BRVKENTHAL.

ACTA MVSEI

XVI. 1
 MINISTERUL CULTURII

MUZEUL NAŢIONAL BRUKENTHAL

BRVKENTHAL

ACTA MVSEI

XVI. 1

Sibiu / Hermannstadt, 2021

EDITOR IN CHIEF: prof. univ. dr. Sabin Adrian LUCA

SECRETARIAL REDACTION: Dr. Claudia URDUZIA

Dr. Daniela DÂMBOIU
Dr. Ioan TĂUŞAN
Iulia - Maria PASCU
MEMBERS OF THE BOARD:
Dr. Dana HRIB
Dr. Raluca-Maria TEODORESCU
Dr. Alexandru SONOC
Dr. Rodica CIOBANU
Dr. Dorin BARBU
ASSOCIATED MEMBERS TO THE BOARD:
Prof. Dr. Docent Theodor Anton NEAGU (Member of the Romanian Academy)
Prof. Univ. Dr. Ioan-Aurel POP (Member of the Romanian Academy)
Prof. Univ. Dr. Paul NIEDERMAIER (Member of the Romanian Academy)
Prof. Univ. Dr. Conrad GÜNDISCH (Universität Oldenburg - Germania)
Prof. Univ. Dr. Erika SCHNEIDER – BINDER (Universität Karlsruhe, Bereich
WWF Auen Institut - Germania)
Prof. Univ. Dr. Zeno - Karl PINTER („Lucian Blaga” University Sibiu)
Prof. Univ. Dr. Rudolf GRÄF („Babeş – Bolyai” University Cluj Napoca)
Prof. Univ. Dr. Nicolae SABĂU ( „Babeş – Bolyai” University Cluj Napoca)

ISSN: 2285-9470 ISSN-L: 1842-2691

Editura Muzeului Naţional Brukenthal

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Sabin Adrian LUCA, In memoriam Claudiu Iuliu Munteanu (1979-2021) ……………….…..…………... 7

*
Florentin PERIANU, Sabin Adrian LUCA, Ana-Maria PĂPUREANU, A Spondylus Gaederopus
Linnaeus, 1758 Bead Discovered at Tărtăria Gura Luncii Site (Alba County) in the 2019 Systematic
Excavation Campaign ……………….…..……………………………………………...…………………....……. 15
Oliver DIETRICH, Die Bronzezeitlichen Tüllenbeile aus dem Brukenthal-Museum Sibiu. Ein
Kommentierter Katalog ……………….…..………………………………………………………………....……. 35

*
Claudiu MUNTEANU , Sorin COCIȘ, Roman Brooches found in Sibiu County ………..……...…..…..… 121
*
Claudiu MUNTEANU , Contributions to Sibiu County Archaeological Repertoire (III) ..…….…..…..… 133
Claudiu MUNTEANU, Raluca Maria FRÎNCU, Older and Newer Coin Discoveries from Transylvania 137
Cristiana TĂTARU, The Ottoman Coin Hoard found at Veștem, Sibiu District ……………….………….. 141
*
Borbála BENDA, Kitchens in the Aristocratic Courts in Early Modern Hungary ……………….……….. 165
Tudor A. MARTIN, A Hoard of 17 -18 Centuries Coins found near Râșnov, Brașov County …….…..
th th
173
Razvan C. POP, Between Principality and Grand Principality: Landmarks of the Demographic
Evolution of Transylvania in the 17th and 18th Centuries ………………….………………………………… 193
Alexandru Gh. SONOC, Two Swedish Copper Plate Coins (Daler) from the Brukenthal National
Museum’s Collection and an Account about Martin Schmeizel’s Adventures in Sweden (1709 And
1712) ……………………………………..…………………………………………………………………..………. 199
Radu TEUCEANU, The Portfolio of Old Maps Convolut Verschiedener Karten in the Brukenthal
Cartographic Cabinet ……………..………………..………..……………………………………………………. 217
Alexandru Gh. SONOC, Dorin BARBU, Ioan BRAI, Remarks on Two Indian Sabres from a Private
Collection from Șelimbăr, Occasioned by Their Conservation ………………………………………………. 245
Alexandru NICOLAESCU, Higiena și Școala [Hygiene and School] Magazine, a Promoter of
Education among the Romanians of the Austro-Hungarian Empire (1876-1880) …………………………. 279
*
Jan DE MAERE, A Rediscovered Saif Sheds Light on the Creation of Arab Identity in the Middle East
(1909-1922) ……………………………………………..……..……………………………………………………. 287

*
Dana Roxana HRIB, Brukenthal National Museum in 2020: A Chronicle of History Exhibitions and
Events ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 311
*
Michaela Spataro, Starčevo-Criş ceramic and technology: the first potters of the middle Danube Basin,
Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie, Aus dem Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte
der Universität Kiel, Band 341, Neolithikum and Chalkolitikum in Südosteuropa, vol. 4, In
Kommission bei dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn, 2019 – A Review (Anamaria TUDORIE) …...………. 313
*
List of Abbreviations………........................................................................................................................ 315
 TWO SWEDISH COPPER PLATE COINS (DALER) FROM THE BRUKENTHAL NATIONAL
MUSEUM’S COLLECTION AND AN ACCOUNT ABOUT MARTIN SCHMEIZEL’S
ADVENTURES IN SWEDEN (1709 AND 1712)

Alexandru Gh. SONOC*

Abstract: The two copper plate coins, spectacular by their size and shape, are Swedish issues of Charles XI
(1 daler silvermynt, dated 1676) and of Charles XII (2 daler silvermynt, dated 1711), both minted in Avesta.
The provenance of the first mentioned one is not known exactly: it is sure only that it comes from the
museum’s old collection (being thus acquired before 1948, but without to know precisely when and
wherefrom). Therefore, currently it is not sure if it may have belonged or not to the former collection of
Baron Samuel von Brukenthal, who apparently has a certain interest in Sweden’s history during the first half
of the 18th c., maybe due also to some connections with a branch of his family living in the Baltics.
According to an ink inscription partially preserved on the latter, the Brukenthal Museum got it in January
1886 as a gift from the Presbytery of the Evangelical Church of Augustan Confession in Cristian / Grossau
(Sibiu County). Despite this inscription, it cannot be identified as the Swedish coin intended in 1751 to be
donated to the Lutheran Gymnasium in Sibiu by Martin Schmeizel, a Transylvanian Saxon from Sibiu who
became Royal Prussian Court Councillor and Professor at the University of Halle an der Saale. Moreover,
in the story about that coin and about the Martin Schmeizel’s adventures in Sweden in 1709 and 1712 (as
told in 1871 by Joseph Trausch) there are many unbelievable details. Considering the condition of
preservation of the both items from the Brukenthal National Museum’s collection as well as their grading as
“fine”, they do not seem at all to have been accidentally discovered in Cristian or around. Thus, they do not
evidence an import of Swedish copper to the region of Sibiu, but rather numismatic curiosities, recalling
maybe to their donors the large sized (but round shaped) late 17th c. Transylvanian gold coins of 100 ducats
issued by Prince Michael Apafi I.
Keywords: daler, copper plate coins, Sweden, Charles XI, Charles XII, Martin Schmeizel.

Rezumat: Cele două monede din placă mare de cupru, spectacular prin dimensiunile și forma lor, sunt
emisiuni suedeze de la Carol XI (1 daler silvermynt, datat 1676) și Carol XII (2 daler silvermynt, datat
1711), amândouă produse la Avesta. Proveniența primeia menționate nu este exact cunoscută: sigur este
doar că provine din vechea colecție a muzeului (fiind dobândită astfel cândva înainte de 1948, dar fără a se
ști precis când și de unde). Ca urmare, în prezent nu este deloc sigur că ea ar putea să fi aparținut sau nu
vechii colecții a baronului Samuel von Brukenthal, care se pare că avea un anume interes pentru istoria
Suediei din prima jumătate a sec. XVIII, determinat probabil și de unele relații cu o ramură a familiei sale
trăind în Țările Baltice. Potrivit unei inscripții cu cerneală partial păstrată pe aceasta din urmă, Muzeul
Brukenthal a primit-o în ianuarie 1886 ca donație de la Presbiteriul Bisericii Evanghelice de Confesiune
Augustană din Cristian / Grossau (jud. Sibiu). În ciuda acestei inscripții, ea nu poate fi identificată cu
moneda suedeză pe care în 1751 Martin Schmeizel, un sas transilvănean din Sibiu care a devenit consilier al
Curții Regale a Prusiei și profesor la Universitatea din Halle an der Saale intenționa să o doneze
Gimnaziului Evanghelic din Sibiu. Mai mult, în povestea despre această monedă și despre aventurile lui
Martin Schmeizel în Suedia în 1709 și 1712 (așa cum au fost narate în 1871 de către Joseph Trausch) există
multe detalii nedemne de crezare. Având în vedere starea de conservare a acestor două piese, precum și
aspectul lor considerat “frumos”, nu pare deloc ca ele să fi fost descoperite întâmpător la Cristian sau în
împrejurimi. Ele nu constituie, deci, o dovadă a vreunui import de cupru suedez în regiunea Sibiului, ci mai
degrabă curiozități numismatice, amintind poate donatorilor lor de monedele transilvănene de mari
dimensiuni din aur (dar rotunde), în valoare de 100 ducați, de la sfârșitul sec. XVII, emise de principele
Mihail Apafi I.
Cuvinte cheie: daler, monede din placă de cupru, Suedia, Carol XI, Carol XII, Martin Schmeizel.

There are some clues that Baron Samuel von of the 18th c. He owned several original paintings
Brukenthal, the museum’s founder had a certain by Martin van Meytens the Younger (1695-1770),
interest for Sweden’s history during the first half who although born in Stockholm as son of a
 Brukenthal. Acta Musei, XVI. 1, 2021
Alexandru Gh. Sonoc
Dutch painter settled there, leaved his native
country and became one of the most famous
Viennese painters at the time of Maria Theresia
and Director of the Viennese Academy of Arts,
being known especially for the portraits of various
members of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine,
courtiers and painters, as evidenced by the recent
monographic exhibition organised in Vienna in
2014 at the Winter Palace Belvedere (Hüsslein-
Arco, Lechner 2014). Due to this project, 40 years
after the monographic study of Birgitta Lisholm
(Lisholm 1974), the foreign research became
interested again on this artist’s works from Baron
Samuel von Brukenthal’s collection (Lechner
2017; Mayer 2017; De Maere 2019), paying now
attention also to some less original works, which
were either inspired by paintings of older masters
or, more frequently, copies after some works of
Rembrandt Harmensz. van Rijn, which at that
time were kept in Vienna (De Maere 2017). Klára
Garas stated already that Samuel von Brukenthal
could have bought paintings by Martin van
Meytens the Younger right from the artist’s studio
(Barokk művészet 1993, 282), but there is also
possible that they were bought later, when they
were auctioned after the painter’s death (De
Maere 2017, 401), more precisely in 1771 (Mayer
2017, 188). Considering the positions of the artist,
there is no doubt that he was known to a high
official as Samuel von Brukenthal, who came to
Vienna already in 1753, looking for a better
employment in the imperial bureaucracy. Among
the original works by Martin van Meytens the
Younger should be particularly noted the portrait
of King Frederick I (1720-1751) (inv. 747). More
relevant, as undoubtedly concerning Sweden’s
history (at that time, still the recent one) is an
anonymous rendering of the defeat of King
Charles XII of Sweden by Emperor Peter I the
Great of Russia in the famous battle of Poltava
(inv. 309), which forced the defeated Swedish
monarch to live on fixed assets in Sultan Ahmed
III’s exchequer accounts (hence his Turkish
nickname Demirbaș Șarl, i. e. “Fixed Assets
Charles” and the pun Demir Baș Șarl, i. e.
“Ironhead Charles”), as a refugee in the Ottoman
Empire (1709-1714), settled initially near to the
Russian border, in the former Moldovan city
Bender (formerly Tighina) and later under house-
arrest in Dimetoka (nowadays Didimoticho in
Greece) and then in Constantinople, where he
studied the Ottoman navy and the architecture of
* Brukenthal National Museum, Sibiu;
sandysonoc@ yahoo.com.
200
the Ottoman war ships and discussed with his
advisers the most modern theories of financial
management. Baron Samuel von Brukenthal’s
interest for some details of the Swedish history
may be explained by a previously ignored fact:
recently I identified (Janssen et al. 2016, 152, n.
2) a Baltic branch of Samuel von Brukenthal’s
family (living in Estonia), which has the same
coat of arms and motto (Rietstap 1884, 314) like
Michael Breckner von Brukenthal, the father of
the museum’s founder, so they may descend (most
likely) from a brother of Michael Breckner von
Brukenthal, who therefore migrated from
Transylvania. The Brukendahl noble family from
the Baltics (apparently of foreign origin, because
in Estonia it received the indigenate on July 6,
1711 and became impoverished and quasi-extinct
in 1789), which belonged both to the Swedish and
to the Russian nobility (as being settled there
already before the incorporation of Swedish
Estonia and Livonia to Russia following the Peace
of Nystad in 1721), is best known by its most
famous member Colonel Brukendahl, who was
living in Livonia (where according to August
Wilhelm Hupel this family is neither recorded in
the register of the local nobility, nor as having
possessions in Livonia) and who is documented in
1774 as Commander of a Cuirassier regiment in
Poland and as future Brigade General of the
Imperial Russian Army (Hupel 1789, 73). Indeed,
his family seems actually to have been completely
extinct maybe with his death or short afterwards,
as in 1882 it is not mentioned anymore by Carl
Arvid von Klingspor in his work on the
knighthood of Livonia, Estonia, Courland and
Oesel (Klingspor 1882). As about the Brigade
General Brukendahl (and generally about his
family) there was very few information, neither he
nor other member of his family is mentioned in
the Russian biographic lexicon (Polovtsev 1908),
unlike many other civil and military personalities
belonging to the aristocracy of various origins
from the Baltics.
Considering all these facts, I remembered two still
less known Swedish copper plate coins from the
Brukenthal National Museum’s numismatic
collection, which were sometimes exhibited as
curiosities, as both their Swedish origin and their
cultural-historical meaning were known (due to
the dies impressed on the plates), although they
remained unpublished till now. Despite the result
of a more thorough study, which evidenced that
actually there is no connection between Baron
Samuel von Brukenthal and these two numismatic
items, their spectacular appearance and their rarity
 Brukenthal. Acta Musei, XVI. 1, 2021
Two Swedish Copper Plate Coins (Daler) from the Brukenthal National Museum’s Collection and an
Account about Martin Schmeizel’s Adventures in Sweden (1709 and 1712)
makes worth some remarks on their provenance,
as well as on their cultural and historical meaning.
Both items are preserved in fine condition
(according to the grading used by WCoins 2008,
16), showing adherent dirt and oxidation, even
Verdigris, due to its storage in a place with higher
relative humidity. On one of them there is even an
only partially preserved, but still readable German
inscription in black ink, documenting its
provenance of this item. Thus, the two coins do
not look at all like the accidentally unearthed
copper artefacts. On their reverse is inscribed the
current inventory number, by using a black felt-tip
pen.
Both items belong obviously to the later part of
the Stormaktstiden, how is called by the Swedes a
period of their modern history known abroad as
that of the Swedish Empire (1611-1718), when
Sweden reached the status of a great power (as no
other Scandinavian country ever). The Swedish
Empire included besides nowadays Sweden and
Finland also some eastern Baltic territories
(Swedish Livonia, Swedish Estonia, Swedish
Ingria) and Karelia, some scattered territories in
Germany granted in 1648 by the Peace of
Westfalia (Swedish Pomerania, the city of
Wismar with the districts of Pod and Neukloster
and the Duchies of Bremen and Verden with the
town of Wildeshausen) and parts of the actual
territories of Norway and Denmark (for a short
period, till 1660). Sweden began as well a colonial
expansion in North America (respectively, New
Sweden, on the Delaware river, during 1638-
1655) and even on the West African coast (the
Swedish Gold Coast, during 1649-1663).
Although the Swedish Empire ended with the
death of King Charles XII during the ongoing
Great Northern War (1700-1721), in 1733 there
were two fruitless Swedish attempts of colonial
expansion in the Caribbean Sea (Tobago) and in
India (Parangipettai), followed in late 18th c. and
early 19th c. by new ones, but only in the
Caribbean Sea (Saint Barthélemy, 1784-1878 and
Guadeloupe, 1813-1814).
Sweden’s wealth was based on the exports of
copper and iron (Lockhart 2004, 79 and 104),
these both metals representing in 1637 nearly 63
% of its exports and in 1685 over 80 % (Lockhart
2004, 3), although by 1685 more than half of the
country’s export were made up of iron and steel,
copper and brass constituting less than a quarter
and the other export of much value was pitch and
tar (Derry 1979, 151), as a consequence of the
decline in the production of the enormously rich
201
copper mine in Falun in the decades after 1650
(Roberts 1984, 49). Sweden was the main
producer of iron and copper (Roberts 2002, 215;
Fur 2006, 22; Evans 2016, 35), for which England
and the Netherlands were the primary purchasers
(Lockhart 2004, 19). Particularly for the Dutch
trade in Guinea copper was very important, being
exchanged for gold, slaves, ivory, hides and
pepper (Ballhausen 1923, 107). In Sweden the
copper mines belonged to the King, who
controlled the mining and used during the 17th c.
the revenues yield from it to finance this poor
country’s expensive wars and army, as at that time
the only competitor for the Swedish copper was
the Japanese one, imported by the Dutch (Roberts
1984, 49). Until late 18th c., despite other
competitors, Sweden remained the world’s biggest
producer of copper and iron (Roberts 1984, 49).
The country’s poverty was particularly deplored
during the early 17th c. (Roberts 1984, 46-48), but
was alleviated by the export of copper and by
some wise measures (Roberts 1984, 49-64) and
was felt again during the early 18th siege-economy
caused by the expenses of the Great Northern
War, Sweden resorted again to print banknotes
(Roberts 1984, 48). However, since the 17th c. a
military career as mercenary in the Swedish
king’s service in exchange of a farm (Roberts
2002, 7-8 and 22; cf. Fischer 1907, 43-180; Fallon
1972), but especially the business opportunities
attracted many foreigners of various origins
(although with restrictions for non-Lutherans and
non-Christians), who settled in all territories of the
Swedish Empire or invested in the Swedish
mining and trade (Nordbäck 2016, 186 and 189-
190; cf. Fischer 1907; Derry 1979, 114; Lockhart
2004, 76; Evans 2016, 35-36). The influence of
the Church of Sweden was so strong, that due to
its total religious unity Sweden was seen as the
Lutheran Spain (Roberts 1984, 64), a reason for
which Calvinist immigrants (especially from
Brandenburg) preferred the more favourable
religious climate in Swedish Pomerania (Riches,
266). Since the rule of Gustav II Adolf, the crown
took measures to prevent by the penalty of
hanging the Orthodox peasants from Ingria
concerned about giving up their faith to flee to
Russia, but also tried to bring settlers there,
especially Dutch and above all Germans (Roberts
1984, 85). As few Germans and Dutchmen took
the bait, Ingria remained thinly settled and poor,
even despite attempts of settling Swedish or
Finnish peasants and petty criminals (Roberts
1984, 85-86). For military reasons, it was very
 Brukenthal. Acta Musei, XVI. 1, 2021
Alexandru Gh. Sonoc
important to establish military settlements along
the boundary with Russia, in Karelia, Ingria,
Livonia and Estonia, but only in Estonia the
colonisation was stronger, 17 % of the local
peasants being Swedish, Finnish and Russian
immigrants (Roberts 1984, 86), and although in
1781 Catherine II transferred in block the Swedish
settlers from the island of Dagö to the northern
Black Sea coast, in the Governorate of Kherson,
in 1939 there were still some 8,000 Swedish
speakers on the Baltic Coast (Roberts 1984, 86-
87). During the last part of the 17th c. the Swedish
army and navy were still attractive for foreigners
with ambitions, but while the navy attracted
Western European mariners the army attracted
German, Livonian, and Scottish noblemen (Glete
2010, 630). In 18th c. Sweden the liberty was high
on the agenda, that the period 1719-1772 is
known as The Age of Liberty (Roberts 2002).
Right the liberty was another reason for settling in
the Swedish realm, particularly later, when any
religious restriction was abolished by Gustav III.
This attracted, once again, foreign craftsmen
(Rydén 2016), but also other kinds of settlers.
Unfortunately, in the current state of the research
it is not possible to say how the Brukendahl
branch of Samuel von Brukenthal’s family settled
in the Baltic lands in the first half of the 18th c. or
if it acted (considering both its later social
position and fortune) as intermediaries for other
settlers from Transylvania or maybe generally for
those coming from the Holy Roman Empire, right
in a period when Austrian Protestants were
deported to Transylvania (Concerning the
Landlers: Ettinger 1835; Reissenberger 1911;
Gross 1911; Nowotny 1931; Capesius 1962;
Lammert 1976; Buchinger 1980; Schabus 1996;
Klusch 2005; Sedler 2007). A large group of these
Austrian Lutherans (officially called at that time
Transmigrants, but later known as Landlers, by
extending to all the name of a group coming from
the region Landl in the Salzkammergut) were
settled right in Cristian / Grossau, among
Transylvanian Saxons of the same confession, in a
community bordering the city of Sibiu, where they
preserved their Austrian identity and wherefrom
the 2 daler sylvermint piece came to the
museum’s collection, as a gift of the Presbytery of
the Evangelical Church of Augustan Confession,
in January 1886.
202
1. The items’ description.
1. Charles (Karl) XI (1660-1697)
1 daler silvermynt (1676).
Copper. Approximate length and width: 19.4 x
18.6 cm. Approximate height: 3-4 mm. Weight:
1382.2 g.
Inv. T1612/2.
Provenance: Brukenthal Museum’s old collection
(before 1948).
Obverse:
In the centre of the heptagonal plate, resulted from
cutting out 3 corners of a rectangular (almost
square) copper plate, there is an impression of a
round die, containing in a serrated circle a 3 lines
legend with the coin’s nominal value (in silver): 1
/ [D]ALER / Sölff(er):Mȳ(n)t, i. e. “1 daler silver
money”. At both ends of the first line there is a
fleur-de-lis. Below the last line there are 3 five-
pointed stars, displayed two above the other,
which lays in-between those from above. The rim
of the die impression is serrated. The die’s axis is
10. (Fig. 1)
In each of the four corners there is the impression
of a round die, whose axis was oriented in various
directions: 1, 3, 6, 10 (clockwise, beginning from
left above). It shows a royal crown above the year
of the issue (1676), and on the rim bordered by a
circle of pearls a more or less completely
impressed legend with the name and the title of
the issuing monarch, which begins right before the
king’s name with the depiction of a stylized
flower, as mint master’s mark:
CAROLUS·XI·D(ei): G(ratia): SVE(dorum):
GOT(horum): WAN(dalorumque): REX. It
means: “Charles XI, by the Grace of God King of
the Swedes, of the Goths and of the Vandals (i. e.
the Wends)”.
Reverse:
The reverse (Fig. 2) is plain, with strong
hammering traces. In each corner there are
specific deformations resulted from the
impression of the corresponding die of the
obverse. Only in the centre the die did not cause
such a deformation.
The item, minted in Avesta (WCoins 2014, 1536,
cat. nr. KM# PM16), belongs to the type III
 Brukenthal. Acta Musei, XVI. 1, 2021
Two Swedish Copper Plate Coins (Daler) from the Brukenthal National Museum’s Collection and an
Account about Martin Schmeizel’s Adventures in Sweden (1709 and 1712)
(Ahlström et al. 1976, 159, cat. nr. SM 305). The
size of the same issue is variable, as an item (Fig.
6) sold in the most recent Bukowskis auctions in
Stockholm (autumn sale 554, lot 999) for 17,000
Swedish Crowns (SEK) measures c. 17 x 17 cm.
This hammer price shows that among the
collectors it is a very sought item, as the auction
began with an estimated price of 3,000-4,000
SEK, i. e. 286-381 €. Another item with
unreadable die, but which by comparison with the
size of that in the Brukenthal National Museum’s
is very likely also an 1 daler silvermynt of the
1676 issue (Fig. 7-8), offered by the same
auctioneer on April 15, 2016 (lot 780235) for
8,000 SEK, is measuring 19 x 19 cm. The prices
are much higher than those recorded in 1976:
2,000 SEK for fine items and 4,000 SEK for very
fine items (Ahlström et al. 1976, 159, cat. nr. SM
305). On the international numismatic market in
2014 the prices for such items were already c. 5-6
times higher (increasing more for the “Fine”
grading class) than on the Swedish numismatic
market in 1976: 525 $ for very good ones, 1500 $
for fine ones and 2,600 $ for very fine ones
(WCoins 2014, 1536, cat. nr. KM# PM16).
2. Charles (Karl) XII (1697-1718)
2 daler sylvermint (1711)
Copper. Approximate length and width: 23.1 x
21.2 cm. Approximate height: 4-5 mm. Weight:
2242.5 g.
Inv. T 1612/1.
Provenance: Donated by the presbytery of the
Evangelical Church of Augustan Confession in
Cristian / Grossau (Sibiu county) in January 1886.
Obverse:
In the centre of the octagonal plate which resulted
from cutting out 3 corners of a rectangular (almost
square) copper plate whose upper side shows a
wavy cut, there is an impression of a round die,
containing in a serrated circle a 3 lines legend
with the coin’s nominal value (in silver): 2 /
DALER / Sölff(er):Mȳ(n)t, i. e. “2 daler silver
money”. At both ends of the first line there is a
fleur-de-lis. Below the last line there are two
crossed arrows with the tips pointing upwards.
The rim of the die impression is serrated. The
die’s axis is 11. (Fig. 3)
In each of the four corners there is the impression
203
of a round die, whose axis was oriented in various
directions: 2, 5, 1, 12 (clockwise, beginning from
left above). It shows a royal crown above the year
of the issue (1717), and inside a serrated rim there
is a more or less completely impressed legend
with the name and the title of the issuing monarch,
which begins right before the king’s name with
the depiction of a stylized flower, as mint master’s
mark: CAROLUS XII
D:G:SVE:GOT:WAN:REX. It means: “Charles
XII, by the Grace of God King of the Swedes, of
the Goths and of the Vandals (i. e. the Wends)”.
On the upper left corner there is an only partially
preserved 3 lines German inscription (in italics)
made with black ink: 1886. 1. / [Geschen]k des
ev. Presbyterium[s] / in Grossau. / I. Trausch Bd.
III S. 186. (i. e. “1886. 1. Gift of the Evangelical
Presbitery in Grossau. I. Trausch 3rd vol. p. 186”).
(Fig. 5)
Reverse:
The reverse (Fig. 4) is plain, with strong rolling
traces. In each corner and in the centre there are
specific deformations resulted from the
impression of the corresponding die of the
obverse.
The item, minted in Avesta (Ahlström et al. 1976,
177), using copper from Stora Kopparberg and
from Ljusnarsberg (Ahlström et al. 1976, 177;
WCoins 2016, 1376, cat. nr. KM# PM43), belongs
to the type II (Ahlström et al. 1976, 177, cat. nr.
SM 156). The size of the same issue is variable, as
an item offered on November 26, 2012 at the
Bukowskis auctions in Stockholm (lot 369872) for
an estimate price of 20,000 SEK measures c. 22 x
22.5 cm. This price is much higher than those
recorded in 1976: 1,500 SEK for fine items, 3,000
SEK for very fine ones and 6,000 SEK for
extremely fine items (Ahlström et al. 1976, 177,
cat. nr. SM 156). On the international numismatic
market in 2016 the prices for such items were
already c. 2-4 times higher (increasing more for
the “Very Fine” grading class) than on the
Swedish numismatic market in 1976: 400 $ for
very good items, 825 $ for fine ones, 1,450 $ for
very fine ones and 2,650 $ for extremely fine ones
(WCoins 2016, 1376, cat. nr. KM# PM43).
2. Some remarks concerning the black ink
inscription on the 2 daler silvermynt copper
plate coin issued by Charles XII in 1711.
The German inscription in ink (Fig. 5), believed to
 Brukenthal. Acta Musei, XVI. 1, 2021
Alexandru Gh. Sonoc
offer more information on this item through the
reference to Joseph Trausch’s biographical
lexicon of the Transylvanian German writers (an
appreciated late 19th c. scientific work in 3
volumes) is actually deceiving. It leads to the life
of a Transylvanian Saxon scholar, Martin
Schmeizel, born in Brașov / Kronstadt on May 28,
1679, who became Royal Prussian Court
Councillor and Professor of Constitutional Law
and History at the University in Halle an der
Saale, where also he died on July 30, 1747
(Trausch 1871, 185-187). Intending initially to be
a Lutheran priest, M. Schmeizel studied at the
University of Jena during 1700-1702, afterwards
in Wittenberg and Greifswald (the latter city
formally belonging to Sweden during 1648-1814).
Later he was employed by a young aristocrat, with
whom he went in 1706 to Halle and Jena, after
which in 1709 he went to Sweden, to bring to
Germany two young barons willing to study in
Halle and Jena. He used this opportunity to travel
through Sweden and Denmark and to visit the
universities of Copenhagen and Lund. From there
he brought a square copper coin weighing more
than 4 pounds (actually “4 ¾ Pfund und 2 ½
Loth”, i. e. 2.411 kg), issued by Charles XII. J.
Trausch stated (obviously erroneously) that
bringing out from Sweden such a coin was
forbidden and punished by death (Trausch 1871,
186), most likely because he may have
misunderstood the expression “with the danger of
his head”, without to relate it actually to the
further adventures of M. Schmeizel: after getting
his magister degree in 1712 in Jena, the latter
sailed with the two young barons from Germany
to Sweden, wherefrom he returned alone, but on
both ways he was captured by Danish corsairs,
who let him however free, as being a
Transylvanian subject, that he manage to return to
Jena, after visiting “Seeland” (i. e. rather the
Danish isle Sjælland than the province Zeeland in
the Netherlands), Jutland, Schleswig and Holstein
(Trausch 1871, 186). The botanist and
numismatist Michael Gottlieb Agnethler (1719-
1752), a Transylvanian knight and a patrician
from Sibiu, got in 1751 the mission to bring to
Sibiu this item and a part of the aforementioned
scholar’s library relating to Hungary and
Transylvania and to the neighbouring provinces,
in order to be donated to the local public library (i.
e. the Library of the Lutheran Gymnasium,
nowadays the Samuel von Brukenthal National
Gymnasium), and in the list of these books he
reproduces the Latin inscription mentioning this
donation, which he ordered the same year to be
engraved on the Swedish copper plate coin
204
(Agnethler 1751, 50; cf. Trausch 1871, 186, n. 1).
But as J. Trausch noted (Trausch 1871, 186, n. 1),
M. G. Agnethler did not return to Transylvania (as
he died in 1752 in Helmstedt, Germany) and the
mentioned numismatic item, issued according
Martin Schmeizel in 1709, not in 1711, as M. G.
Agnethler said (Agnethler 1751, 50). However, in
the inscription which the latter ordered to be
inscribed on it, states that this item was brought
from Sweden in 1709. J. Trausch mentioned that
the copper plate coin cannot be found in the
Gymnasium’s library. Therefore, the numismatic
item donated by the Presbitery of the Lutheran
church in Cristian, which does not bear such an
engraved inscription and is dated 1711, is
obviously not the same which Martin Schmelzel
brought with him “with the danger of his head
from the Swedish Kingdom” (ME CUM CAPITIS
PERICULO A.P.P.V. MDCCVIIII EX SVECJAE
REGNO SECUM DUXIT ILL. MART.
SCHMEIZELIUS CORONA TRANSYLVANUS,
so the inscription reproduced by M. G. Agnethler
and quoted by J. Trausch (Trausch 1871, 186, n.
1).
Concerning the 2 daler sylvermint copper plate
coin dated 1709 and said to be brought from
Sweden by Martin Schmeizel, it should be noted
that its weight is only 0.16904 kg heavier than that
issued in 1711 from the Brukenthal National
Museum’s collection. However, no such specimen
issued in 1709 is known until now (WCoins 2016,
1376, cat. nr. KM# PM 41-KM# PM 73; cf.
Ahlström et al. 1976, 175-181). It is sure that
before 1710 such coins with this nominal value
were issued rarely. In older works were mentioned
the extremely rare issues of 1700, 1701 and 1702
minted in Kengis (Ahlström et al. 1976, 175, cat.
nr. SM 147-149) and that minted in 1702, also
extremely rare (Ahlström et al. 1976, 176, cat. nr.
SM 153). More recently are mentioned (without
remarks concerning the mint) only two issues,
both considered rare: that of 1701 (WCoins 2016,
1376, cat. nr. KM# PM 41) and that of 1702
(WCoins 2016, 1376, cat. nr. KM# PM 42). The
fact that the large plate copper coin intended to be
donated to the Lutheran Gymnasium in Sibiu was
issued in 1709 is another untrue detail (besides
many others) in the whole story about the
adventures of M. Schmeizel in Sweden and about
the copper plate coin brought from there, which
nobody saw ever, excepting M. G. Agnethler, who
knew its story from M. Schmeizel himself. J.
Trausch retold it, most likely misunderstanding
(as mentioned above) the reference to the danger
of death pending on bringing from Sweden this
 Brukenthal. Acta Musei, XVI. 1, 2021
Two Swedish Copper Plate Coins (Daler) from the Brukenthal National Museum’s Collection and an
Account about Martin Schmeizel’s Adventures in Sweden (1709 and 1712)
interesting item.
3. Some historical information on the Swedish
royal title and on the copper plate money.
The Swedish royal title occurring on both coins is
one of the frequent but wrongly translated into
Latin versions of “King of Sweden, of the Goths
and of the Wends” (Sveriges, Götes och Vendes
Konung), which replaces the older royal title
Sveriges och Götes Konung, last used by Gustav I
(1523-1560).
The older royal title “King of the Goths” was used
both by the kings of Sweden and by those of
Denmark. In the Swedish case, it refers to
Götaland (land of the Geats), but in the Danish
case to the island of Götland (land of the Gutes),
which has traditionally been identified with the
original home of the Goths (Gotland). The
historical and political mythology created around
the Goths made Charles XI very fond of Sweden’s
“Gothic” past, that despite the country’s financial
difficulties he found the money to let search in
Sweden and abroad for antiquarian “Gothic”
relics, which may compete with those of other
peoples’ heroic traditions (Roberts 1984, 70-74).
In various versions of the Latin form of the later
royal title, the West Slavs (the Wends) were
wrongly identified with the previous Germanic
inhabitants, the Vandals. Although the House of
Vasa ruled in Poland and Lithuania only during
1587-1668, the pawned city of Wismar was
handed over to Mecklenburg in 1803 and the last
Pomeranian territories were lost to Denmark in
1814 and finally to Prussia in 1815, until the
beginning of the 1920s all Swedish laws were
introduced with a phrase containing the title
“King of Sweden, of the Goths and of the
Wends”, which in other occasions was used even
later, until 1973, when the present King of
Sweden, Charles XVI Gustav, was the first
monarch officially proclaimed “King of Sweden”
(Sveriges Konung), with no mention of other
peoples in his title. Therefore, at the time when
the two Swedish numismatic items from the
Brukenthal National Museum were issued (in
1676, respectively 1711), the incumbent kings of
Sweden ruled indeed over territories inhabited in
the past or currently by the West Slavs (in Latin
Veneti or Venedi, in German Wenden or Winden).
The Swedish daler was introduced right by the
above mentioned king Gustav I, in 1534. The
currency was named after the German word
205
Thaler (recorded since the 1530’s), which refers
to a silver coin in the size of that minted in 1518
for the Kingdom of Bohemia by Count Stefan
Schlick in Joachimsthal (nowadays Jáchimov,
Czech Republic, hence the name Joachimsthaler)
from the silver extracted in the local mines
(Makhun, Pyadyshev 2014, 25-26), following the
international trade’s need for a large silver coin,
which actually goes back to the Tyrolean
Guldiner or Guldengrosch (31.7 g of 935 silver),
issued in 1486 by Archduke Sigismund to
correspond to the corresponded in value to the
gold Rhine Gulden, although initially this large
Tyrolean silver coin was used especially as gift
money. Being initially intended for international
use, the Swedish daler was divided into 4 marks
and then a mark is further subdivided into 8 ören
and then an öre is further subdivided into 24
penningar. In 1604 its name was changed to
riksdaler (i. e. “daler of the realm”, cf.
Reichsthaler). In 1609, when the other Swedish
coins were debased, the riksdaler rose to a value
of 6 marks, corresponding thus to 1 ½ daler.
During the 17th c., the riksdaler roughly equated
in value with the Danish rigsdaler and with the
German Reichstaler, and about 4 riksdaler made
up an English pound (Lockhart 2004, XII).
Since the 1620’s there was a dramatic growth of
the copper and iron industries (Lockhart 2004, 76)
and since the 1630’s the Vasa kings brought
foreign entrepreneurs to assist in developing the
country’s mining and foundries (Derry 1979, 114;
Lockhart 2004, 76; Evans 2016, 35-36).
As consequence, since 1624, the daler was issued
not only of silver, but also of copper, with the
intention that it would circulate at its intrinsic
value, which was unusual in Europe (Edvinsson
2010a, 39). Because of the low value of copper,
whose price on the international market decreased
by 1648 (Lockhart 2004, 94), copper plate money
(plåtmynt) was issued, already some years earlier,
in 1644. This kind of copper money (which
circulated until 1776) could be considered rather
as ingots, how also A. Hingston Quiggin thought
(Hingston Quiggin 1949, 285), discussing them in
the context of similar items from Europe (like the
Mycenaean ox hide-shaped ingots of the Bronze
Age and the early medieval Russian grivna) and
from other parts of the world (Hingston Quiggin
1949, 290-291), as it consisted of rectangular
pieces of copper weighing, in some cases, several
kilograms. The largest one, 10 daler worth,
measuring 70 x 30 cm and weighing 19.71 kg,
more precisely 44 lb, was issued in 1644, by the
 Brukenthal. Acta Musei, XVI. 1, 2021
Alexandru Gh. Sonoc
mint from Avesta (Pivorovich 2009, 166-167). In
1949 only 3 surviving items of this kind were
known (Hingston Quiggin 1949, 285). When this
copper plate coin was issued, 10 daler silvermynt
was the equivalent of a male unskilled labourer’s
pay for around 33 days’ work in Stockholm, and
could buy five hectolitres of grains or 30 kg of
butter (Edinsson 2010, 40). A. Hingston Quigging
pointed that such a currency was not a survival of
the use of ingots as money, but an ingenious result
of the necessity, as being issued to compensate for
the drain of silver needed to pay the Danish war
indemnity (as the Danes insisted on silver) and to
enrich the royal treasure, by taking advantage of
Sweden’s copper mines (Hingston Quiggin 1949,
285). Although sometimes classed with odd and
curious money the copper plate coins was the
realm’s legal tender and although used and
exported as bullion, they circulated domestically
and were essential in the commerce of Sweden
and Finland for more than a century (Standard
Catalog WCoins, 1352). As the most important
producer of copper in Europe, Sweden used the
minting of copper coins in order to regulate the
international price of copper (Edvinsson 2010a,
39), believing that when the copper prices were
low, they could be increased by reducing the
copper exports and minting a large amount of
copper coins for domestic circulation (Edvinsson
2010b, 150).
A decision of August 26, 1633, which reduced the
official value of the öre copper coins by 50 %,
gave rise to two different counting systems: one in
daler silvermynt (daler silver coins), abbreviated
d.s.m., and the other in daler kopparmynt (daler
copper coins), abbreviated d.k.m. In 1633 the
relation equated 1 d.s.m. with 2 d.k.m., and in the
respective system 1 daler valued 4 marks or 32
ören, as initially, i. e. before 1609. In 1643 the
copper öre coins were devalued by further 20 %
(for example, the 1 öre copper coin from before
1633 was devalued to 2/5 öre silvermynt, while
the copper coin minted as 1 öre silvermynt in
1635-1641 was devalued to 4/5 öre silvermynt),
and hence 1 d.s.m. valued 2.5 d.k.m. (Edvinsson
2010b, 151). However, until the reign of Charles
XI (who first began the bad habit of anticipating
revenues) the state was never bankrupt or near it,
at least in wartime and the public debt was
surprisingly modest, as vigorous efforts were
made to pay it off (Roberts 1984, 48). In 1665 the
copper coins were devalued by a further 1/6, so
that 1 d.s.m. valued 3 d.k.m., this being the last
reduction, which lasted until 1776 (Edvinsson
2010b, 151), and thus during the 17th c. the copper
206
standard coexisted with the silver standard
(Edvinsson 2010a, 40), a situation which ended in
1777, when the silver standard became the only
standard in Sweden (Edvinsson 2010b, 151).
In early 18th c. Sweden the monetary unit in which
the most business was conducted was not
anymore the daler silvermynt, but the daler
kopparmynt (Evans, Rydén 2007, 316).
Denominations in copper money were marked
K.M. or KMT, with S.M. or SMT denoting silver
money (silvermynt). The distinction between daler
/ mark / öre silvermynt and daler / mark / öre
kopparmynt constituted a system of account and
did not necessarily indicate whether the payments
were made in coins of copper or of silver. In fact,
some petty copper coins were minted in the
denomination of öre silvermynt, while all copper
plates were minted in the denomination of daler
silvermynt. Initially, when payment was made in
actual silver coins, were often used the terms
daler / mark silvermynt in specie or daler / mark
vitt mynt, i. e. “daler / mark white coins”
(Edvinsson 2010b, 151).
Due to the variations of the copper price since
mid-17th c. till early 18th c. the weight and the size
of the plate money differ significantly: so, during
the reign of Christina, 8 daler weighed 14.5 kg,
but under Charles XII they had various weights,
from 12.9 to 10.8 kg (Pivorovich 2009, 166-167),
right because abroad the copper’s price was
expressed in silver. As consequence of the
cumbersome size and weight of the Swedish
copper money, it was inconvenient to be handled
and foreign travellers remarked that on the streets
of the Swedish city people can be seen carrying it
on the shoulders or on the head or even on carts
(Pivorovich 2009, 166-167).
This inconvenient prompted eventually Sweden to
become the first country in Europe to issue
banknotes. Its oldest banknotes were issued in
1661 by the Stockholms Banco (Geisst 2005, 39;
Edvinsson 2010a, 40; WPMoney 2014, 1128-
1130), which was established some years earlier,
in 1657. The notes lost much of their value due to
over production but succeeded in alleviating the
immediate problem. As later too, the riksdaler
(specie) was protected against inflation through its
connection to silver, but the banknotes suffered
heavily from a seigniorage induced inflation. The
banknotes were issued until 1667. In my opinion,
it cannot be at all a coincidence that this happened
approximately when in European the copper’s
price fell, by 1668 (Roseveare 1983, 90). The
ceasing of their issue prevented a growing
 Brukenthal. Acta Musei, XVI. 1, 2021
Two Swedish Copper Plate Coins (Daler) from the Brukenthal National Museum’s Collection and an
Account about Martin Schmeizel’s Adventures in Sweden (1709 and 1712)

inflation, but did not solve Sweden’s financial 312). In Sweden later he was rehabilitated, his
problems for long time, as increasing the weight fortune was given back to his inheritors already in
of already very large copper coins was 1724 and in 1776 King Gustav III payed
categorically impractical for the needs of the personally 600,000 daler to them, using this
trade. Therefore, in 1681, when the public debt of judicial murder to discredit the policy of his
Sweden reached to nearly 50 million riksdaler predecessors, namely The Age of Liberty (On the
(Lockhart 2004, 133), the silver daler was life, death and perception of Georg Heinrich von
debased, that 1 riksdaler was worth 2 silver daler, Görtz: Lindeberg 1937; Berggren 2010).
with a further debasement during the reign of
The exchange value of the two Swedish copper
Charles XII (in 1712), when 1 riksdaler valued 3
coins from the Brukenthal National Museum’s
silver daler, this ratio lasting till 1798 (Standard
collection is right that inscribed on the die
Catalog WCoins 2016, 1362). Despite this, the
impressed on the centre of each of them. Being
exchange rate of one ducat (gold) in riksdaler
issued in 1711, during the Great Northern War,
(linked to silver) was stable during 1652-1776,
although some years after Charles XII’s defeat in
staying at 14-16 up to the 1870’s (Edvinsson
Poltava (1709) and his flight to the Ottoman
2010a, 37). Compared with its neighbours,
Empire, but still one year before the financial
Sweden had a weak currency in the 18th c., when
reform of 1712, the largest of them reflects
it experienced substantial inflation (Edvinsson
therefore the ratio of 1681. Although issued in
2010c, 261), due to the expenses of the Great
1676, the weight of the other item, whose value is
Northern War, which led the authorities to resort
1 daler silvermynt represents more than 50 %
again to print banknotes (Roberts 1984, 48).
from the weight of the first, whose value is 2
The most audacious and disastrous attempt to daler silvermynt. Thus, in 1712 the two items
solve the country’s financial problems by issuing could have been exchanged (together) for 3 daler
the credit copper daler, equal in price to the silver sylvermint, which corresponds to 1 riksdaler
riksdaler was made with the intention to cover the sylvermint.
costs of the Great Northern War, but the
In regions where copper was a valuable
stabilization of the state’s financial condition by
commodity the Swedish copper plate currency
coercive measures failed. The credit copper coin
was welcome, as a source of metal. This may have
corresponding in value to the silver riksdaler was
happened especially in Western Africa, but also in
called “Görtz daler”, after Baron Georg Heinrich
certain East European regions where the copper
von Schlitz genannt von Görtz (1668/1675-1719),
was brought from far away, as on the northern
who was responsible for their production. The
Black Sea coast. Obviously, the material
issue of a huge quantity of these coins (according
evidences of a trade with such Swedish coins are
to various estimates from 20 to 40 million) led to
very scarce, as the most items of this kind
a complete breakdown of the country’s financial
disappeared, right due to the fact that the local
system and finally, being found guilty for this
craftsmen considered them simple copper ingots.
disaster, Baron von Görtz was judged and
Until now, the only Swedish square plate coin
executed in 1719 (Kirby 1998, 316-317; Roberts
ever found in Southern Russia is an 1 daler
2002, 15-16; Makhun, Pyadyhev 2014, 347),
silvermynt coin issued by Charles XI in 1669,
although some of the measures associated with
which measures 180 x 175 x 5 mm and weighs
him were considered previously, during Charles
1.6111 kg. This numismatic item, now kept at the
XII’s stay in the Ottoman Empire, by himself and
Archaeological Museum of Odessa, is an
by his advisers, who were familiar with the most
accidental discovery made in 1996 on the Black
modern cameralist theories of financial
Sea’s shore, at Chabanka, a village in the region
management (Kirby 1998, 316; cf. Roberts 1984,
of Odessa region (that is on the territory of the
60; Oakley 1992, 116. On the financial system of
former Kherson Governorate), by A. N. Gaponov,
Baron von Görtz: Lindeberg 1941). For this
a resident of the mentioned village (Pivorovich
reason, the death of Baron von Görtz is seen as a
2009, 166-167). It has the same nominal value as
judicial murder (Roberts 2002, 105; cf. Derry
the corresponding artefact in the Brukenthal
1979, 163), as the sentence was influenced very
National Museum’s collection and was issued by
likely by biases concerning the statesman’s
the same Swedish king, but 7 years earlier and is
loyalty toward the Swedish crown, which rose due
considerable heavier (with 5.88 kg g, i. e. 42.59
to certain of his diplomatic activities (Derry 1979,
%), due most likely to the fall of the copper’s
161-163; Oakley 1992, 116-118; Kirby 1998, 310-
price by 1668.

207
 Brukenthal. Acta Musei, XVI. 1, 2021
Alexandru Gh. Sonoc
Meanwhile, there is no reason to consider these
two Swedish numismatic items of copper plate
donated to the Brukenthal Museum by the
Presbitery of the Evangelical Church of Augustan
Confession in Cristian to be old accidental
discoveries, made on the territory of the
mentioned Transylvanian Saxon community from
the proximity of Sibiu, a city where the 17th-18th c.
local production of copperware is well
documented, as evidenced by the mentioned
museum’s rich collection of copper kitchenware
made by local craftsmen.
Of course, the date of the most recent of the two
Swedish copper plate coins (the 2 daler silvermynt
of 1711) is only few years older than the silver
medal with the rendering of the Transylvanian
mountains with their mines rich in various metals
(symbolised by alchemical signs) signed by Georg
Schuler, a Transylvanian medallist and goldsmith
from Sibiu (Resch 1901, 232, nr. XXVII, pl.
70/124, Huszár et al. 1996, 119 and 137, cat. nr.
123, fig. 123. On the life and work of G. Schuller
and on his adventures on sea and in South Africa
and Java, see Sonoc 2013). It was issued by Count
Stephan von Steinville, Commanding General in
Transylvania (1710-1720), maybe (as I suppose)
c. 1717-1718, on the occasion of the restoring of
an ancient Roman road between Transylvania and
Walachia on the Olt river’s valley (which in
honour of Emperor Charles VI was called on this
occasion via Carolina). I believe that this medal
shows actually right this road and not (as
previously believed by the quoted numismatists) a
river (which cannot be restored at all!), and that its
legend RESTAVRABVNTUR (i. e. “(they) will
have been re-established”) does not refer only to
the restoration of this road, but it announces as
well the intention of reopening and modernising
the older mines, in order to increase the wealth
resulting from mining, one of Transylvania’s
major sources of incomes. It is true that this
intention was fulfilled only decades later, on
which occasion two medals were struck by
Viennese medallists (and not Transylvanian ones,
as sometimes believed in Romania), namely that
by Franz Xaver Würth (1749-1813) on the
improvement of the Transylvanian agriculture,
mining and trade, issued in 1769 in gold, silver,
bronze and tin (Resch 1901, 240, nr. XLIII/188-
192, pl. 74/188; Huszár et al. 1996, 122 and 145,
cat. nr. 134, fig. 134) and that by Peter Hofer on
the Transylvanian mining, issued in 1770 in
silver, bronze and tin (Resch 1901, 240, nr.
208
XLV/196-197, pl. 75/196; Huszár et al. 1996, 122
and 145, cat. nr. 135, fig. 135).
There is no reason to consider these two Swedish
numismatic items as evidences of an import of
Swedish copper in the region of Sibiu in late 17th
or early 18th c., because Hungary (due to the
mines from actual Slovakia, from Maramureș and
from Transylvania) was itself a producer and
exporter of copper (although with a smaller
production than Sweden), that during the 16th-17th
c. Poland, due to its proximity both to Hungary
and Sweden, bought copper from both countries
(Malarstwo 2003, 23). During the 17th c. even the
Netherlands bought Hungarian copper extracted in
the counties Hont and Zólyom, in nowadays
Slovakia (Ballhausen 1923, 177).
Unfortunately, nothing is known about how and
when these two Swedish copper plate coins (or at
least one of them) arrived in Transylvania, as that
issued by Charles XII is not the item about which
M. G. Agnethler said that M. Schmeizel brought it
“with the danger of his head from the Swedish
Kingdom” and asked to be donated to the public
library in Sibiu. In 19th-20th c. the collectors kept
such large size numismatic items either in cabinet
drawers or fixed on a cross-shaped support made
of copper sheet strips and hanged on the wall (Fig.
7-8), in a way used rather for smaller reliefs, as in
the situation of the already mentioned item issued
in 1676 with unreadable denomination (but which
I believe to be actually an 1 daler silvermynt, as
measuring 19 x 19 cm), which was offered in
Stockholm by the auctioneer Bukowskis on April
15, 2016 for an estimate price of 8,000 SEK.
It is however obvious that in late 19th c, when the
two copper plate coins published on this occasion
were donated to the Brukenthal Museum, they
were neither considered as copper ingots, nor
simply as collectible curiosities produced by the
human skill (artificialia), but precisely as strange
foreign huge coins, which by their size may have
recalled the largest coins issued in Transylvania in
late 17th c. by Prince Michael Apafi I, both of gold
and in worth of 100 ducats, but of round shape,
unlike the Swedish copper plate money: the first
one (with a diameter of 115 mm) struck in 1674
(Resch 1901, 172, nr. 196, pl. 47/196 and pl.
48/196) and the smaller one (with a diameter of
only 102 mm) minted in 1675 in Făgăraș (Resch
1901, 178, nr. 211, p. 49/211; Huszár et al. 1996,
84-85 and 102, cat. nr. 75, fig. 75).
 Brukenthal. Acta Musei, XVI. 1, 2021
Two Swedish Copper Plate Coins (Daler) from the Brukenthal National Museum’s Collection and an
Account about Martin Schmeizel’s Adventures in Sweden (1709 and 1712)

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS / LISTA ILUSTRAȚIILOR

Fig. 1 – 1 daler sylvermint (1676). Obverse. Brukenthal National Museum, Sibiu.

1 daler sylvermint (1676). Avers. Muzeul Național Brukenthal, Sibiu.
Fig. 2 – 1 daler sylvermint (1676). Reverse. Brukenthal National Museum, Sibiu.
1 daler sylvermint (1676). Revers. Muzeul Național Brukenthal Sibiu.
Fig. 3 – 2 daler sylvermint (1711). Obverse. Brukenthal National Museum, Sibiu.
2 daler sylvermint (1711). Avers. Muzeul Național Brukenthal, Sibiu.
Fig. 4 – 2 daler sylvermint (1711). Reverse. Brukenthal National Museum, Sibiu.
2 daler sylvermint (1711). Revers. Muzeul Național Brukenthal, Sibiu.
Fig. 5 – 2 daler sylvermint (1711). Obverse. Detail. Brukenthal National Museum, Sibiu.
2 daler sylvermint (1711). Avers. Detaliu. Muzeul Național Brukenthal, Sibiu.
Fig. 6 – 1 daler sylvermint (1676). Obverse. Private collection.
1 daler sylvermint (1676). Avers. Colecție privată.
Fig. 7 – 1 (?) daler sylvermint (1676). Obverse. Private collection.
1 (?) daler sylvermint (1676). Avers. Colecție privată.
Fig. 8 – 1 (?) daler sylvermint (1676). Reverse. Private collection.
1 (?) daler sylvermint (1676). Revers. Colecție privată.

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Two Swedish Copper Plate Coins (Daler) from the Brukenthal National Museum’s Collection and an
Account about Martin Schmeizel’s Adventures in Sweden (1709 and 1712)

Fig. 1

Fig. 2

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Alexandru Gh. Sonoc

Fig. 3

Fig. 4

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Two Swedish Copper Plate Coins (Daler) from the Brukenthal National Museum’s Collection and an
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Fig. 5

Fig. 6

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Fig. 7

Fig. 8

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 LIST OF ABREVIATIONS

AA Acta Adriatica.
ActaAH Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Budapest.
ACS Asociaţia culturală Sarmizegetusa.
ActaMN Acta Musei Napocensis, Muzeul Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei, Cluj-Napoca.
ActaMP Acta Musei Porolissensis, Zalău.
ActaSic ActaSiculica, Sfântu-Gheorghe
ActaTS Acta Terrae Septemcastrensis, Universitatea „Lucian Blaga” din Sibiu
AM Arheologia Medievală
Angustia Angustia, Muzeul Carpaților Răsăriteni, Sfântu Gheorghe.
AnB(SN) Analele Banatului, Serie nouă, Timişoara.
Annales UA Annales Universitatis Apulensis.
AP Andean Past.
Apulum Apulum. Acta Musei Apulensis, Alba Iulia.
Archaeo-Mal The Archaeo-Malacology Grup Newsletter, Wallingford, U.K.
Archeologické Archeologicke Rozhledy, Praga.
Rozhledy
ArchErt Archaeologiai Értesitö, Budapest.
Arheologia Arheologia, Sofia.
AȘU Analele Științifice ale Universității „Al. I. Cuza”, Iași.
ATS Acta Terrae Septemcastrensis, Sibiu.
AIIAC Anuarul Institutului de Istorie și Arheologie Cluj
AVSL Archiv des Verains für Siebenbürburgische Landeskunde, Neue Folge,
Hermannstadt/Sibiu
BAM Brvkenthal Acta Mvsei, Sibiu.
Banatica Banatica, Muzeul Banatului Montan, Reșița
BAR Brittish Archaeological Reports. International Series, Oxford.
BEN Bibliotheca Ephemeris Napocensis, Institutul de Arheologie și Istoria Artei, Academia
Română, Cluj-Napoca
BB Bibliotheca Brukenthal, Sibiu.
BCMI Buletinul Comisiei Monumentelor Istorice, București
BCSS Buletinul Cercurilor Ştiinţifice Studenţeşti. Arheologie – Istorie – Muzeologie, Alba Iulia.
BMA Bibliotheca Musei Apulensis, Alba Iulia.
BMN Bibliotheca MuseiNapocensis, Cluj-Napoca
BMN.CP Biblioteca Muzeului Național. Seria Cercetări Pluridisciplinare, Muzeul Național de
Istorie a României, București
BrukAM Brukenthal. Acta Musei, Muzeul Național Brukenthal, Sibiu
BS Biblioteca Septemcastrensis, Universitatea „Lucian Blaga” din Sibiu
BSNR Buletinul Societății Numismatice Române
CCA Cronica Cercetărilor Arheologice, București.
CCDJ Cultură și Civilizație la Dunărea de Jos, Muzeul Dunării de Jos, Călărași
Cercetări Cercetări Istorice (Serie Nouă), Iaşi.
Istorice
CetDacTrans Cetăţi dacice din Sudul Transilvaniei, Bucureşti.
CN Cercetări Numismatice
ComArchHung Communicationes Archaeologicae Hungaricae.
Corviniana Corviniana. Acta Musei Corvinensis, Hunedoara.
Crisia Crisia, Tara Crisurilor Museum, Oradea.
Dacia Dacia. Revue d’archéologie et d’histoire ancienne, Nouvelle Série, Bucharest.
DocPrae Documenta Praeistorica, Ljubljana.
Dolgozatok Dolgozatok, Szeged.
EJA European Journal of Archeology, Oxford.
FolArch Folia Archaeologica, Budapest.

315
ForVL Forschungen zur Volks- und Landeskunde, Institutul de Științe Socio-Umane al Academiei
Române, Sibiu
Gumowski Marian Gumowski, Handbuch der polnischen Numismatik, Graz, 1960.
HERA Human and Ecological Risk Assessment.
Huszár Lajos Huszár, Münzkatalog Ungarn: von 1000 bis heute, München, 1979.
Izvestia Izvestija na Narodnija Muzej Varna.
JAS Journal of Archeological Sciences, , Amsterdam.
JSR Journal of Sedimentary Research, Tulsa, U.S.A.
Martin Ferenc Martin, Kolonialprägungen aus Moesia Superior und Dacia, Budapesta – Bonn,
1992.
MCA Materiale şi cercetări arheologice, Bucureşti.
MBR G. Buzdugan, O. Luchian, C. C. Oprescu, Monede şi bancnote româneşti, Bucureşti,
1977.
MemAntiq Memoria Antiquitatis. Acta Musei Petrodavensis, Piatra Neamţ.
MNJ Macedonian Numismatic Journal
MonArch MonumentaArchaeologica, Los Angeles, U.S.A.
Monografii - Muzeul Național de Istorie a României, București
PA Preistoria Alpina, Trento.
PaläontZ PaläontologischeZeitschrift, Berlin.
PB Patrimonium Banaticum, Direcția pentru cultură a județului Timiș, Timișoara
PBF Prähistorische Bronzefunde, München.
PMJH Publicațiile Muzeului Județean Hunedoara-Deva, Deva
Pontica Pontica, Constanța.
RA Revista de Arheologie, București.
RB Revista Bistriței, Bistrița.
Rengjeo Ivan Rengjeo, Corpus der mittelalterichen Münzen von Kroatien, Slavonien, Dalmatien
und Bosnien, Graz, 1959.
RepAlba Repertoriul arheologic al judeţului Alba, 1995.
RepArhSB Sabin Adrian Luca, Zeno-Karl Pinter, Adrian Georgescu, Repertoriul arheologic al
judeţului Sibiu, Sibiu, 2003.
RIC Harold Mattingly, Edward A. Sydenham, The Roman Imperial Coinage, III, London,
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RMMMIA Revista muzeelor şi monumentelor. Monumente istorice şi de artă, Bucureşti.
SAA Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica, Universitatea „Al.I. Cuza”, Iași
Sargetia Sargetia. Acta Musei Devensis, Muzeul Civilizației Dacice și Romane, Deva
SCIV(A) Studii şi Cercetări de Istorie Veche (şi Arheologie), Bucureşti.
SCN Studii și Cercetări de Numismatică
ScriptaGeo ScriptaGeologica, Leiden.
SIC.SH Studia Universitatis Cibiniensis. Series Historia, Universitatea „Lucian Blaga” din Sibiu
SlovArch Slovenská Archeológia, Nitra.
SMIM Studii și Materiale de Istorie Medie
StComBruk Muzeul Brukenthal, Studii și Comunicări – Științe Naturale, Muzeul Brukenthal, Sibiu
StudArchHis Studia Archaeologica et Historica. Nicolao Gudea Dicata. Bibliotheca Musei
Porolissensis IV/2001, Zalău.
StudPre Studii de Preistorie, București
SUBB Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Universitatea „Babeș-Bolyai”, Cluj-Napoca
Symposia Thracologica Symposia Thracologica, Bucureşti.
TCIC Techniques & Culture, Itinéraires de coquillages.
Thraco-Dacica Thraco-Dacica. Institutul Roman de Tracologie, Bucureşti.
TJS Turkish Journal of Zoology.
Wcoins a C. R. Bruce II (ed.), Standard Catalog of World Coins. Seventeenth Century. 1601 - 1700,
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WCoins b C. R. Bruce II (ed.), Standard Catalog of World Coins. Eighteenth Century. 1701 – 1800,
3rd ed., Iola, 2002.
WMSDB Worldwide Mollusc Species Data Base.
Zargidava Zargidava. Revistă de istorie, Bacău.
Ziridava Ziridava. Studia Archaeologica, Muzeul Arad.

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