Femeile, discriminarea si aparitia in massmedia

Autor: dana - 08/03/2010

Articolul face parte din rubrica Vocea cetatii
Acesta e locul in care vociferam si ne revoltam contra absurditatilor ce ne inconjoara. Iar cand
nu facem asta, pur si simplu ne amuzam de realitatea ce pare sa bata zi de zi fictiunea.
Spune lumea ca femeile ar duce-o extraordinar: ca sunt rasfatate si protejate si in general nu au
de ce sa se planga. Iar daca o fac e numai din cauza lipsei lor de maturitate. Pentru ca femeile
sunt egale cu barbatii si primesc la fel de multe sanse. Nu este vina nimanui altcuiva decat a lor
ca nu sunt capabile sa le exploateze.

Asa sa fie oare? Poate la nivel declarativ. Sa vedem insa ce se intampla atunci cand ne uitam la
cum se vad ele in massmedia, ca doar aceasta oglindeste modul de gandire al societatii in
general. Monitoring media, companie specializata in monitorizare de presa, a facut un studiu in
perioada 8 – 12 si 22 – 26 februarie 2010, analizand aparitia femeilor in jurnalele de stiri
primetime ale principalelor televiziuni din Romania.

Iar rezultatele, din pacate, sunt departe de a fi prea placute. Pentru noi toti. Atat pentru noi,
femeile, care suntem in permanenta supuse unei discriminari tacite ce ne face pana la urma sa
credem ca asa este normal. Cat si pentru ei, barbatii, care poate nu ar dori toti sa faca diferente de
valoare in functie de sex, dar aceasta practica este atat de inradacinata in societate incat nici nu
isi dau seama ca acorda o pozitie preferentiala celor de acelasi sex cu ei.

Mai concret, sa vedem ce a descoperit

Monitoring Media:

Despre femei se vorbeste putin.

"In doar 27% din stirile monitorizate se face

referire la femei. Din totalul acestora (310),
doar in 60 de stiri femeia apare ca subiect
principal. Aceasta inseamna ca doar in 19%
dintre aceste stiri subiectul principal,
continutul stirii se axeaza pe un eveniment
sau actiune intreprinsa sau suportata de o
femeie. In restul stirilor femeia apare in plan
subsidiar, tangential."

Despre femei se vorbeste cand este vorba de situatii neplacute. Iar rolul lor principal este
acela de victima.
„Categoria predominanta de subiecte din care provin stirile care fac referire la femei este
reprezentata de domeniile social si sanatate (34% din stiri). Aceasta este urmata de categoria
subiectelor despre accidente/crime/jafuri (30% din stiri).”

Desi femeile nu fac subiectul stirilor, atunci cand totusi sunt subiectul principal in buletinele
televiziunilor, acestea din urma le prezinta in ipostaza de victime.

Fie ca „au fost injunghiate”, „furate”, „muscate de caine”, „omorate” sau „ranite intr-o
explozie”, in jumatate din cazuri (30 de stiri din 60) femeile sunt victime.

Daca esti mama ai mai mult sanse de a aparea la stiri.

Rolul pe care femeia il detine in cadrul familiei reprezinta cea mai intalnita forma sub care sunt
mentionate femeile in stiri (24% din referiri), urmat de prezentarea femeii sub aspectul
profesional (prin cariera/functia pe care o detine – 22% din referiri).

Daca totusi vorbim despre o femeie sa nu ne formalizam prea tare.

Doar 5% din mentionari le confera statutul de doamne sau domnisoare. Cand nu sunt mame sau
femei de cariera, femeile sunt pur si simplu „femei”. Cea mai intalnita formulare in buletinele
de stiri este de acest tip: „o femeie”, „femeia”, „niste femei”. Referirea la o persoana de sex
feminin prin numele sau cade abia pe locul 4. In rest mai conteaza ce varsta are, daca este iubita
cuiva si daca sofeaza.

In ce priveste profesia, pe primele locuri sunt director, medic si ministru. Urmatoarele la

egalitate fiind profesoara, vanzatoare, cantareata, femeie de serviciu si PR-ista. Sa va mai spun
ca femeile de afaceri sunt pe ultimul loc?
Daca vreti sa vedeti intregul studiu Monitoring Media, il gasiti pe situl agentiei de monitorizare,
monitoring.ro.

Am ras eu atunci cand a aparut o stire despre un site lansat de doua colege ale mele pentru ca s-a
folosit apelativul „femei” cu nonsalanta. Dar uite ca nu este rasul meu, ci plansul nostru. Fiindca
vorbim de o modalitate generalizata de a nu promova / discuta aproape nimic despre reusitele sau
interesele femeilor.

Si sa ne mai miram atunci ca ele simt nevoia unui spatiu propriu de exprimare si si-au facut
propriile reviste si situri? Nu, este un proces normal de a lupta cu toata aceasta opacitate a
societatii in care traim. Bine ca mai sunt firme care, asemeni Monitoring Media, trag un semnal
de alarma. Si sa speram la cat mai multe studii de acest gen si in viitor.

Hotcity.ro, ca o alternativa de a privi normal femeile si de a promova ceea ce fac ele valoros, va
sustine intotdeauna astfel de initiative si va incerca sa educe publicul in privinta discriminarilor,
fie ele constiente sau nu.
www.hotcity.ro

Duminică, 17 Octombrie 2010. 235 vizualizări, 16 comentarii, 1 vot

Ce mai dezbat francezii: imaginea femeii în mass-media

Autor: Dan Stancu
Franţa este o ţară în care femeile reprezintă aproximativ 51% din totalul populaţiei şi circa 53%
din corpul electoral, dar sunt invitate mult mai rar decât bărbaţii în studiourile televiziunilor şi
radiourilor sau să îşi exprime opiniile în presa scrisă.
 Sursa: SHUTTERSTOCK

Îngrijoraţi de perpetuarea stereotipurilor despre femei, reprezentanţii a 60 de publicaţii,

televiziuni şi posturi de radio, cei ai Consiliului Superior al Audiovizualului şi secretarul de stat
pentru familie, Nadine Morano, au semnat, săptămâna aceasta, un acord cu un scop foarte clar:
ameliorarea imaginii femeii în mass-media.

Semnatarii documentului s-au angajat să favorizeze intervenţiile femeilor în emisiunile de radio

şi televiziune, precum şi în paginile ziarelor şi revistelor, scrie cotidianul francez "Le Monde".

Experţii invitaţi, peste 80% bărbaţi

Atunci când vine vorba de apariţii la televiziune, femeile au rezervate, în general, rolurile de
mamă, victimă sau martor, mai rar pe cel de expert.
"Stereotipurile au viaţă lungă. Experţii invitaţi de mass-media sunt în proporţie de circa 82%
bărbaţi", chiar şi când e vorba de domenii " foarte feminizate", precum cel juridic şi cel medical,
subliniază Michèle Reiser, realizatoare, romancieră şi membru al Consiliului Superior al
Audiovizualului din Franţa.

Iar când sunt prezente în emisiuni, "ele rămân anonime şi au adesea statutul de victime", adaugă
Reiser.

Potrivit unui raport pe 2008 al Comisiei pentru imaginea femeilor în mass-media, prezidată de
Michèle Reiser, din totalul luărilor de cuvânt, 37% au aparţinut femeilor şi 63% bărbaţilor. În
plus, durata medie a unei intervenţii a fost de 12 secunde pentru bărbaţi şi de numai 9,1 secunde
pentru femei.

Progresele vor fi evaluate anual

Prima ţintă a procesului de autoreglementare convenit va fi prezenţa mai multor experţi,

specialişti şi analişti de sex feminin în mass-media. "O dată pe an, noi vom da publicităţii un
bilanţ al progreselor observate în acest sens. Asta nu înseamnă că facem pe poliţiştii, e vorba
doar de un instrument de lucru auxiliar", precizează Michèle Reiser.

Ea dă asigurări că, pe viitor, Comisia pentru imaginea femeilor în mass-media va ajuta presa să
găsească reprezentante ale sexului frumos cu opinii avizate în domenii de larg interes pentru
public.
"Este o iniţiativă unică în lume, cred. Trebuie conştientizat decalajul dintre imaginea femeilor
protejate în presă şi realitate. Va trebui să arătăm, într-un an, că există progrese", conchide
secretarul de stat Nadine Morano.

Violence Against Women in Mass Media

By Stephanie Katele
Article Word Count: 1324 [View Summary] Comments (0)

Images of women in mass media have been under scrutiny in recent

decades. At one end of the continuum is print advertisement, brief, often
single-paged combinations of text and imagery to sell a product. At the
other end is pornography, sexually explicit imagery created to arouse in
print, television, film, and the Internet. Where does power fit in between
these? Women in both these forms of mass media are repeatedly
depicted in submissive, silenced, and even victimized roles.
Advertising
is a much more benign means of conveying power over women than
pornography. However, the average American is exposed too much
more gendered advertising than pornography in any given day.
In both,
women are not often autonomous beings but passive and objectified.
The power of imagery is well known. As visual imagery is nonverbal, its
messages are often multilayered and contradictory (Kang 1997). As a
socializing agent, the visual imagery provided by the media can have a
powerful impact on our attitudes, values, beliefs, and behaviors, since it
can contribute meanings and associations entirely apart and of much
greater significance (ibid). Advertisements are everywhere, from
television, in print, on billboards, and so on. Yet decoding each one we
see is near impossible due to the number of ads we encounter every
day.
Feminists have been concerned with the media’s representation of
women for some time, particularly the use of their bodies. Many images
that depict women in sexual positions or just displaying a portion of the
female body may aid in objectifying it. The woman is often the object of a
male’s gaze, and thus assuming heterosexuality (Duggan and Hunter
51). Moreover, she is an object for the viewer’s imagination. This is one
of the ways that power differences are created. There is a clear
distinction in this equation between who has control and who is
receiving it.
Turning someone into an object not only dehumanizes, but it can lead to
justifying violence (communicating gender). It is much easier on most
people’s conscience to hit a punching bag than a person. Images of
women as objects and as the recipients of aggressive behavior do
cause a desensitization of violence (Barker 38). Despite this, very little
violent crime is a deliberate replica of one in the media, not a particular
image. Much of crimes against women mirror many of the messages that
are sent in the media. Oftentimes, these images in advertisements are
glamorizing the gender power relations discussed earlier.
Figure 1 is an advertisement from Sisley retrieved from [http://www.about-]
face.org. Sisley’s advertisements are marketed toward young white,
middle to upper class females reading fashion magazines. The first
thing the viewer notices is the model’s face, bearing a fearful and
frustrated expression. It is well lit in the foreground turning around, with
barely a glimpse of the man behind her. Her hair is in her face as if she
had quickly turned around to see him. The position of her body is clearly
submissive, her hands held behind her back as she lies on the couch.
Her elbow is obstructing the view of the man’s face, thus giving the view
the impression that the man’s intentions are unknown- we cannot see
the expression on his face. While it is not clear what exactly is
happening in this scene, a sense of uneasiness arises.
A power
struggle is used here to sell a name, a name that sells clothing, which is
barely visible here. This hierarchy may help facilitate the perception of
women as targets for violence and aggression. This advertisement
reinforces the stereotype that women can be used as objects not just for
their bodies, but also for their willingness to use those bodies in
demeaning and sometimes humiliating imagery. The look on her face,
the position of her body, and the faceless perpetrator in this
advertisement almost encapsulates the entire notion of the
powerlessness of women as objects.
Katz writes, “the reduction of women to body parts for men’s
consumption can significantly damage a woman’s self-respect” (qt in
Muarianne et al 250). He goes on further than men are not born to
objectify women, but it is a learned behavior, primarily from images of
passive women. Perhaps this lack of self-respect exacerbates the
acceptance of such material. There is no more rampant use of
aggressive imagery than in the pornography industry. Barron et al
examined sexual violence in print media, videos, and the Internet, and
found that the Internet contained a significant portion of graphic and
antagonistic imagery. However, as the violence became more intense,
fewer scenes contained it (259).
Much of the heterosexual pornography in circulation draws on the
conventions of the woman as the object of the male gaze (Duggan 54).
Duggan and Hunter’s book, Sex Wars, critically examines pornography
from both sides of the argument that addresses the nature of the
medium. It must be noted that my interest here lies in violent
pornography and its effects exclusively. The images of women in this
form of mass media are a more intense mutation of the print
advertisements discussed above. “Sexually explicit” often becomes
identified and equated with “violent”. Critically examining pornography
must be done with as much analysis as that of socially acceptable forms
of imagery. Those that contain nudity, nonviolent and non-degrading
material are another discussion.
Although most of pornography is directed towards men, it cannot be
assumed that this is due to greater intrinsic male interest in sex. More
than likely, it is due to the industry’s extreme slant towards the traditional
male perspective. The Internet is the most often used way of accessing
porn, with 12% of all its websites devoted to it
(www.porndestroyswomen.org/). The effect of this form of the media is
ambiguous. Donnerstein found in one study in the “Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology” that erotic materials facilitate
aggression while he found in another study that it inhibits it (qt in Bryant
et al 289). The resolution of this issue apparently concerns the nature of
the material. Sexual violence and unpleasant themes typically facilitate
aggression, whereas, nonviolent, more loving and pleasant "soft-core"
explicit materials may hinder it (ibid). Thus, the topic of censorship is a
hotly debated one with limited research on its effects.
Themes of female subordination, bondage, sado-masochism, and rape
became increasingly prevalent in porn since the 1980’s (Sapolsky). The
rape myth scenario has become rampant. It typically presents the female
in distress but later shows her being aroused. Sapolsky also quotes
research showing that men, who are exposed to pornography
containing rape in which a female victim eventually expresses positive
reactions to the rape, are more likely to accept rape myths (e.g., women
secretly desire to be raped), be sexually aroused to rape, self-report the
possibility of committing rape, see the victim as responsible, and show
less sensitivity to rape (ibid).
Although sado- masochism, bondage, and
rape fantasies are valid and typically innocuous means of sexual
arousal in practice, in print, video, and the Internet, it dehumanizes the
submissive member of the sexual act.
This type of violent pornography is a clear example of power issues in
mass media. Rape is a crime of control and domination. Sexualizing it
with the intent of arousal sometimes encourage the viewer to accept this
type of violence as acceptable. Women in this kind of pornographic
material are dehumanized on a much deeper level than those in
advertisements. As the author of http://www.porndestroyswomen.org aptly
writes, “You cannot simultaneously objectify and dignify women”.
Does imagery of objectified women in mass media directly cause
violence toward women? The answer is an overall no.
Rape and
violence existed long before the media. The First Amendment is the
most often cited reason to not censor such media. Much of the research
of violent imagery in the media shows only a small link between actual
violence and the media. Visual literacy is ultimately what will change the
notions of women as passive objects.
I am a student at the School of the Art Institute of Chicago finishing my final year, with a major
in Fine Arts wtih and emphasis on Art Education. Additionally, I am a practicing artist.
Article Source: http://EzineArticles.com/?expert=Stephanie_Katele

Women and mass media: a critical and analytical study of

the portrayal of Sudanese women in printed media.
Badri AE, Osama S.
Abstract
PIP: This study examines how Sudanese women are portrayed in the mass media. Data are
obtained from a content analysis of historical records of Sudanese daily newspapers and women's
magazines and from surveys among female editors in print media. The following types of
newspapers are reviewed: independent newspapers; papers for the Al-Umma Party, a communist
party, a Bathist party, a Muslim Nationalist Islamic Front Party, and a National Union
Democratic Party; and a current military government paper. Women's magazines are published
by women. Articles focus on women as the main newsmakers, women's life issues, female
authors, a female focus but a male author, and famous Sudanese women. 16 content themes are
identified. Women were not extensively featured or photographed in either newspapers or
magazines. The Al-Umma Party paper and Al-Sudan Al-Hadith paper (an independent paper)
were the only two newspapers with at least 10 photos of women. Women were pictured as
professionals, educated persons, and leaders. There were 17 female editors. These editors
preferred an image of women as leaders, followed by productive workers. Only 11.76% believed
that women's dual roles as producers and reproducers should be portrayed. Female editors did
not want a special women's page. 52.94% (the largest percentage) preferred targeting women
with substantial leadership abilities. 17.65% desired the portrayal of women as workers and
housewives. 58.82% did not think that the mass media image changed behavior or attitudes,
because most Sudanese women are illiterate. Women's issues in both newspapers and women's
magazines were devoted to women's work, achievements, and needs. The authors recommend
removal of obstacles to women's equal participation in the mass media and press and research on
the effect of media images on women's self-perception and behavior.
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/12348032

Sex Discrimination
on Korean TV
Oct. 04 2008 - 07:35 am
View comments (1)
 Начало формы

Конец формы

Sex, Discrimination,
Korean

This article, published back in August by My Daily, takes a cursory look at the issue
of sex discrimination in the TV industry. It's also, frankly, the most poorly-written
piece of Korean writing I have ever seen. More grist for the Metropolitician's wheel, I

suppose.

TV personalities mainly good-looking men and women. Of course this tendency is gradually
declining, but the rate is still as high as ever and now on show programs there is a new trend
towards generalization based on age and appearance in order to get attention.
The problem is that this kind of representation eventually has a negative effect on viewers'
notions of sexual equality and particularly so for young viewers such as children and teens, who
may be blocked from developing a proper consciousness.
Of course there is also the view held by some that as culture changes this kind of scene must be
accepted, but if you consider that television's sexual content is growing more serious by the day
then it is clear that urgent measures are needed.
◇ Sex Discrimination on TV Now Targets Men
According to the thinking that the idea of "TV stars should be beautiful and glamourous and wise
and kind" leads to an emphasis on outward appearance, the situation on recent programs has
been better, but if you look at the conclusions of monitors it could be better.
Last December the then-Ministry of Gender Equality and Family (now the Ministry of Gender
Equality) published its monitoring report on sex discrimination in TV, according to which there
were 1,104 instances of sex discrimination on the programs analyzed, and the greatest number of
them -- 697, or 63.1% -- took the form of discrimination in role or position assignment.
The report's monitoring analysis of 25 television dramas on four channels, conducted by 17
trained volunteers, found 320 instances of discrimination based on looks without regard to their
special abilities or characteristics, 29% of the total instances found, and 87 instances of
discrimination based on age, 7.9% of the total.
In particular the study found that, compared to past monitoring which found sex discrimination
mainly against women, there is now more such discrimination against men.
When looked at in comparison to other forms of sex discrimination, the kind based on
appearance affects both men and women, and the study found that men who don't meet the
standard of being handsome, thin, and young are subject to a serious degree to being portrayed
ridiculously or randomly debased.
These findings are due to the media's strong influence. Choi Jun-ho, professor of neuropsychiatry
at Hanyang University Guri Hospital, said, "if the essential factors in sex discrimination become
household words then the trend towards it may decline. To the degree that children and teens are
at a time in their lives of sensitivity to acquiring gender roles, there is a high chance they if they
reject those gender roles they will either create their own boundaries or carry eroded values."
Also, though words and expressions of sexual discrimination against men and women are outside
Choi's area of expertise, he points out that expressions like "beautiful birds", often used at this
year's Olympics, out to be cut.
◇ "Don't You Feel Discriminated Against?"
The problem of sex discrimination on TV is ongoing and not easily fixed, and the biggest
reasons for this are that the special language used is either not easy to change or continues to be
used while changing.
In the case of the "widows" of 예컨대, those have not died are said to be widows who have not
followed their husbands in death, and though this is a high expression for women grieving their
husbands, it is not difficult to find similar examples.
Yun Jeong-ju, media director for Korean Womenlink (한국여성민우회), said, "since sexually
discriminatory language has been used for such a long time, people don't even recognize its
discriminatory nature."
There has been some degree of attempts to change media policies to aid sexual equality, but the
true situation of those polciies and the thinking of broadcast employees are not seen as having
changed.
Experts say that the Basic Law on Women and Families (여가족기본법) attempts to ameliorate
sex discrimination but the Korea Communications Standards Commission (방송통신심의위원
회)'s core regulations fail to include sexual equality measures, but the media monitors having
insufficient time and money it will not be easy to improve the thinking of broadcast officials.
A source at the Ministry said, "with an insufficient it is not easy to conduct education, but this
year there are plans to actively boost education efforts using the media monitors."
There are many times when sexually discriminatory words are used, and one part of the solution
is to increase awareness of more appropriate words and expressions.
A member of the The National Academy of Korean Language (국립국어원) said, "in 2006 our
initial study ofdiscriminatory, non-objective words did not include sex discrimination, only
discrimination based on region and disability. Last year we studied expressions of discrimination
against women and presented ways to deal with it."
But, the member said, "the difficult point is that though we have presented those possible
solutions they are not yet being used."
But overseas nations have long been working to foster sexual equality in the media.
According to the Ministry, beginning in the early 1980s the European Union established a policy
board for women and the media and had some effect on member nations, and because of changes
in the mass media also established a project to foundationally analyze the effects, evaluate major
television programs, and evaluate how well-integrated women are in the broadcasting world as
well as establish active policies.
The Canadian government worked with the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications
Commission to produce a guidebook to the amelioration of fixed ideas in the media and created a
system for evaluating the results.
In 1986 the women's policy office of the Australian Prime Minister began to tackle the problem
by focussing on the position of women in the media and producing codes for the amelioration of
sex discrimination in advertising, and also established the National Working Party on the
Portrayal of Women.