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ELITE AND POPULAR CULTURE IN GREECE UNDER TURKISH RULE Richard Clogg In 1811 Adamantios Korais, a Smyrniot Greek and the principal mentor of the intellectual revival in the Greek world that preceded the Greek War of Independence, wrote that "either it 1s true that a renaissance is under way in Greece or nothing in the world is true." That this was indeed the case was undeniably so and a welcome recent development in Greek historiography has been the publication of a number of important studies devoted to the oellinikos Diaphostismos or 'Neo-Hellenic Enlightenment?.1- Within-the compass of this paper I can hope to sketch only some of the salient features of the remarkable intellectual ferment that characterized the Greek world in the decades that preceded the outbreak of the Greek revolt in 1821. In particular I want to look briefly at some aspects of Greek cultural life during the Tourkokratia, or period of Turkish rule, that have so far been relatively little studied, namely the level of literacy among, the Grecks during this period, the degree to which the works of Enlight- enment composed by Greek literati were actually read, and at the popular culture of the droad masses of the largely illiterate or semi-literate Greek people in the crucial century or so before Greece gained her independence. I also want to look at what one might term the Counter-Enlightenment, the largely, >ut by no means exclusively, clerically inspired reaction against the influence of the western rationalist ideas that lay at the heart of the Neo-Hellenic Enlightenment. For in many respects it was this Counter-Enlightenment that was to have the greater influence on the development of modern Greece. It would be a reasonable assumption, I believe, that for every Orthodox monk such as the one who 107 accosted the French diplomat and antiquarian Choiseul-Couffier on the island of Patmos in 1776 with the urgent plea, "Tell me...is Voltaire still alive. Answer me, calm my fears. Are Voltaire and Rousseau, those two benefactors of mankind, still living,"@ there were dozens more who whole- heartedly agreed with the violent denunciations of another monk, Athanasios Parios, He it was who, in 1802, fulminated against the poison of the Voltairists and urged the youth of Greece not to study in the West, which he termed "a chaos of destruction, the very brink of Hades" where "the most atheistical lackeys of the arch-atheist Vol- taire spew up from their foul-smelling gorges the most irreligious insults and blasphemles against the Divine Majesty."3 What is revealing about these violently opposed viewpoints is that it is a fair assumption that neither of these worthy divines had ever actually read any of the works of Voltaire. Before looking at the Greek Enlightenment and the reaction that it provoked, it is important to remember that in the 18th and early 19th centuries Greek culture had an important influence through~ out the Balkan pentnuula and the Greek Language a unique posttion, Greck schools were the most ad~ vaneed in the Ottoman Empire and Greek was the language of commerce and of a significant proz portion of the nascent Balkan intelligentsia. 4 Many of the non-Greek members of the Millet-1 Rum (the "Greek! or, more precisely, the Orthodox millet within the Ottoman Empire) had a genuine admiration for, and interest in acquiring Greek culture, and indeed modern Greek often acted as a filter through which the learning and literature of the West percolated to the other Balkan nation- alities. Their own national revivals in the 19th century were in a number of respects a reaction against Greek cultural, as well as ecclesiastical, hegemony. The attitude of those who saw in the Greek language and culture a unifying link for all the Balkan peoples is well illustrated in the Eisagogiki Didaskalia, or Introductory Teaching, 108 published at the Patriarchal Press in Constan- tinople in 1802 by one Daniel of Moschopolis. This was a tetraglot Greek/Vlach/Bulgarian/Alban- ian lexicon designed to familiarize Viach children with Greek ("dia na synithisoun of ton Moisiodakon paides tin Romaikin glossan"), This was prefaced with some verses which well exemplify the atti- tudes of the extreme hellenizer: Albanians, Bulgars, Vlachs and all who do now speak An alien tongue rejoice, prepare to make you Greek, Change your barbaric tongue, your customs rude forgo, So that as bygone myths your children may them know.5 What is particularly interesting about this pas- sage is that its author, Hadji Daniel, was hin- self a hellenized Viach from Moschopoiis (now Voskopolje in south-east Albania). Similarly another Macedonia Vlach, G.C, Rosa, was inspired to write his Inquiries concerning the Romanians or so-called Vidons, which was published In Pest in 1808, in Greek because he considered modern Greek to be a link among the Balkan peoples.6 Moreover, Greek often acted as a filter through which the learning and literature! of the West percolated to the other Balkan nationalities, a development that in turn gave a powerful stimulus to their own national revivals, This was partic- ularly true, of course, of the Romanians, whose cultural and educational life during the period of Phanartot rule in the 18th century was largely Greek in inspiration. This Greek cultural mission among the Romanians was from time to time explic- itly stated. An instance of this was the speech by the Metropolitan Ignatios Oungrovalachias, its founder, at the inaugural meeting of the Greco- Dacian Literary Society (Graikodakikt Philologixt Etairda) in Bucharest in July T810P I see Greeks and Dacians /Romanians/7, for long united by Holy Religion 109 and this our government, to day united by another bond /that7 of sacred philosophy. The Greeks, deeply aware of, and grateful for, i ‘the asylum which Dacia has given them, try to repay this holy debt with the illumination of learning and philosophy, The Dacians, being very proud, do not, wish to remain on a lower’ /plane/ than the Greeks. "Enlightenment" /Ea fota7, he added, was not some- thing new to the Grecks. "For the Dacians, how- over, It was totally new.,.Let Socrates be your exemplar and model in virtue, Aristofle in justice, Epameinondas and Phocion in honour."| Not al- together surprisingly, the recipients of this type of cultural chauvinism eventually reacted against ft. Moreover, it was not only among the Chris- tians of the Balkan peninsula that Greek acted as a filter for Western scientific and cultural ‘ influences. The Christian Arab Mikhail Mishaqa, i for instance, whose life more or less straddled the 19th century, recalled examining as a child some of his uncle's books. These included an Arabic translation by Basili Fakhr of "The commen- tary of the Archimandrite Anthimus Ghazi on the book of the Englishman Benjamin about natural i science ."9 The mention of translations draws attention to another preliminary point that should be stressed, namely the relatively long delay that occurred in the translation of many of the works of the European Enlightenment that appeared in Greek. Fontenelle's Entretiens sur la pluralitd t des mondes, for instance, one of the most impor- tant vehicies for the popularization of Newtonian science in Europe, was published in Paris in 1684. Yet it did not appear in a Greek translation until over a century later, when Panayiotis Kodrikas l brought out a version in Vienna, Omiliai pert plithyos kosmon...10 But even at this late date @ Vigorous attempt was made to refute its by then 110 generally accepted ideas by Sergios Makraios, a former director of the Patriarchal Academy (Megali tou Genous Skholi) in Constantinople, for long one of the principal centres of Greek education in the Ottoman Empire. In his Triumph from out of the Helladic Panopiy against the follonsts of Caper Ti published. aso ty Vienna. In 1797 Makraios claimed to have trounced the adherents of Copernican cosmology and utterly to have routed their profane system. The Greeks, then, in the late 18th century were still fighting intellectual battles that had long been won in Western Europe. Moreover, although books reflecting the ideas of the Enlightenment could and did circulate in their original languages in considerable numbers in the Greek lands, this was often only after the lapse of many years since their original publi- cation. While a number of Greek illuminati of the diaspora came into contact with, and were influ- enced by, the Encyclopedie of Diderot and d'Alem- bert, the first evidence that I have encountered of its physical presence on "Greck" soil is as late as 1816, when Konstantinos Skylitzis pre- sented a set to Konstantinos Koumas and Konstan- tinos Ofkonomos in Smyrna in March 1816.12 Yet although the time lag was frequently marked, it should not be over-emphasized. Some translations appeared within a relatively short time, For instance, that major historiographical landmark Principal William Robertson's History of America, first published in London in 1777, appgared in Greek translation tn Vienna in 1792- 3.13 Moreover, the transmission of knowledge and technology between Western Europe and the Greek world at this time was on occasion a two way process, Variolation, or inoculation, against smallpox was made known in the West in the early years of the 18th century by two Greek dpctors, Emmanouil Timoni and Iakovos Pylarinos,1! Similarly a group of Greek dyers settled towards the middle of the 18th century near Montpellier and "dyed cotton there, after the manner of their country," the process they employed apparently qu being superior to that known in France. This particular process was thereafter employed in the manufactories of Languedoc, Bearn, Rouen, Mayenne and Chollet. Moreover, a small colony of Greek tobacco growers was induced to settle in the Banat 4n the 1780's and thereby introduced tobacco cul- tivation to the Habsburg lands.1> The initial stirrings of the Neo-Hellenic Enlightenment can be traced to the middle years of the eighteenth century. Certainly 1t was about this time that the Greeks themselves became aware that they were undergoing an intellectual revival, that once again the arts and sciences were about to flourish in the land of their origin. This new consclousness on the part of the emergent Greek intelligentsia 1s well exemplified in Iosipos Moisiodax's introduction to his Ithiki Philosophia, translated from the Italian of Antonio Nuratori and published in Venice in 1761. "When Greece had its Liberty and had control of its destiny," he wrote, then the arts and the sciences flourished. "put in the end, whether because of the multi- tudinous sins of the people, or on account of the sluggish rule of the Emperors of Constantinople, the Parbarian nations flooded in" --Huns, Goths, Bulgars, Scythians, Saracens and Turks--the Muses were eliminated to be replaced by "Ignorance, ‘ boorishness, wretchedness, in short, misery every- where reigned supreme." But now all this had changed. "Politeness, decency, love of learning" flourished once again. "In truth schools multiply, general education 1s on the increase, philosophy is taught, mathematics is heard, teachers increase in number...All Greece should respect those who strive to bring back the Muses to their ancestral home."16 By the years immediately before the outbreak of revolt in 1621 this type of thinking had often assumed an extreme form. Benjamin of Lesvios, one of the leading figures of the Greek Intellectual revival, wrote in 1820, for instance, = that "nature has placed limits on the abilities i of other people, but not, however, on those of a2 the Greeks. Neither the Greeks of old were, nor the Greeks of today are, subject to the laws of nature. "17 This attempt "to bring back the Muses to their ancestral home" manifested itself in a number of ways: in the printing and distribution of books reflecting the enlightened philosophies and prac- tical knowledge of Western Europe, in the founda- tion or re-invigoration of schools and colleges in various parts of the Greek world, in the increasing numbers of young Greeks studying at the universities of Western Europe and in an attempt to inculcate into the Greeks a "sense of the past,” an awareness that they were the heirs to a cultural and linguistic inheritance that was widely admired in the West. Greek printing, that 1s to say printing for a Greek readership, was established in Italy at an early date but in the course of the 18th century it underwent a dramatic increase. Venice remained the principal centre of Greek printing, and several printing houses run by Greeks were established in the city,18 put Greek books were also printed in increasing numbers in Vienna, Pest19 and Leipzig. The intellectual climate in Venice was relatively tolerant but it was occasionally found opportune to publish books of explicitly anti-catholic con~ tent in Leipzig, despite the fact that printing costs there were twice as high as in Venice. One such work was Nikodimos Agioreitis' massive Pidalion, or Rudder, of the Orthodox Church, @ compendium of Orthodox canon law published in Leipaig in 1800, which advanced the by no means rare view that the Ottoman Empire was of divine origin, raised up specifically to prevent the dilution of Orthodoxy by the heresy of Latin Christianity. 22 Moreover, during the course of the 18th cen- tury, a certain amount of printing in Greek was carried out actually within the confines of the Ottoman Empire. Presses were established in Iasi 113 and Bucharest in the Danubian Principalities and, briefly, in Moschopolis.22 Immediately before 1821 snortiived presses were established at the academles of Chios and Ayvalik (Kydonies), a prosperous Greek town to the north of Smyrna. Printing was introduced to Ayvalik by Konstantinos Tombras, a young native of the town. He had been sent to’Paris to learn the art of printing from the philhellenic printer Ambroise Firmin Didot at the exgense of the Ayvaliot merchant Enmanoull Saltelis.°3 At the very end of the 18th century Greck printing on a regular basis was also established in the Ottoman capital. A patriarchal press was set up in 1798 under the aegis of the Ecumenical Patriarch, Gregory V, to publish works that were offensive neither to Christian morality nor to the Ottoman state. In a somewhat forlorn attempt to stem the flow of books regarded by both the Patriarchal and Ottoman authorities as seditious an attempt was also made to set up a licensing system that would apply not only to books printed at the patriarchal press but to all books printed in Greek and circulating within the Empire. 24 Very large numbers of books were published in Greek for a Greck readership during the Tourkokratia, Almost four and a half thousand Separate editions are recorded, many of these, of course, new editions of existing works,®> The bulk of these books were of a religious character, principally liturgical books of one kind or another, but including books such as the Oktoikhos and the Psaltirion that were also used as school books. Tne size of each edition cannot be accu- rately assessed but it seems that, on average, the print run of each edition was 1000 copies, although some editions were smaller and some, particularly the translations of the Bible published by the British and Foreign Bible Soctety, were as large as 5000, and those of popular books sometimes very much larger.26 In relation to population the quantities of books ‘published were significant. In the last quarter of the 16th century, for aay instance, 1t has been estimated that something like 100,000 copies of Greek books were printed in Ven- doe, for circulation among a Greek population amounting at that time to perhaps one and a half million. It should be emphasized that the great bulk of Greek publishing during the Tourkokratia con- sisted of books of religious content. It has been estimated that between 60 and 90 per cent of the capital of the Greek printers of Venice was devoted to the publication of religious books, most of which were printed for liturgical use. Nonethe- less, during the course of the 18th century one can detect a significant shift in the content of Greek books. During the first twenty-five years of the 18th century, that 1s to say between 1700 and 1725, a total of 107 books were published. Of these 80 were religious in content, ten were grammars of one kind or another, and seventeen were of miscellaneous secular content. During the last quarter of the century, that is to say between 1776 and 1800, the total number of books published for the Greek market had risen to 749, from 107 during the first quarter. Of this 749, 395 were religious in content, 104 were works of grammar, while some 250 were of miscellaneous secular content. Thus at the end of the 18th century books of religious content still consider- ably outnumbered those of secular content. Nonetheless, whereas the publication of religious books had increased in the proportion of 4.9 to 1 between the first and last quarters of the century, those of secular content had increased in the proportion of 14,7 to 1.27 These figures certainly indicate a degree of secularization of Greek culture during this period; the ecclesias- tical monopoly of learning had effectively been broken, The publication of Greek books continued to accelerate during the first two decades of the 19th century, Whereas some 750 books were pub- lished in the last 25 years of the 18th century, 115 well over 1300 were published in the first twenty years of the 19th century. Moreover the trend towards an increasingly secular content accelerated dramatically. During the five year period before the outbreak of the War of Independence in 1821, books of secular content amounted to some 66 per cent of total output, while books of religious content totalled only 34 per cent. Liturgical texts constituted only some 14 per cent of the total. New titles amounted to some 58 per cent of total output, while repeat editions fell to 43 per cent. Whereas, in the 17th century, Venice had enjoyed a virtual monopoly in the printing of Greek books, in the five year period before 1821 its share of the total output fell to 36 per cent.°5 Many more Greek books at this time were being printed in Central Europe. When looking at the figures for this very remarkable upsurge in Greek printing in the decades before 1821 it is instructive to recall that the first printed book in Bulgarian was not published intil 1806. A further significant development during the last three decades before 1821 was the emergence of a Greek newspaper and periodical literature. The Ephimeris, published by the brothers Markides- Poultos between 1790 and 1797, was followed by mother newspaper the ELLintkos TLieraphos , wiilch. commenced publ Teatlor beTPIs + Newspapers were Followed by pertodtenls with a\ largely cultural content such as Logios Ermis 1811-1821, elissa 1819-1821 and Kalliope 1519-1821. John Cam Hobhouse, who travelled in Greece with Byron during the first decade of the 19th century, dismissed what he called "the purely literary part of the library" (1.e. books pub- lished for a Greek audience) as being more like ighat of a young ladies’ school than that of a whole nation."29 There is some truth in this jibe and a substantial element of Greek book production at this time did consist of light~ weight romances, which I shall be looking at more closely when I come to discuss popular literature. But by no means all this great out- pouring consisted of trivia, Many weighty volumes 116 Were published, including translations of Rousseau, Voltaire, Montesquieu, Beccarta, Lalande, Fonten- elle, Condillac, Baumeister, Christian Wolff, etc. Moreover, many original works and translations were never printed and remained in manuscript. The Swedish traveller Jacob Jonas Bjérnstahi, for in- stance, in the 1770s came across manuscript trans lations of Rousseau's Si le Rétablissement_des Arts a contribué & épurer les moeurs, of Voltaire's Histoire générale and of Réal deCarvan's La Science duGouvernenent. “He was surprisedto find that the Bishop of Trikkala larded his conversation with references to Newton, Christian Wolff and Boerhaave, and that a doctor from the town, Efstathios Nosimakhos, had a good knowledge of the works of Linnaeus, Haller, Boerhaave, van Swieten, Mead and Pringle.30 ‘The fact that trans- lations’ frequently remained in manuscript, for the publication of such learned tomes was inevitably an expensive and uncertain undertaking, did not necesserily preclude a fairly wide circulation. Moreover, a book in a Western language did not necessarily have to be translated into Greek to enjoy a circulation among the nascent Greek in- telligentsta. The centre of gravity of the Greek intellectual revival lay outside the Ottoman Empire, in Central Europe and Italy, and a know- ledge of European languages was widely dissemi- nated. The commercial ties between northern Greece and Central Europe during the early years of the nineteenth century were so well developed that one traveller, J.L.S8. Bartholdy, found in the Thessalian town of Ambelakia, much of whose produce of spun red cotton was exported to Central Europe, an amateur theatre in which productions in German were performed. He was moved to dis- cover that "wie in der ganzen tibrigen cultivier- ten Welt" Kotzebue's Menschenhass und Reue was being performed and that, as elsewhere, it was reducing the audience to tears.31 In the early 1780s Iosipos Moisiodax noted that "all the best connected and well-bred youths of Constantinople are to-day busying themselves with Italian and 17 French,"32 while Alexandros Kalphoglou in 1794 satirized the francophilia of these Greek youths who proclaimed: We have French books and romances All other books are melancholy! We are enlightened, the pupils of philosophes as For the old, yriters they were all hypoorites. 33 Books in European languages of all kinds circulated within the Empire. Readers of Adamantios Korais' letters cannot be amazed by the extraordinary zeal with which he despatched crate after crate of improving books to the Iibraries of Chios and Ayvalik and to individual friends. These ranged from cures for venereal disease to the works of Adam Smith, It 1s encouraging to note that not all of this influx of European literature was necessarily of an improving kind. In 1797 one of the Markides Poulios brothers was summarily ex- pelled from Wallachia after he had been discovered peddling "highly obnoxious" (sehr schadlich) French books, some of which could clearly be regarded as politically subversive, e.g. De la ouveraineté du peuple, while others, such as Déltees du cloitre ou ia nonne éclairge, were Simply pornographic. eo One very Amportant category of Greek printed books at this time were editions of the classics of ancient Greek literature. An edition of Apistotle's Physiognomonika was even published tn 1639 in Constantinople in Turkish with Greek characters for the substantial Turkish speaking Orthodox communities of Asia Minor, Aristotelesin insan_saraflamasi Yunaniden haliyaki’ Yunaniye ve dant Tisent TUrkiye terclneorup--- The most {Rportant of these editions were the series of classical texts, known as the Elliniki Vivlio~ thiki, edited by Korais and subsidized by the ‘ouimas brothers, wealthy merchants from Jannina. It is easy, given his manifold polemical activi- ties, to lose sight of the fact that Korais was 118 one of the leading classical scholars of his day. His editions are models of their kind, but Korais also took the opportunity to preface them with exhortatory introductions to his Greek readers of one kind or another. His basic message was that the Greeks would gain their freedom from the Turks when they had once again re-acquired the virtues of their classical forebears. Of all the contem— porary European nations the one that Korais be~ lieved to be most akin to his beloved ancient Greece was France. Therefore, the Greeks, in seeking the restoration of their ancestral virtues, should imitate all things French. A bitter foe of monkish obscurantism, Korais despised Greece's Christian past. He once wrote that to read so much as a single page of a Byzantine text was enough to bring on his gout. Korais' editions of the classical texts, together with more popular introductions to the history and culture of the ancient Greeks suchas Grigorious Paliouritis' Arkhatologia Elliniki 39 were but one aspect of the Greek's rediscovery in the 18th and early 19th centuries of a "sense of the past," of a consciousness that they were descended from the ancient Greeks. A character- istic example of this new self-awareness 1s con- tained at the beginning of the section devoted to Greece in Dionysios Pyrros' Geographia Methodikt of 1818. "Greece," he wrote, was "a much hymned name in ancient times, which constituted the wonder of the world, the astonishment of every living thing, and teacher of virtually every human race, and arrived then at the peak of its glory. Today it 1s subject to the tyranny of the Turkish Emper- or, called the Great Sultan..."36 This renewed consciousness of their Hellenic ancestry on the part of the Greeks, amounting at times to progono- Sexte of ancestor obsessions manifested AfselT He actumber of ways, Tt was during the first decade of the 19th century that the practice, so familiar in the Greece of today, of Greeks naming their children after the worthies of ancient Greece instead of after the Christian saints got under way, a custom which was vigorously denounced 11g by the Orthodox Patriarchate.37 An extreme example of this syndrome occurred in 1617 at the Acadeny (Ellinomouselon) of Ayvalik, at that time perhaps the most advanced centre of learning within the Greek world. Under the aegis of a visiting French philhellene, Firmin Didot, a sizeable number of students at the Academy decided to revive within its precincts the language of Demosthenes and Plato. The students adopted a resolution by which they agreed to take up once again their mother tongue, conversing only in Hellenistic Greek and riving on all occasions to avoid the coarse and vulgar as unbefitting the true descendants of the Hellenes. The penalty for anyone who faltered in this resolve was the public recitation of a page of Homer. The signatories also resolved to adopt classical names. ‘Thus Dimitrios became Themisto- cles, Vasilgios, Agesilaos, Charelanbos, Pausanias and go on.38 Significantly Greeks now began to manifest a concern for the physical remains of classical antiquity. Dionysios Pyrros, for instance, pointed to the fact that many antiquities survived'in Athens but, he added, “the English and the other nations of Europe removed many of these to their homelands a few years ago."39 He clearly had Lord Elgin in mind here. Concern with the purity of the Greek language reflected another of the interests of the pro- tagonists of the "Neo-Hellenic Enlightenment ,” namely the language question. Passionate polemics were engaged in between those who advocated that the spoken language, the dimotiki, constitute the basis of the written language, and those who believe that, 1f the modern Greeks were to become worthy of their classical ancestors, they should purge the language of its Turkish, Slav and Italian accretions and restore it to its pristine Attic purity. Heavily involved in this debate was Korais, who advocated taking the spoken language and "purifying" 1t without going to the extremes of the ultra archaisers. Korais succinctly out- lined his linguistic philosophy in the following terms: 120 | So to distance oneself from customary usage, so to speak, as to be unclear in meaning, and completely unnatural to the ear, is tyrannical. So to vulgarize, on the other hand, as to appear disgusting to those who have received an education, appears to me demagogic, When I say that the whole nation shares in the language with democratic equality, I do not mean that we should leave its shaping and creation to the vulgar imagination of the mob. 40 ‘The polemics over the language question could be conducted with a considerable degree of ferocity. Neofytos Doukas, for instance, perhaps the most formidable of the archaisers and Korais' principal antagonist over the language question, was set up- on by a gang of youthful champions of the demotic one Sunday morning in Bucharest as he was entering church, So badly was he beaten that 1t was three years before the wounds healed. 41 ‘The production of literature for the popular market was self-financing but the market for the more serious books was limited and the capital for their printing had to be raised either through the opening of subscription lists or through the patronage of wealthy merchants, such as the Zosi~ mades brothers, who financed much of Korais’ prolific output. It was members of the Greek mercantile bourgeoisie, whose emergence as a major economic force in the Ottoman Empire during the course of the 18th century was perhaps the most significant development in Greek society in the century before independence, who provided the indispensable economic base for the development of Greek education during this critical period. As Korais wrote in his Memoire sur l'etat present de a elviisation dans-ta-Grede tm 1803, 10 was the need to acquire the basic skills of literacy and numeracy that prompted the Greek merchants 121 re ovide the schools where Greeks coud acquin Lr belles, lererred im commerce provided the m gourdeiye for young Greeks to acquire such | BAAS ain many of the towns of the Oreck | ertgoraT ER the neve of generous native, sons Mp nh ros} road. tis . hag prospered opr ghese, the academies of Ayvalll and Chios, each of which had its own i Sacer ae and OMhOs) ea eve of ié2l, were sited in prosperens Commerc! al centres, as were the Ampor' eee eneae rns Orehe designed specifically fo impart | soho were eitisy among then, for instances Elling-Brborti Suo}s. or a conn nach a thriving Ellino-Emboriicd_Skholt. Sch0r Tear tegy in 1817-04 Besides underwriting Greek Comment of sehoois and Libraries in | te se Veeepee, merchants also subsidized the ed, cation in Western Europe of prom: oy Gre ks ‘One wealthy Greek merchant prea cuppore Signe Sonersputed, 50,000 tastes for fhe SAFER or such students,!9 These studied mainiy $f os ° 8: 8 ly and Centra. universities Or cavthat, at the outbreak of Haha 1B Us Ye Moh Uinwerstty STenbeen Grecks studylng a exe ciphnn doguke +aattgeenap oF youne tree Ost ingen read was alae one of the primary func: studying ePoqner of cultural societies that cane Gistenee, anong them the Society of Fatcnd™ or tne Muses, rhe Philomousos Btairia, fowler’ Coens tn aei3, with @ branch being estal in Vienna in 1815. All this cultural ferment aia not Pasroula narrtbel by those who fert, that Greece sho Sool to its Christian, Byzantine pas! er aouncel f her cultural inspiration and be: ee Shae the Greeks should shun both western ra’ ee Coat ego and eheir own classical Perttage 05 hike lamnat Likely to lead te *perexpected ene merarchy of 122 the Orthodox Church played a leading role in opposing a threat which it perceived as threaten- ing to undermine the entire Orthodox tradition. One of the principal targets of the protagonists of the "Counter-Enlightenment" was the renewed Hellente consciousness of the Greek intelligentsia. Athanasios Parios, one of the doughtiest champions of Orthodox reaction, in 1802 denounced not only Socrates but also Aristotle, Plato and Zeno as men who paid lip service only to virtue and learn- ing. Plato he denounced ag "women-obseased, a pederast and a parasite."40 Again in 1784 the Orthodox priests of Bucharest could only with difficulty be prevailed upon to grant the Athonite monk and learned grammarian, Neofytos Kafsokaly- vitis, a Christian burial after he had cried out in the delirious fever that preceded his death that he was about to Join the souls of Plato and Demosthenes .47 As might be expected the wrath of these staunch defenders of Orthodox tradition was direc- ted not only against the renewed sense of Hellenic ancestry on the part of the intelligentsia but also against the philosophies of the Enlightenment. The hierarchy's hestility to this new learning is well illustrated in an encyclical of 1819, issued by the Ecumenical Patriareh Gregory V and the lloly Synod. "An obseastonal devotion," the encyclical declared, "both among teachers and the taught, to mathematics and the natural sciences," had led to an inereasing scorn for grammatical learning, the arts of logic and rhetoric and the teaching of sacred theology. "What benefit," 1t asked, "does our youth derive from learning and numbers, cubes and cube roots, triangles and tetragons, loga- rithms, calculus, ellipses, atoms, vacuums, vor- tices, power and attraction, gravity, the northern lights, optical and acoustical matters and a myriad of such things...if in speech they are barbaric, if their writings are full of soleciema, if they have no idea of religion, if their morals are degenerate, if their forms of government are decadent."48 A patriarchal encyclical of the Patriarch Neophytos had already in 1793 condemned 123 Voltaire, the Freemasons, Rousseau and Spinoza Ind a whole literature of anti-western, anti— gationalist and anti-scientific polemic developed at the turn of the century. Antonios Manouil, for fnstance, in nis Tropaion tis Orthodoxou Pisteos (or Triumph of tne Orthodox Religiou), published in Vienna in 1791, grouped Hobbes with Spinoza and Voltaire among the "shameless, babbling, gtheistical freemasons" who lay af the root of spiritual and bodily destruction.20 Objectionable books could be burnt in the courtyard of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in Constantinople, while efforts were made,to set up a kind of index of prohibited books.5? All this ideological ferment and polemic, for all its vigor and indeed violence, was confined to a small segment of Greek society. While much scholarship of high quality has been devoted to analyzing the ideas of the nascent Greek intel ligentsia, relatively little effort has been devoted to what are in many ways the more important question: e.g. the nature of the book trade furing the Tourkokratia; the extent to which these Works of enlightenmnet and the ideas they contained Were diffused throughout the Greek world, and the Sli important questions of the level of literacy and the nature of popular culture among the great mass of the population. In a short paper such gs this I can hope to do little more than advert to these seminal problems, As I pointed out earlier, one of the ways in whiten works of limited commercial appeal were financed was by subscription, where an author secured in advance of publication commitments to buy copies of his book. It has been calculated that between 1749 and i832 something like two hundred books were printed by subscription. Of thene some 150 contain a list of subsoribers Whose total number 13 about 30,000, This 30,000 Subseribed to more than 58,000 copies of these books, Philippos Iliou has made a detailed analysis of these subscription lists and the most Significant fact to emerge so far is that only 124 approximately 7 per cent of the known subs to these books actually resided in the regions. which comprised the first independent Greek state.52 In other words this pre-independence cultural ferment was largely confined to the Greek diaspora, in Italy and Central Europe, the Danub- Tan Principalities and to the major centres of Greek culture in the Ottoman Empire, that is to say Constantinople and Smyrna. It was here that the Greek intelligentsia carried on the feuds that must have been largely incomprehensible to the great bulk of the Greek people. Moreover the cultural pretensions, and their aping of European ways, of this nascent intelligentsia aroused the satirical wrath of some of their fellow country- men, One such critic was Mikhail Perdikaris» who wrote in 1817 of these Western educated intel- +..Some guard with great respect and reverence their illustrious university doctorates in golden caskets, as if they enshrined the whole sédence of medicine. And if perchance, they succeed in becoming doctors té some great nobleman, then they go completely crazy, ’and want to be known by all as gréat doctors, or as Your Most. Distinguished Excellency! Others consider that they will not be recognised for the trained doctors they are unless they wear Frankish clothes, end take great pride in strutting abéut in Greece dressed in the Frankish style. Some take no pleasure in the surnames of their own family, and take the name of some ancient, or philosopher, or hero, thinking that, although with- out the virtue and earning of those of blessed memory, with only their bare name they are those themselves. And so one calls hinself Empedocies, another Thrasyboulos, one calls hin- self Ass, another Blockhead. Other 125 again, to demonstrate that they Supposedly know some mock philos- ophy, they begin the silly asses... openly to preach atheism and impiety to the many, to traduce the most high religion of the Christian as a simple error, and’to mock the divine and supernatural mysteries of our Holy Church. 93 The evidence available as to the degree of popular literacy in the Greek world at this time Ts both inadequate and contradictory. On the one hand we have the assertion of the well-informed Seottish philhellene and historian, George Finlay, who knew the Greeks at first hand, that the Greeks in the pre-independence period were the most literate people in Europe. On the other hand we have the evidence of another competent observer of the Greek scene, the Reverend Levi Parsons, an fmerican missionary, as to the extent of literacy on the island of Chios which, with its great academy presided over by Neophytos Vambas, was Gne of the most lettered regions of the Greek world, Just before 1821 he was informed by the goumenos of a monastery which he visite sree religious erdcta that of three hundred ‘and eighty monks, including forty priests, in, the monastery only one hundred were able to read. A few years previously a British clergyman, the Rev, Charles Williamson, who spent several years in Smyrna as chaplain to the Levant Company, wrote that "very few, among the Greeks of the lower class, are able to read,"59 Among those of the Greek masses that could read undoubtedly the books that were the most popular and the most read were the chap-books that are estimated to have constituted at least ten per cent of the total production of books in Greek during the Tourkokratia. ‘The records of a merchant of Patmos, Pothitos Xenos, afford an interesting glimpse of the kinds of popular literature being shipped to the island in the 17708 and 1780s. Among the books most in demand 126 were the life of Alexander the Great, Aesop's Fables, I thysia tou Avraam, Gaidaros, or the fine story of the donkey,the woit-and the’ fox, works of the 17th century Cretan literature such as the Erotokritos, the Erophili, I Voskopoula, and the Istoria tis Sosannis.56 Many of these titles are also included in the katalogos appended to an edition of Aesop's Fables printed in Venice in 1776: Neon Anthos Khariton; Alexandrou tou Makedonos; Apokopos; Vios Aisopou eis aplin phrasin; Vios kai Mythol Aisopou; Voskopoula 4 evmorpni; Gaidarou, Lykou kai Aloupous; Diagnosis peri Physeos Zoon; Diigisis ti kritis; Erotokritos; Erophili Tragodia; Thriskela, itoi taxis ton Evraion; Thysia tou Avraam; tstoria Imberiou tis 3; Tetorta tis Sk ‘otzias; Istoria Mores; Froventzas; Tstoria tis Kinas; Lexikon mikron; Mikhail Voevo- das; Bertoidos; Petrou Roussias ton Megalou; Syntappa tou Pri lesophou 57 Such books, together with translations of popular Western romancers such as Metastasio, Marmontel, Gessner and Goldont, appear to have composed the staple diet of those of the Greek masses who could read. Books such as these, produced in considerable numbers, could be sold cheaply but nonetheless at a profit. The expense of producing more serious tomes, as Athanasios Stageiritis noted in 1815, frequently led to ther being priced out of the’reach of poor students. >| Moreover, the addiction of the Greek reading public to lightweight literature of this kind came under attack from two widely different quar- ters. The anonymous author of the Elliniki No~ markhia, the bitterly anti-clerical and fiercely nationalist polemic that was published anonymously in Italy in 1806, denounced Greek students study- ing in Europe for wasting their time on foreign women and on reading trashy romances "of which there were," he said, "more copies in Italy and France than pumpkins in the Peloponnese."59 At almost the same time Nikodimos Aghioreitis, a monk of Athos, in his massive Pidalion or Rudder of the Orthodox faith published in Leipzig in 1800, urged that what he termed "erotic" books, 127 such as the Erotokritos, the Erophili and the Vos- kopoula, should be shunned along with heretical books, Nikodimos also denounced what he called Mabsurd and indecent” books such as the Gaidaros, for these occasioned ruination and damage to the souls of Christians, "Those who write," he added, "op print, or buy, or read, on listen to such works sin grievously and should be corrected."60 For Nikodimos to treat the reading of such harmless romances so seriously affords some evidence that they were in fact widely disseminated and that the level of literacy in the Greek lands was suffi- ciently high for them to enjoy a relatively wide readership, A wealthy Greek merchant of Pest, George Zaviras, bequeathed his very substantial library to the Greek community in the city, to- gether with a sum of money so that it could be accessible at certain fixed hours "after the fashion of the Europeans." But his will strictly forbade the purchase of comedies, romances ang, such other books as were injurious to morals.61 To my mind the most truly authentic aspect of Greck popular culture, yet at the same time the Jeast tangible, was the almost universal belle! or the Urecks in propheclos and oracles foretel1- Ing Lhelr eventual Liberation. Any study of the collective mentality of the Greeks under Turkish rule must start from the premise that the Greek masses were nurtured on the oracles of Leo the liise, the legends of the "Emperor turned into narbie," (Marmaromenos Vasilias), of the "Red Apple Tree” (Kokkini Wilia), from which the Turks had come and which they would one day return, of the Xanthon Genos (the fair haired liberators from the north widely believed to be the Russians) and, gbove all, on the prophecies of Agathangelos, purportedly compiled in the 13th century but in fact 18th century forgeries by the archimandrite Theoklitos Polyeldis.62 These obscure prophecies, with their opaque references to contemporary events and talk of smiting the Ishmaelites, seem to have enjoyed an enormous vogue. One veteran of the War of Independence, Photakos Khrysan- thopoulos, noted in his memoirs that the Greeks 128 | i found "much sustenance and solace" in the pro~ phecies, while another, Theodore Kolokotronis, recalled that his childhood reading had consisted of the prophecies, together with the religious texts of the psaltirion, the okhtotkhos and the mination. ‘That an implicit faith in the prophecies existed at all levels in Greek society is strik- ingly illustrated by the case of Ioannis Pringos, a native of Zagora in Thessaly who amassed a for- tune in Amsterdam. Often cited by historians as they very epitome of the "progressive" bourgeois merchant on account of a passage in his diary in which he contrasted the positive encouragement given to entrepreneurial enterprise in Holland with the arbitrariness and inefficiency of Ottoman rule, nonetheless it is clear from this same diary that Pringos was deeply rooted in the traditional thought world of Orthodoxy. In one significant passage in his diary for 22 July 1771 he wrote: Now should the prophecies of Leo the Wise be fulfilled, where he says ‘Two eagles shall devour the snake.’ These are the two insignia or flags of the Russian Empire--the double- headed eagle, the insignia of the Byzantine Empire, and the snake is the Turk, who has wrapped himself around a corpse, that is to say the Empire of the Byzantines. Here Leo says, as they have interpreted, that the Turks shall remain for 320 years in the City Zor Constantinople/. And now it 4s 317 years from 1054 (sic) when Shey took the eity until now, 1771. Pringos was clearly quite confident that within three years the Turks would be expelled from Constantinople, and indeed he had some objective reason to be, for the Russg-Turkish War of 1768~ 1774 was then in progress 129 When 1774 came round and with it the Treaty of Kaedk Kaynarea, which was viewed with great dis- appointment by the Orthodox population of the Empire, there 1s no evidence that Pringos lost his faith in the prophecies. Rather, as did the con- temporary chroniclers Kaisarios,Dapontes and Athanasios Komninos Ypsilantis,66 he attributed the fact that Leo's prophesy had not come about to the sins of the Orthodox pliroma, or flock, which had caused God to nullify the divinely appointed hour of liberation. There is no evidence of any substantial diminution in belief in these prophecies after 1774. One of the difficulties in examining this whole pattern of messianic beliefs is that the oracles and prophecies were mainly passed on by oral tradition and very seldom ac- quired printed form, An exception to this general rule was an edition of the prophecies of Agathan— gelos published in Vienna in 1790 or 1791 and which has only recently come to light.67 The curious thing about this edition is that the man responsible for it appears to have been Rigas Velestinlis, one of the relatively few Greeks to have been explicitly and directly influenced by the French Revolution. A few years later, in 1797, Rigas was arrested in Trieste by the Austrian authorities as he was about to embark for the Balkans to preach the gospel of revolution, handed over to the Turks and strangled in June 1798, in the fortress of Belgrade. Belief in these messianic ideas continued right up to, and beyond, the outbreak of fighting in 1821, A’fascinating passage in a report from the Levant Company's Consul in Smyrna tells of members of the large Greek community of that city actually acting on the basis of such prophetic beliefs. The Greeks of the city had already been subjected to severe reprisals when news of the uprisings in the Danubian Principalities and in the Peloponnese had reached the Ottoman author- ities, Nonetheless, in a despatch dated 2 June 1821 Consul Werry wrote that "This day, the fes- tival of the Greek St. Constantine,...has cost the lives of 16 Greeks shot on the Bazar, so very 130 ' fanatic are these deluded people. They yesterday openly congratulated each other (the lower orders) on the approach of the morrow, as the day appoint- ed by heaven to liberate them from the Ottoman yoke and to restore their Race of Princes go the throne and possession of Constantinople."6 There was, then, a very real intellectual ferment in the Greek world in the seventy years or so before 1821, even if it produced little thinking that could be described as original. It should be emphasized, however, that most of this intense intellectual activity was limited to a small elite wno were, for the most part, concen- trated outside the area that constituted the first Greek state. Their own ideas and their attempt to propagate the philosophical and scientific know- ledge of the West cannot be said to have met with any great success and indeed often met with severe opposition. Nor can their efforts be said to have played any significant part in the causation of the outbreak of the Greek War of Independence. The gulf between this small intelligentsia and the great mass of the Greek people remained a large one, and the thought world of the Greek masses remained for the most part steeped in the tradi- tionalism and obscurantism of Byzantine orthodoxy. Nonetheless, the efforts of this small and albeit unrepresentative intelligentsia did play a signi- ficant part in providing an ideological framework for the Greek revolt once 1t had broken out and in adumbrating the guiding principles of modern Greek nationalism. 1321 NOTES 1. In Greece the doyen of Enlightenment studies 1s Constantine Dimaras. His writings in this field are far too numerous to list here but a convenient summary of his views may be found in the relevant chapters of his Istoria tis Neoellin- ikis Logotekhnias, ith ed., (Athens, 1968), English translation by Mary Gianos’ (London, 1974). For the Greekless, some of Dimaras' most important articles are available in Freneh in C. Th, Dinaras, La Grbce au temps des Lumteres (Geneva, 1969). A useful work in English which incorporates the indings of Greek scholars is G.P. Henderson, The evival of Greek Thought, 1620-1830 (Edinburgh, {STIR pioneering and still very useful study is Ariadna Camariano, Spiritul Revolutionar frances si Voltaire in-tinba greact si romina Bucharest, 1906). 0 Erantstis is a scholarly journal devoted largely to ‘study of the Greek Enlightenment. A most valuable resource for the study of the Greek Enlightenment is the collection of Greek printed books of the period formed by the eccentric philhellene and scholar Frederick North, fifth earl of Gutlford and presented by him Lo hls beloved Tontan University tn Corfu. or an account of the curious circumstances in which this magnificent collection came to rest in the library of the British Museum, see Richard Clogg. "Notes on some Karamanli books printed before 1850 now in British libraries, with particular reference to the Bible translations of the British and Foreign Bible Society," Mikras- fatika Ki ika, xiii (1967), 525ff. 2, M.G,A.P. de, Chotseul-couffier, Voyag e ittoresque de la Gréce, 1 (Paris, 1782) 2 5 cited in-Dinaras, La Gréce au temps dee Lunitres, 61. —— 3. Antiphonisis pros ton paralogon 2ilon_ton apo tis Evropis erkhomenon_philosophon deiknousa setmataios Kar-anoitos einai o tatentencs pou kandusi tou genous mas Kal didankouse pola et pola einai 132 4 ontos kai alithint philosophia. Toutois pros~ etethi kal parainesis ophelimotati pros tous sponte tous uous ton eis tin Bvrapin adeos per kharin pramnatela Siniestes 102), 6B 4, Cf. D, Russo, Studii istorice romine, ed. C.¢. Giurescu, A. Camariai Camariano, 11 (Bucharest, 1939), 354. 5. Eteagogiki didaskalla periekhousa_lextkon (eC ros sre Eon tere ee oe Vises, Cis Voulparthie kai tis Alvanitikds, syntetheisa...para tou Aidesimotatou.,.Dantel tou ai Westhopolsos (7-Constantinople/, i802) preface. These Tour lines of translation are taken fron A.J.B. Wace and M.S. Thompson, The Nomads of the Balkans...(London, 1914), 6. For a more complete English translation, see Richard Clogg, The Movement for Greek Independence 1770-1821. A Colisction of Documents (London, 1076), 91-2. The Greek text of Daniel's poem, together with a Romanian translation, 1s printed in I. Bianu, N. Hodos, Bibliografia romfneasca veche (Bucharest, 1510) ty MOSS BPECO: and N. 6. Untersuchungen tiber_die Romanier oder sogenannten Wiachens+-Exetaseis-peri-ton Ronaion ee Horvath, Magyar-Gordg Bibliografia... (Budapest, 1940), 29. 7. E, @, Ahilefs la Schiro, a translation of Metastasio's Achille in Sciro into Romanian via the Greek, was published in Nagyszeben (Sibiu) in 1797, Horvath, op. cit., 29. The Greek translation by Polyzois Lambanitaiotis, 0 Akniileus en Skiro, was published in Vienna in . 133 8. Ermis o Logios, February, 1811, 59-60. 9. A. Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal age 175801939. (London, 1962), 36-59. The book in question was Anthimos Gazis, Grammatiki ton filo~ sofikon epistimon tou Anglou Beniamin Martinou iiennay 1195)s 2 translation of Banjamin wartin, The Philosophical Grammar; being a view of the prevent stave of expeYinental prysiology, OF hatural philosophy..., the first edition of which appeared in London in 1735. Martin (1704-1782) was an ardent Newtonian and his grammar was "adapted purposely to the capacities of the youth of both sexes." 10. Omiliai peri plithyos kosmon...meta- neasthesa-srels Eine Romikin -g1ossan kat yposineiotheisa para >. Kodrika (Vienna, 1794). 11. Tropaion ek tis elladikis panoplias kata ton opaaoneou fopevntiou en trist dialogers (Wiema, T7577 of 1. vanettos, Kata Okeliou eri tis tou Pantos Physeos...Refutation Featee-d'ceTIus de Ta Wetuss de 1'Univers: (Wienna, 1787). 12. An inscription to this effect was written on the last two volumes of the 40 volume Encyclo- pedie in the library of the Evangeliki Skholi in Smyrna, Nouseion kai Vivliothiki tis Bvangelikis Skholis...periodos proti 1873-1875 (Sayrnas 1875), iG 13. Istoria tis Amerikis metaphrastheisa ‘on para Georgiou eis tin meteran aplin_dialekton ps fentotiket par tat touaj ‘Otheisa to evgenestato erst barons tange7/ fel. -Vienne 1 and 1 Cig2y; Tit and iv (1973), Robertson's History was translated, not from the English original, 134 but from a French translation. This was a fairly common occurrence. Locke's Essay concerning Human Understanding (Enkheiridion Metaphys{ko- Dialektikon i Epitomi Akrivestati tou Deigmatos tou Kyriou Lokkiou perivoitou Philosopnou peri Eis-anthropinis ‘Bianstas---/Venice, T7567) was, for instance, translated via the Italian. Need less to say the resulting translations were not always very accurate. 14. ¢f, Vartolarum ineisione, vel_inocula- tione_procurandarum (uti Byzantil exercetur) Historias a quae compendium ee epistola-a-Dn. E. Simoni _ad_J. Woodward mense xbri an. 1713. Con- Stanvinopoli_conscriptae, Regiaeque Anglicanae SEaTrae) ap foeuttine commanteetae-+* (London T72i) and-Jacobus Pylarinos, Nova et tuta di_per tre tionem methodus; nuper_invente et in usum tracta (Venice, 1715). 15. Felix Beaujour, A View of the Conmerce of Greece, formed after an annual average from T7B7 to _T London, 1800), 63, 68, 196. 16. Ithiki Philosophia...(Venice, 1761), preface. 17. Stotkheia tis Metaphysikis (Vienna, 1820), cited in C. Th, Dimaras, Psykhologikol paragontes tou Eikosiena (athens, 195T)s 8 18. E.g. K. Mertztos, "I otkogeneia ton Glykeon'4 Glykidon," Epetrotika Khronika, x (i335), 1-186. ‘the publishing house of Glykys hada remarkably long life and published books in Greek for a Greek audience more or less: continuously between 1670 and 1854. See also Venetikon Typographeion tou Dimitriou kai tou anou_Theodosiou (1755-11 ‘Athens, 1969), 135 which is particularly interesting for the light It throws on the activities of the house of Theodosiou in printing in "Illyrian" (Serbian) and Armenian; G. Veloudis, Das griechische Druck-und Verlagshaus 'o1ikis'in Venedig (1760- BS) twiesbaden, 1970). 19. Between 1800 and 1810 some twenty books reek were printed in Hungary, Horvath, Nagyar-Gdrdg Bibliografia, 23. 20. Polyzois Lambanitziotis, Tou makariou Symeon_arkhiepiskopou Thessalonikis, ta apanta Ciepeig, 1791); 13- cited in Russo. Seudtt > 13, Cited in Russo, Studii.. greco-roman 358, 21. ..,Pidalion tis noitis nios, tis mas agias, katholixis, kai apostolikis toi Eitidras; tot apantes oT is, itoi apantes oi ieroi, Kai Ranches, ton te eaten hat -pancuphiman ton agion oikoumenikon synodon, ton topikon, kai fon kata meros theion pateron...(Leipzig, 1800), Serereea th parte Fe Wares Bi os Argenti.. A Btudy of the Rul (Oxford, 1FGNY, 108. Bint S wer expressed by the Patriarch Anthimos of Jerusalem in his Patriki Didaskalia (Constantinople, 1798). For a translation of, and commentary on, this text see Richard Clogg, "The 'Dhidhaskaita Patriki' (1798): an Orthodox Reaction to French Revolutionary Propaganda," Middle East Studies, v (1969), 87-115. 22. Dimitrios Eirinidis, Omilta pert ephevretou tis typographikis tekhnis Toannou SSurenbourgton, of spropsel de-kat pert ton mekhris_enarxeous tou ierou agonos_ellinikon ipceranheton-+- + ottprinced fon the newspaper Herinnts Chtnens, 2876) and P. Lanbros, "Tstorikt pragmateia peri tis arkhis kai proodou tis typographias en Elladi mekhri tou etous 1821," 136 Khrysallis, 111 (1865), 361-364, 398-402, iv 1866), 169-172, 573-576, 597-602, 621-626 are still useful for the history of pre-independence Greek printing. 23. As part of his apprenticeship he printed at Didot's press a letter by G. Kostakis Typaldos to Saltelis, Epistoli pros ton Kh. Emmanouil Saltelis syntetheisa men para G. Koaki/sic7 Typaldou jotheisa de para Konstantinou Tombra honicos. tredotht Sn Fartsiors en-etel 1818 kata mina Toulion... 24. G.G, Pappadopoulos and G.P. Angelopoulos, Ta_kata ton aoidimon protathlitin tou ierou ton Ellinon agonos_ton opabrterenin Konstantinoupoleos Grigorion to E (Athens, 11 = in the Shoresitved press on Chios, see $.D, Loukatos, "Q Adamantios Korais kai i en Khio typogrpahia," Eis mnimim K.I. Amantou, 1874-1960 (Athens, 1960), 87-200. 25. For details concerning the mechanics of (reek publishing T am indebted to the writings of Philippos Tliou, who has thrown much invaluable light on the nature of the book trade and on popular culture during the Tourkokratia. See, for instance, the introduction to his Prosthikes stin Elliniid Vivitogrephia. Ta viviiographika iaveTotpe tore, Leprend kal touW, Porno (athens, {97a)-and "Stnetosets gia ta Teravignata’ ton Ellinikon vivlion ton 160 aiona," Ellinika, xxvii (1975), 102-141, 26. See Philipos Iliou "Kyklophories ton Elliniken Viviion, Ta megala 'travigmata’ ton 1823," © Politis (October 1977), 55-65 137 — 27. Catherine Koumarianou, "The Contribution of the Intelligentsia towards the Greek Indepen- dence Movement, 1798-1821," in Richard Clogg, ed. The Struggle for Greek Independence (London, 19733, 28. Iliou, Prosthikes, 38-39. 29. Travels in Albania and other provinces ' of Turkey In IBOS-and 1810 (London, 1855) 11, 083, 30. Jacob Jonas Bjérnstahls Briefe auf seinen auslandigchen Relsen_an...0.C. Gjorwell (eipzig and Rostock, 1783) vi, 71, 95, 139, 155. 31. Bruchstiicke zur n&hern Kenntniss des heutigen Griechenlands...(Berlin, 1805), 169. 32. Apologia (Vienna, 1780) 1, 32, cited in K. Th. Dimaras, "Epaphes tis neoteris ellinikis lopotekhntas me tin Anglikt (1780-1821), in Phrontismata (Athens, 1962), 39. 33. %Ithiki stikhourgia tou perionymou suithoutgou Aexmndrou Kaiphogien Byzanviou ‘aiphogiou Byzantiou_pros on_en Boukourestio anpsion aftou..., in Episto= Tai~G.P, Rrenou kat Itniki SEtmnouGtG Ack Vyear. itou (hétpeig, 1870), 5. : 34. E, de Hurmuzaki, Doc’ ente_privatoare itoria Romanilor, Corespondenta Diplomatica joarte Consulare Austriace (176. 7), ed. or. Mtstor (Bucharest, 19903— BUTE 138 35. Arkhatologia Elliniki ito philologiki ia periekhousa tous nomous, tin politeian i ta _ethima tis thriskeias, ton eorton, ton gamon kai _epikideion, ta dimosia, kai ta kata meros aignidia ton palaion Eilinon, exairetos de ton Reninaton. (Venice, T8i5)s 36. Geographia Methodiki apasis tis oikol nenis ek pateron te Wal neoteron-sephon syn= grapheon _syneranistheisa kal syntetheisa para Dionysiou Pyrrou tou Thettalou...(Venice, 1818), en 37. In patriarchal encyclical of 1819 the practice of “giving ancient Greek names to the baptised infants of the faithful" was denounced as "altogether inappropriate and unsuitable," K, Th, Dimaras, 0 Korais kai i epokhi tou (Athens, 1953), 304. 38. Ambroise Firmin Didot, Notes d'un Voyage fatt dane le Levant en 1616 et i817 (Paris, 1820), 385-387. 39. Geographia Methodiki, 177. .:(Paris, 1804), tis, Apiatologixs 68-69. Ellinikt, 18. 41, N. Baneseu, "Momente din vieata Academiet Grecesti," Omagiu lui T. Bianu (Bucharest, 1927), 37 ff. 42, Mémotre sur 1'état_actuel de la civil- isation dans la Gréce. a Sociétd des pservateurs de 1'Homme le 16 NivOse, an xi 139 6 Janvier 1803), 18. Significantly Korats' némoire was dedicated to two Greek merchants, Micnael Zosimas and Thomas Spaniolakis. 43. For a detailed account by a British. missionary of the relatively advanced curriculum of the Academy of Ayvalik on the eve of the Greek War of Independence, see Richard Clogg, "Two Aecounts of the Academy of Ayvalik (Kydonies) in 1818-1819," Revue des Etudes Sud-Est Européennes, x (1972), 633= > On Greek education in Smyrna during the same period see N. Veis, "Symvoli eis ta skholika pragmata tis Smyrnis," Mikrasiatike Khronika, 1 (1938), 193-237. 44. Proti _pentikontaetiris tis en Odisso Ellinoemborikis Scnolis 1817-1067 (Odessa, 1871). 45, W.H. Heffening, "Uber Buch und Druck- wesen in der alten Tirkel, Ein Bericht des preussischen Gesandten 2u Konstantinopel aus dem Sahre 1819," Zeitschrift der deutschen morgen- [fnaluchon Gesotiaehat, —n.as xxv (1950), Bor 46, Antiphonisis, 15, cited in A. Angelou, Platonos tykhai. 1 logia paradosi stin Tourko- Featia- (ithen ayy CACherie yg 19049100 chase 47, "Notice de quelques ouvrages nouveaux , des grees modernes," Magasin Encyclopédique, année $oEsCi8G05 cices dn Digaras, Le Grbee au Cemps des Lumiéres, 13. 48, Dimaras, 0 Korais kei 1 epokhi tou, 300, 302. 14o 4g. Cited in Cyril Mango, "Byzantinism and Romantic Hellenism, ," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, xxviii (1965), 35. 50. Ibid., p. 276. 51. A, Dimitrakopoulos, Epanorthoseis sphal- maton paratithenton en ti Neceltinikt- Phiielonts Fouk. Satha---ivieste, 187s), $1. 52, "Pour une étuge quantitative du public des lecteurs grecs & 1'Epogue des Lumiéres et de la Révolution (1749-1842) ," Actes du Premfer Gongrés International des Etudes Balkaniques et au Sud-Est Europsennes, iv (Sorta, 190)+ 160 For a much more detailed analysis of Iliou's important findings, see "Vivlia me syndromites, I. Ta khronia tou Diaphotismou (1749-1821)," 0 Eran: Astis, x11 (1975), 101-179. 53. Prodioikisis eis ton Ermilon 1 Dimo~ krithirakleiton Michailou tou Perdikari Tatrou; periekhousa tin Apologian tou Politou, tin Alligorian tou Poiimatos kai tin Eidisin dia Ein-stakton-ekdosin tou Ermtiou (Wienna, i817), 64. 54, Daniel 0, Morton, Memoir of Rev. Levi Parsons, first missionary to Palestine from the (arlington, Vermont, T8307, 285. 55. British and Foreign Bible Society Archives, Foreign Correspondence 1820, letter of 20 November 1817. 56. Spyros Asdrachas, “Faits économiques et choix culturels: & propos du commerce de livres entre Venise et 1a Méditerraee orientale au xville siécle,” Studi Veneziant, xiii (1971), 618. 141 57. Alsopou Mythoi katapolla skeptikotatot netaglottisthentes eis Koinin glossan, dia tin panton opheleian, Para tou Terodidaskalou Toannou Patousa. g, 58 Seva 4 Arkhatologsa (Vienna, 1815) 1, 18. 59. Anonymou tou Ellinos, Ellinikt Nomarkhia (‘Italy' 1806), ed. G. Valetas TAthens, 1957) 187. 60. Pidalion, 50, cited in Tliou, "Simetosets travigmata,* 117-118. gia t 61. Horvath, Magyar-Gordg Bibliografia, 26. taviras, who died th 1803, was the conpiier of an important biographical dictionary of Greek authors whieh was published posthunousiy as Nea Ellas 4 Ellis on Theatron, ed. G.P. Kremos (Athens, 1872). Oa Davivas see Endre Horvath, 1201 kai ta erga tou Georgiou Zavira / Zavirasz Gyor; elete es unmet, A fianyar-Uarog Tanulnanyok, Tit (Budapest, i 62. For a useful introduction to the study of the prophetic and oracular beliefs of the Greeks during the Tourkokratia, sce N.A. Veis, "Pert tou istorimenou knrismologiou tis Kratikis Vivliothikis tou Verolinou (Codex Graecus fol. 62-297) kai tou thrylou tou 'Marmaromenou Vasilia’," Byzantinische- Neugriechisohe Jahrbtichen, xii1 (1937), 203-401. 63. Photakes Khrysanthopoulos, Apomnimonev— mata pert t18 Ellinikis Epanastaseos Chehenss Tagg) °L 35; Thesdoreu KOlokStront -Aponninonev- mata, ed. 7, Vournas (Athens, n.d.J, 70. aye 64, N.P. Andriotis, "To khroniko tou Amster- dam," Nea Estda, x (1931). 914. 65. For the life of Pringos, who was a major benefactor of his native Zagora, see V. Skouvaras, Ioannis Pringos (? 1725-1789). 'I Skholi kai 1 GietiSenTT Pagoras (athens, i961). 66. Katsarios Dapontes, Istorikos Katalogos Andron Episimon (1700-1784) in K.N. Sathas, ed., Nésaionixi Viviiothiki, 111 (Venice, 1782), 1197129; AthanaSios Komninos Ypsilantis, Exklis- Yastikon kai politikron ton eis dodeka viviion... toi Ta Meta tin Alosin (1453-1780), ed. C. iphthenidou. (Constantinople, 1870), T870), 534. 67. Alexis Politis, "I prosgraphomeni ston Riga prote ekdosi tou Agathangelou. To mono gnosto antitypo," 0 Eranistis, vit (1969), 173-192. 68. Public Record Office SP 105/139. 143 144 ‘THE ORTHODOX CHURCH OF GREECE: THE LAST FIFTEEN YEARS Charles Frazee The Orthodox church is as much a part of Greece as its rugged mountains and starkly beautiful islands. Dominating the scene in every village 1s the Byzan- tine-style church with its ‘central dome testifying to an architectural tradition now fifteen centuries old. On almost any day the bearded pappas may be found outside the taverna, dressed in his black robe, his head adorned by a distinctive stovepipe hat, ‘discussing the issues of the day with the men of the town. Even in the bustling cities of Athens and Thessalonika the omnipresence of churches and clergy make the visitor aware that the Orthodox faith 4s very much alive in modern Greece. For many people in Greece their Orthodox faith and sense of national identity are one and the same. Fully ninety-seven percent of the total population count themselves as members of the national church. Only in Poland and Ireland of all the European countries can a church claim the near monopoly that Orthodoxy enjoys in Greece. ‘The roots of this special relationship between church and people are found in the thousand-year period when the Byzantine Empire flourished in the East Mediterranean. From the fourth to the fifteenth century a culture developed which com- bined Roman political forms, Greek culture, and the Christian faith. The emperors in Constantin- ople regarded the church with special interest, promoting doctrinal unity as well as providing for the physical needs of the church, Byzantine society was meant to reflect the heavenly order to the extent that mortal men can imitate the kingdom of God on earth, 1s;