Analele Universitii Constantin Brncui din Trgu Jiu, Seria Litere i tiine Sociale, Nr.

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Annals of the Constantin Brncui University of Trgu Jiu, Letters and Social Sciences Series, Issue 3/2009


49

DEMOCRAIA N
POSTMODERNITATE


Conf. univ. dr. Sorin PUREC,
Universitatea Constantin Brncui din
Trgu-Jiu



Rezumat. Sistemul democratic nu mai
mplinete astzi ateptrile oamenilor care credeau n
el. Exportarea democraiei parlamentare clasice cu
separarea puterilor i pluralismul politic se dovedete
a fi dificil i se ndreapt ctre o uria criz de
ncredere. "Noile democraii " se afl n poziia de a
alege o soluie original care oscileaz ntre valorile
democraiei i cele ale autoritarismului.

Cuvinte cheie: democraie, postmodernitate,
communism, fascism


Cderea comunismului a nsemnat
victoria universal a democraiei: dup
victoria asupra fascismului de la mijlocul
secolului, c a venit i ora victoriei asupra
comunismului [3, p.63]. Recunotem la
Ramonet modelul propus de F. Fukuyama n
Sfritul istoriei i ultimul om. Dar, n timp ce
Fukuyama vedea n aceast victorie zorii unei
noi epoci de prosperitate, garantat de
impunerea democraiei n toate colurile
lumii, pentru Ramonet acesta e nceputul
sfritului. n primul rnd, bipolaritatea SUA
- URSS (altfel zis, rzboiul rece) nu garanta
numai existena a dou blocuri politice
concurente, ci i a dou ideologii:
neoliberalismul i marxismul. Cderea
comunismului nu a nsemnat numai nceputul
hegemoniei incontestabile a democraiei, ca
form de guvernare, dar i confirmarea
valabilitii incontestabile a modelului
economic neoliberal. Acest model economic
neoliberal, care crede cu sfinenie n faptul c
piaa va regla toate problemele de ordin
social, indiferent de amploarea lor (contrar,
DEMOCRACY IN POSTMODERNISM



Assoc. Prof. PhD Sorin PUREC,
Constantin Brncui University of Trgu-
Jiu



Abstract. The democratic system no longer fulfills
peoples expectations today who believed in it.
Exporting classical parliamentary democracy with
separation of powers and political pluralism is
proving difficult and is going through a huge crisis of
confidence. "New Democracies" are placed in a
position to choose an original solution that moves
between the values democracy and of enlightened
authoritarianism.

Key words: democracy, postmodernism,
communism, fascism

The fall of communism meant the
universal victory of democracy: after the
victory over fascism in the middle of the
century, that time has come for the victory
over communism [3, p.63]. We recognize in
Ramonet the model proposed by F.
Fukuyama in The end of history and the last
man. But, while Fukuyama saw in this
victory the dawn of a new era of prosperity,
guaranteed by imposing democracy all over
the world for Ramonet this is the beginning
of the end. First, the U.S. - USSR bipolarity
(otherwise called "Cold War") didnt
guarantee only the existence of two
competing political blocs, but two ideologies:
neoliberalism and Marxism. The fall of
communism has not only meant the
beginning of the irrefutable hegemony of
democracy as a form of government, but also
confirmed the irrefutable "validity" of the
neoliberal economic model. The neoliberal
economic model, which believes that "the
market will adjust all social problems,
regardless of their scale (contrary, for
example, to the keynesien doctrine of the

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de pild, doctrinei keynesiene a statului
intervenionist n blocajele pieei) st la baza
globalizrii.
Globalizarea, aadar, nu ar fi fost
posibil fr cderea comunismului, care a
permis extinderea pieelor ctre jumtatea
cealalt a lumii. Globalizarea are la baza ei o
gndire economic de tip neoliberal.
Unde este ns sfritul democraiei, pe
care Ramonet nu-l pomenete explicit, dar pe
care i-l sugereaz n mod evident? Ei bine,
sfritul democraiei se vede n sfritul
noiunii de suveranitate. Globalizarea oblig
rile ca, pe plan politic, s devin membre a
fel de fel de organizaii internaionale, iar pe
plan economic, s asculte de fel de fel de
politici financiare dictate de Fondul Monetar
Internaional sau de Banca Mondial.
Suveranitatea naional intr ntr-o faz de
descompunere, fiindc o parte a ei este
transferat acestor organisme suprastatale
sau, n cazul economicului, organismelor
bancare internaionale i trusturilor
internaionale. Cu alte cuvinte, celor care
domin piaa mondial, actorilor financiari
care domin financiar tranzaciile bursiere de
pe ntreg globul.
Unde duce pierderea suveranitii
naionale (nu numai n cazul statelor
insignifiante, precum Romnia, ci i n cazul
marilor democraii occidentale)? n primul
rnd, acest lucru este echivalent cu o aruncare
la gunoi a temeiului clasic al democraiei,
ideea contractului social. Fr ndoial
stupid din punct de vedere tiinific,
demontat de antropologi politici precum
Georges Balandier sau Jean-William
Lapierre, aceast idee continu s ne
fascineze dintr-un motiv foarte simplu: ea
reprezint primul model coerent de explicare
a suveranitii printr-un act de exprimare a
voinei democratice a membrilor comunitii,
nu prin vreun nebulos act de investitur
divin, sau ceva asemntor. Aa ne-au
nvat Grotius, Hobbes, Locke i Rousseau;
pornind de la aceast idee, din patru n patru
ani semnm ntre noi un nou pact social
care s i numeasc pe cei ce ne reprezint.
interventionist state in market jams) is the
basis of globalization.
Globalization, therefore, would not have
been possible without the fall of communism,
which allowed the expansion of markets to
the other half of the world. Globalization is
based on an economical thinking of
neoliberal type.
Where is, however, the end of democracy,
that Ramonet doesnt mention explicitly, but
clearly suggest it? Well, the end of
democracy seen in the end of the concept of
sovereignty. Globalization forces the
countries to, politically, become members of
all kind of international organizations, and
economically, to listen all kind of financial
policies dictated by the International
Monetary Fund or World Bank. National
sovereignty enters a stage of decomposition,
as a part of it is transferred to these superstate
bodies or, for the economy, international
banking organizations and international
trusts. In other words, to those who dominate
"the global market, financial players that
dominate financially the exchange
transactions across the globe.
Where does the loss of national
sovereignty (not only in the case of
insignificant countries, such as Romania, but
also in the case of the great western
democracies)? First of all, this is equivalent
to throwing garbage at the basis of classical
democracy, the idea of "social contract".
Without a stupid doubt in terms of science,
dismounted in parts by political
anthropologists, as Georges Balandier or
Jean-William Lapierre, this idea continues to
fascinate us for a very simple reason: it
represents the first coherent model of
explanation of sovereignty by an act of
democratic expression of will of the
community members, not by some nebulous
act of "divine" investiture or something
similar. This is how Grotius, Hobbes, Locke
and Rousseau thought us; starting from this
idea, from four years in four years we sign
between us a new "social pact" to appoint
those who represent us. It is actually the idea

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Este chiar ideea care a stat la baza
democraiei. Dar ea a disprut, n clipa n care
cei care ntruchipeaz suveranitatea, respectiv
guvernanii alei democratic, nceteaz a mai
fi supui infrastructurii votanilor, adic
dorinelor i aspiraiilor acestora, devenind
supuii suprastructurii economic-financiare:
O putere care apare din ce n ce mai mult ca
fiind executantul, suplinitorul, lacheul
adevrailor stpni ai lumii: pieele
financiare [3, 78]. Guvernele nceteaz s
mai conteze, de fapt ele i pierd i diferenele
doctrinare, deoarece oricum un guvern de
stnga va aplica aceleai politici ca unul de
dreapta, i invers: ...adesea, guvernanii,
alei dup nite btlii electorale homerice, se
trezesc neputincioi n faa unor fore
redutabile, de anvergur planetar ... care
lucreaz dup bunul lor plac, graie unei
aplicri stricte a bibliei neoliberale... [3,
p.70]. Acest fapt i oblig pe toi guvernanii
nou-alei, indiferent de meridian, s i uite
promisiunile electorale, sau s i le ncalce,
de ndat ce ajung la putere. Pentru c oricum
nu ei decid ce msuri s aplice, cum, cnd i
unde. Asta va decide piaa, mai precis - cei
care au puterea de a influena evoluia ei.
Noua putere, trimite spre le pouvoir-
savoir de care vorbea Michel Foucault n
Surveiller et punir: o putere fr chip,
nevzut, mai mult orizontal dect vertical,
dar nu mai puin coercitiv dect puterea
reprezentat simbolic de un Rege sau un corp
legiuitor puternic: Suntem pe cale s trecem
de la formele de putere autoritare, ierarhice,
verticale, la forme negociate, reticulare,
orizontale, mai civilizate, dar mai complexe
[3, p.9].
Lui Winston Churchill i se atribuie fraza:
Democratia, desi imperfecta si criticabila,
este totusi indiscutabil cea mai putin rea
dintre toate sistemele de guvernare. Cu 60
de ani in urma cand erau rostite aceste
cuvinte, lumea abia iesise din razboiul contra
fascismului si se parea ca este si o victorie a
democratiei. Dar chiar daca ar fi cea mai
buna dintre toate formele rele de conducere,
asta nu e deajuns pentru a subscrie la toate
that stood at the basis of democracy. But it
disappeared, in the minute that those who
embody the sovereignty, the democratically
elected governors, stop being subjected to
infrastructure voters, meaning, to their desires
and aspirations, becoming subjects of the
economic and financial superstructure: "A
power that appears more and more as the
contractor, the substitute, the lackey to the
true masters of the world: the financial
markets [3, 78]. Governments cease to
matter, they actually lose their doctrinal
differences, because anyway a "left"
government will apply the same policy as a
"right" one, and vice versa: "... often
governors elected after some Homeric
electoral battles, wake up helpless in the face
of redoubtable forces, planet-wide ... working
for the good of their own, thanks to a strict
application of the neoliberal Bible ... "[3,
p.70] This fact obliges all newly elected
governors, regardless of the meridian, to
forget the election promises, or to violate
them as soon as he gets to power. Because,
however, they do not decide which measures
to apply, how, when and where. That will be
decided by "the market", more precisely -
those who have the power to influence its
evolution.
New power, sends to "le pouvoir - savoir"
that Michel Foucault spoke of in Surveiller et
punir: a power without a face, unseen, more
horizontal than vertical, but not less coercive
than the power symbolically represented by a
King or a strong legislative body: "We are
about to move from authoritarian forms of
power, hierarchical, vertical, to negotiated
forms, spidery, horizontal, more civilized, but
more complex" [3, p.9].
Winston Churchill is given the phrase:
"Democracy, though imperfect, and critic, it
is though indisputably the least bad of all
governance systems". 60 years ago when he
uttered these words, people had just got out
of the war against fascism and it seemed that
it was also a victory of democracy. But even
if it was the best of all bad leadership forms,
that's not enough to subscribe to all its

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defectele ei. S-a prabusit si comunismul
sovietic, dar sperantele puse in epoca ce s-a
deschis nu s-au confirmat. China si Rusia au
preluat capitalismul vestic, dar nu inteleg sa
preia si modelul democratiei occidentale.
Libertatea de opinie, drepturile omului,
alegerile democratice, capata o serioasa
concurenta in formula statului autoritar, care
economic este o solutie plina de succes. Si tot
mai multe tari din Africa si Asia, dar si din
alte colturi ale lumii, sunt atrase de un
asemenea model.
In acelasi timp in tarile occidentale are
loc o scadere continua a participarii
electoratului la urne, partidele traditionale isi
reduc numarul membrilor, se duce lipsa de
candidati competenti pentru posturile
eligibile, interesul oamenilor pentru politica
s-a micsorat. La marea provocare ce se
profileaza la orizont, democratia occidentala
se arata incapabila sa dea o riposta
convingatoare. Iar exportul modelului
societal american s-a dovedit un esec pe toata
linia.
Definitia democratiei, in acceptia ei
moderna, se poate reduce la doua
caracteristici: respectarea drepturilor omului,
asa cum sint inscrise in Carta ONU, si gradul
de participare al poporului la exercitarea
puterii in tara respectiva. Dar despre ce
participare a poporului reala poate fi vorba
acolo unde fortele economice exercita din
umbra o presiune irezistibila asupra celor
politice, desi acestea afirma ca au fost liber
alese ? Am fost martorii unei vaste campanii
electorale in SUA, unde fiecare dintre
candidati arata public sumele impresionante
pe care le-au primit, in mod perfect legal, din
partea diferitelor companii si persoane.
Organizatia Freedom House, finantata
partial de guvernul american, iar partial din
fonduri private, considera ca dupa doua
decenii de progres, lumea libera
inregistreaza de vreo doi ani un regres. Harta
pe care o publica pe site-ul sau internet arata
cca.40 % din mapamond colorat in rosu (tari
ce nu sunt libere), aproape 40 % colorat in
verde (tari libere) si cca. 20 % in galben,
defects. Even the Soviet communism
collapsed, but the hopes placed in the open
era have not been confirmed yet. China and
Russia have taken over western capitalism,
but they dont understand to take also the
model of Western democracy. Freedom of
opinion, human rights, democratic elections,
received a serious competition in the
authoritarian state formula, which
economically is a successful solution. And
more and more countries from Africa and
Asia, but also from other corners of the world
are attracted by such model.
Meanwhile in the Western countries there
is a continuous decline in the participation of
the electorate in turnout, the traditional
parties reduced the number of members
lacking of competent candidates for the
eligible posts, peoples interest for politics is
slightly depressed. In the great challenge that
is perceived on the horizon, Western
democracy is indignant unable to give a
convincing riposte. And the U.S. societal
model export has proved a failure on the
entire line.
Definitions of democracy in its modern
acceptation may be reduced to two features:
respect for human rights, as they are
registered in the UN Charter, and the degree
of participation of the people to exercise
power in that country. But what real
"participation of the people" can be there
where economic forces exercise in the
shadows an irresistible pressure over the
political ones, although these say they were
freely chosen? We've witnessed a wide
campaign in the U.S., where each of the
candidates showed in public impressive
amounts they received, perfectly legal, from
various companies and individuals.
The organization Freedom House, funded
in part by the U.S. government, and partly
from private funds, considers that after two
decades of progress, "the free world" records
from a couple of years regression. On a map
published on its website showing cca.40% of
the world colored in red (countries that are
not free), almost 40% colored in green (free

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tari ce sunt numai partial libere. In opinia
acestei organizatii de tendinta conservatoare,
printre tarile nelibere, alaturi de China,
Cuba, Coreea de nord, Vietnam unde sunt la
putere regimuri comuniste, mai figureaza
Rusia, Belorusia, Birmania, Iran, Siria,
Sudan, Algeria, Tunisia, Libia, Angola,
Congo, cateva tari asiatice din CSI, o serie de
tari africane, s.a. In tarile semi-libere sunt
considerate Albania, Turcia, Georgia, Rep.
Moldova, Afganistanul, Tailanda, Filipine,
Nepal, Etiopia, Maroc, Nigeria, Mozambic,
Columbia, Bolivia, Paraguay, Ecuador, Haiti,
s.a. S-ar parea ca drept principal criteriu al
acordarii calificativului libertatii este
atitudinea guvernului respectivei tari fata de
Statele Unite sau Israel, caci de pilda pe harta
sunt libere Mongolia si Ucraina, dar
nelibere - Arabia Saudita si Egipt.
Democratia primeste astazi lovituri si de
alta natura. Intr-o serie de tari din lumea a
treia au loc alegeri libere, dar ele sunt
castigate de partide radicale, ca de pilda in
Palestina (Hamas) sau in Nepal (maoistii),
fapt ce ridica occidentului dilema daca vocea
poporului, liber exprimata, legitimeaza
recunoasterea unor regimuri autoritare sau
chiar cu trasaturi extremiste. In Rusia, Putin a
jucat si joaca cu maestrie rolul principal in
piesa democratiei (alegerile au fost castigate
doar cu 70 % din voturi), dar rezultatul este
o democratura. Indeosebi in Africa si Asia
oamenii au devenit cinici, deoarece chiar
unde valorile occidentale sunt laudate in gura
mare (de pilda in Filipine), democratia nu a
adus nici o imbunatatire in viata populatiei.
Preturile la alimente, dictate de piata
mondiala, au condus - acolo unde guvernele
sunt incapabile si coruptia e regula generala
la neincredere generala in institutiile statului.
Peste tot acolo in aer pluteste dorul dupa un
autoritarism pragmatic, de tip chinezesc,
lucru ce l-a inteles si batranul om de stat, Lee
Kuan Yew, care ani de zile a condus
Singapore in mod patriarhal, dar eficient si
care spune : Democratia occidentala nu e
potrivita pentru noi. Noi mergem pe drumul
propriu, o cale mult mai buna pentru noi.
countries) and approx. 20% - in yellow,
countries that are only partially open. In the
opinion of this conservative organization
trend, the non free countries, along with
China, Cuba, North Korea, Vietnam where
communist regimes are in power, there are
listed also Russia, Belarus, Burma, Iran,
Syria, Sudan, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya,
Angola, Congo, some Asian countries of CIS,
a number of African countries, s.o. "Semi-
free" countries are considered Albania,
Turkey, Georgia, Rep. Moldova,
Afghanistan, Thailand, Philippines, Nepal,
Ethiopia, Morocco, Nigeria, Mozambique,
Colombia, Bolivia, Paraguay, Ecuador, Haiti,
s.o. It would seem that as the main criterion
for the delivery of the freedom qualificative
is the country government attitude towards
the United States or Israel, as for example on
the map are listed as "free" Mongolia and
Ukraine, but as "not free" - Saudi Arabia and
Egypt.
Democracy receives today other type of
strikes. In a number of Third World countries
there are held free elections, but they are won
by radical parties, for example in Palestine
(Hamas) or in Nepal (maoists), which raises a
dilemma for the West if the voice of people,
freely expressed, legitimize the recognition of
authoritarian regimes or even with extreme
features. In Russia, Putin has played with
masters and plays the main role in the
democracy song (elections were won "only"
with 70% of votes), but the result is a
"democrature. Especially in Africa and Asia
people have become cynical, because even
where Western values are highly praised (for
example in the Philippines), democracy has
not brought any improvement in the lives of
the population. Prices of food, dictated by the
world market, led - where governments are
unable and corruption is the general rule to
less confidence in state institutions in general.
Everywhere floats in the air a yearning for
pragmatic authoritarianism, of Chinese type,
thing understood by the old state - man, Lee
Kuan Yew, who for years has led Singapore
in a patriarchal, but effective mode and which

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Si in vest a inceput sa se inteleaga ca
democratia nu poate fi impusa, ci trebuie
castigata prin eforturi de fiecare popor. Chiar
Statele Unite au avut de parcurs o cale lunga
pana cand, abia pe la mijlocul anilor 1960,
negrii au obtinut drepturi egale prin lupta lui
Martin Luther King. Dar atractia modelului
american a pierdut mult din forta chiar in
occident, indeosebi prin cazul torturii din
inchisoarea Guantanamo, incalcarea regulilor
internationale in atacarea Irakului, bruscarea
aliatilor prin rapirea unor cetateni si
nchiderea lor in lagare secrete ale CIA s.a.
Nu asa trebuie sa arate idealurile democratice
ale vestului. n luna aprilie 2008, un sondaj al
institutului Gallup a aratat ca peste 70 %
dintre americani cred ca tara lor merge acum
intr-o directie gresita. Imaginea simplista a
neoconservatorilor despre politica externa
americana ca solutie miraculoasa pentru toate
relele omenirii este acum sfaramata in
tandari. Nici macar candidatul republican la
presedintie, McCain, nu mai amintea nimic in
campania sa despre un mars triumfal al
valorilor americane, i preconizeaza
multilateralismul, consultarea celorlalte tari
ale lumii in problemele grave ale omenirii.
In revista germana Der Spiegel (5 mai
2008) se arata ca democratia nu mai este, in
ochii celor ce ii cantaresc lipsurile si
avantajele, un non-plus-ultra spre care
trebuie tins, iar autocratia nu mai e, mereu si
pentru toti, o sperietoare. Atat timp cat
democratia ramane un sistem impus din afara,
ea se pune pe sine in discutie, mai ales cand
in practica este redusa la aspectele formale. A
fi tolerant cu experienta altora si intelegator
cu ele, este si aceasta o dovada de spirit
democratic. Good governance, adica
conducerea spre binele poporului, nu e
desigur posibila fara participarea acestuia; dar
nu neaparat prin interventia occidentului. In
Nigeria, tara de peste 120 milioane locuitori,
s-au creat o multime de partide dupa modelul
occidental, dar repede ele au devenit niste
instrumente ale diferitilor oameni de afaceri.
Indeosebi acolo unde intervin si partide
etnice, competitia electorala democratica se
says: "Western Democracy is not right for us.
Were going on our own way, a much better
way for us. "
The West began also to understand that
democracy can not be imposed, but it must be
won through the efforts of each nation. Even
the United States had come a long way since
only in the mid-1960, Black people obtained
equal rights through the fight of Martin
Luther King. But the attraction of the
American model lost a lot of strength even in
the West, especially in the case of torture
from Guantanamo prison, violating
international rules in the attacking of Iraq, the
rush of the allies through abduction of
citizens and placing them in custody in secret
CIA camps s.o. Not like this must appear the
ideals of the democratic West. In April 2008,
a Gallup institute poll showed that over 70%
of Americans believe their country now goes
into a wrong direction. The simplistic image
of neo-conservatisms about American foreign
policy as a miraculous solution for all the
evils of mankind is now broken to pieces. Not
even the Republican candidate for president,
McCain, didnt mention anything in his
campaign about a triumphal march of
American values, and expects
multilateralism, consultation with the other
world countries in serious problems of
mankind.
In the German magazine "Der Spiegel" (5
May 2008) it is shown that democracy is no
longer, in the eyes of those who weight the
advantages and shortcomings, a "non-plus-
ultra" to be tended to, and autocracy is not
always and for all, a scarecrow. As long as
democracy remains a system imposed from
outside, it puts itself up, especially when in
practice is reduced to formal aspects. To be
tolerant of others' experience and
understanding with them, is a proof of
democratic spirit. "Good governance",
namely leadership to the good of the people,
of course is not possible without their
participation, but not necessarily through the
intervention of the West. In Nigeria, a
country of over 120 million inhabitants, there

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ascute pana la ciocniri armate. Printre
oamenii ce se simt nefericiti astazi, cei mai
multi sunt cei din tarile ce au apartinut
spatiului sovietic si in Irak, care sunt
nostalgici dupa fostul regim. Democratia nu
face in mod automat pe oameni fericiti, dar
mai curand oamenii fericiti sunt cei ce fac
democratia.
Coreea de sud sau Taiwanul, au fost
dictaturi cateva decenii, dar odata cu
cresterea nivelului de trai si a educatiei
populatiei, ele si-au putut permite si libertatea
politica. Exemplul Chinei contrazice insa si
aceasta formula. Dintr-o tara aflata in saracie
absoluta, ea s-a desvoltat cu pasi uriasi in
numai 30 de ani, iar populatia este in mare
majoritate satisfacuta. Presedintele Hu Jintao
declara pe drept cuvant : Noi suntem cei ce
in realitate garantam drepturile omului, atunci
cand asiguram hrana pentru 1,3 miliarde de
cetateni ai statului!. Se dezvolta rapid si
India, cel mai mare stat democratic din lume,
desi nu in ritmul Chinei, deoarece are
probleme complicate cu numeroasele
minoritati etnice si religioase.
Este dificil sa se traga o concluzie ferma
despre avantajele unui sistem democratic fata
de cele al unui regim autoritar intelept
condus. Democratia parlamentara de tip
Westminster, cu separarea puterilor si
pluralism politic, trece in acesti ani printr-o
criza de incredere si este greu exportabila.
Multi oameni politici ai unor tari mici,
confruntati cu dificultati greu de depasit,
viseaza sa puna mana pe putere cu forta sau
prin alegeri trucate si sa instaleze un regim
autoritar, indepartandu-si cat mai mult timp
adversarii, nu atat pentru obtinerea de
avantaje pentru ei si cercul de sustinatori, ci
pentru a proceda neturburati la reforme
economice si sociale radicale menite sa ajute
starea celor multi. Cu asemenea promisiuni
pline de sperante, puterea o pot cuceri atat
aventurieri, preocupati de interesul propriu,
cat si idealisti cinstiti si talentati, devotati
propasirii natiunii. Important este ca
electoratul sa nu confunde promisiunile false,
cu cele sincere si veritabile. Dar si mai
were created many parties after the Western
model, but they quickly have become tools of
various business man. Especially where there
intervene ethnic parties, "democratic"
electoral competition is sharpened to violent
armed conflicts. Among people who feel
unhappy today, most are from the countries
that belonged to the Soviet space and in Iraq,
which are nostalgic after the former regime.
Democracy does not automatically make
people happy, but sooner happy people are
the ones that make democracy.
South Korea or Taiwan, were
dictatorships few decades, but with the
increase of their living standards and the
education of the population, they were able to
allow politic freedom also. The example of
China contradicts this formula. In a country
situated in absolute poverty, it evolved with
giant steps in only 30 years, and the
population is largely satisfied in majority.
President Hu Jintao declared in the right
word: "We are the ones that really guarantee
human rights, when assure food for 1.3
billion citizens of the state." India develops
rapidly also, the largest democracy in the
world, although not at the pace of China,
because it has complicated problems with
numerous ethnic and religious minorities.
It is difficult to draw a firm conclusion
about the benefits of a democratic system
from an authoritarian regime led wise.
Parliamentary Westminster Democracy type,
with separation of powers and political
pluralism, in these years goes through a crisis
of confidence and it is difficult export. Many
politicians from small countries, confronted
with difficulties hard to overcome, dream to
put a hand on power by force or by fake
elections and install an authoritarian regime,
cutting out as much as possible their
adversaries, not only for obtaining benefits
for them and their circle of supporters, but to
proceed untroubled to the economic and
social reforms aimed at helping the radical
state of many others. With such hopeful
promises, power can be conquered both by
adventurers, concerned with their own

Analele Universitii Constantin Brncui din Trgu Jiu, Seria Litere i tiine Sociale, Nr. 3/2009



Annals of the Constantin Brncui University of Trgu Jiu, Letters and Social Sciences Series, Issue 3/2009


56
important este sa evite a acorda increderea lor
celor pe care ii banuiesc ca doresc o
democratie doar de fatada, pentru uzul
strainatatii, la interior aplicand insa regimul
autoritar al conducatorului unic, cu sufocarea
vocii opozitiei.



Bibliografie

1. Francis Fukuyama, America la
rascruce - Democratia, puterea si
mostenirea neoconservatoare, Editura
Antet XX, 2006
2. Francis Fukuyama, Sfarsitul istoriei
si ultimul om , Editura Paideia
3. Ignacio Ramonet: Geopolitica
haosului, Editura Doina, 1998.
4. Thomas L. Pangle, The Ennobling of
Democracy: The Challenge of the
Postmodern Age, JHU Press, 1993

interests, as well as honest idealistic and
talented, committed to the nations
prosperity. It is important that voters do not
confuse false promises, with the sincere and
genuine ones. But more important is to avoid
giving their confidence to those suspected to
want a democracy only by facade, for foreign
use, but in the interior applying the
authoritarian regime of single chief, with the
choking of the opposition voice.

Bibliography

1. Francis Fukuyama, America la rascruce -
Democratia, puterea si mostenirea
neoconservatoare,, Publisher Antet XX,
2006
2. Francis Fukuyama, Sfarsitul istoriei si
ultimul om Ed Paideia
3. Ignacio Ramonet: Geopolitica haosului,
Publisher Doina, 1998.
4. Thomas L. Pangle, The Ennobling of
Democracy: The Challenge of the
Postmodern Age, JHU Press, 1993