather it will continue to be applied to
cases of national dimension. But for
those anti-competitive practices and
agreements affecting trade between
Member States, the Competition
Council will directly apply EU acquis
in cooperation with the Commission
and the other national authorities.
This collaboration between the
Competition Council, the Commission
and the rest of the European
competition authorities will be done
within the European Competition
Network. In addition to cooperation
within the European Competition
Network, the Community policy in
this area also has other tools to ensure
consumers the best options and, at the
same time, to support the main
objective of the Lisbon Strategy to
create a sustainable European
economy, "the most dynamic and
252
competitive in the world"4. To enable
our country to make its own
contribution to this objective, it is also
important that in the future the
Competition Council must maintain a
proactive position in antitrust law,
which must mean: concentrating
resources on major cases of distortion
of competition , proper use of tools of
investigation and severe sanctions in
case of serious violation of relevant
rules.
In terms of state aid, after
accession, the responsibility of
authorising national measures of
support passed from the Romanian
Competition Council in the
responsibility of the European
Commission. Yet, this change of
duties will not remove the Romanian
competition authority from applying
the rules in this area. The current
national procedures of state aid give
the Competition Council the statute of
contact authority in relation to the
European Commission. Thus, the
Romanian competition authority is the
intermediary between the EU
competition authorities involved in the
field of state aid, on the one hand ,and
national authorities which can grant
state aids, on the other.
Also, to better meet the
increasingly imperative requirement to
give less and better targeted aid, the
European Commission launched a
comprehensive process of adapting the
relevant European rules in this area.
This reforms will help increase
predictability and transparency in the
sector, will encourage economic
analysis of state aid measures to
4
Uniunea European pe scurt, Agenda
Lisabona, martie 2008, Source:
www.euractiv.ro
reorient them so that they contribute in
a considerable way to implement the
Lisbon Strategy. Accordingly, future
efforts of the Competition Council on
state aid must monitor the adequate
handling of the two major challenges
which will be found on the agenda of
the Romanian authorities in the period
ahead, namely: the change in powers
due to the transfer of competencies of
authorizing the state aid from national
to EU authorities and the adjustment
of the national policy in the field to the
reforms that are currently taking place
at European level.

References:

1. Anisia Cristina Popescu, Politica

european de concuren n contextul
integrrii, Ed. ASE, Bucureti, 2006
2. www.consiliulconcurentei.ro,
Chirioiu, M. Bogdan, Pia unic,
pia naional: politica de concuren
n sectoare cheie, 2009
3. Competition Law no. 21/1996
4. www.euractiv.ro Uniunea
European pe scurt, Agenda
Lisabona, martie 2008.

253
 Deficienele sistemului de nvmnt din mediul rural romnesc n
comparaie cu cele din mediul urban
Abstract: Demersul de fa i propune
s surprind ntr-o manier descriptiv
aspectele definitorii ale nvmntului
romnesc din mediul rural prin
comparaie cu mediul urban. Ipoteza
pornete de la discrepanele sistemului
educaional n ceea ce privete cele
dou medii de reziden n prezent
ruralul este o zon de slbiciune a
nvmntului. Inegalitile sociale,
srcia, rezultate foarte slabe la
nvtur, lipsa oportunitilor de
angajare, izolarea politic, social i
cultural sunt reprezentative pentru
situaia tinerilor de la sat.
Analiza prezint date din
Raportul asupra Strii Sistemului
Naional de nvmnt1 corelate cu
datele obinute n urma realizrii
studiului de caz n Slveni, un sat din
sud-vestul Romniei. Principalii
indicatori avui n vedere sunt: rata
brut de cuprindere n nvmntul
precolar, rata brut de cuprindere n
nvmntul primar i gimnazial, rata
de absolvire a nvmntului primar i
gimnazial, rata brut de cuprindere n
1
Anual, Ministerul Educaiei, Cercetrii
i Inovrii prezint o diagnoz a
nvmntului romnesc pe baza
indicatorilor specifici. Raportul prezint
totodat indicaiile i direciile de
dezvoltare n conformitate cu rezultatele
obinute n anul respectiv. Datele folosite
n studiul de fa provin din Raportul
asupra strii sistemului de nvmnt din
anul 2009. Raportul este dat publicitii;
Masterand Simona MIHAIU
Universitatea din Bucureti
simonamihaiu@yahoo.com
Omul nu devine om dect prin educaie.
E. Kant
coal n nvmntul liceal i
profesional, rata brut de cuprindere n
nvmntul post-secundar teriar i
non teriar, rezultatele obinute la
evalurile naionale i internaionale,
rata omajului la tinerii cu vrsta
cuprins ntre 15 - 24 de ani, rata
abandonului colar.
Indicatorii prezentai au rolul
de a evidenia o realitate ce nu se afl
pe agenda prioritilor instituiilor
statului responsabile, aceasta este doar
realitatea oamenilor de rnd, a copiilor
ce nu i permit s i cumpere rechizite
colare, a copiilor ce trebuie s renune
la coal ca s i ctige existena, a
tinerilor care sunt nevoii s practice
activiti necalificate dei au absolvit o
facultate acesta este satul romnesc.
Cuvinte cheie: nvmnt rural,
precaritatea nvmntului, srcie,
politic social.
nvmntul romnesc
ntre urban i rural analiz
comparativ
n Romnia aspectul practic al
nvmntului se afl ntr-o profund
contradicie cu aspectul teoretic: dei
misiunea colii este prezentat ntr-un
set de standarde generale ce
interpreteaz ateptrile
beneficiarilor, n realitate se simte
lipsa de interes pentru dezvoltare,
pentru crearea unor anse egale cu
provocrile viitorului iar nvmntul
254
din mediul rural este principalul
domeniu defavorizat.
Preocuparea pentru analiza
nvmntului de la sat privit din
perspectiva inegalitilor de anse, a
srciei i a lipsei de interes se nscrie
ntr-o tendin deja consacrat, cu att
mai mult cu ct ncercrile de
europenizare i globalizare de dup
anul 1989 au declanat o serie de
transformri profunde. Aceste
transformri au bulversat viaa satelor
romneti, oamenii au fost nevoii s
se adapteze la condiii de via
nespecifice unui trai decent i de
multe ori sub ateptrile raportate la
eforturile depuse - situaie
caracteristic actualului sistem
educaional. Precaritatea specific
nvmntului din mediul rural se
datoreaz lipsei de orientare pentru
dezvoltare i indiferenei forelor
politice romneti de a dezvolta
proiecte afirmative, att timp ct
aciunile se concentreaz pe problema
finanrilor insuficiente, mai mult
dect pe utilizarea corect a
finanrilor existente, aa restrnse
cum sunt.
Elevii din mediul rural
renun la coal pe parcursul
anilor de studiu
Datele din Raportul asupra
strii sistemului de nvmnt din
anul 2009 indic faptul c tot mai
muli copii de la sat au mers la
grdini, rata de cuprindere fiind
ntre anii 2001-2009 cu peste 1% n
favoarea mediului rural. Dei datele
statistice indic o evoluie n ceea ce
privete educarea i formarea copiilor
realitatea este c uneori srcia i
inegalitile sociale joac un rol
decisiv. n satul Slveni, un sat n care
oamenii i ctig existena muncind
n propria gospodrie sau prestnd
activiti necalificate, ocazionale, sunt
familii care i trimit copii la grdini
pentru o alocaie de la stat n valoare
de 42 RON sau chiar pentru un corn i
o cutie cu lapte: Avem trei copii,
muncim pmntul nostru i cnd
putem muncim cu ziua n sat dar nu
ne ajung banii de mncare, aa c i-
am trimis pe toi la rnd la grdini,
ne mai d statul alocaie i copii
mnnc de diminea acolo spunea
C.R. n timp ce i pregtea copilul s
mearg la grdini. n anul colar
2008/2009 toi copii din sat cu vrsta
cuprins ntre 3-6 ani mergeau la
grdini ns educatoarea apreciaz
cu sinceritate c marea majoritate
sunt mai degrab nscrii n lupta
pentru supravieuire dect n sistemul
de nvmnt.
Participarea la cursurile de la
coala primar i gimnazial ar trebui
s fie asigurat pentru toi copii
fiindc dezvoltarea socio-profesional
este strns legat de aceste niveluri de
educaie ns n Romnia nu sunt
constituite sisteme de nvmnt care
s asigure echitate i evoluie,
indiferent de statutul socio-cultural
sau economic. n anul colar 2008-
2009 rata brut de cuprindere n
nvmntul primar i gimnazial a
fost de 106,3% n mediul urban iar n
mediul rural aceasta a atins cifra
91,6%. Discrepana crete cu fiecare
an n defavoarea mediului rural iar
explicaiile cadrelor didactice i ale
prinilor sunt strns legate de srcie,
de faptul c de la o vrst copii
trebuie s munceasc i nu mai au
timp s mearg la coal, cu att mai
mult cu ct muli prini se vd
nevoii s mearg la munc n
strintate i i las gospodria n
grija copiilor. n anul colar
255
2008/2009 doar 82,6 % dintre copii
cu vrsta cuprins ntre 3-15 erau
nscrii la o form de nvmnt.
Oscilaiile efectivelor de elevi de la an
la an se datoreaz i migraiei de la sat
la ora i de la ora la sat, caz n care
copii sunt transferai la alte coli. De
asemenea i abandonul colar este
prezent; n anul 2008/2009 au
abandonat nvmntul gimnazial 2
elevi.

Distribuia elevilor nscrii n nvmntul primar i gimnazial

Nivel nvmnt Numr clase Numr elevi Total

I 1 13
II 1 16
III 1 17
2006/2007 IV 1 19 133
V 1 16
VI 1 16
VII 1 11
VIII 1 25
I 1 13
II 1 11
III 1 17
IV 1 17
2007/2008 V 1 19 116
VI 1 14
VII 1 15
VIII 1 10
I 1 12
II 1 10
III 1 10
IV 1 16
2008/2009 V 1 17 114
VI 1 19
VII 1 14
VIII 1 16

Sursa:
Arhiva coala Slveni, judeul Olt
Ruralul, lipsit de coal n
adevratul sens al cuvntului i de
venituri suficiente pentru a i trimite
copii la ora, srcete datorit lipsei
de nvtur i a presiunii pentru a i
trimite copii la munc ct mai
devreme. Astfel, pentru muli dintre
copii de la sat a merge la coal
devine un deziderat iar abandonul
devine o realitate comun n anul
colar 2007/2008 rata abandonului
colar a fost de 1,7% la copii din
mediul urban i de 2,2% la copii din
mediul rural.

256
 n condiiile date rata de
absolvire a nvmntului primar i
gimnazial pstreaz o tendin de
accentuare a discrepanelor, mai exact
de 24% puncte n defavoarea
mediului rural. La 4 km. de satul
Slveni este un ctun unde odat a
funcionat o coal care acum 6 ani a
fost transformat n crcium. n acest
ctun locuiesc 17 copii cu vrsta
cuprins ntre 3-23 de ani. Dintre
acetia 11 merg la coala din Slveni
iar 6 copii nu sunt nscrii la nici unul
dintre nivelurile de nvmnt.
Pentru 4 dintre copii prinii nu au
bani s cumpere cele necesare pentru
coal, pentru familia unuia dintre
copii coala este prea departe i
trebuie s mearg pe jos 4 km. dus, 4
km. ntors, iar 1 copil de 8 ani
triete doar cu bunicul i trebuie s
participe la munca n gospodrie.
Srcia i lipsa unor condiii decente
de participare la cursurile de
nvmnt transform resursele
umane din mediul rural n victimele
unei viei lipsit de ansa unei evoluii
la care, pn la urm, fiecare dintre
noi are dreptul.
Un indicator relevant pentru
contextul de fa este rata de
promovare a examenului de
capacitate de ctre elevii prezeni:
ntre anii 2006-2007 la nivel naional
au promovat examenul de capacitate
86,4% dintre elevii din mediul urban
i 72,8% dintre elevii din mediul
rural. Pentru acelai indicator este
prezentat n continuare situaia din
satul Slveni.

Numrul elevilor ce au absolvit nvmntul primar i gimnazial cu

promovarea examenelor finale

An colar Numrul Elevi Numrul Elevi

elevilor absolveni ai elevilor absolveni
nscrii n ciclului nscrii n ai ciclului
clasa a 1 a primar clasa a 5 a gimnazial
2006/2007 13 10 16 12

2007/2008 13 12 19 14
2008/2009 12 11 17 15

Sursa:
Arhiva coala Slveni, judeul Olt

Situaia nu poate fi mai bun n pn n anul 2009 de la o diferen

ceea ce privete rata brut de
cuprindere n coal n nvmntul
liceal i profesional; decalajul dintre
mediul urban i rural s-a pstrat la un
nivel ridicat, dei s-au nregistrat
continuu ameliorri din anul 2001
de 35% n anul 2001/2001, n
defavoarea mediului rural, la 26% n
ultimul an (valoarea cea mai redus).
Diferene foarte mari apar i pe
filierele de formare: la liceu intr
constant cu peste 30% mai muli

257
copii din mediul urban dar n
nvmntul profesional diferena
este de aceast dat n favoarea
mediului rural - ntre aproximativ 2 -
12 %, cu valoarea maxim n ultimul
an colar din perioada de referin.
Dei tendina nregistrat de rata de
cuprindere n nvmntul secundar
este pozitiv, diferena mare ntre
nivelurile indicatorului pe medii de
reziden rmne nc un aspect
problematic: participarea elevilor din
mediul rural la ciclul liceal rmne
sczut (aproximativ 75%, fa de
peste 100% n urban), astfel n anul
colar 2008/2009, 86,8% dintre elevii
din ora absolveni ai colii
gimnaziale au mers la liceu n timp ce
dintre colegii lor de la sat au mers
doar 54,8%.
Conform datelor din arhiva
colii din Slveni, din cei 15 elevi
care au absolvit n anul colar
2008/2009 ciclul gimnazial, 6 elevi au
obinut note foarte bune la examenul
de capacitate i au mers mai departe
la liceu iar 9 dintre ei au obinut medii
n jurul notei de 7 i au mers la coala
profesional, n cel mai apropiat ora.
n ceea ce privete
nvmntul post-secundar teriar i
non teriar pentru anul universitar
2007/2008 (primul an pentru care au
fost colectate date dezagregate, pe
medii de reziden) discrepana dintre
rural i urban a fost de 37% adic, la
nivelul oraelor, 67% dintre elevi (cu
vrsta cuprins ntre 19-23 de ani) ce
au absolvit nvmntul liceal sau
profesional au mers spre urmtorul
nivel de nvmnt, n timp ce la sat
raportul a fost de doar 30,9%. n
2008/2009 aceast diferen s-a redus
la 29 %, consecin a meninerii
trendului ascendent n cazul
populaiei provenite din mediul rural,
concomitent cu reducerea ratei de
cuprindere pentru tinerii din urban.
coala din Slveni nu deine date
exacte despre nvmntul post-
secundar teriar i non teriar sau
despre rezultatele pregtirii
profesionale pe piaa muncii.
Conform datelor Institutului
Naional de Statistic, rata brut de
cuprindere n nvmntul superior
a fost n anul colar 2008/2009 de
62,8% studeni provenii din urban i
de 33,9% studeni provenii din
mediul rural.
Aceste cifre ar trebui s devin
elementul principal al politicilor
educaionale deoarece n spatele lor
nu se afl incapacitatea tinerilor de la
sat de a nva ci se afl n primul
rnd inegalitatea social. Arareori
nelegem discriminarea real din
spatele egalitii constituionale att
de des invocat de ctre conductorii
instituiilor de nvmnt.
Elevii din mediul rural obin
rezultate tot mai slabe la evalurile
internaionale i naionale
Un indicator foarte important
cu privire la calitatea nvmntului
romnesc din mediul rural este cel al
rezultatelor la evalurile
internaionale. Programul pentru
evaluarea internaional a elevilor
PISA este un studiu comparativ
internaional dezvoltat de ctre
Organizaia de Dezvoltare i
Cooperare Economic, ncepnd cu
anul 1997. Studiul are scopul de a
msura competenele de baz ale
elevilor, aflai la terminarea studiilor
obligatorii, (n cazul Romniei 10 ani)
pe trei paliere fundamentale:
citire/lectur, matematic i tiine.
Romnia se afl pe locul 47 din 57 de
258
ri, iar diferena dintre mediul urban
Scoruri medii ale elevilor, dup mediul n care este situat coala ( PISA 2006 )
Citire
sat 350
Ora mic 356
Ora mijlociu 396
Ora mare 410
Ora foarte mare 426
Sursa: Raportul asupra Strii Sistemului Naional de nvmnt, Ministerul
Educaiei,Cercetrii i Inovrii, 2009
Dincolo de faptul c i acest
indicator este n defavoarea mediului
rural, ngrijortor este faptul c de
exemplu, n satul Slveni profesorii
nici mcar nu au auzit c se aplic
astfel de evaluri, ceea ce
demonstreaz c nivelul de informare
i implicare in evoluia sistemului
educaional de la sat este foarte
sczut.
Evaluarea PIRLS este de
asemenea relevant - studiul, ce se
deruleaz la un interval de trei ani are
ca scop msurarea capacitii de citire
i interpretare a unui text de ctre
elevii absolveni a patru clase.
Romnia s-a situat pe locul 36 din
cele 45 de ri participante iar pe
mediile de reziden, raportndu-ne la
scorul mediu internaional de 500 de
puncte, elevii de la sat au obinut 462
de puncte comparativ cu elevii din
mediul urban ce au obinut 515
puncte.
i rezultatele obinute la
evalurile naionale nregistreaz
diferene majore de performan n
favoarea mediului urban: cu ocazia
evalurii naionale de la sfritul
clasei a - 4 a elevii din mediul
urban au obinut medii cu un sfert
pn la o treime mai mari fa de cei
din mediul rural. Cea mai mare
i cel rural este foarte mare:
Matematic tiine
402 388
371 375
414 416
429 436
442 440
diferen este constatat n cazul
limbii materne.
Rata de promovare a tezelor cu
subiect unic, pe medii de reziden
evideniaz rezultate inferioare pentru
elevii de la sat. De exemplu, la clasele
a - 7 - a i a - 8 - a cele mai mari
diferene se nregistreaz la limba i
literatura romn, pentru clasa a 8 -
a diferenele n favoarea mediului
urban variind ntre 10 i 13%. Cele
mai mici diferene pe medii de
reziden ntre ratele de promovare
ale elevilor de clasa a VIII-a s-au
nregistrat la disciplinele istorie i
geografie, unde elevii din mediul rural
au obinut rezultate apropiate celor
din urban, ecartul fiind de
aproximativ 1-2%. 2 Dac n unele
coli din rile dezvoltate i chiar n
foarte multe coli din Romnia astzi
se au n vedere noi dimensiuni
derivate din realitatea lumii
contemporane (educaie nutriional,
sexual, politic, juridic), n alte
coli romneti nsui conceptul de
educaie formal nu este cunoscut
elevilor. nvmntul romnesc nu
este ceea ce pare sau ceea ce ncearc
se devin de foarte muli ani,
2
Raportul asupra strii sistemului de
nvmnt, Ministerul Educaiei,
Cercetrii i Inovrii, 2009;
259
realitatea acestui domeniu este una
destul de trist n care inegalitile,
indiferena i frustrrile i spun
cuvntul.
Rata omajului n mediul rural
urmeaz un trend ascendent
Relaia dintre srcie i privete sistemul de nvmnt - n
nvmnt merge n ambele sensuri.
Mai nti srcia reduce accesul la
nvmnt i scurteaz dramatic
durata vieii colare i nivelul colii
absolvite. Apoi srcia este direct
proporional cu nivelul educativ
atins, astfel nct lipsa de nvmnt
produce srcie. n rezumat, srcia
existent produce o srcie i mai
mare, avnd ca principal vehicul
nvmntul, ca factor esenial n
determinarea valorii individului pe
piaa forei de munc i a anselor
sale de a i gsi o ocupaie
remunerat3.
Tinerii din mediul rural fr
studii i gsesc mult mai greu de
lucru dect tinerii din mediul urban ce
nu au absolvit nici un nivel de
nvmnt. Aceeai problem o
ntmpin att tinerii cu studii
gimnaziale ct i cei cu studii liceale,
diferena dintre ei i tinerii dintre de
la ora fiind de 13% puncte atunci
cnd i caut un loc de munc. Nici
cei care au absolvit studii superioare
i locuiesc la sat nu i gsesc uor un
loc de munc, aflndu-se n defavoare
fa de studenii din mediul urban cu
aproximativ 20% puncte.
Doar tinerii absolveni ai unei
coli profesionale i gsesc de lucru
3
Adrian MIROIU (coordonator),
Vladimir PASTI, Cornel CODI,
Gabriel IVAN, Mihaela MIROIU,
nvmntul romnesc azi. Studiu de
diagnoz, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1998;
mai uor dect cei din ora iar acest
lucru se datoreaz dezvoltrii reelei
SAM dup aplicarea msurii de
extindere a duratei nvmntului
obligatoriu la 10 ani.
Mediul rural romnesc prezint
deficiene foarte mari n ceea ce
satul romnesc nu ajung reformele, nu
ajung nici resursele necesare
dezvoltrii capitalului uman, nu se
creeaz locuri de munc pentru
absolvenii unei coli, pentru 44, 8 %
4
din populaia Romniei coala doar
se ajusteaz i din cnd n cnd,
atunci cnd se dezvolt o nou
reform ncearc din nou un progres
ateptat de zeci de ani.
Concluzii:
Conform datelor Raportului
asupra Strii Sistemului Naional de
nvmnt n anul 2007 au fost
alocate nvmntului 17% procente
din totalul cheltuielilor publice, acesta
fiind unul dintre serviciile publice cel
mai nalt finanate. Rezultatul este
discordana grav dintre resursele
alocate nvmntului rural romnesc
i incapacitatea sistemului
educaional de a utiliza optim
resursele disponibile.
Satul actual romnesc, prin
prisma sistemului de nvmnt este
n mare msur decuplat de la
realitile i cerinele nceputului de
mileniu trei. O simpl analiz
evideniaz o serie de probleme
ascunse n spatele unor discursuri
despre modernizare, eforturi, grij i
revoluionarea nvmntului. Zeci
de coli nu au bani de nclzire pe
timp de iarn, sute de coli se
4
Anuarul statistic al Romniei, Institutul
Naional de Statistic 2007.
260
prbuesc pe elevi i profesori,
cadrele didactice au salarii mici, in
colile din mediul rural predau
profesori necalificai, copiii parcurg
distane uriae pe jos pn la coal
iar n prezent se vorbete despre
disponibilizri de personal didactic i
despre diminuarea alocaiei pentru
copii.
Este necesar s recunoatem c
starea real a nvmntului rural
actual se poate caracteriza mai
degrab prin incertitudine,
improvizaie i provizorat dect prin
linititoarea credin c n structurile
de profunzime problemele nu sunt
att de grave, c odat cu fiecare nou
lege acesta se va reforma rapid i
corespunztor pentru evoluia
societii rurale i implicit a ntregii
societi romneti.
Daca se poate vorbi pe viitor n
mod excepional i puin probabil
despre o reform care s rspund
nevoilor nvmntului, aceasta
trebuie fcut n mediul rural. n
condiiile n care o societate depinde
n cea mai mare msur de resursele
sale umane iar sistemul educaional
Referine:
1. Anuarul statistic al Romniei,
Institutul Naional de Statistic
2007;
2. Miroiu Adrian (coordonator),
Pasti Vladimir, Codi, Cornel
Ivan Gabriel, Mihaela Miroiu,
nvmntul romnesc azi. Studiu de
diagnoz, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1998
3.Raportul asupra strii sistemului
de nvmnt, Ministerul
Educaiei, Cercetrii i Inovrii,
2009.
este principalul productor de resurse
umane socialmente modelate,
construirea unor politici bugetare i
sociale n funcie de necesitile
educaionale din mediul rural pe
termen mediu i lung ar putea
reprezenta o nou perspectiv asupra
programelor de guvernare. Acestea ar
trebui s in cont n primul rnd de
faptul c sistemul de nvmnt
creeaz piaa forei de munc, care
este elementul esenial al dezvoltrii
unei societi.
n contextul dat populaia
rural trebuie s devin o parte activ
a procesului de educaie, prinii i
cadrele didactice trebuie s fie
ascultate, copii trebuie s se
regseasc n curricula colar,
trebuie s se regseasc ntr-un sistem
de nvmnt care s i orienteze n
viaa privat, profesional i social.
Toate acestea ar trebui s debuteze cu
diminuarea inegalitilor sociale i a
srciei pentru c altfel sistemul de
nvmnt nu i va putea justifica
poziia prioritar n portofoliul
strategic al Romniei.
Pagini web:
1. http://www.edu.ro/index.phphttp://
www.blog.lucianshome.nl/2010/01/dr
-funeriu-fata-in-fata-cu-reforma/
2. http://www.radicalonline.info/201
0/02/22/%E2%80%9Cdaniel-funeriu-
cel-mai-slab- ministru-al-
educatiei%E2%80%9D/
3. http://www.revista22.ro/numarul-
curent
261
 Deficiencies of the educational system in the rural environment as
compared to the urban one
Masters degree candidate Simona MIHAIU
It is only through education that
man becomes human.
E. Kant
Abstract: This intercession proposes
itself to intercept in a descriptive
manner the definitive issues of the
Romanian teaching from the rural
environment by comparison to the
urban one. The hypothesis starts from
the discrepancies of the educational
system with regard to the two resistance
environment currently the rural is an
area of teaching weakness. Social
inequalities, pauperization, very weak
study results, lack of employment
chances, political, social and cultural
isolation are representative for the
situation of the youth in villages.
This analysis presents data from
the Report regarding the State of the
National Education System1 correlated
with the data achieved following a case
study in Slveni, a village from the
Southwest Romania. The main
indicators had in view are: the gross
rate of inclusion in the preschool
education, the gross rate of inclusion in
1
Annually, the Ministry of Education,
Research and Innovation presents a
diagnosis of the Romanian education
system based on specific indicators. The
report also presents the guidelines and
ways of development in accordance with
the achieved results the respective year.
The data used in this research are taken
from the Report regarding the
Educational System State from the year
2009. The report is given to publicity;
262
University of Bucharest
simonamihaiu@yahoo.com
the primary and gymnasium education,
the graduation rate in the primary and
gymnasium education, the gross rate of
inclusion in school in the high school
and vocational education, the gross
rate of inclusion in the tertiary and non
tertiary post-secondary education, the
results achieved at the national and
international evaluations, the rate of
unemployment among youth aged
between 15 - 24 years old, the rate of
school abandon.
The described indicators have
the role of stressing out a reality which
cannot be found on the priorities
agenda of the institutions of the state in
charge, this is only the ordinary
humans reality, that of children who
cannot afford to buy writing materials,
of children who are forced to give up
school in order to earn their living, of
youth who are forced to practice
unskilled activities although they
graduated from a faculty this is the
Romanian village.
Key words: rural teaching, education
system precariousness, pauperization,
social politics.
Romanian education system
between urban and rural
comparative analysis
In Romania the practical issue
of teaching is in a deep contradiction
to the theoretical one: although the
school mission is presented within a
set of general standards interpreting
the beneficiaries expectations,
actually it can be felt the lack of
interest for development, for creating
fair chances when considering
futures challenges and the teaching
from the rural environment is the
main disfavorised field.
The concern regarding the rural
teaching analysis looked at from the
perspective of unfair chances, of
poverty and of lack of interest is
inscribed in an already established
trend, especially since the
Europeanization and globalisation
attempts after the year 1989 triggered
out a series of deep changes. These
changes have turned upside down the
life of Romanian villages, people
were forced to adapt themselves to
life conditions which are not specific
to a decent living and many times
much below the expectations as
compared to the efforts made a
situation which is specific to the
current educational system. The
precariousness which is specific to the
rural environment teaching is caused
by the lack of development guiding
and by the indifference of the
Romanian political forces to develop
affirmative projects, since actions are
focused on the short financing issues,
instead of focusing more on a fair use
of the already existing financing,
despite this being also quite short.
Pupils from the rural
environment give up school over the
study years
The data in the Report
regarding the educational system
state from the year 2009 shows the
fact that more and more children in
villages were enrolled to
kindergartens, the rate of inclusion
being between the years 2001 and
2009 over 1% for the benefit of the
263
rural environment. Although the
statistic data point out an evolution
with regard to childrens education
and training, fact is that sometimes
poverty and social inequalities play a
crucial part. In Slveni village, a
village in which people earn their
living working in their own house
stead or performing unskilled,
occasional activities, there are
families who send their children to
kindergarten to benefit instead from
an allowance granted by the state in
amount of 42 RON or even from a
piece of bread and a bottle of milk:
We have three children, we work our
own land and if sometimes we find an
opportunity, we work by the day in
the village but even like that, we dont
have enough money to eat, so we
have sent all our children to
kindergarten, state would give us
allowance and our children would eat
their breakfast there, too said C.R.
while preparing his child to go to the
kindergarten. In the school year
2008/2009 all children in the village
aged between 3-6 years old went to
kindergarten but the pedagogue
sincerely considers that most of them
are sooner participating to the fight
for survival than being enrolled in the
teaching system.
Attendance to the primary
school and gymnasium courses should
be assured for all children because the
social and professional developments
are in tight connection to these levels
of education but in Romania there
have not been set up educational
systems which could assure fairness
and evolution, regardless of the
social, cultural or economic
conditions. In the school year 2008-
2009 the gross rate of inclusion in the
primary and gymnasium education
was 106.3% in the urban environment their childrens care. In the school
and in the rural one it reached a figure year 2008/2009 only 82.6 % of
of 91.6%. The discrepancy increases children aged between 3-15 years old
every year for the disadvantage of the were enrolled within a type of
rural environment and the education. Irregular number of pupils
explanations of the teaching staff and every year is due also to the migration
of parents are tightly related to from villages to cities and the reverse,
poverty, to the fact that starting with a case in which children are transferred
certain age children need to work and to other schools. Also, the school
they have no longer time to attend abandoning is a fact; in the year
school, especially since many parents 2008/2009 2 pupils abandoned the
are forced to go abroad to find a job gymnasium education.
there and let their farm stead under
Assignment of pupils enrolled in the primary and gymnasium education
Education level Number of Number of Total
grades pupils

I 1 13
II 1 16
III 1 17
2006/2007 IV 1 19 133
V 1 16
VI 1 16
VII 1 11
VIII 1 25
I 1 13
II 1 11
III 1 17
IV 1 17
2007/2008 V 1 19 116
VI 1 14
VII 1 15
VIII 1 10
I 1 12
II 1 10
III 1 10
IV 1 16
2008/2009 V 1 17 114
VI 1 19
VII 1 14
VIII 1 16
Source: Archives of Slveni School, Olt County
The rural environment, lacking growing even poorer because of lack
school in the actual meaning of the of education and of pressure to send
word and enough incomes so as to their children to work as soon as
send their children in town to study, is possible. Thus, for many children in

264
villages, going to school becomes a
challenge and abandon becomes an
often met reality in the school year
2007/2008 the rate of school abandon
was 1.7% with children in the urban
environment and 2.2% with those in
the rural environment.
Under the given conditions the
rate of graduation from the primary
and gymnasium education keeps a
trend of stressing out discrepancies,
more exactly of 24% points for the
disadvantage of the rural
environment. At 4 km distance from
Slveni village there is a hamlet
where once there was a school which
6 years ago was turned into a pub. In
this hamlet, 17 children aged between
3-23 years old live. Of all, 11 children
go to school in Slveni and 6 children
are not enrolled with any of the
education levels. For 4 of all the
children, their parents have no money
to buy the necessary things for school,
for the family of one of them the
school is too far and he would need
to walk 4 km round, 4 km return, and
1 child of 8 years old lives together
with his grandfather and he needs to
attend the work in the farm stead.
Poverty and lack of decent conditions
to attend education courses turn the
human resources in the rural
environment into victims of a life
deprived of the chance to evolve as all
of us would be entitled to.
A relevant indicator for the
current context is the rate of passing
the capacity examination by the
present pupils: between 2006 and
2007 at the national level the capacity
examination was passed by 86.4% of
pupils in the urban environment and
72.8% of pupils in the rural one. For
the same indicator it is further
presented the situation in Slveni
village.

The number of pupils who graduated from the primary and gymnasium
education, pass of final examinations included
School year Number of Pupils having Number of Pupils
pupils graduated pupils having
enrolled in the from the enrolled in graduated
1st grade primary level the 5th grade from the
gymnasiu
m level
2006/2007 13 10 16 12

2007/2008 13 12 19 14

2008/2009 12 11 17 15

Source: Archives of Slveni School, Olt County

The situation can be no better kept at a high level, although

with regard to the gross rate of improvements were continually
inclusion in school in the high school recorded from 2001 till 2009 from a
and vocational education; the gap difference of 35% in the year
between the two environments was 2001/2001, to the disadvantage of the

265
rural environment, to 26% in the last
year (the lowest value). There are
very large differences with
educational stages: in high school
there are constantly admitted over
30% more children in the urban
environment but in the vocational
education the difference is this time
for the benefit of the rural
environment - between approximately
2 - 12 %, with maximum value in the
last school year over the reference
period. Although the trend recorded
by this rate of inclusion in the
secondary education is positive, the
large difference between the
indicators levels by residence
environments remains another
difficult issue: attendance of pupils
from the rural environment to the high
school level remains low
(approximately 75%, as compared to
over 100% in the urban environment),
therefore in the school year
2008/2009, 86.8% of pupils in cities
who graduated from gymnasium went
to high school while among their
colleagues from rural environment
only 54.8% went to high school.
According to the data in the
archives of Slveni school, of the 15
pupils who graduated in the school
year 2008/2009 from the gymnasium
level, 6 pupils achieved very good
marks at the capacity examination and
went further to high school and 9 of
them scored averages around the
mark 7 and went to the vocational
school, in the nearest town.
With regard to the tertiary and
non tertiary post-secondary education
for the academic year 2007/2008 (the
first year when data lacking cohesion
were collected by residence
environments) the discrepancy
between rural and urban was 37% that
266
is, at the cities level, 67% of pupils
(aged between 19 and 23 years old)
who graduated from the high school
or vocational education went further
to the next educational level, while in
villages the report was only 30.9%. In
2008/2009 this difference decreased
to 29 %, as consequence of keeping
an up-going trend for the population
originating from the rural
environment, simultaneously with the
decrease of inclusion rate for youth in
the urban environment. The school in
Slveni does not hold accurate data
about the tertiary and non tertiary
post-secondary education or about the
results of professional training on the
labour market.
According to the data of the
Statistics National Institute, the gross
rate of inclusion in the higher
education system was in the school
year 2008/2009 62.8% students
originating from the urban
environment and 33.9% students from
the rural one.
These figures should become
the main element of the educational
policies because behind them there is
no incapacity of youth in villages to
learn but in the first place there is
social inequality. We seldom
understand the real discrimination
behind the constitutional equality
which is so often called by the leaders
of the educational establishments.
Pupils in the rural
environment score worse and worse
results both within the national and
international evaluations
A very important indicator with
regard to the quality of the Romanian
education system in the rural
environment is the one of the results
within the international evaluations.
The program for the international
evaluation of PISA pupils is a
comparative international research
developed by the Development and
Economic Cooperation Organisation,
beginning with the year 1997. The
mentioned research has the purpose of
measuring pupils basic skills, pupils
who find themselves at the finish of
the compulsory studies, (in
Pupils average scores, depending on the environment where the school is
(PISA 2006)
Reading
village 350
Small town 356
Middle town 396
Large town 410
City 426
Source: Report regarding the National Educational System State, Ministry of
Education, Research and Innovation, 2009
Apart from the fact that this
indicator also, is to the disadvantage
of the rural environment, which is an
alarming thing is that, for instance, in
Slveni village teachers havent even
heard that such evaluations are
practiced, which proves that the level
of keeping updated and involvement
in the educational system evolution in
villages is a very low one.
Evaluation of PIRLS is also
relevant the research which is
organised every three years has as
purpose measuring the ability to read
and interpret a text by the pupils
having graduated from the fourth
grade. Romania ranked the 36th of the
45 participating countries and
depending on the residence
environments, if we relate with the
international average score of 500
points, pupils in villages scored 462
points as compared with pupils in the
urban environment who scored 515
points.
Romanias case 10 years of
compulsory study) on three basic
levels: reading/lecturing, mathematics
and sciences. Romania ranks on
position 47 of 57 countries, and the
difference between the urban and the
rural environment is a very large one:
Mathematics Sciences
402 388
371 375
414 416
429 436
442 440
Also the results achieved with
the national evaluations record major
differences of performance to the
benefit of the urban environment: on
the occasion of the national
evaluation from the end of the fourth
grade pupils in the urban
environment scored averages a
quarter to third higher than those in
the rural environment. The greatest
difference can be found with the
native tongue.
The pass rate for unique thesis
topic, by residence environments,
stresses out lower results for pupils in
villages. For instance, with grades 7th
and 8th, the most obvious differences
are recorded with the Romanian
Language and Literature, for grade 8th
differences to the benefit of the urban
environment varying between 10 and
13%. The smallest differences by
residence environments between the
pass rates of pupils in the 8th grade
were recorded with following
267
subjects: history and geography,
where pupils in the rural environment
scored results closer to the urban
ones, the difference being
approximately 1-2%. 2 If in some
schools from the developed countries
and even in many schools in Romania
nowadays it is had in view new
dimensions derived from the reality of
the contemporary world (nutritional,
sexual, political, juridical education),
in other Romanian schools the very
concept of formal education is not
known to pupils. The Romanian
educational system is not what it
appears to be or what it has been
trying to become for many years now,
the reality of this field is a rather sad
one where inequalities, indifference
and frustrations are an obvious proof.
The rate of unemployment in
the rural environment follows an up-
going trend
The relationship between
poverty and educational system goes
to both directions. First of all, poverty
reduces the access to education and
cuts very short and therefore
dramatically the length of the scholar
period and the level of the school
graduated from. Then poverty is
directly related to the achieved
educational level, so that the lack of
education entails poverty. In brief, the
existing poverty entails an even more
intense poverty, having as main
vehicle the educational system, as
essential factor in determining an
individuals value on the labour force
2
Report regarding the Educational
System State, Ministry of Education,
Research and Innovation, 2009;
268
market and of his/her chances to find
a paid job3.
It is even more difficult for the
youth in the rural environment with
no studies finished whatsoever to find
a job than for those in the urban
environment who did not graduate
from any educational level. The same
issue is encountered both by youth
having finished gymnasium studies
and by those having finished high
school studies, the difference between
them and youth in cities being 13%
points when they are seeking for a
place of work. It is almost the same
situation with students having
finished higher education and live to
the country side, namely they cannot
easily find a place of work, thus being
disadvantaged as compared to
students in the urban environment by
approximately 20% points.
Only the young graduates
having fished the courses of a
vocational school find a job easier
than those in the city and this is due to
the SAM network development after
having taken steps of extending the
compulsory education period to 10
years.
The Romanian rural
environment shows very serious flaws
with regard to the educational system
reforms are not applied in
Romanian villages, there are not
enough resources as required by the
human potential development, no
places of work are created for the
graduates of a school level, for
3
Adrian MIROIU (coordonator),
Vladimir PASTI, Cornel CODI,
Gabriel IVAN, Mihaela MIROIU,
nvmntul romnesc azi. Studiu de
diagnoz, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1998;
44.8 % 4 of Romanian population,
school is only adjusted and from time
to time, and when a new reform is
being developed it is actually
attempted again a progress awaited
for thousand of years.
Conclusions:
According to the data of the
Report regarding the National
Education System State in the year
2007 there was assigned to the
educational system 17% percentage of
the lump sum assigned as public
expenses, this being one of the public
services with highest financing. The
result is the serious misconcordance
between the resources assigned to the
Romanian rural education and the
incapacity of the educational system
of finding the best manner to use the
available resources.
The current Romanian village,
looked at through the educational
system is to a great extent unplugged
from the realities and requirements of
the third millennium beginning. A
simple analysis indicates a series of
issues hidden behind speeches about
modernization, efforts, care and
educational system revolutionizing.
Thousands of schools have no money
for heating during winter time,
hundreds of schools fall over pupils
and teachers, teaching staffs have
small salaries, unskilled teachers
teach within the rural environment
schools, children walk enormous
distances to school and currently they
speak about teaching staff dismissals
and about decreasing the allowance
granted to children.
We need to admit that the real
state of the current rural education can
4 to justify its priority position in
Romanias Statistic Directory, National
Institute of Statistics 2007.
269
be rather defined by uncertainty,
improvisation and temporariness than
by the comforting faith that at the
bottom of structures issues are not
that serious, that with each new law it
shall be quickly and appropriately
reformed so as to achieve evolution of
the rural society and implicitly of the
whole Romanian society.
If looking into the future, we
can exceptionally and unlikely speak
about a reform which can meet the
educational systems needs this
should be applied to the rural
environment. Under the conditions in
which a society depends to the
greatest extent of its human resources
and the educational system is the
main supplier of human resources
socially modelled, building some
budgetary and social policies
depending upon the educational
demands from the rural environment
on average and long term might
represent a new perspective over
governing platforms. These should
consider first the fact that the
educational system creates the labour
force market which is the essential
element of a society development.
In the given context, the rural
population needs to become an active
part of the education process, parents
and teaching staffs need to be listened
to, children need to identify
themselves with the school curricula,
and they need to be identified with an
educational system to guide them
through their private, professional and
social life. All these should
commence by reducing the social
inequalities and decreasing the level
of poverty because otherwise the
educational system shall not be able
Romanias strategic portfolio.
 References:
1. Romanias Statistic Directory,
National Institute of Statistics 2007
2. Miroiu Adrian (coordinator),
Pasti Vladimir, Codi Cornel, Ivan
Gabriel, Miroiu, Mihaela, Romanian
Educational System Nowadays.
Diagnosis Research, Polirom
Publishing House, Iai, 1998
3. Report regarding the Educational
System State, Ministry of Education,
Research and Innovation, 2009

Web pages:
1.http://www.edu.ro/index.php
2.http://www.blog.lucianshome.nl/20
10/01/dr-funeriu-fata-in-fata-cu-
reforma/
3.http://www.radicalonline.info/2010/
02/22/%E2%80%9Cdaniel-funeriu-
cel-mai-slab-ministru-al-
educatiei%E2%80%9D/
4.http://www.revista22.ro/numarul-
curent

270
 Aspecte ale migraiei romanilor n Marea Britanie
Rezumat: Toate rile Uniunii
Europene au o migraie pozitiv net,
dei modelul de migraie rmane
diferit, sursele de migraie fiind diferite
pentru fiecare ar. n ultimii caiva
ani, migraia net din Marea Britanie
a crescut semnificativ. n 2007, Uniunii
Europene i s-au alturat 2 ri:
Romania i Bulgaria. Migranii din
categoria A2(romanii si bulgarii) au
ntampinat n Marea Britanie restricii
pe piaa muncii. Interviul cu Cristina
Irimia din ziarul The Guardian-
concepia englezilor despre romani
este urmtoareaCeteni de categoria
a doua
Cuvinte cheie: migraia romanilor,
Marea Britanie, ziarul The Guardian
Aspecte ale Uniunii Europene
ce au legtura cu migraia
Istoric vorbind, originea i
cursul migraiei n rile europene, a
depins pe lng constrngerile legii,
bineneles- de relaiile statelor cu
fostele colonii, de recrutarea forei de
munc extern n perioadele de dup
rzboi, cnd aceasta era deficitar, i
de distana cat mai mica fa de
zonele afectate de rzboi. rile
europene care fuseser odat srace
(Irlanda, Italia, Grecia, Portugalia i
Spania) erau n mod tradiional rile
de emigrare, n timp ce fostele naiuni
imperialiste din nord (Belgia, Frana ,
Germania, Olanda i Marea Britanie )
au primit un mare numr de migrani
dup al doilea rzboi mondial.
Dezbaterile academice i - Working Papers, No. 29, Bielefeld,
271
Drd.Cristina ILIE
Universitatea din Bucuresti
cristin_il@yahoo.com
politice pe tema migaiei i dezvoltrii
ei, au avut tendina s penduleze
nainte i napoi, de la optimismul
evoluionist din anii 1950- 1960, la
pesimismul i scepticismul
structuralist i neo-marxist, din anii
1970-1980, la influenele mult mai
nuanate asupra cercetrilor, pe care
noua economie a migraiei muncii o
are, legate de abordri ale mijloacelor
de trai i de modificrile
transnaionale care au avut loc n
studiul migraiilor n anii 90. Din
anul 2000, a avut loc o renatere
brusc a opiniilor optimiste, n special
n cadrul dezbaterilor politice i
totodat o perioad de avnt n munca
empiric asupra migraiei i
dezvoltrii.1
Avansurile empirice i teoretice
n studiul migraiei i dezvoltrii , au
provocat determinismul nerealist, att
din perspectiva funcionalist
(optimist), cat si din cea
structuralist( pesimist). Aceasta a
creat o perspectiv mult mai subtil,
n care, n funcie de contextul
dezvoltrii specific, sunt posibile att
rspunsurile la dezvoltarea pozitiv ,
cat i cea negativ. Recentele
demonstraii empirice, au confirmat n
mod general propunerile legate de
noile economii ale migraiei muncii(
1
Hein de Haas, Migration and
Development: a theoretical perspective,
COMACD (Center on migration,
citizenship development), Arbeitspapiere
2007, p. 67-68
NELM) i a fcut legtura ntre
abordrile naionale i transnaionale,
toate subliniind abilitatea real a
indivizilor i a comunitilor de care
ei aparin, de a preveni rspndirea
riscului asupra veniturilor, de a mri
ctigul financiar i de a preveni
constrngerile asupra dezvoltrii
locale cum ar fi slbirea pieei i a
altor instituii n procesul migaiei. 2
Dar acum, toate rile Uniunii
Europene au o migraie pozitiv net,
dei modelul de migraie rmne
diferit, cu sursele de migraie diferite
pentru fiecare ar. rile scandinave,
Belgia i Luxemburg, au n cea mai
mare parte migrai europeni strini.
Imigranii din Frana proveneau, n
mod tradiional din nord, din Africa
de Nord, de la sfritul anilor 50,
nceputul anilor 60, i acest lucru a
rmas valabil pana in zilele noastre. (
64% din imigranii actuali, provin din
afara Uniunii Europene). Portugalia,
care recent a nceput s simt
impactul imigraiei ( datorat
numrului mare de populaie
emigrant), a atras muli locuitori din
Cape Verde i din Brazilia. Germania
a fost martora a celei mai mari
creteri, discutnd n termeni absolui,
datorit valurilor de imigrani din
Europa central i de Est, dinaintea
unificrii Germaniei. Dar, n ciuda
diferenelor, rile Uniunii Europene ,
au fost din ce n ce mai afectate de
factori obinuii, cum ar fi conflictele
din Bosnia i Kosovo sau creterea
recent a solicitanilor de azil. Cu o
atitudine relativ restrictiv fa de
migraia economic legal,
rentregirea familiei, a evoluat n
multe ri, ca un mijloc legal de a
2 4
Ibidem , p. 62-63
272
ptrunde n ara respectiv. 3
Tendine noi ale migraiei n
Marea Britanie
n perioada ultimilor ani,
migraia net n Marea Britanie a
crescut semnificativ. Acest lucru pare
s reflecte urmtorii factori:4
- globalizarea economic, care
are, ca i exemplu important de
succes i dezvoltare oraul Londra.
Pentru a-i recrea capitalul intelectual,
oraul cere o infuzie continental de
noi talente, precum i schimburile cu
alte centre precum New York-ul.
Globalizarea, reduce de asemenea
costurile transportului i tranzaciei,
fcnd mai accesibila micarea
oamenilor dintr-un loc n altul;
totodat mbuntete i crete fluxul
de informaii, aducndu-le oamenilor
la cunotina oportunitile din alte
ri;
- din toate aceste lucruri rezult
integrarea economic crescnd i n
particular, mobilitatea muncii n
interiorul Uniunii Europene.
- Globalizarea a produs
totodat instabilitate crescut ntr-un
numr de ri( att n Europa Central
i de Est, cat i n Africa). Scderea
care a avut loc n costul tranzaciilor,
fcnd transporturile mai ieftine,
autorizeaz stabilirea reelelor sociale
i logistice , i n schimb, le permite
oamenilor s vin aici, n mod legal,
sau altfel.
- Marea Britanie are o pia a
3
Stephen Glover, Ceri Gott, Anais
Loizillon, Jonathan Portes, Richard Price,
Sarah Spencer, Vasanthi Srinivasan and
Carole Willis; Migration: an economic
and social analysis, RDS Ocasional Paper
no.27, London, 2001, p. 11
Ibidem, p. 10
muncii relativ puternic ( n
comparaie cu majoritatea rilor din
Uniunea European).
Acest progres s-a nregistrat n
rndul tuturor categoriilor de migrani
din strintate, nu doar pentru
persoanele care cer azil sau pentru
deintorii unor permise de munc.
Analiza din punct de vedere
economic, arat c a fost ndeaproape
corelat cu dezvoltarea economic, att
pentru termenele scurte ( piaa muncii
din Marea Britanie) cat i pentru cele
pe termen lung (creterea fluxurilor
comerciale i de capital).
Migraia din Romania i
Bulgaria
n 2004, zece noi state membre
au aderat la Uniunea Europeana, din
care opt sunt ri est-europene, ce au
nivelurile veniturilor, cu mult sub
media rilor vest-europene( adesea
referindu-se la aceste ri ca fiind
rile A8).5
n 2007, alte doua ri s-au
alturat : Romania i Bulgaria( rile
cunoscute sub denumirea A2).
Aderarea la Uniunea
European aduce dreptul la libera
circulaie ntre statele membre6, lucru
care a dus la apariia unui val de
migraie fr precedent i neateptat
de mare.
Aproximativ 1,5 milioane de
muncitori au venit n Marea Britanie
5 n primele doua ( din patru) grupuri
rile A8 sunt : Polonia, Cehia,
Estonia, Letonia, Lituania, Ungaria,
Slovacia i Slovenia. Ciprul (nu Ciprul
de Nord) i Malta au aderat n aceeai
perioad, dar ele erau ri foarte mici cu
venituri medii mai mari
6
Restriciile pentru piaa forei de munc
a cetenilor noi ai Uniunii Europene sunt
retrase n timpul unei perioade de
tranziie dup aderare
273
din rile A8 din mai- 2004 i
numrul de rezideni naionali n
Marea Britanie a crescut cu 700.000.
Emigranii din Europa de Est,
sunt diferii de celelalte grupuri
imigraioniste non- europene, din
Anglia: faptul c sunt ceteni ai
Uniunii Europene conteaz.
Emigranii din rile A8 nu au nevoie
s aplice pentru obinerea unei vize de
lucru n Marea Britanie. Ei pot lucra
n orice domeniu i pot cltori n ara
natala relativ ieftin.
Emigranii romani i bulgari au
cteva caracteristici comune cu
omologii lor din rile A8. Ei sunt n
marea majoritate tineri: aproximativ
60% au vrstele cuprinse intre 18 i
35 (din punctul de vedere al vrstei,
nu exist diferena statistic fa de
rile A8). Au niveluri de educaie
similare (vrsta medie la care un
muncitor emigrant A2 a prsit
educaia full-time, a fost de 19 ani n
2008). De asemenea, ei au o rat
sczut a omajului i au o participare
crescut a forei de munc (Migration
Advisory Committee, 2008).
O diferen decisiv , este
aceea c emigranii din rile A2
lucreaz n profesii ce au nevoie de o
calificare mai nalt, dect emigranii
din rndul rilor A8. Ca i restul de
emigrani ce nu provin din rile A8 i
precum muncitorii nscui n Marea
Britanie, majoritatea muncitorilor din
rile A2 practic meserii care se afl
de meserii, dintr-un top al
meseriilor(Migration Advisory
Committee, 2008). Aceasta este
probabil o consecin a restriciilor
impuse pe piaa muncii cu care
emigranii din rile A2 se confrunt.
Cum ei nu pot lucra liber n toate
sectoarele, ci sunt limitai n primul
rnd la ocupaii ce au nevoie de o
supracalificare i la liber-profesioniti
( munca ce are nevoie de cele mai
nensemnate calificri este permis,
dar totodat limitat de cotele din
Schema de Baz Sectorial i din
Schema Muncitorilor Sezonieri din
Agricultur), nu este surprinztor c
distribuia lor ocupaional difer de
cea a emigranilor din rile A8.
Oricum, restriciile de pe piaa muncii
trebuie s fie ridicate pan n 2014, i
la acel moment , populaia din noul
val migraionist A2 , s-ar putea s
ajung s semene mai mult cu
populaia din rile A8. (Migration
Advisory Committee, 2008).7
Percepia englezilor asupra
romanilor Ceteni de categoria a
doua interviul din ziarul The
Guardian cu Cristina Irimia
The Guardian , din data de joi,
20.10.2006, gzduiete un testimonial
valoros al unei romnce care, de apte
ani de zile, ncearc sa schimbe
percepia eronata pe care britanicii o
au despre noi. Cristina Irimie, editor
al publicaiei "Roman in UK", care
apare la Londra, este unul dintre
sutele de conceteni care infirma
modelul terifiant pe care mass media
si politicienii britanici l acrediteaz
in ceea ce ne privete. Va prezentam
in cele ce urmeaz articolul Cristinei
Irimia:
Planul ministrului de interne
John Reid, de limitare a accesului
muncitorilor romni i bulgari, ne-a
luat prin surprindere pe noi, romanii
din Marea Britanie. Masurile anunate
7 aproape
The UKs new Europeans: Progress
and challenges five years after accession,
Equality and Human rights Commisiosn,
Manchester, 01.2010, p. 21
274
de la 1 ianuarie 2007, acompaniate de
caricatura reprezentnd romanii,
publicata in presa britanica, ne-a
ntristat foarte mult pe noi, cei ce deja
ne aflam aici. Am sosit in Marea
Britanie acum apte ani, ca studenta,
pentru a-mi termina studiile. Aveam
16 ani si la acea vrsta a fost dificil sa
accept percepia pe care am gsit-o
aici despre tara mea.
Pe vremea aceea, Romnia
nsemna Ceausescu, Dracula, orfani si
igani ceretori. Tabloidele britanice
au reuit, intre timp, sa modifice
aceasta percepie, prin campania
susinut mpotriva romanilor. Drept
rezultat, percepia publica s-a
schimbat, si nu in bine. Romnia este
acum sinonima cu afluxul de neoprit
al muncitorilor necalificai. Ei
invadeaz aceasta tara, furnd locurile
de munca ale britanicilor si
suprasolicitnd serviciile sociale.
Ca roman trind in Marea
Britanie, vine un moment in care te
simi obosit. Oboseti ncercnd, de
unul singur, sa schimbi imaginea tarii
tale, oboseti sa fii privit cu
superioritate doar din cauza
naionalitii tale. In 2004, speram ca
Europa si Marea Britanie vor fi
mulumite cnd vom adera la Uniunea
Europeana, in 2007. Speram ca vom
fi tratai cu respect, ca vom beneficia
de aceleai drepturi cu ceilali
membrii ai Uniunii.
Acum simim ca suntem tratai
ca ceteni de categoria a doua. Ni se
fac cunoscute obligaiile ce ne
ateapt, dar ne este dificil sa vedem
in ce constau drepturile noastre.
Propunerea domnului Reid exclude
toate categoriile de
muncitori. Cele cteva permise de
lucru anunate ca disponibile in
ianuarie 2007, pentru emigrani
supracalificai, nu ajuta la nimic.
Statisticile arata clar ca slujbele
cutate de romani sunt in cu totul alte
domenii, in special in agricultura.
Este o ironie faptul ca una dintre
putinele categorii de lucrtori
acceptai este cea a liber
profesionitilor. Confirma ideea ca
suntem ateptai sa contribuim, nu sa
beneficiem. Constructorii din
Romnia sunt deja binecunoscui
Ministerului de Interne britanic. Ei
sunt posesorii vizelor de afaceri, una
dintre putinele modalitatea prin care
poi tri legal n Marea Britanie.
Din cauza acestui statut, de
liber profesioniti, ei nu au aceleai
drepturi cu cetenii britanici la
concediu de odihna pltit si concediu
medical pltit, fiind supui unei
nesigurane mult mai mari in ceea ce
privete locul de munca.
Noile restricii vor afecta sute de
romani care triesc deja aici. Ei au
venit in Marea Britanie sa ocupe
locuri de munca pltite cu mult sub
nivelul lor profesional, spernd ca,
odat cu 1 ianuarie 2007, vor putea
solicita noile permise de munca si vor
ocupa posturi adecvate pregtirii lor.
Odat cu anunul ministrului Reid,
speranele lor s-au prbuit.
ntre timp, acei romani care
plnuiau sa vina n Marea Britanie
vor alege, cel mai probabil, o alta
destinaie. Cnd nu eti dorit intr-un
loc, in cele din urma renuni. Este trist
ca Marea Britanie, renumita pentru
democraia sa, a ales s introduc o
asemenea msur discriminatorie.
Este de asemenea trist si faptul ca o
anumita parte a presei britanice
continua sa promoveze o imagine
falsa despre romni, influennd astfel
ceea ce se ntmpl n lumea real, o
lume care m tem ca nu va deveni
275
mai prietenoasa cu compatrioii mei.
Muli dintre ei doresc sa munceasc
aici legal si sa i aduc propria
contribuie la societatea britanica. Dar
ntrebarea, la care nu am un rspuns,
este: cum se poate integra un roman
intr-o societate care, evident, nu
dorete sa accepte romani?- Cristina
Irimie, Editor Roman in UK
Bibliografie selectiv:
1. Andreescu, Daniela, Emigraia n
scop de munc a romnilor dup
1990, Editura YES, Bucuresti, 2004
2. Bulai, Tereza, Fenomenul
migraiei i criza familial, Editura
Lumen, Iai, 2006
3. Glover, Stephen, Gott, Ceri,
Loizillon, Anais, Portes, Jonathan,
Price, Richard, Spencer, Sarah,
Srinivasan, Vasanthi and Willis
Carole; Migration: an economic and
social analysis, RDS Ocasional Paper
no.27, London, 2001
4. Hein de Haas, Migration and
Development: a theoretical
perspective, COMACD ( Center on
migration, citizenship, development)
Arbeitspapiere- Working Papers, No.
29, Bielefeld, 2007
5. Irimie, Cristina, The Guardian,
Thursday 26 , October 2006
6. Preti, Luigi, Imigraia n Europa,
Traducere de George Lazarescu,
Editura Tehnica, Bucureti, 1993
7. Rusu, Valeriu - Migratia fortei de
munca in Europa, Editura Arvin
Press, Bucuresti, 2003
8. The UKs New Europeans:
Progress and challenges five years
after accession, Equality and Human
rights Commisiosn, Manchester,
01.2010
 Aspects of the romanian migration to the United Kingdom
Abstract: All countries in the
European Union have positive net
migration, although the patterns of
migration remain distinct with the
sources of immigration differing by
country. Over the last few years net
migration to the UK has increased
significantly. In 2007 UE were joined
by two other countries: Romania and
Bulgaria. A2 migrants face a labour
market restrictions in UK. English
people perception about romanian
Second-class citizens interview
with Cristina Irimia from The Guardian
Key words: Romanian migration,
United Kingdom, The Guardian
EU aspects concerning
migration
Historically, the origin and
flows of migration to European
countries have
depended in addition to
policy constraints, of course on the
countries relationships with former
colonies, recruitment for outside
labour during shortages in the post-
war era, and proximity to war-torn
areas. The once-poor European
countries (Ireland, Italy, Greece,
Portugal and Spain) were traditionally
countries of emigration, while the
former imperial nations to the north
(Belgium, France, Germany, The
Netherlands and the UK) received a
large influx of migrants after World
War II.
The scholarly and policy
debates on migration and
276
Ph.D.St.Cristina ILIE
University of Bucharest
cristin_il@yahoo.com
development have tended to swing
back and forth like a pendulum, from
developmentalist optimism in the
1950s and 1960s, to structuralist and
neo-Marxist pessimism and
scepticism over the 1970s and 1980s,
to more nuanced views influenced by
the new economics of labour
migration, livelihood approaches
and the transnational turn in migration
studies as of the 1990s. Since 2000,
there has been a sudden renaissance
of optimistic views, in particular in
the policy debate, as well as a boom
in empirical work on migration and
development.1
Empirical and theoretical
advances in the study of migration
and development have challenged the
unrealistic determinism of both the
functionalist (optimist) and
structuralist (pessimist)
perspectives. This has given rise to a
more subtle vision, in which,
depending on the specific
development context, both positive
and negative development responses
to migration are possible. Recent
empirical evidence has generally
confirmed the propositions of the new
economics of labour migration
(NELM) and related household and
transnational approaches, which all
1
Hein de Haas, Migration and
Development: a theoretical perspective,
COMACD ( Center on migration,
citizenship, development) Arbeitspapiere-
Working Papers, No. 29, Bielefeld, 2007,
p.67-68
stress the real ability of individuals
and the household to which they
belong to overcome spread income
risks, increase income and to
overcome local development
constraints such as failing markets
and other institutions through the
process of migrating.2
But now all countries in the
European Union have positive net
migration, although the patterns of
migration remain distinct with the
sources of immigration differing by
country. Scandinavian countries,
Belgium and Luxembourg have
mostly European foreign migrants.
Frances migrants have traditionally
been from North Africa since the late
1950s and early 1960s and this
remains true today (64% of todays
immigrants are from outside the EU.)
Portugal, which only recently began
to feel the impact of immigration (due
to its large emigrant population), has
attracted many Cape Verdeans and
Brazilians. Germany experienced the
largest increase in absolute terms, due
to waves of immigration from Central
and Eastern Europe before German
reunification. But despite these
differences, EU countries have been
increasingly affected by common
factors, such as the Bosnian and
Kosovan conflicts, and the recent rise
in asylum seekers. With relatively
restrictive attitudes towards legal
economic migration, family
reunification has increased in many
countries as a legal means of entry.3
2
Ibidem , p. 62-63
3
Stephen Glover, Ceri Gott , Anas
Loizillon, Jonathan Portes, Richard Price,
Sarah Spencer, Vasanthi Srinivasan and
Carole Willis; Migration:
277
Recent trends of the
migration to the UK
Over the last few years net
migration to the UK has increased
significantly. This seems to reflect the
following factors:4
- economic globalisation, the
most important example of which is
the success and growth of the City of
London. To refresh its intellectual
capital, the City requires a continual
infusion of new talent, as well as
interchange with other such centres
like New York. Globalisation also
reduces transport and transaction
costs, making it easier for people to
move back and forth; and it improves
and increases information flows,
making people more aware of
opportunities in other countries
- related to this, increasing
economic integration, and in
particular labour mobility, within the
EU
- globalisation has also seen
increased instability in a number of
countries (both in Central and Eastern
Europe and Africa). The fall in
transaction costs, making transport
cheaper, enables the establishment of
social and logistical networks that in
turn allow people to come here,
legally or otherwise
- Britains current relatively
strong labour market (compared to
most other EU countries).
The rise has been in all
categories of migrants, across the
board, not just in asylum seekers or
work permit holders. Econometric
an economic and social analysis, RDS
Ocasional Paper no.27, London, 2001, p.
11
4
Ibidem, p. 10
analysis shows that it has been
closely correlated with economic
developments, both short-term (the
UK labour market) and long-term
(the growth in trade and capital
flows).
Migration from Romania and
Bulgaria
In 2004, ten new member states
joined the European Union (EU),
eight of which were eastern European
countries with income levels well
below the western European average
(often referred to as the A8).5
In 2007 they were joined by
two other countries: Romania and
Bulgaria (the A2).
EU membership brings rights
to freedom of movement between
member states6 and these accessions
led to a wave of immigration that was
not only unprecedented, but highly
unexpected.
About 1.5 million workers from
A8 countries have come to the UK
since May 2004, and the number of
A8 nationals resident in the UK has
increased to about 700,000.
The new migrants from eastern
Europe are different from the UKs
other, non-European, immigrant
groups: their European Union (EU)
citizenship matters. A8 migrants do
not need to apply for a visa to work in
the UK; they can work in any
5
The A8 countries are: Poland, Czech
Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia. Cyprus
(not northern Cyprus) and Malta also
joined at the same time, but are very
small countries with higher average
incomes.
6
Restrictions to new EU citizens labour
market access are allowed during a
transitional period following accession
278
occupation, and they can travel
from their home country relatively
cheaply
Romanian and Bulgarian
migrants share several characteristics
with their A8 counterparts. They are
predominantly young: about 60 per
cent are between the ages of 18 and
35 (the distribution of ages is not
statistically different from that of
the A8). They have similar
education levels (the median age at
which workingage A2 migrants left
full-time education was 19 in 2008).
And they also have low
unemployment rates and high labour
force participation (Migration
Advisory Committee, 2008).
One crucial distinction,
however, is that A2 migrants work in
more skilled occupations than the A8.
Like non-A8 immigrants and UK-
born workers, the majority of A2
workers perform jobs in the top two
(of four) occupational skill groups
(Migration Advisory Committee,
2008). This is most likely a function
of the labour market restrictions that
A2 migrants face. Since they cannot
work freely in all sectors, but are
limited primarily to highly skilled
occupations and self-employment
(lowerskilled work is permitted but
limited through the Sectors Based
Scheme and Seasonal Agricultural
Workers Scheme quotas), it is not
surprising that their occupational
distribution differs from that of A8
migrants. However, labour market
restrictions must be lifted by 2014,
and at this point the population of
new A2 migrants may well come to
resemble the A8 more (Migration
Advisory Committee, 2008).7
English people perception
about romanian Second-class
citizens interview with Cristina
Irimia from The Guardian
The news-paper The
Guardian from Thursday 26 October
2006, it contains an important
interview of a romanian woman , that
from seven years is trying to change
the bad perception that the english
people has about the romanian people.
Cristina Irimie, is the editor of the
newspaper Roman in UK, that is
published in London and is one of the
hundreds of citizens that invalidates
the terrifying model that mass-media
and britsh politicians accredits in the
matter conerning our nation. This is
the article:
When John Reid announced
his plans for restrictions on Romanian
and Bulgarians working in Britain, it
took Romanians living in the UK by
surprise. The measures to block
workers from January 1 next year,
and the accompanying caricature of
Romanians in the British press,
greatly sadden those of us already
here.8
I came to the UK seven years
ago, as a student, to complete my
education. At the age of 16, it was
hard to put up with the perception of
7
The UKs new Europeans: Progress and
challenges five years after accession,
Equality and Human rights Commisiosn,
Manchester, 01.2010, p. 21
8
Cristina Irimie, The Guardian,
Thursday 26 October 2006 Source:
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfre
e/2006/oct/26/comment.politics
279
my homeland that I found here. At
that time, Romania meant Ceausescu,
Dracula, orphans and begging
gypsies. However, the tabloid media
has managed to change this through
their persistent campaigning against
Romanians.
As a result, public perceptions
have also changed - and not for the
better. Romania is now synonymous
with the unstoppable flow of
unskilled workers. They are invading
this country, stealing jobs from the
British and overburdening the social
services.
As a Romanian living in
Britain, there comes a moment when
you feel tired. Tired of trying to
rebrand your country on your own,
tired of being given superior looks
just because of your nationality. In
2004 we were hopeful that Europe
and Britain would be happy when we
joined the EU in 2007; hopeful that
we would be treated with respect and
given the same rights as other
members of the EU.
Now we feel that we are being
treated like second-class citizens. We
are made aware of the obligations we
will have, but it is very hard to see
where our rights lie. Mr Reid's
proposals debar almost all kinds of
workers. The few work permits that
he announced would be available in
January for highly skilled migrants do
not help. Statistics show clearly that
the jobs sought by Romanians are in
other fields, particularly in
agriculture.
It is ironic that one of the few
categories of workers that will be
accepted is the self-employed. It
confirms the idea that we are expected
to contribute, but not to benefit. Self-
employed builders and cleaners from
Romania are already well known to
the Home Office. They are the
holders of business visas which have
been one of the few ways by which
you could live legally in Britain. But
because of this enforced self-
employment they do not have the
same rights to holiday and sick pay,
and experience far greater insecurity.
The new restrictions will affect
many thousands of Romanians who
live here already. They came to the
UK to work in low-paid jobs well
below their level of qualification, with
the expectation that, come January,
they would be able to apply for newly
available permits to carry out more
skilled work. Now the home secretary
has made it clear that will not happen.
Meanwhile, those Romanians
who were planning to come to the UK
will most probably choose another
destination. When you are not wanted
by a place, you give up trying sooner
or later. It is sad to see that Britain,
renowned for its democracy, has
chosen to introduce such a
discriminatory measure. And it is
likewise sad that elements of the
British press continue to peddle a
false image of Romanians. These
decrees and headlines influence what
happens in the real world, a world
which I fear is not going to become
any more friendly towards my
compatriots.
There are many people who
want to work here legally, and bring
their own contributions to British
society. But the question I cannot
answer is this: how can a Romanian
integrate into a society which
obviously doesn't want to accept
Romanians. - Cristina Irimie, Editor
Roman in UK.
280
References:
1. Andreescu, Daniela, Emigratia n
scop de munc a romnilor dup
1990, Editura YES, Bucuresti, 2004
2. Bulai, Tereza, Fenomenul
migraiei i criza familial, Editura
Lumen, Iai, 2006
3. Glover, Stephen, Gott, Ceri,
Loizillon, Anais, Portes, Jonathan,
Price, Richard, Spencer, Sarah,
Srinivasan, Vasanthi and Willis
Carole; Migration: an economic and
social analysis, RDS Ocasional Paper
no.27, London, 2001
4. Hein de Haas, Migration and
Development: a theoretical
perspective, COMACD ( Center on
migration, citizenship, development)
Arbeitspapiere- Working Papers, No.
29, Bielefeld, 2007
5. Irimie, Cristina, The Guardian,
Thursday 26 , October 2006
6. Preti, Luigi, Imigraia n Europa,
Traducere de George Lazarescu,
Editura Tehnica, Bucureti, 1993
7. Rusu, Valeriu - Migratia fortei de
munca in Europa, Editura Arvin
Press, Bucuresti, 2003
8. The UKs New Europeans:
Progress and challenges five years
after accession, Equality and Human
rights Commisiosn, Manchester,
01.2010
 Reforma social a regelui Romei antice, Servius Tullius
Rsum : Servius Tullius a t un roi
trusque qui a fait des transformations
majeures dans la socit romaine, par
son rforme qui a trace les
principales lignes de la vie politique
romaine pendant des sicles. On peut
dire que sa rforme a prfigur tantt
la forme rpublicaine, mais aussi celle
impriale de gestion de l'tat romaine.
L'organisation sociale mise en uvre
par le roi rformateur tait fonde sur
la richesse, mais elle n'excluait pas les
mrites personnels. Les centuries
institues par Servius Tullius avaient
un double rle dans la socit
romaine: civile et militaire. L'essence
de la rforme servienne peut tre
exprime par la formule
l'administration de l'tat=la dfense
de l'tat.
Mots cls : rforme servienne, la
socit romaine, centuries, la vie
politique
Importana domniei lui Servius
Tullius n statul, nc nceptor, al
Romei ne-o dau reformele nfptuite
de acesta n epoca lui, considerate i
mult dup aceea ca o veritabil
constituie servian.1
Tradiia, n special cea
consemnat de Titus Livius, atribuie
regelui acestuia dou reforme
capitale. El este cel care a creat
1
Iohanna arambei, Nicolae arambei,
99 de personaliti. Lumea antic, ediia
a III-a, Editura Artemis, Bucureti, fr
an, p. 243.
281
Lect.univ.dr. Mdlina STRECHIE
Universitatea din Craiova
madalina_strechie@yahoo.fr
organizarea centuriat n vederea
recrutrii armatei, repartiznd
populaia dup sistemul censitar n
cinci clase, fiecare divizat la rndul
ei ntr-un numr de centurii. Astfel,
cei mai bogai slujeau n 18 centurii
de cavalerie. Ei furnizau cele mai
multe efective militare, 80 de centurii
de infanterie grea, cu un echipament
foarte scump pe care l suportau din
cheltuiala lor.
La captul opus erau
proletarii, care formau o singur
centurie format din capites censi,
scutit ns de serviciul militar.
ntre aceste dou extreme
erau repartizate alte patru clase, cele
mai srace, fiind uor narmate,
pentru c fiecare clas i pltea
efectivele militare (ntreinerea
acestora s.n.).2
Pentru a nelege mai bine
criteriile reformei censitare trebuie s
aflm ce era censul i care era
conotaia lui social. Potrivit
definiiei date de Dicionarul de
termeni ai instituiilor romane aflm:
census (lat.), avere, liste de
recensmnt, termen ce provine din
censeo, ere - operaie de nregistrare
a cetenilor pe baza propriilor
declaraii i de organizare a corpului
civic (n centurii, pentru epoca
republican, n aa numitele ordine
sociale, n epoca imperial).
2
Marcel Bordet, Istoria Romei Antice,
Traducere de Maria Ivnescu, Editura,
Lider, Bucureti, fr an, pp. 30-31.
 Potrivit tradiiei, primul care a
organizat acest tip de activitate a fost
regele Servius Tullius, censul
acestuia fiind rennoit, dup
alungarea lui Tarquinius Superbus
Recenzarea este n acelai
timp egalitar i ierarhic, afirmnd
statutul juridic personal i, respectiv,
plasarea ceteanului n coordonate
precise, din punct de vedere public.
Aceast din urm finalitate, care se
adaug uneia evident demografice,
prezint trei aspecte: militar,
financiar i politic. Pe baza propriei
declaraii (professio), ceteanul era
repartizat ntr-una din cele cinci
clase censitare, organizate, la rndul
lor, pe centurii...
Rezultatul acestei operaii este
o egalitate proporional, expresie a
relaiei dintre drepturi i obligaii,
mrimea i calitatea primelor fiind
dat de mrimea i calitatea
ultimelor...3.
Guvernarea acestui rege
etrusc a fost o guvernare luminat. El
a nfptuit marea reform militar,
social i administrativ n acelai
timp, care a stat la baza viitoarei
organizri. Numai cei care fceau
parte din Comiiile centuriate puteau
vota, ceilali continuau s rmn
exclui.4
Servius Tullius a acordat
cetenie libertinilor, adic fiilor
sclavilor eliberai i a abolit cele 30
de curii, mprite n cartiere, iar n
3
Cf Instituii romane. Dicionar de
termeni.
http://ebooks.unibuc.ro/istorie/olariu/0.ht
m grupului, votul era determinat de
4
Indro Montanelli, Roma, o istorie
inedit, Traducere de George Miciacio,
Editura Artemis, Bucureti, 1995, pp. 36-
37.
282
locul acestora a instituit clasele de
cens fr a ine seama de domiciliu.5
Clasei I-a de cens i
aparineau cei care posedau un
minimum de 100000 de sesteri, iar
din ultima cei care posedau 12500 de
sesteri. Diferenierile economice le-
au determinat i pe cele politice. n
curii toi erau egali, cel puin n mod
formal iar votul unuia valora ct al
celuilalt pentru c se vota pe centurii.
Cu toate acestea nu toate aveau un
numr egal. Prima clas avea 98 de
centurii din 123 din totalul
centuriilor, astfel nct majoritatea
politic era asigurat de prima clas,
celelalte chiar dac se coalizau, nu
puteau s nfrng prima clas de
cens.
S-a creat astfel un regim
politic plutocratic, ncurajndu-i pe
cei cu avere mai mult dect pe cei cu
proprieti funciare care se aflau n
Senat.6
Reforma censitar a generat
i o schimbare a instituiilor politice
romane. Se nate o nou Adunare a
poporului i anume Adunarea
centuriat.
Comitia (lat.), organe
constituionale ale statului roman, n
competena crora intrau votarea
legilor, alegerea magistrailor, unele
sarcini administrative, juridice i
religioase; se deosebesc de simplele
adunri de dezbatere care se numeau
contiones. Hotrrile adunrilor
populare erau luate prin vot, care
rezulta nu din majoritatea voturilor
individuale, ci din aceea a grupurilor
(curii, centurii, triburi), care
alctuiau aceste adunri; n cadrul
5
Ibidem, p. 37.
6
Idem
modul n care se exprimase
majoritatea.
Comitia centuriata: adunarea
poporului roman narmat, organizat
pe baza censului, are principalul rol
legislativ i electoral n stat, ordinea
de vot fiind aceea n care poporul
mergea la lupt.7
Ea era convocat pe Cmpul
lui Marte n afara pomerium - ului i
era bazat nu pe cadrele gentilice, ci
pe avere.8 Cele 98 de centurii ale
celor bogai aveau armament greu i
cuprindeau 18 centurii de cavaleri i
80 de centurii de infanterie greu
narmat. Ceilali ceteni distribuii
n clasele urmtoare de cens i
formau 25 de centurii.9
Pe de alt parte, Servius
Tullius a mprit Roma n patru
regiones un fel de arondismente, cu
un caracter teritorial. Crearea
regiunilor va merge n acelai sens
bazndu-se nu pe un criteriu
plutocratic, ci pe unul topografic:
Palatinul, Esquilinul, Subura
(Caelius) i Colina fiind prima
regiune nou, celelalte trei evocnd
triburile romane. Aceste msuri
reprezentau politica regal, de altfel,
foarte logic, viznd integrarea n
cetate a elementelor ignorate de gini
pentru a le slbi. Regiunile aveau
oarecum criterii etnice Ramnes
latinii, Tities - sabinii i Luceres care
locuiau n cartierele nou formate.
Teritoriul agricol al Romei a
constituit pe acelai criteriu nc 17
triburi.
7
Cf Instituii romane. Dicionar de
termeni. http:// ebooks.unibuc.ro/ istorie/
olariu/ 0.htm,
8
Marcel Bordet, op. cit., p. 31.
9 11
Iohanna arambei, Nicolae arambei,
op. cit., p. 243.
283
Primele clase de cens, cele mai
bogate erau ns cele mai puin
numeroase, astfel nct centuriile nu
mai cuprindeau acelai numr de
ceteni. Fiecare centurie era
mprit n seniores i iuniores;
exista i o centurie prerogativ, n
fapt, o centurie pe care tragerea la
sori o desemna s voteze prima.
Votul ei putea avea influen asupra
urmtoarelor, deoarece romanii i
atribuiau valoarea unui semn.
Votul n comiii nu era
individual, ci colectiv, adic fiecare
centurie nu avea dect un vot.10
Reforma censitar a lui
Servius Tullius a avut implicaii
adnci n progresul statului roman.
Ele au fost de ordin militar i
politico-social.
n domeniul militar, precizarea
n funcie de avere, deci de
posibiliti, a obligaiilor populaiei, a
dus la ntrirea considerabil a
armatei, care se ridica la aproape
20000 de ostai ncorporabili la
nevoie.11
i organizarea politic a fost
transformat n structura ei, dac ne
gndim c Servius Tullius a schimbat
aproape ntreaga reprezentare politic
a Romei. Organizarea social,
politic i constituional bazat pe
familii, formate pe criterii de nrudire
care erau conduse de pater familas.
Prin comitia centuriata el
oferea cetenilor organizai pe
centurii o adunare unde puteau vota.
10
***Larousse. Dicionar de civilizaie
roman Jean-Calude Fredouille, profesor
la Universitatea Paris X-Nanterre,
Traducere de erban Velescu, Editura
Univers Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 2000,
p. 58.
Marcel Bordet, op. cit., pp. 31-32,
p.244.
Servius Tullius a diminuat astfel
influena gentilic, prin cea datorat
averii. Constituia servian a marcat
ntrirea puterii pturilor avute,
deoarece n cel mai nalt forum de
decizie, comitia centuriata, ele erau
cele i impuneau legile. Roma a
intrat i datorit reformei lui Servius
Tullius n era Republicii.12
Titus Livius i atribuie acestuia
i multe inovaii de ordin
administrativ i edilitar, cum este
marele zid care nconjura cele apte
coline ale Romei i avea o mare
valoare strategic. Alte lucrri
edilitare au fost sistemul de drenaj al
Romei, numit i Cloaca Maxima
precum i celebrul templu al lui
Iuppiter Capitolinus.13
Pomerium-ul, incinta sacr a
Romei, mrginit de o fie de teren
lipsit de construcii, unde erau
consultai haruspicii, a fost organizat
tot de ctre Servius Tullius.14
Servius Tullius este primul
care, potrivit tradiiei, a impus
anumite nsemne ale statului roman.
El s-a nconjurat cu o gard narmat
care s-i poat apere persoana
mpotriva ruvoitorilor, i-a pus pe
cap o diadem de aur, i-a procurat
un tron de filde i un sceptru cu o
acvil n vrf.15
Ca un om politic nelept,
regele etrusc a ncercat pentru prima
dat integrarea plebei. Tradiia i
mrturiile istorice atest primele
progrese fcute de plebei n perioada
domniei sale. Una din reformele sale
12
Ibidem, pp. 244-245.
13
Ibidem, pp. 32-33.
14
Jean Nol Robert, Roma, Traducere de
Simona Ceauu, Editura Bic All,
Bucureti, 2002, p. 61.
15
Indro Montanelli, op. cit., p. 38.
284
a fost aceea de a li se acorda pmnt
plebeilor, nu din ager Romanus, ci
din teritoriile luate de la dumani.
n plus, el a publicat legi
pentru plebe, cele mai multe
referitoare la obligaiile plebei de a
putea contracta cu patricienii o
cstorie.
Potrivit legilor sale plebea,
care nu intra n vechile triburi, dup
reforma censitar este inclus n
triburi datorit teritoriului ocupat.16
Mai mult, impactul social al
reformei lui Servius Tullius asupra
plebei a fost acela c aceasta s-a
constituit ntr-o categorie social care
va lupta pentru drepturile ei care au
culminat cu publicarea de legi scrise-
Lex XII tabularum, obinerea de
magistrai proprii-tribuni plebis, iar
n secolul I a generat o alt reform
social, cea agrar.
Abilitatea politic a lui
Servius Tullius a fost aceea c a
instituit reformele la momentul
oportun pentru Roma. El a creat noi
forme politice i n acelai timp le-a
restructurat pe cele vechi pe baze noi.
Servius Tullius a intuit
valoarea armatei n societatea
roman, care trebuia reformat din
punctul de vedere al structurii. Pentru
a o reforma armata unei societi era
necesar s fie reformat i societatea
prin msuri politice.
ntr-o er n care majoritatea
lumii cunoscute era nc organizat
gentilic, Servius Tullius punea bazele
16
Fustel de Coulanges, Cetatea antic.
Studiu asupra cultului, dreptului i
instituiilor Greciei i Romei, vol. II,
Traducere de Mioara i Pan Izverna,
traducerea notelor de Elena Lazr,
prefa de Radu Florescu, Editura
Meridiane, Bucureti, 1984, pp. 133-134.
unei societi romane moderne att
politic, militar, administrativ, ct i
economic.
Reforma sa censitar nu a
nsemnat ncurajarea unei conduceri
oligarhice, ci a unei elite politice
competente. Cine avea avere, avea o
anumit educaie i n acelai timp o
anumit obligaie fa de stat. Mai
mult, clasele centuriate al primului
ealon ofereau i cele mai multe
legiuni pentru efortul de rzboi i n
acelai timp pe plan politic votul su
era unul n cunotin de cauz.
Prima clas de cens avea cele mai
mari privilegii, dar n acelai timp i
cele mai multe responsabiliti.
Faptul c regele etrusc a tiut
s integreze plebea n cadrul
societii romane a fost un succes
social al acestuia. Datorit acordrii
de pmnt plebea a devenit un
partener al celorlalte clase de cens.
El, Servius Tullius a sedentarizat
plebea i prin aceasta a emancipat-o,
inaugurnd n acelai timp i politica
de colonizare a Romei.
Servius Tullius a intuit c,
pentru ca Roma s evolueze, era
nevoie de o schimbare. El a fost omul
politic inspirat care nu numai c a
gndit aceast schimbare, dar a i
pus-o n practic. i datorit lui
Roma va deveni un stat politic
model.
Valabilitatea social a reformei
serviene se va dovedi pe parcursul
istoriei Romei antice, supravieuind
i regimului republican, dar mai ales
celui imperial. Armata era cea care a
mprumutat centuria ca unitate
social, reformei serviene, de aceea
nu ntmpltor cele mai eficiente
organisme socio-administrative
imperiale erau cele militare. Ordinul
ecvestru, statul major al armatei
285
romane era n acealai timp i puterea
executiv imperial. Prin membrii si
marcani precum prefectul Pretoriului
reprezenta un fel de ef al guvernului
pentru mprat i n acealai timp era
omul doi ca importan politic.
Unul din principiile de baz al
reformei serviene, acela de conducere
a statului de ctre cei care l apr, a
fost mereu actual n viaa social
politic a puterii mondiale din
Antichitatea european, Roma.
Bibliografie selectiva:
1. Bordet, Marcel, Istoria Romei
Antice, Traducere de Maria
Ivnescu, Bucureti, Editura
Lider, fr an
2. Coulanges, Fustel de, Cetatea
antic. Studiu asupra cultului,
dreptului i instituiilor Greciei i
Romei, vol. II, Traducere de
Mioara i Pan Izverna, traducerea
notelor de Elena Lazr, prefa
de Radu Florescu, Bucureti,
Editura Meridiane, 1984
3. Grimal, Pierre, Civilizaia
roman, vol I, II, Traducere,
prefa i note de Eugen Cizek,
Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1973
4. http://ebooks.unibuc.ro/istorie/ol
ariu/0.htm, Instituii romane.
Dicionar de termeni
5. Montanelli, Indro, Roma, o
istorie inedit, Traducere de
George Miciacio, Bucureti,
Editura Artemis, 1995
6. ***Larousse. Dicionar de
civilizaie roman Jean-Calude
Fredouille, profesor la
Universitatea Paris X-Nanterre,
Traducere de erban Velescu,
Bucureti, Editura Univers
Enciclopedic, 2000
7. Livius, Titus, Ab Urbe condita
(De la fundarea Romei) vol. I, II,
Traducere, tabel cronologic i
note de Paul Popescu Gleeanu,
cuvnt introductiv de A.
Marinescu-Nour, Bucureti,
Editura Minerva, 1976
8. Makin, N., A., Istoria Romei
Antice, n romnete de Ion
Parocescu i Anton Herescu,
Editura de Stat, Bucureti, 1951
9. Robert, Jean-Nol, Roma,
Traducere de Simona Ceauu,
Bucureti, Editura Bic All, 2002.
10. Strechie, Mdlina, Oameni
politici ai Romei Antice (Lideri,
institui i mentaliti), Craiova,
Editura Universitaria, 2008
11. arambei, Iohanna, arambei,
Nicolae, 99 de personaliti.
Lumea antic, ediia a III-a,
Bucureti, Editura Artemis, fr
an

286
 La rforme sociale du roi de Rome antique, Servius Tullius
Rsum : Servius Tullius a t un roi
trusque qui a fait des transformations
majeures dans la socit romaine, par
son rforme qui a trace les
principales lignes de la vie politique
romaine pendant des sicles. On peut
dire que sa rforme a prfigur tantt
la forme rpublicaine, mais aussi celle
impriale de gestion de l'tat romaine.
L'organisation sociale mise en uvre
par le roi rformateur tait fonde sur
la richesse, mais elle n'excluait pas les
mrites personnels. Les centuries
institues par Servius Tullius avaient
un double rle dans la socit
romaine: civile et militaire. L'essence
de la rforme servienne peut tre
exprime par la formule
l'administration de l'tat=la dfense
de l'tat.
Mots cls : rforme servienne, la
socit romaine, centuries, la vie
politique
L'importance de la rgne de
Servius Tullius dans l'tat encore
prcoce de Rome nous donne les
reformes raliss par celui-ci pendant
son poque, considrs longtemps
aprs ce moment, comme une
vritable constitution servienne.1
La tradition, en particulier
celle enregistr par Titus-Livius,
attribue au roi deux reformes
1
Iohanna arambei, Nicolae arambei,
99 de personaliti. Lumea antic, ediia
a III-a, Editura Artemis, Bucureti, fr
an, p. 243.
287
Lecteur Mdlina Strechie
Universit de Craiova
madalina_strechie@yahoo.fr
capitales. Il est celui qui a cre
l'organisation en centurie en vue de
recruter l'arme, en repartissant la
population aprs le systme
censitaire en cinq classes, chacune
son tour divise en un certain nombre
de centuries. Ainsi, les plus riches
servaient en 18 centuries dans la
cavalerie. Ils fournissent le plus
grand nombre des forces militaires,
80 centuries d' infanterie lourde, avec
un quipement trs coteux de leur
frais. l'extrmit oppose taient
les proletarii, qui formaient une
centurie unique comprenant les
capites censi, toutefois, exempts du
service militaire.
Entre ces deux extrmes taient
rpartis quatre classes, les plus
pauvres taient peut arms, parce
que chaque classe devait payer leurs
troupes (leur entretien - sn).2
Afin de mieux comprendre les
critres de la reforme censitaire il
faut savoir ce que c'tait le census et
quelle tait sa connotation sociale.
Conformment la dfinition du
Dictionnaire des termes des
institutions Romaines nous
apprenons: census( latin), les biens,
les listes de recensement, terme qui
viennent de censeo, re- l'opration
d'enregistrement des citoyens en
base de leurs dclarations et
dorganisation du corps civique (
2
Marcel Bordet, Istoria Romei Antice,
Traducere de Maria Ivnescu, Editura
Lider, fr an, pp. 30-31.
dans les centuries, l'poque
rpublicaine, dans le soi-disant
ordres sociaux l're impriale).
Selon la tradition, qui a
organis la premire fois ce type
d'activit tait le roi Servius Tullius,
le censeur de celui-ci tant
renouvel, aprs l'expulsion de
Tarquinius Superbus. Le
recensement est la fois galitaire et
hirarchique, affirmant le statut
juridique personnel et,
respectivement, le placement du
citoyen dans des coordonnes
prcises, du point de vue public.
Cette dernier finalit, ajoute a une,
videmment dmographique
prsente trois aspects: militaire,
financier et politique. Sur la base de
leur dclaration (professio), le
citoyen tait rpandu l'une des cinq
classes censitaires organise, leur
tour, sur centuries.
Le rsultat de cette opration
est une galit proportionnelle,
expression de la relation entre les
droits et les obligations, la taille et la
qualit des premiers tant d'abord
donne par la taille et la qualit de
la dernire...3.
La gouvernance de ce roi
trusque a t une gouvernance
claire. Il a ralis la grande
rforme militaire, sociale et
administrative en mme temps, qui se
trouvait a la base de la future
organisation. Seuls ceux qui faisaient
partie des comit de centuries
3
Cf Instituii romane. Dicionar de
termeni.
http://ebooks.unibuc.ro/istorie/olariu/0.htm,
288
pouvait voter, les autres taient
encore exclus.4
Servius Tullius a accord
citoyennet aux libertins, c'est a dire
aux fils d'esclaves affranchis et il a
aboli les 30 curies, diviss en
districts, et au lieu de celles-ci il a
institu les classes de recensement
sans tenir compte du domicile.5
A la premire classe censitaire
appartenait ceux qui avaient un
minimum de 100.000 sesterces, et de
la dernire classe ceux qui
possdaient 12.500 sesterces. Les
diffrences conomiques ont
dtermins aussi celles politiques.
Dans les curies tous tait gaux au
moins formellement, et le vote d'une
personne valait combien de l'autre,
parce qu'on votait sur les centuries.
Cependant, pas tous avaient le mme
nombre. La premire classe comptait
98 centuries du total de 123, de sorte
que la majorit politique tait fournie
par la premire classe, les autres
mme si elles s'alignaient, elles ne
pouvaient pas vaincre la premire
classe. On a cr un rgime politique
ploutocratique, en encourageant plus
ceux qui avaient des richesses que
ceux qui possdaient des proprits
foncires qui taient en Snat.6 La
rforme censitaire a gnr un
changement des institutions
politiques romaines. Apparait une
nouvelle Assemble du Peuple
l'Assemble Centuriate
Comitia (latin), organes
constitutionnelles de l'tat Roumain,
4
Indro Montanelli, Roma, o istorie
inedit, Traducere de George Miciacio,
Editura Artemis, Bucureti, 1995, pp.
36-37
5
Ibidem, p. 37
6
Idem
dans la comptence des quels tait le
vote des lois, l'lection des
magistrats, certaines fonctions
administratives, juridiques et
religieux; elles sont diffrents de
simples dbats appels contiones. Les
dcisions des assembles populaires
taient prises par vote, qui ne
rsultent pas de la majorit des votes
individuelles, mais plutt des groupes
(curies, centuries, tribus), qui
composaient ces assembles; dans le
groupe, le vote a t dtermin par la
faon dont la majorit s'est exprim.
Comitia centuriata:
l'assemble du peuple roumain arm,
organise en base du recensement,
a le principal rle lgislative et
lectoral dans l'tat, l'ordre de vote
est celle dans laquelle le peuple allait
la bataille .....7
Elle tait convoque sur le
Champ de Mars a l'extrieur de
pomerium et elle n'tait pas fonde
sur les cadres gentiliques, mais sur la
richesse.8 Le 98 centuries des
personnes riches avaient des armes
lourdes et comprenait 18 centuries de
chevaliers et 80 centuries d'infanterie
arms. D'autres citoyens rpartis dans
les catgories suivantes de
recensement reprsentaient 25
centuries.9
En outre, Servius Tullius a
divis la Rome en quatre regiones,
une sorte d'arrondissement, avec un
caractre territorial. La cration des
rgions irait dans le mme sens en
tant fond pas sur un critre
7 10
Cf Instituii romane. Dicionar de
termeni.
http://ebooks.unibuc.ro/istorie/olariu/0.htm,
8
Marcel Bordet, op. cit., p. 31
9
Iohanna arambei, Nicolae arambei,
op. cit., p. 243
289
ploutocratique, mai sur un critre
topographique: Palatin, Esquilin,
Subura (Caelius) et Colina- Hill tant
la premire nouvelle rgion, les
autres trois voquant les tribus
romanes. Ces mesures reprsentaient
la politique royale, en outre, trs
logique, qui vise intgrer dans la
ville les lments ignors par la gent
pour les affaiblir. Les rgions avaient
des critres ethniques Ramnes les
Latins, Tities les Sabins et les
Luceres - qui vivaient dans les
quartiers nouvellement forms. Le
territoire agricole de Rome a
construit sur le mme critre encore
17 tribus.
Les premires classes de
recensement, les plus riches, taient
les moins nombreux, de sorte que les
centuries n'avaient pas le mme
nombre de citoyens. Chaque centurie
tait divise en seniores et iuniores, il
y avait aussi une centurie
prrogative-centuria prerogativa, en
fait, une centurie qui tait dsigne a
voter la premire par un tirage au
sorte. Son vote pouvait avoir une
influence sur les suivants, puisque les
Romains lui assignaient la valeur
d'un signe.
Le vote in comitia n'tait pas
individuel, mai collective, c'est-a-dire
que chaque centurie avait un seul
vote.10
La reforme censitaire de
Servius Tullius a eu des incidences
profondes sur les progrs de l'tat
romaine.
***Larousse. Dicionar de civilizaie
roman Jean-Calude Fredouille, profesor
la Universitatea Paris X-Nanterre,
Traducere de erban Velescu, Editura
Univers Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 2000,
p. 58
 Elles taient d'ordre militaire
et politique-social. Dans le domaine
militaire, la mention en base de la
richesse, donc des possibilits des
obligations de la population, a
conduit un renforcement
considrable de l'arme, qui
s'levaient prs de 20.000 soldats
qui pouvaient tre incorpores a
besoin.11
Aussi l'organisation politique
a t transforme dans sa structure, si
nous pensons que Servius Tullius
avait chang la quasi-totalit de la
reprsentation politique de Rome.
L'organisation sociale, politique et
constitutionnelle fonde sur des
familles, formes sur la base de la
parent qui taient menes par pater
familas, est chang aussi.
Par l'intermde de comitia
centuriata il donnait aux citoyens
organiss sur centuries une runion
o ils pouvaient voter. Servius
Tullius a diminu de cette manire
l'influence gentilique par celle due a
la richesse. La Constitution
severienne a marqu le renforcement
de la puissance des couches, parce
que dans le plus haut forum de
dcision, comitia centuriata elles
tait celles qui imposait ces lois.
Rome est entr aussi dans l're de la
Rpublique grce la rforme de
Servius Tullius.12
Titus Livius attribuait a celui-
ci aussi des nombreuses innovations
d'ordre administrative et dilitaire,
comme la grande muraille qui
entourait les sept collines de Rome et
avaient une grande valeur
stratgique. D'autres uvres
11
Marcel Bordet, op. cit., pp. 31-32, p.
244
12
Ibidem, pp. 244-245
290
dilitaires taient le systme de
drainage urbain de Rome, appele
aussi Cloaca Maxima et le temple
clbre de Iuppiter Capitolinus. 13
Le Pomerium, l'enceinte sacre
de Rome, bord par une bande de
terre dpourvue de btiments, o
taient consults les haruspices,
galement a t organise par Servius
Tullius.14
Servius Tullius est le premier
qui, selon la tradition, a impos
certains symboles de l'tat romaine.
Il s'tait entour d'une garde arme
pour tre en mesure de se dfendre
contre des personnes malveillants, il
s'est mis sur sa tte une couronne
d'or, a achet un trne d'ivoire et un
sceptre avec un aigle dans le bout.15
En tant que politicien avis, le
roi trusque a essay pour la
premire fois l'intgration de la
plbe. La tradition et les preuves
historique attestent les premiers
progrs raliss par la plbe durant
son rgne. Un de ses rformes a t
celle d' accorder des terres a la plbe,
pas du ager Romanus, mais des
territoires conquises des ennemis.
De plus, il a mis des lois pour
la plbe, la plupart sur les obligations
de la plbe pour pouvoir contracter
un mariage avec les patriciens. En
vertu de ses lois, la plbe, qui n'tait
pas dans les anciennes tribus, aprs la
rforme censitaire est incluse dans les
tribus, d au territoire occup.16
13
Ibidem, pp. 32-33
14
Jean Nol Robert, Roma, Traducere de
Simona Ceauu, Editura Bic All,
Bucureti, 2002, p. 61
15
Indro Montanelli, op. cit., p. 38
16
Fustel de Coulanges, Cetatea antic.
Studiu asupra cultului, dreptului i
instituiilor Greciei i Romei, vol. II,
Traducere de Mioara i Pan Izverna,
 De plus, l'impact social de la
rforme de Servius Tullius sur la
plbe, a t le fait que celle-ci s'est
constitue dans une catgorie sociale
qui luttera pour ses droits qui ont
abouti la publication de la loi crite
Lex XII Tabularum, l'obtention des
magistrats propres tribuni plebis, et
dans le sicle I a gnr une autre
rforme sociale, la reforme agraire.
La capacit politique de
Servius Tullius a t celle qu'il a
tablit les rformes au moment
appropri pour Rome. Il a cr des
nouvelles formes politiques et en
mme temps il a restructur les
formes anciennes sur des nouvelles
bases
Servius Tullius a devin la
valeur de l'arme dans la socit
romaine, qui devait tre rform en
termes de structure. Pour reformer
l'arme d'une socit il tait
ncessaire aussi la rforme de la
socit par des actions politiques .
une poque o la plupart
du monde connue tait encore
organise d'une manire tribale,
Servius Tullius mettait les bases
d'une socit romaine moderne tantt
politique, militaire, administratif et
conomique.
Sa rforme censitaire n'tait
pas destine encourager une
administration oligarchique, mais une
lite politique comptente. Qui avait
des richesses, avait une certaine
ducation et en mme temps une
certaine obligation envers l'tat. De
plus, les classes centuris du premier
chelon offraient aussi les plus
lgions pour l'effort de guerre et en
traducerea notelor de Elena Lazr,
prefa de Radu Florescu, Editura
Meridiane, Bucureti, 1984, pp. 133-134
291
mme temps sur le plan politique son
vote tait en connaissance de cause.
La premire classe de recensement
avait le plus grand privilge, mais
aussi plus des responsabilits.
Le fait que le roi trusque a t
en mesure d'intgrer la plbe dans la
socit romaine a t une vrai
russite. Parce qu'il leur a donn des
terres, la plbe est devenue un
partenaire des autres classes de
recensement. Servius Tullius a
sdentaris la plbe et ainsi il l'a
mancipe, en inaugurant dans le
mme temps la politique de
colonisation de Rome. Servius
Tullius a devin que pour que la
Rome volue, il leur fallait un
changement. Il a t un politicien
inspir qui pas seulement a pens
ce changement, mais il l'a mis aussi
en pratique.
Et grce a lui, Rome serait un
tat politique modle.
La validit de la rforme sociale
servienne se rvlera au cours de
l'histoire de la Rome Antique, elle a
survcu aussi du rgime rpublicain,
et en particulier de celui imprial.
L'arme a t celle qui a prt la
centurie comme unit sociale a la
rforme servienne, donc pas par
hasard les plus efficaces organismes
sociaux-administratifs ont t
impriales. L'ordre questre, le
quartier gnral de l'arme romaine
tait en mme temps le pouvoir
excutive impriale. Par l'intermde
de ses membres reprsentent comme
le prfet du prtoire, il tait une sorte
de chef du gouvernement pour
l'Empereur et en mme temps il tait
le deuxime homme comme
importance politique.
Un des principes de base de la
rforme servienne, celui de
gouverner l'tat par ceux qui le 8. Makin, N., A., Istoria Romei
dfendaient a t toujours prsent Antice, n romnete de Ion
dans la vie sociale politique du Parocescu i Anton Herescu,
pouvoir mondiale de l'Antiquit Editura de Stat, Bucureti, 1951
europenne, Rome. 9. Robert, Jean-Nol, Roma,
Traducere de Simona Ceauu,
Bibliographie: Bucureti, Editura Bic All, 2002
10. Strechie, Mdlina, Oameni
1. Bordet, Marcel, Istoria Romei politici ai Romei Antice (Lideri,
Antice, Traducere de Maria institui i mentaliti), Craiova,
Ivnescu, Bucureti, Editura Editura Universitaria, 2008
Lider, fr an 11. arambei, Iohanna, arambei,
2. Coulanges, Fustel de, Cetatea Nicolae, 99 de personaliti.
antic. Studiu asupra cultului, Lumea antic, ediia a III-a,
dreptului i instituiilor Greciei i Bucureti, Editura Artemis, fr
Romei, vol. II, Traducere de an.
Mioara i Pan Izverna, traducerea
notelor de Elena Lazr, prefa
de Radu Florescu, Bucureti,
Editura Meridiane, 1984
3. Grimal, Pierre, Civilizaia
roman, vol I, II, Traducere,
prefa i note de Eugen Cizek,
Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1973
4. http://ebooks.unibuc.ro/istorie/ol
ariu/0.htm, Instituii romane.
Dicionar de termeni
5. Montanelli, Indro, Roma, o
istorie inedit, Traducere de
George Miciacio, Bucureti,
Editura Artemis, 1995
6. ***Larousse. Dicionar de
civilizaie roman Jean-Calude
Fredouille, profesor la
Universitatea Paris X-Nanterre,
Traducere de erban Velescu,
Bucureti, Editura Univers
Enciclopedic, 2000
7. Livius, Titus, Ab Urbe condita
(De la fundarea Romei) vol. I, II,
Traducere, tabel cronologic i
note de Paul Popescu Gleeanu,
cuvnt introductiv de A.
Marinescu-Nour, Bucureti,
Editura Minerva, 1976

292
 Nouti editoriale

Sociologia culturii.
Antologie autori strini,
Dumitru Otovescu (coord.), Editura Beladi, Craiova, 2010

Lucrarea readuce n prim planul

preocuprilor tiinifice din ara noastr
problematica cercetrii culturii i ofer
argumentele relansrii sociologiei culturii, ca
disciplin academic i ca domeniu de
cunoatere. Ea ncheie proiectul Editurii Beladi
de repunere n circulaie a textelor fundamentale
dedicate culturii, naintea ei aprnd antologiile
de Filosofia culturii romneti (2005) i
Sociologia culturii romneti (2006). Cartea de
fa reunete sute de texte, extrase din opera a
mai mult de 70 de gnditori strini, cu
contribuii semnificative n cercetarea culturii.
Printre acetia se numr: Theodor Adorno,
Daniel Bell, Ruth Benedict, Matthieu Bra, Franz Boas, Pierre Bourdieu, Denys
Cuche, mile Durkheim, Clifford Geertz, Erwing Goffman, Antonio Gramsci,
Jurgen Habermas, Abraham Kardiner, Alfred Kroeber, Claude Lvi-Strauss, Lucien
Lvy Bruhl, Bronislaw Malinowski, Margaret Mead, Robert K. Merton, Talcott
Parsons, Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown, Rudolf Rezsohazy, Edward B. Tylor,
Jeffrey C. Alexander .a.
n antologie sunt tratate temele fundamentale ale sociologiei culturii, fiind
prezentate punctele de vedere i concepiile care au fcut carier n domeniu. Dintre
capitolele crii, amintim:
Perspectiva sociologic asupra culturii
Cultur i societate
Cultur i cunoatere
Cultur, personalitate i identitate naional
Cultur i subcultur. Tipuri de culturi
Metodologia cercetrii culturii
Interpretarea sociologic a valorilor
Configurarea valorilor lumii contemporane
Modernism i postmodernism

293
Principalele probleme sociale ale comunitilor
rurale din Romnia,
Dumitru Otovescu (coord.), Gabriel Pricin, Constantin Crioiu, Adrian Otovescu,
Gabriela Motoi, Nicolae Panea (coaut.),
Editura Beladi, Craiova, 2010

Cartea valorific rezultatele unui grant de

cercetare CNCSIS, dedicat investigrii celor mai
importante probleme ale ale comunitilor rurale
din Romnia, cum sunt: srcia, declinul
demografic, inadaptarea forei de munc la
cerinele pieei de munc extra-agricole, calitatea
sczut a nvmntului, inadecvarea politicilor
sociale n raport cu nevoile populaiei rurale .a.
Cartea trateaz problemele sociale cu scopul de a
releva cauzele determinante, modul de
manifestare, consecinele la nivelul sistemului
social, gravitatea, gradul de destructurare i
tendinele evolutive ale fiecreia.
Cartea este structurat n opt capitole, cele
mai importante fiind:
Dezvoltarea social i diferenierea evolutiv a comunitilor rurale
din Romnia
Influena fenomenelor demografice asupra capitalului uman
Disfuncionalitile proceselor demografice din mediul rural
Caracteristici socio-economice ale mediului rural din Romnia
Probleme regionale ale fondului funciar

294