1

Analiza Proclamaiei regelui Ferdinand I la declararea rzboiului pentru ntregirea Neamului, (15 august 1916) i a Discursului preedintelui american Woodrow Wilson n faa Congresului SUA, prin care declar rzboi Germaniei (2 aprilie 1917) Gman Viorica Dana danna.gaman@yahoo.com Studii Europene, anul II, grupa 2 Universitatea Bucureti Curs opional: Analiza discursului politic Profesor : Rodica Zafiu Ianuarie 2013

2 Analiza Proclamaiei regelui Ferdinand I la declararea rzboiului pentru ntregirea Neamului, (15 august 1916) i a Discursului preedintelui american Woodrow Wilson n faa Congresului SUA, prin care declar rzboi Germaniei (2 aprilie 1917)

Am ales spre analiz cele dou documente menionate n titlu pentru c ambele fac referire la un eveniment care a marcat schimbri fundamentale n istoria secolului al XX-lea. Este vorba despre primul rzboi mondial desfurat n anii 19141918 ntre cele dou aliane politico-militare: Puterile Centrale i Antanta.Romnia i S.U.A s-au implicat n conflagraie numai atunci cnd interesul naional a cerut-o. Atitudinea fa de rzboi a fost exprimat prin diferite forme: dezbateri, mesaje ale efilor de state sau discursuri ale oamenilor politici i de cultur. Obiectivul urmrit a fost contientizarea publicului cu privire la pericolul care angajase deja omenirea impunndu-se mobilizarea tuturor la aciune. Aceast lucrare ne-a oferit prilejul s analizm atitudinea unor conductori de stat n momente de rscruce din viaa propriilor popoare pentru a restabili calmul i a determina unitatea de aciune n vederea atingerii obiectivelor propuse. De aceea, acetia recurg la transmiterea ctre populaie a unor mesaje de informare asupra situiei create, urmrind sensibilizarea i convingerea acesteia cu privire la justeea atitudinii pe care trebuie s o ia factorii politici n scopul realizrii obiectivelor vizate de noua conjunctur.

3 n intervenia noastr ne vom referi la Ferdinand I, regele Romniei i la W.Wilson, preedintele S.U.A.Cei doi conductori de state se adreseaz naiunii, respectiv ,, Romnilor sau ,, Congresului reprezentantul naiunii americane. Mesajele sunt integrate n realitate i n acelai timp mobilizatoare pentru c pornind de la formula de adresare: ,, Romni sau ,, Domnilor se precizeaz situaia momentului i obiectivul aciunii ndemnnd la responsabilitate. Chiar de la nceput mesajele sunt credibile, cuvintele folosite au impact asupra asculttorilor deoarece subliniaz importana momentului pentru ara respectiv. ,,Pentru neamul nostru el ( rzboiul ) a adus ziua ateptat de veacuri de contiina naional, ziua unirii lui subliniaz regele Ferdinand I, n timp ce preedintele S.U.A., W.Wilson atrage atenia c ,, exist alegeri grave, foarte grave, ale politicii care urmeaz s fie fcute. Romnia intra n rzboi la 15 august 1916 alturi de Antanta pentru c aceasta i recunotea dreptul istoric asupra teritoriilor romneti stpnite de Austro- Ungaria, de aceea titlul Proclamaiei se refer la ,,ntregirea Neamuluitransmind siguran, autoritate i n acelai timp for.. S.U.A era determinat s intre n rzboi pentru c Germania nclcase un drept internaional declannd ,, rzboiul submarin dovedind ,, lips de compasiune sau de principiu.Apelul lui Wilson reflect viziunea politic a acestuia care va fi cuprins i n ,, Cele 14 puncte.Preedintele atrage atenia artnd c; ,,Motivul nostru nu va fi rzbunarea sau afirmarea victorioas puterea fizic a naiunii, ci doar rzbunarea drept, a drepturilor omului, de care suntem doar un singur campion, sensibiliznd n acest fel pe reprezentanii naiunii, purttori ai democraiei, considernd atitudinea sa o ,, datorie constituional.Aprarea umanitii este o responsabilitate care l determin

4 pe preedinte s enumere obictivele repetnd verbul ,,va implicacu un scop precis: captarea ateniei publicului i contientizarea acestuia asupra aciunilor ce urmau s fie luate, ctigndu-i n acest mod ncrederea pentru c obiectivul intrrii n rzboi este ,, de a apra principiile pcii i dreptii n viaa lumii.Regele Ferdinand I, folosete n schimb persoana I plural ,,Noi captnd atenia , contientiznd i mobiliznd naiunea pentru c ,,De noi atrn astzi s scpm de sub stpnirea strin pe fraii nostri, ,,n noi, n vitejia noastr, st putina de a le reda dreptul ca ntr-o Romnie ntregit i liber de la Tisa pn la mare, s propeasc n pace potrivit datinilor i aspiraiunilor gintei noastre. Ambii conductori fac apel la valorile propriilor naiuni dar i la datoria de a apra i a menine pacea, idealul omenirii. Acest aspect contextualizeaz i motiveaz aciunile ce urmeaz s fie ntrepinse. Strategia folosit de cei doi conductori este afirmativ, impus de situaie i avantajoas.Argumentarea se bazeaz pe exemple convingtoare. Formula de ncheiere este folosit diferit dar cu potenial maxim. Regele Ferdinand I adresndu-se att ,, Romnilor ct i ,,Ostailor face apel la unitate,ncredere n forele proprii i curaj: ,,Vei lupta alturi de marile naiuni cu care ne-am unitde aceea ,, Artai-v demni de gloria strbun. Preedintele Wilson se adreseaz din nou ,, Domnilor din Congresimpunnd autoritate dar i responsabilitate pentru c ,,Vom lupta pentru lucrurile pe care le-am efectuat ntotdeauna cel mai apropiat inimilor noastre, pentru democraie (....) pentru drepturile i libertile naiunilor mici. Deci ambele mesaje se bazeaz pe raiune chiar dac fac apel i la divinitate, ultima fiind credina n Dumnezeu prezent n inimile tuturor.

5 n concluzie, cele dou discursuri sunt mesaje de interes public transmise n momente excepionale cu scopul obinerii unei atitudini pozitive n vederea relizrii obiectivului propus.

Anexe

Woodrow Wilson Urges Congress to Declare War on Germany

Delivered at a joint session of the two Houses of Congress on April 2, 1917. Citation: Woodrow Wilson, War Messages, 65th Cong., 1st Sess. Senate Doc. No. 5, Serial No. 7264, Washington, DC, 1917; pp. 3-8, passim

Gentlemen of the Congress: I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making. On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean. That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken were meagre and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle. I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by any government that had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meagre enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded. This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world. I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be. The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind. It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been no discrimination. The challenge is to all mankind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will

7 meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and a temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion. When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all. The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modern publicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs; they cut to the very roots of human life. With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the government and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war. What this will involve is clear. It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with the governments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to those governments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs. It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible. It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly in supplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy's submarines. It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war of at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training. It will involve also, of

8 course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation. I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of the inflation which would be produced by vast loans. In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdom of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the dutyfor it will be a very practical dutyof supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there. I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of the Government, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war and safeguarding the nation will most directly fall. While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles. Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states. We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools. Selfgoverned nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the

9 privacy of courts or behind the carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation's affairs. A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own. Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life. The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their native majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor. One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, with the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States. Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we knew that their source lay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors the intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence. We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such a government, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security for the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included; for the rights of nations great and small

10 and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them. Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and of fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor. The AustroHungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna. We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights. It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only in armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck. We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us,however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts. We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship,exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible. We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and native sympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few. It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts,for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world

11 itself at last free. To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.

Domnilor Congresmeni: Am chemat Congresul n sesiune extraordinar, deoarece exist alegeri grave, foarte grave, ale politicii care urmeaz s fie fcute, i a fcut imediat, care nu a fost nici corect, nici constituional admis c ar trebui s-i asume responsabilitatea de a face. n a treia din februarie anul trecut am pus n mod oficial nainte de anunarea extraordinar a guvernului german Imperial c la i dup prima zi a lunii februarie a fost scopul de a pune deoparte toate restriciile de drept sau de umanitate i de a folosi submarine sale s se scufunde fiecare nav care a ncercat s se apropie fie la porturile Marii Britanii i Irlandei sau coastele vestice ale Europei sau la oricare dintre porturile controlate de ctre dumanii Germania n Marea Mediteran. Care prea s fie obiectul rzboiului submarin german mai devreme n rzboi, dar ncepnd cu luna aprilie a anului trecut guvernul imperial a reinut oarecum comandanilor de ambarcaiuni de submarin, n conformitate cu promisiunea de atunci ne-a dat ca brcile de pasageri nu trebuie s fie scufundat i c avertisment datorate ar fi dat la toate celelalte nave care submarinele sale s ncerce s distrug, atunci cnd nu a fost oferit rezisten sau a ncercat s scape, i de ngrijire luate ca echipajele lor s-au dat cel puin o ans real de a salva vieile lor n brcile lor deschise . Msurilor de precauie luate au fost slabe i ntmpltoare suficient, astfel cum a fost dovedit n instan, dup dureros exemplu, n curs de afaceri crud i efeminat, ci un anumit grad de reinere a fost observat. Noua politic a mturat n fiecare restricie deoparte. Navele de orice fel, indiferent de pavilion, caracterul lor, ncrctura acestora, destinaia lor, comisionari lor, au fost trimise fr mil n partea de jos, fr avertisment i fr gnd de ajutor sau mil pentru cei de la bord, a navelor de mediere prietenoase, mpreun cu cele de beligerani. Chiar navele spital i navele care transport ajutor la oameni extrem ndoliate i lovit din Belgia, dei acesta din urm s-au prevzut cu comportamentul n condiii de siguran prin zonele interzise de guvernul german n sine i s-au distins prin semne inconfundabile ale identitii, au fost scufundat cu impruden aceeai lipsa de compasiune sau de principiu. Am fost pentru puin timp nu poate s cread c astfel de lucruri ar fi, n fapt, se face de ctre orice guvern care a subscris pn n prezent la practicile umane ale naiunilor civilizate. Drept internaional a avut originea n ncercarea de a stabili o lege care ar fi respectate, iar marea observat, n cazul n care nici o naiune nu aveau drept de stpnire i n cazul n care pune autostrzi gratuite ale lumii. De faza dureroasa dup etapa a c dreptul fost construit, cu rezultate slabe suficiente, ntr-adevr, dup ce totul a fost realizat, care ar putea fi realizat, dar ntotdeauna cu o viziune clar, cel puin, a ceea ce inima i contiina omenirii cerut. Acest minim de drept guvernul german a cuprins circuitul agricol n temeiul motiv de represalii i de necesitate i pentru c nu a avut nici arme pe care le-ar putea folosi pe mare, cu excepia acestea, care este imposibil de a angaja aa cum este, fr a le angajarea aruncare la vnturile toate scrupulele umanitate sau de respect pentru nelegerea pe care ar fi trebuit sa stea la baza sexual al lumii. Nu m gndesc acum de pierderea proprietii implicate, imens i grav ca este, dar numai de distrugere absurda i comercializarea angro a vieii de non-combatani, brbai, femei i copii, implicat in activitati care au intotdeauna, chiar n cele mai ntunecate perioade ale istoriei

12 moderne, a fost considerat nevinovat i legitim. Proprietate poate fi pltit pentru, viaa oamenilor panici i nevinovai, nu poate fi. Rzboiul prezent submarin german mpotriva Comertului este un rzboi mpotriva omenirii. Acesta este un rzboi mpotriva tuturor naiunilor. Navele americane au fost scufundate, vieti americane luate, n moduri care ne-a strnit foarte profund pentru a afla de, dar navele i persoanele de alte naiuni neutre i prietenoas au fost scufundat i copleit n apele maritime n acelai mod. Nu a existat nici o discriminare. Provocarea este pentru ntreaga omenire. Fiecare naiune trebuie s decid pentru sine, cum l va ntlni. Alegerea o facem pentru noi nine trebuie s se fac cu o moderare de sfat i de o hotrre a temperateness potrivit caracterului nostru i motivele noastre ca naiune. Trebuie s punem sentimentul entuziasmat distan. Motivul nostru nu va fi rzbunarea sau afirmarea victorioas puterea fizic a naiunii, ci doar rzbunarea drept, a drepturilor omului, de care suntem doar un singur campion. Cnd m-am adresat Congresului n douzeci i asea a lunii februarie trecut m-am gndit c ar fi de ajuns s-i afirme drepturile noastre neutre cu arme, dreptul nostru de a utiliza marea mpotriva intervenie ilegal, dreptul nostru de a pstra oamenii notri n condiii de siguran mpotriva violenei ilegale. Dar neutralitatea armat, acum se pare, este imposibil. Deoarece submarine sunt n afara legii efect atunci cnd este utilizat ca submarinele germane au fost folosite mpotriva transporturilor maritime comerciale, este imposibil s se apere mpotriva atacurilor navele lor, ca legea naiunilor i-a asumat ca negustorii s-ar apra mpotriva privati sau crucitoare, ambarcaiunile vizibil oferindu-Chase, la mare deschis. Acesta este prudena comun n astfel de mprejurri, necesitatea de sumbru, ntr-adevr, s depun eforturi pentru a le distruge nainte de a le-au artat intenia de propria lor. Acestea trebuie s fie tratate cu vedere la, n cazul n care abordat la toate. Guvernul german neag dreptul de a folosi arme neutre, la toate n domeniile de mare, care le-a interzis, chiar i n aprarea drepturilor care nu publicistul modern a mai pus la ndoial nainte de dreptul lor de a-i apra. Sesizarea este transmis c grzi narmate pe care le-au introdus pe navele comerciale noastre vor fi tratate ca dincolo de palida de drept i sub rezerva de a fi tratat ca piraii ar fi. Neutralitatea armat este ineficient suficient n cel mai bun, n astfel de circumstane i n faa preteniilor astfel c este mai ru dect ineficient, este probabil ca doar pentru a produce ceea ce a fost menit s previn, este practic sigur s ne atrag n rzboi fr nici drepturi sau eficacitatea beligerani. Nu este o alegere, nu putem face, suntem incapabili de a face: nu vom alege calea de depunere i sufer drepturile cele mai sacre ale naiunii noastre i a poporului nostru s fie ignorate sau nclcate. Greelile mpotriva crora suntem acum matrice nine nu sunt greelile comune; au tiat la rdcinile nsei ale vieii umane. Cu un sentiment profund de caracterul solemn i chiar tragic al pas pe care il iau, precum i a responsabilitilor pe care le implic grave, dar n ascultare prompt la ceea ce am considera de datoria mea constituional, am recomanda ca Congresul s declare cursul recent al Imperial guvernul german pentru a fi n fapt nimic mai puin dect rzboiul mpotriva guvernului i a oamenilor din Statele Unite, pe care-l accepte n mod oficial statutul de beligerant, care a fost astfel fora de traciune asupra ei, i c ia msuri imediate, nu numai pentru a pune ara ntr-o mai aprofundat stare de aprare, ci, de asemenea, s-i exercite toat puterea i s angajeze toate resursele pentru a aduce Guvernul a Imperiului German la termeni i s pun capt rzboiului. Ceea ce va implica este clar. Aceasta va implica cooperarea cea mai mare msur posibil, n sfat i de aciune cu guvernele acum n rzboi cu Germania, i, dup cum incidentul la faptul c, extinderea acestor guverne ale creditelor mai liberale financiare, pentru ca resursele noastre pot msura n care este posibil s fie adugat a lor. Aceasta va implica organizarea i mobilizarea

13 tuturor resurselor materiale ale rii pentru a furniza materialele de rzboi i a servi nevoilor accidentale ale naiunii, n modul cel mai abundent i totui cel mai economic i eficient. Aceasta va implica echipamente imediat complet a marinei din toate punctele de vedere, dar mai ales n furnizarea cu cele mai bune mijloace de a face cu submarine inamice. Aceasta va implica lng imediat a forelor armate ale Statelor Unite deja prevzute de lege, n caz de rzboi de cel puin cinci sute de mii, care ar trebui, n opinia noastr, s fie alese pe principiul rspunderii universal la servicii, i De asemenea, autorizaia de creteri ulterioare suplimentare de for egal att de repede, deoarece acestea pot fi necesare i pot fi manipulate n formare. Aceasta va implica, de asemenea, desigur, acordarea de credite adecvate pentru a Guvernului, a susinut, sper, n msura n care acestea pot fi echitabil susinut de generaia actual, de conceput i de impozitare. Eu spun susinut msura n care pot fi echitabil prin impozitarea, deoarece mi se pare c ar fi cel mai nelept s se bazeze creditele care vor fi necesar n prezent n ntregime pe bani mprumutai. Este de datoria noastr, am cel mai respectuos ndemn, pentru a proteja poporul nostru msura n care am putea mpotriva greutilor foarte grave i rele, care ar fi posibil s apar din inflaiei, care ar putea fi produs de mprumuturi mari. n ndeplinirea msurilor prin care aceste lucruri vor fi realizate noi ar trebui s pstreze n minte nelepciunea de a interveni ct mai puin posibil n pregtirea noastr proprie i n echipamentele noastre fore militare proprii cu taxa-pentru c va fi un foarte duty-al practice furnizarea naiunilor deja n rzboi cu Germania, cu materialele pe care le pot obine numai de la noi sau de ajutorul nostru. Ele sunt n domeniu i ar trebui s le ajute n orice mod de a fi eficiente acolo. Eu iau libertatea de a sugera, prin departamentele executive mai multe Guvernului, pentru luarea n considerare a dvs. comitete, msuri pentru realizarea mai multor obiecte le-am menionat. Sper c va fi plcerea de a face cu ei ca au fost ncadrate dup gndire foarte atent de ctre sucursal a guvernului pe care responsabilitatea de a conduce rzboiul i protejarea naiunii va fi cel mai direct cdea. In timp ce noi facem aceste lucruri, aceste lucruri profund memorabile, s ne fie foarte clar, i s fac foarte clar pentru toat lumea ce motivele noastre i obiectele noastre sunt. Gnd mea nu a fost condus de la traiectoria sa obinuit i normal de evenimentele nefericite din ultimele dou luni, i nu cred c gndul de a naiunii a fost modificat sau umbrite de acestea. Am exact aceleai lucruri n minte acum, c am avut n minte cnd m-am adresat Senatului privind douzeci i doi ianuarie trecut, aceeai pe care am avut-o n vedere atunci cnd m-am adresat Congresului privind al treilea februarie i pe douzeci al aselea februarie. Obiectul nostru de acum, ca i atunci, este de a apra principiile pcii i dreptii n viaa lumii ca mpotriva puterii egoist i autocratic i pentru a configura printre popoarele cu adevrat libere i de auto-guvernat de lume o astfel de concert de scop i de aciune care s asigure n continuare respectarea acestor principii. Neutralitatea nu mai este fezabil sau de dorit n cazul n care pacea lumii este implicat i libertatea popoarelor sale, precum i ameninare la pacea i libertatea const n existena unor guverne autocrate susinute de for organizat, care este controlat n ntregime de voina lor, nu de voina poporului lor. Am vzut ultima neutralitii n astfel de situaii. Suntem la nceputul unei epoci n care va fi insistat asupra faptului c aceleai standarde de conduit i de responsabilitate pentru rul fcut, se observ ntre naiuni i guvernele lor, care sunt observate n rndul cetenilor individuale ale statelor civilizate. Nu avem nici o ceart cu poporul german. Nu avem nici un sentiment fa de ei, dar unul dintre simpatie i prietenie. Nu a fost la impuls lor, c guvernul lor a acionat n acest rzboi intrarea. Nu a fost cu cunotinele lor anterioare sau de aprobare. A fost un rzboi determinat n urma rzboaielor utilizate ca urmeaz s fie stabilite la n zilele de demult, cnd nefericite popoare au

14 fost consultate de ctre nicieri conductorii lor i rzboaie au fost provocate i desfurat n interesul dinastii sau de grupuri mici de oameni ambiioase care au fost obinuii s utilizeze semenilor lor, ca pioni i instrumente. Auto-guvernate naiunile nu umple statele lor vecine cu spioni sau pentru a seta cursul de intrigi pentru a aduce despre unele postura critica a afacerilor, care le va oferi o oportunitate de a face grev i cucerirea. Astfel de modele pot fi prelucrate cu succes doar n cazul n care sub acoperirea i nimeni nu are dreptul de a pune ntrebri. Planurile de viclenie nscocite de nelciune sau de agresiune, efectuat, aceasta poate fi, din generaie n generaie, pot fi elaborate i pstrate de lumina numai n viaa privat a instanelor judectoreti sau n spatele destinuirile atent pzite de o clas de ngust i privilegiat. Ei sunt fericiti acolo unde este imposibil de comenzi de opinie public i insist asupra informaii complete cu privire la toate problemele naiunii. Un concert pentru pace statornic nu poate fi meninut dect printr-un parteneriat al naiunilor democratice. Nici un guvern autocrat ar putea fi de ncredere pentru a pstra credina n ea sau s observe legmintele sale. Trebuie s fie o liga de onoare, un parteneriat de aviz. Intrigi ar mnca semnele vitale sale la distan, de uneltirile cercurile interioare care ar putea planifica ceea ce lear face si cont pentru a nimeni nu ar fi o corupie aezat la ei foarte inima. Numai popoarele libere pot deine scopul lor i onoarea lor de echilibru la un scop comun i prefer interesele omenirii la orice interes ngust de-al lor. Oare nu orice sentiment american, care de asigurare a fost adugat la sperana noastr pentru pace viitorul lumii prin lucrurile minunate i ncurajator c s-au ntmplat n ultimele cteva sptmni, n Rusia? Rusia a fost cunoscut de ctre cei care au tiut cel mai bine s fi fost, de fapt, ntotdeauna la inim democratic, n toate obiceiurile vitale ale gndirii sale, n toate relaiile intime ale oamenilor ei, care a vorbit instinctul lor natural, atitudinea lor fa de via obinuit. Autocratie care a ncununat summit-ul de structura sa politic, timp n care a stat i teribil cum a fost realitatea puterii sale, nu a fost, de fapt, de origine rus, n, caracter, sau scopul, iar acum a fost scuturat i mare, persoane generoase din Rusia au fost adugate n toat mreia lor matern i s-ar putea s fortele care se lupt pentru libertate n lume, pentru dreptate, i pentru pace. Aici este un partener potrivit pentru o Liga de Onoare. Unul dintre lucrurile pe care a servit s ne conving c autocraia prusac nu a fost i nu putea fi prietenul nostru este faptul c nc de la nceputul rzboiului din prezent a umplut comunitile noastre nu bnuiesc nimic i chiar birourile noastre de guvernare, cu spioni i a stabilit intrigi penale peste tot n micare mpotriva unitii noastre naionale de avocat, pacea noastr n cadrul i fr, industriile noastre i comerul nostru. ntr-adevr, acum este evident c spionii sai au fost aici chiar nainte de rzboi a nceput, i nu este nefericit o problem de conjunctur, ci un fapt dovedit n instanele noastre de Justiie rezult c intrigile care au mai mult de o dat ajuns periculos de aproape de tulburarea pcii i dislocat industriile rii s-au efectuat pe la instigarea, cu sprijinul, i chiar i n direcia personal a agenilor oficiale ale Guvernului Imperial acreditat la guvernul Statelor Unite. Chiar i n aceste lucruri verificarea i ncercarea de a le extirpa am cutat s pun interpretarea cea mai generoas posibil asupra lor pentru c am tiut c sursa lor nu pune, n nici un sentiment ostil sau scop a poporului german fa de noi (care au fost, fr ndoial, ca ignorant de ei ca ne-au), dar numai n proiectele egoiste ale unui guvern care a fcut ceea ce a spus mulumit i nimic nu sa oameni. Dar ei au jucat un rol n care servete pentru a ne convinge n cele din urm c Guvernul nu ntreine prietenia real pentru noi i nseamn a aciona mpotriva pcii i securitii noastre la confortul acestuia. Asta nseamn s strneasc mpotriva dumanilor noi la uile noastre chiar nota interceptat la ministrul german la Ciudad de Mexico este o dovad elocvent.

15 Suntem accepta aceast provocare a scopului ostil pentru c tim c ntr-un astfel de guvern, ca urmare a astfel de metode, nu putem avea un prieten, i c, n prezena a puterii sale organizate, mereu la pnd pentru a realiza noi nu tim ce scop, nu poate exista securitate asigurat pentru guvernele democratice ale lumii. Suntem acum pe cale de a accepta un ecartament de lupta cu acest duman natural pentru libertate i, dac este necesar, petrece ntreaga for a naiunii de a verifica i anula preteniile sale i a puterii sale. Ne bucuram, acum, c ne vedem faptele, fr vlul de fals pretext despre ele, pentru a lupta astfel pentru pace final al lumii i pentru eliberarea popoarelor sale, popoarele germane incluse; pentru drepturile naiunilor mari i mici i privilegiul de a oamenilor de pretutindeni de a alege modul lor de via i de ascultare. Lumea trebuie s se fac n condiii de siguran pentru democraie. Pacea sa trebuie s fie plantate pe fundaiile testate de libertate politic. Noi nu avem scopuri egoiste pentru a servi. Noi dorim nici o cucerire, nu stpnire. Cutm nici indemnizaiile pentru noi nine, nici o compensaie material pentru sacrificiile vom face n mod liber. Suntem dar unul dintre campionii ale drepturilor omenirii. Vom fi ndeplinite atunci cnd aceste drepturi au fost fcute la fel de sigure ca i credina i libertatea naiunilor poate s le fac. Doar pentru c vom lupta fr ranchiun i fr obiect egoist, care caut nimic pentru noi nine, dar ceea ce vom dori s mprtesc cu toate popoarele libere, vom, m simt ncreztor, s efectueze operaiunile noastre ca beligerani, fr pasiune i ne observe cu punctilio mndri principiile de dreapta i de fair-play ne mrturisim a fi lupt pentru. Am spus nimic de guvernele aliate cu guvernul imperial al Germaniei, deoarece acestea nu s-au fcut rzboi asupra noastr sau s ne aprm contestat dreptul nostru i onoarea noastr. Guvernul austro-ungar a fost, ntr-adevr, mrturisit aprobarea acestuia fr rezerve i de acceptare a rzboiului submarin nesbuit i nelegiuite a adoptat acum, fr deghizat de guvernul german Imperial, i, prin urmare, nu a fost posibil ca acest Guvern s primeasc Numar Tarnowski, Ambasadorul recent acreditate n acest Guvernului de Guvern Imperial i Regal al Austro-Ungariei, dar c Guvernul nu a nceput efectiv angajat n lupta mpotriva cetenilor din Statele Unite ale Americii cu privire la mrile, iar eu iau libertatea, n prezent, cel puin, de a amna o discuie relaiilor noastre cu autoritile de la Viena. Am intra in acest razboi numai n cazul n care suntem obligai n mod clar n ea pentru c nu exist alte mijloace de aprare a drepturilor noastre. Acesta va fi mai uor pentru noi s ne comportm ca beligerani ntr-un spirit de nalt dreptului i echitii, deoarece vom aciona fr Animus, nu n dumnie fa de un popor sau cu dorinta de a aduce orice prejudiciu sau dezavantaj asupra lor, dar numai n armat opoziie la un guvern iresponsabil care a aruncat deoparte toate consideraiile de umanitate i de drept i se execut amuck. Suntem, permitei-mi s spun din nou, prietenii sinceri ai poporului german, i nimic nu va dori att de mult ca restabilirea rapid a relaiilor intime de avantaj reciproc ntre noi, orict de greu-ar fi pentru ei, pentru moment, s Consider c acest lucru este vorbita de la inimile noastre. Am purtat cu guvernul actual al acestora prin toate aceste luni amare din cauza ca prietenia,-care exercit un rbdare i toleran, care altfel ar fi fost imposibil. Vom, din fericire, au nc o ocazie de a demonstra c prietenia n atitudinea noastr de zi cu zi i aciunile fa de milioane de barbati si femei de natere german i simpatie nativ, care triesc printre noi i s mprteasc viaa noastr, i vom fi mndri s-l dovedeasc fa de toi cei care sunt, de fapt, loiali vecinii lor i de a Guvernului n ceasul ncercrii. Ele sunt, cele mai multe dintre ele, dup cum americanii adevrai i loial ca n cazul n care nu au cunoscut nici o alt fidelitate sau loialitate. Acestea vor fi prompt s stea cu noi n mustra i imobilizrii puini, care pot fi de o minte diferit i scop. Dac ar trebui s existe lipsa de loialitate, aceasta va fi tratat cu o mn ferm de represiune

16 pupa, dar, n cazul n care ridic capul, la toate, l va ridica doar aici i acolo i fr chip, cu excepia de la cteva frdelege i maligne. Este o datorie dureros i opresiv, Domnilor de Congres, pe care le-am efectuat n astfel te abordarea. Exist, aceasta poate fi, mai multe luni de studiu de foc i sacrifice n faa noastr. Acesta este un lucru teribil de a conduce acest popor avantajos panice n rzboi, n civilizaia cea mai teribil i dezastruoas din toate rzboaiele, se prnd a fi n echilibru. Dar drept este mai preios dect pacea, i vom lupta pentru lucrurile pe care le-am efectuat ntotdeauna cel mai apropiat inimile noastre,-pentru democraie, pentru dreptul de cei care se supun autoritii de a avea un cuvnt de spus n propriile guverne, pentru drepturile de i libertile naiunilor mici, pentru o stpnire universal a dreptului de asemenea un concert de popoare libere ca va aduce pace i siguran la toate naiunile i s fac lumea nsi, la ultima liber. La o astfel de sarcin se poate dedica vieile noastre i averile noastre, tot ceea ce suntem i tot ceea ce avem, cu mandrie celor care tiu c ziua a venit atunci cnd America este privilegiat s-i petreac sngele ei i ei s-ar putea pentru principiile care a dat nastere ei i fericire i pacea pe care le-a preuit. Dumnezeu o ajuta, ea poate face nici un alt. http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Woodrow_Wilson_declares_war_on_Germany

Bibliografie

Hitchins, Keith, 2004, Romnia 1866-1947, Bucureti, Editura Humanitas, p. 303-304. Jelavich, Barbara, Charles, 1999, Formarea statelor naionale balcanice 1804-1920, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Dacia, p. 339-340.

17 Murgescu, Bogdan, (coord.), 1999, Istoria lumii n texte. De la nceputuri pn n zilele noastre, Bucureti, Editura Teora, p.254. Zafiu, Rodica, 2007, Limbaj i politic, Bucureti, Editura Universitii din Bucureti.

http://digitool.dc.bmms.ro:8881/R/KHIIG52RUD4A9D56I8C7U861UB4FUGQPP849NKS5IU3 2RFBTHL-01825?func=results-jumpfull&set_entry=000004&set_number=012243&base=GEN01 http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Woodrow_Wilson_declares_war_on_Germany