Analele Geo 2008

ANALELE TIINIFICE ALE UNIVERSITII AL.I.
CUZA DIN IAI (SERIE NOU)
SECIUNEA II C
GEOGRAFIE
TOM LIV
2008
Editura Universitii Alexandru Ioan Cuza Iai
Colectivul de redacie :
Refereni de specialitate : Prof.dr.Alexandru UNGUREANU, m.c. al Academiei Romne, Universitatea Alex.I.Cuza Iai Prof.dr. Vasile NIMIGEANU, Universitatea Alex.I.Cuza Iai Prof.dr. Constantin RUSU, Universitatea Alex.I.Cuza Iai Prof.dr. Violette REY, Ecole Normale Suprieure Lyon Prof.dr. Paul CLAVAL, Universit Paris IV-Sorbonne Prof.dr. David TURNOCK, University of Leicester Prof.dr. Christian VANDERMOTTEN, Universit Libre de Bruxelles Prof.dr. Jean-Nol SALOMON, Universit Bordeaux III Prof.dr. Bernadette MERENE SCHOUMAKER, Universit de Lige Prof.dr. Lydia COUDROY DE LILLE - Universit Lyon II Lumire Professor Dr. Michael A. FULLEN, University of Wolverhampton Prof.dr. Andr DAUPHIN, Universit de Nice Prof.dr. Frederic RICHARD Universit de LIMOGES Prof.dr. Michel BUSSI Universit de Rouen Prof.dr. Michel PRIGORD Universit de Poitiers Redactor responsabil : Prof.univ.dr Ionel MUNTELE Secretari de redacie i traductori : Lector dr. Daniela LARION Asist.dr. Oana-Mihaela STOLERIU Adresa redaciei : Bd. Carol I, 20A, Facultatea de Geografie i Geologie, 700505, tel./fax 0040 232 201 458, E-mail : imuntele@yahoo.fr, danielalarion@yahoo.co.uk Not : Responsabilitatea pentru coninutul articolelor, studiilor, notelor, recenziilor i altor materiale aparine n ntregime autorilor.
ANALELE TIINTIFICE ALE UNIVERSITII AL I. CUZA IAI Tom L III, s. II c, Geografie 2007
SUMAR
ANIVERSRI Nicolae BARBU - Profesor unviersitar Elena Erhan la a 75-a aniversare ARTICOLE I STUDII
Micheline COSINSCHI - Alfred Korzybski et la pragmatique de la carte
Mihai NICULI, Iulia-Cornelia NICULI Raster computation of relief Ioan HRJOAB, Cristian-Valeriu PATRICHE, Elena ERHAN Aspects importants vis--vis des precipitations en Europe Liviu APOSTOL, Lucian SFC Characteristics of the fog phenomenon in the Siret Corridor and aspects of the induced climate risk. Lucian SFC Synoptic conditions for the occurrence o monthly extreme temperatures on Siret Corridor................... Vasile BICAN Human settlements in Moldavia represented on The Russian Map between 1828-1829 Ionel MUNTELE La Roumanie , lheure de limplosion d,ographique Marinela ISTRATE, Raluca HOREA-ERBAN Tourism National Forest und : a complex relationship....... Cristobal MENDOZA, Anna ORTIZ-GUITART Spanish skilled migration to Mexico City : TNC transferees and migrants in the middle Ionel MUNTELE, Corneliu IAU - Linfluence de la migration internationale sur la natalit en Roumanie contemporaine Jose DIAZ DIEGO, Juan Antonio MARQUEZ DOMINGUEZ Unos se van, y los que se quedan ? Poblacion mayor, trabajo y agricultura en Rumania Oana-Mihaela STOLERIU Localisation des services et mixite fonctionnelle dans la ville de Iai Simona-Elena ALBSTROIU, Alina-Gabriela BEJINARIU, Vasile NIMIGEANU Lvolution territoriale de la ville de Brlad
11 19 25 41 49 59 69 77 91 109 117 131 145
NOTE 155 Viorel RMBOI The air temperature regime at Brlad Sergiu PLECAN The influence of relie in the organization and territorial evolution of the built space from Lepa-Greu Depression Cristian-Constantin STOLERIU Plant distribution by water gradient in Carpathian and Subcarpathian sectors of Rmnicu Srat hydrographic bassin Mercedes GORDO MARQUEZ, Juan-Antonio MARQUEZ DOMINGUEZ Flujos migratorios de Rumania a Espana : lo que las estadisticas rumanas ni saben RECENZII 161 171 181
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ANALELE TIINTIFICE ALE UNIVERSITII AL I. CUZA IAI Tom L IV, s. II c, Geografie 2008
ANIVERSRI
PROFESOR UNIVERSITAR ELENA ERHAN - la a 75-a aniversare Nscut la 20 martie 1933 n satul reedin comunal Tansa-judeul Iai, a urmat coala primar (1940-1944) n satul Suhule-comuna Tansa, studiile medii la Liceul de fete din Roman (1945-1952), iar cele superioare la Facultatea de Geologie-Geografie a Universitii Al.I.Cuza Iai (1952-1956). Dup doar un singur an de profesorat n nvmntul preuniversitar (la coala general din comuna Tometi-judeul Iai) a fost admis, prin concurs, n 1957, ntre cadrele didactice ale aceleiai faculti... unde parcurge toate treptele intermediare pn la cea de profesor universitar, pentru ca, dup pensionare la limit de vrst n anul 2000, s fie reinut profesor consultant n domeniul climatologiei. Aceste date seci, utile desigur, contrasteaz cu mplinirile att de bogate i valoroase ale personalitii la care ne referim, cci... Doamna profesoar Elena Erhan se bucur de aprecieri unanime n lumea geografic ieean i naional, iar prin abordri tiinifice i schimburi de experien la scar continental i chiar global a devenit cunoscut i n alte ri de pe mapamond. Este, fr exagerare, cel mai valoros reprezentant al Universitii Al.I.Cuza din Iai n domeniul climatologiei, i iat de ce... Doamna Erhan a neles de la nceput s se implice cu ntreaga putere de munc n pregtirea proprie la nivel corespunztor nvmntului superior, ca i n toate aciunile organizatorice ale Seciei de Geografie, fr a neglija nici un moment obligaiile de baz : activitatea didactic i de cercetare tiinific. Pregtirea personal. aceast faet invizibil n activitatea noastr, dar hotrtoare n formarea proprie i realizrile de nivel universitar, a fost pentru domnia - sa o preocupare continu, cu o contiinciozitate care i face cinste. n atingerea acestui scop, n afar de munca titanic de bibliotec birou teren, a participat la numeroase manifestri tiinifice de profil n ar i a efectuat deplasri de documentare geografic n diverse ri europene, precum Bulgaria, Ucraina, Republica Moldova, Ungaria, Polonia, Austria i fostele republici Cehoslovacia i Iugoslavia. Nu-i clameaz meritele i nu-i impune prezena. Este expresia muncii tacite i ntruchiparea simplitii rafinate. n problemele privind buna desfurare a activitilor organizatorice din snul seciei a rspuns nu doar formal... ci cu promptitudine i spirit gospodresc. iar
6 n cele privind educaia studenilor n cmine i n afara lor s-a implicat cu total druire i remarcabil tact pedagogic. A fost i a rmas o prezen permanent n spaiul geografic al Universitii ieene. Desigur c, pe lng aspectele personal-umane din biografia unui cadru universitar, ceea ce l fixeaz n memoria urmailor este n primul rnd opera sa didactic i tiinific. n ce m privete, nefiind un specialist n domeniul climatologiei, nu-mi voi permite s intru n detalii, ci, de pe poziia de simplu geograf, pot afirma c doamna Erhan nu numai c i-a nsuit meteorologia n msura n care s o aplice att de bine n climatologie, ci, n virtutea unei serioase pregtiri geografice, a reuit s geografizeze climatologia mai bine dect oricare dintre predecesorii si ieeni. n continuare, repet, fr pretenia unor judeci de valoare, voi ncerca s estimez aportul doamnei Erhan n promovarea climatologiei la geografia ieean i n cercetarea climatologic la nivel ieean, naional i mondial. Activitatea didactic a fost concretizat mai nti prin cursuri de nalt nivel teoretic-fundamental, cu valene tiinific-aplicative detaliate la lucrrile practice de laborator i teren. Dar nu numai nivelul academic a atras atenia colegilor care au asistat-o pe linie de catedr... i a celor 40 serii de absolveni la pregtirea crora a contribuit din plin, ci i concizia i claritatea expunerii, caliti care o personalizeaz n mod deosebit. S nu uitm c datorit pregtirii superioare n domeniu i vocaiei didactice de excelen a fost solicitat i pentru inerea unor cursuri postuniversitare nu numai pentru profesorii de geografie nscrii la examene de definitivat, de grade sau reciclare. ci i cursuri speciale pentru meteorologii staiilor din reeaua meteorologic naional. sau pentru participanii din reeaua ageniilor de protecia mediului. toate cu elogioase aprecieri. n sprijinul tuturor acestor categorii de beneficiari, doamna Erhan a elaborat i multiplicat un amplu i valoros Curs de Meteorologie i Climatologie, n dou pri : partea I-a Meteorologie (1983, 317 p.) ipartea II-a Climatologie (1988, 247 p.), curs de o larg cuprindere informativ i cu docte contribuii sau interpretri personale. Acest curs este premers de un altul ( n colaborare cu I. Donis ) Curs de climatologie a Romniei (1974) i urmat de cel intitulat Meteorologie i Climatologie practic (1999, 2000, 216 p.), a crui importan i solicitare a impus autoarei republicarea acestuia n trei ediii. Activitatea didactic a doamnei Erhan nu s-a limitat ns la cele de mai sus. Ea s-a desfurat nc pe multiple alte planuri. Astfel, s-a strduit permanent pentru dotarea Laboratorului de Meteorologie-Climatologie cu material didactic corespunztor i cu aparatur modern,a organizat i condus Cercul tiinific studenesc de climatologie, a condussau a participat la aplicaii practice de itinerar cu studenii geografi, a ndrumat numeroase teze de licen, lucrri de masterat i de obinerea de grade didactice n nvmntul preuniversitar, a condus i conduce doctoranzi n climatologie, a condus sau a fost cooptat membru n comisiile de admitere n nvmntul superior geografic, n comisiile de examen de licen, masterat i doctorat -ultimele din cadrul Universitilor din Iai i Bucureti,
7 Institutului de Geografie al Academiei Romne (Bucureti ) ori al Institutului de Geografie de laAcademia de tiine a Republicii Moldova (Chiinu), n diverse comisii de definitivat, de obinere a gradelor didactice I i II n nvmntul preuniversitar etc.etc., nct merit s ne ntrebm cum de a reuit s fac fa la attea solicitri i nc cu excelente rezultate, mai ales dac avem n vedere c n paralel a desfurat, cum vom vedea, i o att de prodigioas activitate tiinific. Activitatea tiinific a doamnei Erhan este de o bogie i o valoare care face cinste nu numai domniei-sale, ci ntregului colectiv de geografi ai Universitii ieene i geografiei romneti n ansamblul su. Ea a nceput nc de pe bncile facultii, ca membr a cercurilor tiinifice studeneti de hidrologiei geografie economic i, demn de remarcat, se continu i astzi cu o energie creatoare de invidiat. Cele peste 100 de lucrri publicate sau multiplicate (ca unic autor, prim autor sau colaborator), ce nsumeaz mii de pagini de dens specialitate stau mrturie unei munci greu de imaginat i pentru care merit toat admiraia noastr. Ca nespecialist, cum am afirmat, m voi limita doar la unele consideraii generale, ce decurg din rolul att de important deinut de clim n peisajul geografic i de climatologie n ansamblul geosistemic al cunoaterii, conservrii i mbuntirii mediului geografic. Rsfoind ampla list de lucrri tematice abordate de domnia-sa i generoasa contribuie la rezolvarea practic a numeroase solicitri pe baz contractual, am ajuns la concluzia c o etapizare a preocuprilor tiinifice se detaeaz: etapa climatologiei urbane, etapa teoretic-fundamental i etapa aplicativ, fiecare considerat ca predominant i nu exclusivist. Etapa iniial este dominat de valoroase cercetri n domeniul Climatologiei urbane, mpreun cu/sau n spiritul climatologiei urbane a mentorului acestei specializri la Iai i nu numai, prof. Ion Gugiuman. Sunt finalizate i publicate acum diverse aspecte climatice i microclimatice, cu deosebire asupra oraului Iai i mprejurimi, ncununate cu documentata domniei-sale tez de doctorat Clima i microclimatele din zona oraului Iai, susinut public n anul 1971, publicat cu actualizri n anul 1979. Merit subliniat i faptul c a fost prima tez de doctorat n domeniul climatologiei elaborat la Universitatea Al.I.Cuza din Iai (se nelege, sub conducerea prof. I. Gugiuman). Este o lucrare reper, n care, pe parcursul a 245 pagini, ni se ofer o palet practic exhaustiv asupra aspectelor climatice specifice ale Iailor, ca i rezultanta interaciunilor acestora n timp i spaiu, autoarea reuind s scoat n eviden att rolul variaiei elementelor cadrului natural geografic ct i rolul de factor climatogen al oraului cu populaia sa i cu intensa lui activitate economic, ndeosebi industria i transporturile auto i feroviare. Dac lum n consideraie i diferenierea climatului orenesc fcut de autoare pe sectoare (a vechiului centru urban i a celor rezidenial,industrial, feroviar), a periferiilor oraului cu microclimatele respective (Bucium, Galata, Pcurari, icu), inclusiv a zonelor periurbane (Repedea, Ciric, Breazu) totul figurat pe o hart amnunit i exemplificat prin figuri i tabele de o rar expresivitate ne dm seama de importana practic a acestei lucrri n vederea
8 sistematizrii raionale a Iaului i a mprejurimilor sale. Putem deci s conchidem c prin aceast valoroas lucrare Iaul este primul i printre puinele centre urbane din ar care se bucur de un att de amnunit studiu climatic i att de adecvat necesitilor practice. Cu aceiai matur gndire este realizat de domnia-sa, alturi de prof. I.Gugiuman, capitolul de clim din marea lucrare colectiv Geografia municipiului Iai (1987). Concomitent i ulterior doamna Erhan i extinde preocuprile de climatologie urban i asupra altor orae din Moldova : Flticeni(1964), Vatra Dornei (1965), Galai (1973), Bacu (1975,1977), Cmpulung Moldovenesc (1980, 1981, 1989), Bicaz (1984), Vaslui (1988), ntre care intercaleaz i o reuit sintez Unele caracteristici climatice ale oraelor din Moldova (1976). Etapa a doua este etapa de lrgire a orizontului geografic climatic, de abordare a unor teritorii tot mai extinse pn la nivel continental sau chiar planetar. O gsim astfel semnnd dou pertinente articole privind clima judeelor Iai i Vaslui (1988), a potenialului climatic al unor masive muntoase izolate : Hghima (1987) i Ceahlu (1988), pentru a trece la aspecte climatice pe uniti geografice tot mai mari : Cmpia Moldovei (1989, 1992, l995), Podiul Moldovei (1983, 1986), urmat de admirabila sintez Clima Podiului Moldoveidin Geografia Romniei, vol IV ( 1992) i apoi fenomene climatice din ntreaga arie a Moldovei (1992, 1997, 2002), finalizat cu un cuprinztor i util articol despre Resursele climatice ale Moldovei (2001), pentru a ajunge s trateze i unele Particulariti meteorologice... ale Romniei n ansamblul su (1992, 2004). Ajuns aici nu a rezistat tentaiei de a aborda i probleme europene... i, de ce nu... chiar planetare, alturi de prof. I. Hrjoab - cel mai autorizat cadru didactic universitar ieean n geografia continentelor- i de Patriche C.V. un tnr i promitor cercettor tiinific din colectivul de geografi ai Academiei Romne, Filiala Iai. Aceast colaborare s-a soldat cu o serie de competente lucrri privind unele fenomene globale cu influene asupra Europei vestice i centrale... i cu reverberaii pn n ara noastr (2005, 2006, 2007). Tot acum merit pomenite i acele lucrri (ca prim sau secund autor) conceptual teoretice i metodologice (nu fr atenionri aplicative), ntre care menionm doar cteva mai apropiate spiritului etapei : Rolul condiiilor fizicogeografice n poluarea mediului urban (1973), Influena pdurii asupra temperaturii solului i aerului(1981),Evaluarea i repartiia radiaiei solare directe asupra terenurilor cu nclinare i orientare diferite(1982) .a. i... de ce nu... tot aici ar putea fi incluse, prin bogia i valoarea informaiilor tiinifice, nsi crile, modest intitulate Curs, cu destinaie prioritar didactic. Cercetarea aplicativ, cu prezene n ntrega activitate dar dominant n etapa final, este reprezentat prin lucrri n care cercetarea fundamental apare ca motivaie pentru utilizare raional sau msuri ameliorative n vederea unei utilizri ct mai eficiente, de tipul, Contribuii la cunoaterea potenialului natural al teritoriului muncipiului Iai, cu unele implicaii de ordin practic(1978) ; Aspecte climatice de interes practic pentru economia judeului Vaslui(1988) ; Parametri
9 meteorologici de importan practic pentru zona oraului Cmpulung Moldovenesc(1988) ; Stadiul actual al cunoaterii polurii aerului n Moldova i msurile de prevenire i combatere care se impun(1992) etc. Dar ndeosebi se include aici activitatea contractual, obinuit rar evideniat n munca noastr. In cazul doamnei Erhan, se impune nu numai mulimea unor astfel de contracte...26 la numr...(elaborate singur sau n colaborare) ci i prin utilitatea practic direct adresat beneficiarului de contract. Iat cteva exemple semnificative : Resursele climatice ale judeului Iai (beneficiar Cons.pop. jud.Iai, 1973) ;Resursele naturale ale judeului Iai (idem, l978) i Studiu climatic i microclimatic al zonei preoreneti Lecani-Iai (idem, 1985) ; Studiu de fundamentare sociosanitar a resurselor terapeutice din perimetrele Drnceni, Vdeni-Murgeni, Muntenii de Jos i Pungeti, jud. Vaslui(ICPROM Iai, 1986) ; Potenialul radiativ i termic n zona oraului Vaslui(Cons. pop. jud. Vaslui, 1986); Studiu de fundamentare a posibilitilor de valorificare socio-sanitar a resurselor terapeutice din jud. Iai (ICPROM Iai, 1987); Cercetri climatice n vederea valorificrii economice a resurselor balneologice din perimetrele Strunga-Gropnia, jud. Iai(AEIAICPS-Iai, 1987) ; Potenialul natural, uman i economic al Masivului Ceahlu (M.E.I., 1985); Studiul geografic al centrelor agro-industriale din Moldova(Inst. de Geografie Bucureti, 1989); Aspecte termice, pluviometrice i de poluare atmosferic n Moldova, n Atlasul Geografic Informatizat al Moldovei (GrantM.E.I., l997) i multe altele... toate fiind exemple tipice de valorificare ageografiei climatice n scopuri utilitare. Important este i faptul c aceste studii nu sunt doar constatative, ci, n cunotin desituaie, sunt nsoite de propuneri privind remediile de mbuntire a calitii mediului ambiant. Am reinut i un studiu (n colab. cu prof. I. Hrjoab) de general importan n regiunile colinare, ca cea a Podiului Moldovei, ce se recomand chiar prin titlul su Determinarea gradului de insolaie pentru valorile pantelor i expoziiilor folosite n bonitarea terenurilor agricole n vederea optimizrii agriculturii n profil teritorial(contract cu I.C.P.A. -Bucureti, 1986). Nu putem ncheia fr a remarca i interesul depus de doamna Erhan pentru stabilirea adevrului privind istoricul climatologiei, mai nti prin colaborarea la Cunoaterea i cercetarea climei Romniei din Geografia Romniei, vol. I, 1983... i apoi prin documentatul articol Dezvoltarea climatologiei la Universitatea Al.I.Cuza Iai (2004), din volumul omagial dedicat centenarului geografiei la aceast onorabil instituie. Am reinut, ntre alte detalii, rolul important deinut de geografii ieeni, ntre care Mihai David, primul profesor care a inut un curs de climatologie ( intitulatAtmosfera) n cadrulSeciei de Geografie de la Facultatea de tiine, de profesorul din nvmntul preuniversitar ieean Iulian Rick i n special de prof. Ion Gugiuman, care a promovat climatologia la nivel de coal n care s-au specializat cadre tinere care au perpetuat climatologia la Universitatea ieean... n frunte cu... o spun fr nici o reticen...doamna Erhan - ce a continuat i continu aceast coal i au alimentat cu personal calificat Staiunea de
10 Cercetri Geologice i Geografice Stejarul Pngrai, diverse staii meteorologice sau agenii de protecia mediului, inclusiv Institutul de Geografie din Bucureti. Pentru prestigioasa activitate depus pe toate aceste planuri, doamna Erhan a fost cooptat ca : Membru al Societii Romne de Geografie ; Membru al Asociaiei de climatologie din Romnia ; Membru n Comisia Naional de Meteorologie i Hidrologie a Seciei de Agriculturi a primit urmtoarele atestri onorifice : Premiul Ministerului nvmntului i Culturii pentru colaborarea la lucrarea Uniti i subuniti climatice n partea de est a R. P. R. (1960) ; Premiul Gh. Munteanu - Murgoci al Academiei Romne pentru colaborarea la volumul Geografia municipiului Iai (1987) ; Distincia Lector universitar evideniat, conferit de Ministerul Educaiei i nvmntului (1986) ; Diploma de onoare, conferit deSocietatea de Geografie din Romnia (2000) ; Medalia i Diploma de onoare George Vlsan, conferite de Facultatea de Geografie a Universitii din Bucureti (2001) ; Diploma i Medalia aniversar, conferite de Administraia Naional de Meteorologie cu ocazia srbtoririi a 120 de ani a Seviciului Meteorologic al Romniei (2004) ; Medalia i Diploma de merit, conferite cu ocazia Centenarului nvmntului superior geografic la Universitatea Al.I.Cuza Iai (2004) ; Certificat de atestare ca Expert evaluator, acordat de Ministerul Educaiei i Cercetrii (2001).
Stimat doamn profesoar Elena Erhan, mi permit n numele meu personal, al ntregii familii de geografi ieeni i a celor peste 40 de promoii de absolveni, ca acum, la mplinirea a 75 ani de via i 50 ani de strlucit activitate universitar, s v mulumim pentru ceea ce ai fost cu adevrat : un model de pregtire i de activitate didactic, tiinific i aplicativ, un model de integare geosistemic a climatologiei n universul tiinelor geografice i un model de seriozitate, distincie i discreie n conduita de zi cu zi. Sunt tot attea argumente care ne ndeamn s v urm din tot sufletul sntate deplin ntru Muli ani fericii, cu noi realizri n domeniul pe care l-ai onorat cu atta devoiune. Prof.univ.dr. Nicolae Barbu
ARTICOLE I STUDII
ALFRED KORZYBSKI ET LA PRAGMATIQUE DE LA CARTE Micheline Cosinschi Institut de Gographie Facult des Gosciences et de lenvironnement Universit de Lausanne, Suisse Micheline.Cosinschi@unil.ch
Rezumat : Alfred Korzybski i pragmatica hrii. Raporturile dintre hart i teritoriu au fcut obiectul unor reflecii dintre cele mai complexe. Plecnd de la studiile de semantic ale cunoscutului cercettor american de origine polonez se poate afirma c harta nu poate fi considerat o reprezentare fidel a teritoriului rednd doar acea parte care constituie esena modului n care de-a lungul timpului a fost perceput i reprezentat spaiul. Harta este prin ea insi auto-reflexiv chiar dac nu ofer posibilitatea reprezentrii complete a elementelor care compun cmpul vizual dintr-un anumit loc.
Mots-cl: carte, pragmatique, smantique, reprsentation La carte n'est pas le territoire. A. H. Korzybski C'est la carte qui engendre le territoire J. Baudrillard La carte n'est pas le territoire et, pourtant, elle est le territoire. B. Harley Au cur de sa smantique gnrale, afin de fonder son discours et faire comprendre ce quil entend par un langage dont la structure (serait)similaire celle des faits Alfred Korzybski1 met trois assertions importantes en utilisant lexemple de la carte et du territoire. a tombe bien ! Elles sont des mtaphores utiles aussi pour notre comprhension de la cartographie, en particulier si nous
Alfred H. Korzybski (1879-1950), dorigine polonaise, est connu surtout pour son ouvrage Science and Sanity : An Introduction to Non-Aristotelian Systems and General Semantics (1933) et comme fondateur de lInstitut de Smantique gnrale (Connecticut, 1938). travers lintroduction sa smantique propose par Hlne Bulla de Villaret (1973) nous pouvons prendre connaissance de lapport de Korzybski et poursuivre ensuite travers Gregory Bateson (1996).
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MICHELINE COSINSCHI
cherchons la saisir pistmologiquement2 sous langle de la structure de la carte. Les

propositions de Korzybski, que nous pouvons mettre en corrlation dans un champ logique ternaire3, sont les suivantes :
-la carte nest pas le territoire ; -la carte ne reprsente pas tout le territoire ; -la carte est auto-rflexive.
A.Une carte nest pas le territoire Une carte nest pas le territoire : elle nous donne seulement une reprsentation de celui-ci laide de symboles, de signes conventionnels (Bulla de Villaret, 1973 : 21). Autrement dit une carte, tout comme un mot, nest pas sur le mme niveau que ce quelle reprsente. On est en droit de penser que cette premire assertion de Korzybski se rapporte la lgende de la carte, cest--dire son contenu et sa forme dexpression symbolique. Bulla de Villaret nous le confirme : en effet, les mots dont nous nous servons pour dsigner les objets, et par la suite pour les qualifier, les classer, les juger, ne sont pas sur le mme niveau que ces objets eux-mmes (ibid. : 44). La carte nest pas le territoire, tout comme le mot nest pas lobjet. Il ne faut pas confondre les niveaux dabstraction : la carte nest que le symbole du territoire, sa reprsentation. Dailleurs mme si on pourrait dire quune carte gographique est une sorte de double permettant de sorienter par rapport une ralit spcifique, ()en fait, comme la dmontr Lewis Carrol, carte et territoire ne sont pas interchangeables, sinon nous ne pourrions nous reprer sur lune tout en tant perdus dans lautre (Danto, 1989 : 65). Gregory Bateson4, prparant une confrence en hommage Korzybski, rexamine laphorisme La carte nest pas le territoire :
Une dmarche pistmologique cherche rpondre la ncessit conceptuelle de rflchir sur nos connaissances afin dy trouver une cohrence, une sorte dchafaudage ou de structure de rsistance. Si on adopte lide que toute pense implique une logique, une faon dorganiser et de valider un principe de cohrence qui assure la liaison des concepts en interaction, le but de la rflexion nest pas de faire de lpistmologie en tant que telle mais plutt dutiliser une certaine pistmologie ternaire en loccurrence , pour lappliquer un domaine concret de la connaissance, ici celle de la structure des cartes. 3 Notre rflexion sinscrit dans une approche spcifique et originale, celle dune logique ternaire, dveloppant la suite de Stefan Lupasco et bien dautres systmistes, mathmaticiens, philosophes, historiens, physiciens, anthropologues, (tels G. Dumzil, R. Girard, Ch. S. Pierce, K. Popper, G. Duby, R. Thom, J. LeGoff, T. Caplow, H. Atlan, M. Serres, D.-R. Dufour, ou B. Nicolescu), une pistmologie qui accorde lentre-deux un rle minent. ce sujet : Cosinschi [ paratre]. 4 On peut lire chez Harries-Jones (1995) une analyse de lvolution paradigmatique de Bateson, en particulier au chapitre trois o les enjeux scientifiques au dbut du XXe sicle et les influences de Korzybski sur la pense de Bateson, concernant surtout la structure de la connaissance, sont
13
ALFRED KORZYBSKI ET LA PRAGMATIQUE DE LA CARTE
En revenant sur cette phrase, aprs des annes de rflexion sur dautres aspects de lpistmologie, et en sachant cette fois que lpistmologie est une branche de lhistoire naturelle, je me suis rendu compte que ce qui passe du territoire la carte cest--dire du monde extrieur au cerveau , ce sont des nouvelles dune diffrence. Sil ny a pas de diffrence dans le territoire, il ny a rien mettre sur la carte, qui restera vide. De plus jai remarqu que chaque carte possde ses rgles qui prcisent quelles diffrences du territoire doivent tre reportes sur la carte. Ce qui arrive jusqu la carte, ce sont des nouvelles de diffrences, et ce qui y reste, ce sont des diffrences qui, grce un codage stylis, deviennent des comptes-rendus de ces nouvelles (Bateson, 1996 : 277). La carte nest pas le territoire, et le nom nest pas la chose nomme . Entre le rapport et la chose rapporte, souligne encore Bateson, il y a une opration de transformation : la Ding an sich, une transformation, un codage ( qui )tend avoir la nature dune classification, de lattribution la chose dune classe. Nommer revient toujours classer ; et cartographier, cest essentiellement la mme chose que nommer (Bateson, 1979 : 36). Cependant Bateson (ibid. : 36-37) rappelle que tout nest pas si simple lorsquon cherche appliquer la formule lhistoire naturelle du processus mental chez lhomme. Distinguer le nom et la chose nomme, la carte et le territoire, fait appel vraisemblablement lhmisphre dominant (gauche) du cerveau alors que lhmisphre symbolique et affectif (droit) est sans doute incapable de faire la distinction, parce quil ne soccupe srement pas de ce genre de distinction. Il est facile par exemple de considrer avec lhmisphre dominant quun drapeau reprsente une sorte de nom dun pays mais lhmisphre droit ne pourra faire cette distinction, considrant le drapeau comme sacramentellement identique ce quil reprsente. Par exemple la Bannire toile est les tats-Unis. Et si on la foule aux pieds, la raction peut-tre la colre. Et cette colre ne serait pas apaise par des explications sur la relation entre la carte et le territoire (de toute faon celui qui pitine le drapeau lidentifie aussi avec ce quil reprsente) (ibid. : 37). Ceci pour dire qu il y aura toujours et ncessairement un bon nombre de situations o la raction ne sera pas guide par la distinction logique entre le nom et la chose nomme (ibid. : 37), entre la carte et le territoire. B. La carte ne reprsente pas tout le territoire La carte ne reprsente pas tout le territoire, la reprsentation est schmatique, les dtails ne sont pas tous indiqus : une fort sera ainsi reprsente par une
examins partir de La carte nest pas le territoire . noter que Bateson considre Korzybski comme un popularisateur de la philosophie de Whitehead et de Russell.
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MICHELINE COSINSCHI
tache verte qui ne montrera pas la disposition des arbres qui la compose (Bulla de Villaret, 1973 : 21).. Autrement dit une carte, tout comme un mot, ne figure pas tous les faits. Puisque chaque niveau est une abstraction partir du prcdent, il y aura toujours des caractristiques qui seront laisses de ct (ibid. : 44). Cette deuxime assertion met en exergue lchelle, le fait que le territoire cartographi est figur plus petit quen ralit, par consquent il y a reprsentation schmatique, tout nest pas indiqu, les dtails sont gnraliss. La carte ne reprsente pas tout le territoire, tout comme le mot ne reprsente quune partie des attributs de la chose quil reprsente. Il y a des ordres diffrents et lorsque nous passons dun ordre dabstraction donn un autre plus lev, nous passons en fait dune structure de dimension donne une structure plus vaste qui la contient et en contient galement dautres (ibid. : 73). Les niveaux de gnralisation se succdent suivant les rductions dchelle. C. La carte est auto-rflexive La carte est auto-rflexive est la troisime prmisse de Korzybski. Cest comme pour le langage. Dune part il reflte lutilisateur et, dautre part il est auto-rflexif puisque nous utilisons le langage pour parler du langage, disant quelque chose propos de quelque chose qui a t dit5. On a dj vu le problme en abordant le miroitement. Pour tre complte, une carte devrait reprsenter une carte de la carte ainsi dailleurs que le cartographe, puisque carte et cartographe font tous deux partie du terrain au moment o la carte est dresse (ibid. : 67). Impossible davoir le dernier mot ! Impossible de se prononcer ou de dessiner le territoire de manire absolument complte car la structure de notre langage, la structure du monde, et la structure de notre systme nerveux apparaissent tels que toute symbolisation, du moins sur les niveaux humains, que ce soit la parole, lcriture, la carte, des dessins, des nombres, nimporte quoi, savre tre potentiellement auto-rflexif de faon indfinie (ibid. : 68). Dans la triade korzybskienne, il semble bien que ce soit la troisime assertion qui est la plus importante. Somme toute, cest la carte prise dans tous les tats de ses dfinitions qui est le point dpart de la pragmatique cartographique. Cest en partant de celle-ci, bagage de connaissances pertinentes, que le cartographe construit une carte qui porte continuellement son empreinte. Le voyageur absolu parcourt aussi la carte en projetant sur les lieux lactualisation de sa mmoire la fois sensible, intuitive, intellectuelle, sous une forme synesthsique faite des couleurs, odeurs, gots, bruits, vents, penses, simplement imagins ou ressentis pour les y avoir dj parcourus.
5
Comme limage dans limage, linfini.
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Peirce et Korzybski La carte auto-rflexive de Korzybski semble renvoyer, dune certaine manire, la continuit du signe chez Peirce6. En effet, la conception triadique de Peirce en representamen (le signe en tant que tel), objet (rfrent) et signe interprtant (une autre reprsentation du mme objet, un signe quivalent dans un autre systme de communication), implique des chanes de signes. Les signes peirciens forment des chanes, cest--dire que : le signe est premier quand il renvoie lui-mme, second quand il renvoie hic et nunc son objet, troisime quand il renvoie son interprtant. Et le signe pris en lui-mme, son objet et son interprtant sont eux-mmes des signes et entretiennent ce titre la mme relation triadique avec eux-mmes, leur objet et leur interprtant (Deledalle, 1979 : 35). Pour tre plus clair, Peirce dit sur le signe : Il (un signe)sadresse quelquun, cest--dire cre dans lesprit de cette personne un signe quivalent ou peut-tre un signe plus dvelopp. Ce signe quil cre je lappelle linterprtant du premier signe (Deledalle, 1979 : 65) et de prciser un signe est tout ce qui dtermine quelque chose dautre (son interprtant) renvoyer un objet auquel lui-mme renvoie (son objet) de la mme manire, linterprtant devenant son tour un signe et ainsi de suite ad infinitum (ibid. : 66). Et dans cette chane impliquant une coopration tripartite (signe, objet, interprtant), la carte auto-rflexive de Korzybski semble galement renvoyer bien plus au signe interprtant quaux autres termes. Ne peut-on considrer, comme le souligne Philippe Boudon (2002 : 269270) propos de l'chelle cartographique, que la trame gomtrique de la carte est dans la primit, au niveau d'une qualit gnrale homogne et indpendante de la relation d'chelle qu'elle entretient avec le rfrent ? En entranant une
La pense de Charles Sanders Peirce (1839-1914), mathmaticien, logicien, philologue, physicien, chimiste, astronome, philosophe mais fondamentalement smioticien, n'est de loin pas d'un abord facile. On peut sy frotter travers l'ouvrage excellent de Nicole Everrt-Desmedt (1990) Le processus interprtatif. Introduction la smiotique de Ch. S. Peirce. La smiotique triadique de Peirce s'appuie sur une rflexion phnomnologique et sur la logique des relations et gnralise le concept de signe (ibid. : 24-25) do son intrt pour clairer le statut embot de nos cartes ; la cartographie tant un exemple parmi dautres de systmes de signes. Elle est triadique car la production de la signification, est un processus [] qui met en relation un signe ou representamen (1er), un objet (2e) et un interprtant (3e) (ibid. : 26). Chacun de ces termes se subdivisant en trois catgories : il existe trois types de representamens, trois modes de renvoi du representamen l'objet, trois faons ont l'interprtant opre la relation entre le representamen et l'objet (ibid : 27), que l'on distingue pour chacun de ces modes par la primit, la secondit et la tiercit. On parle ainsi d'une articulation trichotomique (ibid. : 48).
6
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MICHELINE COSINSCHI
dcision sur l'ordre de l'chelle cartographique, la trame permet d'tablir le rapport entre les units de la carte et celles du rfrent (l'unit reprsentante l'unit reprsente), nous entrons ainsi dans la secondit. Finalement, la pertinence du travail de cartographie par la mise en rapport des lments de la carte avec la trame est de l'ordre de la tiercit, du signe interprtant. La lgende et lchelle correspondent bien aux deux assertions qui ont fait la renomme de Korzybski. Plus explicitement la carte nest pas le territoire parle du rle de la lgende tandis que la carte ne reprsente pas tout le territoire parle du rle de lchelle. Mais cest bien la troisime assertion, dont on discute le moins dailleurs, la carte est auto-rflexive , qui est la plus importante. Nest-ce pas ce que lon retrouve chez Peirce o le mdiateur interprtant, relie le representamen lobjet et manifeste leur lcart, dans lespace de libert du quadrant corrlatif puisque toute pense, nous dit-il, est inacheve dans son processus itratif dachvement. On a donc la tentation de voir les deux premires assertions de Korzybski dans un rapport de type orthogonal, qui naura de sens que si elles entrent en corrlation, mdiatises par un troisime concept. La corrlation contenant/contenu cest bien de cela quil sagit chez Korzybski prsuppose lintervention dun tiers-inclus : la reprsentation cartographique, la fois et bien plus quchelle et lgende et dont le terme dimplantation cartographique nous parat plus adquat. Limplantation cartographique donne en effet la cl qui permet, dun ct, au cartographe de faire la carte, de la coder, dorganiser le champ cartographique (de lui donner lordre hirarchique ncessaire) et, de lautre ct, qui permet au lecteur de cette carte de dcoder, de dchiffrer la reprsentation. Se trouvant dans lesprit du cartographe mais aussi dans celui du lecteur averti (quel que soit le vcu ou la pragmatique de lun et de lautre, le rfrentiel nest quenrichissant) et enfin dans la carte mme, les rgles de limplantation cartographique simposent pour faire passer la communication cartographique, qui est autre chose quune concidence heureuse entre le contenant et le contenu. Pour paraphraser Peirce, on peut dire du document cartographique la mme chose de ce que lon peut dire de tout discours, savoir quil signifie ce quil signifie par le seul fait que lon comprenne quil a cette signification . La pragmatique de la communication cartographique avec ce quelle dnote mais aussi ce quelle connote, avec son contexte, sa pertinence, exprime le seul critre quune carte peut faire valoir : son information signifiante et rciproquement sa signification informante. Il faut une bonne dose de redondance, autrement dit un partage par les producteurs et les utilisateurs de la carte, dun mme systme de valeurs scientifiques et idologiques, pour que le
17
message cartographique passe. On est loin, trs loin, du cartographe qui, en se voulant objectif, seffacerait pour laisser parler objectivement les seuls faits. Dj peut-on saisir, dans la reprsentation rupestre clbre du village prhistorique de Bedolina7, que la lecture comporte une rduction dchelle du territoire vu verticalement (chemins, champs, cultures agricoles) et une symbolisation, une lgende projete latralement pour les tres vivants (hommes, animaux) et en partie pour les maisons. L chelle et la lgende sont l, mme sil manque formellement la taille et lorientation ; ce serait trop demander puisque mme chez les philosophes grecs, ces deux paramtres sont encore qualitatifs. Il est tonnant quune reprsentation si ancienne dun territoire soit finalement si cartographique. Les deux plans symboliques sont mis plat. Pouvoir lire et comprendre la carte comporte dj un niveau dabstraction assez lev. Les soi-disant primitifs taient trs pragmatiques : ils faisaient des cartes non pour le plaisir, mais pour en faire usage !
Bibliographie
Bateson, G. (1996), Une unit sacre : quelques pas de plus vers une cologie de lesprit. La couleur des ides, Seuil, Paris. Boudon, P. (2002) ,chelle(s). La bibliothque des formes, Anthropos, Paris. Bulla de Villaret, H. (1973), Introduction la smantique gnrale de Korzybski. Le courrier du livre, Paris (rdit en 1992). Cosinschi, E. & Cosinschi, M. ( paratre), loge de lentre-deux : pistmologie ternaire applique la smiotique conceptuelle, la philosophie, limage et la pense cartographique. Dano, A. (1989), La transfiguration du banal : une philosophie de lart. Seuil, Paris. Deledalle, G. (1979), Thorie et pratique du signe : introduction la smiotique de Charles S. Peirce. En collab. avec Jolle Rthor, Payot, Paris. Everaert-Desmedt, N. (1990), Le processus interprtatif : introduction la smiotique de Ch. S. Peirce. Coll. Philosophie et Langage, P. Mardaga, Lige.
Ptroglyphe cartographique de Bedolina, Capo di Ponte dans le Valcamonica (Italie). Sur 2,30 x 4,16 mtres, on peut voir au premier plan les maisons dun village ; plus haut, les champs cultivs, des ruisseaux et canaux. Voir : Harley, J.B., Woodward, D. (eds.) [1987a] The History of Cartography. I. Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient, and Medieval Europe and the Mediterranean, Vol. 1, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago & London, p. 79 (daprs : Lloris, M.B. [1972] Los grabados rupestres de Bedolina (Valcamonica) , in : Bollettino del Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici, 8, pp. 121-158, fig. 48). Sur lInternet, par exemple : http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Image:Bedolina_map.jpg, http://www.gpsglobal.com.br/Artigos/Cartografia/Imagens/bedolina.gif, http://imaginarymuseum.org/MHV/PZImhv/HistCartoV1.0169.16.jpg, sites consults le 20.08.2008.
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Harries-Jones, P. (1995), A Recursive Vision : Ecological Understanding and Gregory Bateson. Chp. 3 : The Map is Not the Territory : Time, Change, and Survival , University of Toronto Press, Toronto, pp. 57-80. Korzybski, A. H. (1933), Science and Sanity : An Introduction to Non-Aristotelian Systems and General Semantics. The International Non-Aristotelian Library Publishing, Lakeville.
Peirce, Ch. S. (1978), crits sur le signe. Seuil, Paris. dition originale 1938.
ANALELE TIINTIFICE ALE UNIVERSITII AL I. CUZA IAI Tom L IVs. II c, Geografie 2008
RASTER COMPUTATION OF RELIEF Mihai Niculi, Iuliana Cornelia Niculi

University Al.I.Cuza of Iai Faculty of Geography and Geology Abstract: The present paper shows a Tnt Mips SML (Spatial Manipulation Language) implementation of relief computation using a DEM in raster format. Rezumat: Modelizarea raster a reliefului. Acest studiu i propune s utilizeze Tnt Mips SML (Spatial Manipulation Language) pentru msurarea reliefului n format raster cu ajutorul Digital Elevation Model.
Key words: raster, relief, Digital Elevation Model, Spatial Manipulation Language, kernel window size Introduction Relief is a geomorphometric parameter that is equal with the difference of altitude between the maximum and minimum altitude from a reference area (Zakrzewska, 1964, Ahnert, 1984). The relief was introduced (according Ahnert, 1984) by Partsch (1911) under the name Reliefenergie. Later, in the AngloSaxon literature it was simply named relief or relative relief. In Romanian literature it was named vertical fragmentation of relief, depth of landform fragmentation (Ungureanu Irina, 1978, Grigore, 1979), or the energy of relief (Grigore, 1979, Ichim, 1998). Because the relief is a difference of altitudes, it can be considered a first derivative of altitude, and a first derivative geomorphometrical parameter. The relief is a local geomorphometrical parameter after the Sharry et. al, 2002 classification of geomorphometrical parameters. But in very high kernel windows (bigger than 900 m) relief can become a regional geomorphometrical parameter (this is when the reference surface becames a significant geomorphological area like a hydrographic basin). Raster computation in SML The classical method for computation of relief was the construction of a grid overlapped on the topographic map and the determination of the difference between maximum and minimum altitude in every grid cell. The size of the grid cell was usually 1 km or larger. The results of this method are very generalized. The raster format of a Digital Elevation Model support a very simple computation of relief: the difference between maximum and minimum altitude
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MIHAI NICULI, IULIANA-CORNELIA NICULI
in a square kernel window of different sizes (3x3 cells, 5x5 cells, 7x7 cells, 9x9 cells, etc). The result of this method shows a more detailed spatial distribution of relief values. The result is a raster of relief values for every pixel of initial raster. So, for every pixel from the DEM we have a value of the relief in a square vicinity of x pixels. This is not a new idea and was implemented by others in GIS (Brabyn, 1998, Guth, 2006). However here we implement the raster based calculation of relief using a filter window kernel in TntMips software using the Spatial Manipulation Language scripting and we make some comments. SML script square kernel #Add the DEM-------------------------------------GetInputRaster(A) #Save as the new relief raster-------------------GetOutputRaster(B) #Copy all subobjects from DEM to the new raster--CopySubobjects(A,B) #for every cell of raster DEM computes the difference between the maximum and minimum altitude in a square focal kernel of x,x pixels--for each A begin B=FocalMax(A,x,x)-FocalMin(A,x,x) end Implications of the size of the kernel window In general geomorphometry it was statted as a rule (Evans, Sharry et al., 2002) that geomorphometrical parameters computed from digital elevation model, but not only, tend to become smaller in value with the increase of resolution. This is related to the generalization of relief shape with the increase of resolution. In relief case the increase of kernel window calculation size increases the relief value, because in larger areas the maximum and minimum are bigger, smaller, and respective (Figure 1, 2, 3). But if we compute the relief at different resolutions with the same windows size we will see that relief values decrease, in concordance with the rule shown before (Figure 4). The present method of relief raster computation was applied on a SRTM digital elevation model which covers the central part of Brlad river basin (Figure 5) at various resolutions and kernel window size. We can see that with decreasing numerical resolution we have a more clear visual representation of relief. With increasing kernel window size the results are more blurred and we can see some patterns related to the form of the kernel window (Figure 5, SRTM90 30 pixels kernel size).
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RELIEF90_30 1000
RASTER COMPUTATION OF RELIEF

RELIEF90_9 RELIEF90_7 RELIEF90_5 RELIEF90_3
100
10
0,1
Min
Max
Mean
Std. Dev.
Figure 1 : Variation of principal statistic values at different kernel window size for the same pixel size (90 m)
RELIEF30_9 1000 RELIEF30_7 RELIEF30_5 RELIEF30_3
100
10
0,1
0,01
0,001
0,0001
0,00001
Min
Max
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Std. Dev.
Figure 2 : Variation of principal statistic values at different kernel window size for the same pixel size (30 m)
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RELIEF10_9 100
RELIEF10_7
RELIEF10_5
RELIEF10_3
10
0,1
0,01
0,001
0,0001
Min
Max
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Figure 3: Variation of principal statistic values at different kernel window size for the same pixel size (10 m)
RELIEF90_9 1000 RELIEF30_9 RELIEF10_9
100
10
0,1
0,01
0,001
Min
Max
Mean
Std. Dev.
Figure 4 : Variation of principal statistic values at the same kernel window size for different pixel size
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RASTER COMPUTATION OF RELIEF
Figure 5 : Raster computation of relief on SRTM DEM
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Conclusions The raster computation of relief includes this geomorphometrical parameter in the list of geomorphometrical parameters efficiently computed by Digital Elevation Models and opens the wide geomorphological implications of this parameter: landform characterization, landform evolution (Ahnert, 1984) and landform classification (Brabyn, 1998)
References Ahnert F., (1984) Local relief and the height limits of mountain ranges, American Journal of Science, Vol. 284, November, 1984, P. 1035-1055. Brabyn L., (1998) - GIS Analysis of Macro Landform, Presented at the 10th Colloquium of the Spatial Information Research Centre, University of Otago, New Zealand. Evans, I.S., and Cox, N.J., 1998, Relations between land surface propertiesaltitude, slope and curvature, in Hergarten, Stefan, and Neugebauer, H.J., eds., Process Modelling and Landform Evolution (Lecture Notes in Earth Science, 78): Berlin, Springer, p. 13-45. Grigore M., (1979) Graphical and cartographical representation o landforms, Edit. Acad. RSR, Bucureti. Guth P., (2006) Geomorphometry from SRTM: Comparison to NED, Photogrammetric Engineering & Remote Sensing, 72(2). Ichim I., Rdoane Maria, Rdoane N., Grasu C., Miclu Crina, (1998) Dynamic of sediments. Application to Putna river, Edit. Tehnic, Bucureti. Shary, P.A., Sharaya, L.S., Mitusov, A.V., 2002. Fundamental quantitative methods of land surface analysis. Geoderma v.107, no.1-2, p.1-32. Ungureanu Irina, (1978) Geomorphological Maps, Edit. Junimea, Iai. Zakrzewska Barbara, (1967) Trends and Methods in Land Form Geography, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 57, No. 1, March, 1967, P. 128-165. Tnt Mips SML documentation downloaded from www.microimages.com
ASPECTS IMPORTANTS VIS-A-VIS DE LA DISTRIBUTION TERRITORIALE DES PRECIPITATIONS EN EUROPE Ioan Hrjoab, Cristian-Valeriu Patriche, Elena Erhan
UniversitAlex.I.CuzaIai, Facult de Gographie et Gologie Rezumat : Aspecte importante asupra distribuiei teritoriale a precipitaiilor din Europa. Repartiia spaial a precipitaiilor n Europa este determinat de numeroi factori, ntre care cei mai importani sunt caracterul i dinamica maselor de aer, raporturile Europei cu suprafele acvatice i continentale nconjurtoare, latitudinea i relieful. n ansamblu, Europa primete cantiti importante de precipitaii care sunt capabile s menin un covor vegetal spontan generalizat i s permit cultivarea plantelor, cu mici excepii,pe ntreaga sa suprafa. n repartiia spaial a precipitaiilor se constat nsimportante diferenieri, care sunt determinate de factorii amintii aici. Acetia nu se impun peste tot n aceeai msur, iar aportul lor cantitativ este foarte difereniat. Totodata, unii dintre factorii implicai n repartiia teritorial a precippitaiilor din Europa sunt foarte dinamici i calitatea lor se modific dela un sezon la altul, favoriznd sau defavoriznd anumite regiuni ale continentului. Hrile prezentate de noi pun n eviden diferenieri spaiale ale pluviozitii nu numai anuale dar i sezoniere sau lunare.
Mots cl: rgionalisation pluviomtrique, diffrenciations mensuelles et saisonnires, facteurs impliqus A notre avis, lanalyse des prcipitations de lEurope, aussi bien que de la temprature de lair, ralise par nous antrieurement, est bnfique dans les conditions dagitation et de stress dune priode de dficit pluvial dans certaines rgions de Roumanie, une situation tout fait normale pour le climat de notre pays, mais qui a t incorrectement prsente, dune part suite un manque de professionnalisme, dautre part suite des intrts mesquins, qui ont lintention de masquer le manque de comptence de ceux qui gouvernent le pays ou de ceux qui ont profiter de ce phnomne. Ds le dbut on a voulu prciser que les fluctuations thermiques et pluviales annuelles ou pluriannuelles sont des phnomnes tout fait normaux pour notre pays. Cet aspect climatique de la Roumanie a t tudi avec un professionnalisme exceptionnel par le clbre climatologue roumain Nicolae Topor (10). Les rsultats de ses analyses ont t publis ds 1964, dans son livre portant un nom simple Annes pluvieuses, annees sches dans la RPR, justement pour attirer lattention
26
IOAN HRJOAB, CRISTIAN-VALERIU PATRICHE, ELENA ERHAN
des spcialistes et non spcialistes en matire de climatologie, mais spcialistes en spculations. Les traits de gographie physique noffrent pas de dtails suffisants sur les prcipitations, de sorte que celles-ci peuvent tre analyses au niveau de lentier continent. Kendrew (9), par exemple, qui a publi un vaste trait de climatologie des continents insiste sur la pression atmosphrique, la dynamique de lair et de la temprature. Les prcipitations sont rsumes en quelques phrases. Ce paramtre climatologique est analys avec plus de dtails par Kendrew dans des chapitres danalyse rgionale, leur image globale, au niveau de lentier continent restant dficitaire. En gnral, les traits sur la gographie de lEurope sont des livres danalyse rgionale insistant en particulier sur le paysage humanis et sur lanalyse complexe, systmique des compartiments homognes des continents. Une analyse plus vaste des composantes gographiques, surtout celles physiques, au niveau des continents a t ralise par Eramov (3), mais, malheureusement, sans le territoire de lancien URSS, comme ctait la mode de lpoque: URSS et le reste du monde. A prsent, avec plus de donnes qui sont plus accessibles par des moyens lectroniques modernes, avec de nouvelles donnes du point de vue de la qualit offertes par de nouveaux satellites mtorologiques performants et techniques de calcul, y compris de nouvelles mthodes dillustration graphique, lanalyse de la pluviosit au niveau global du continent, aussi bien que la cristallisation des subunits pluviales spatiales, peuvent tre analyses plus profondment et plus exactement. Cest ce que nous nous sommes propos ci-dessous. Les cartes concernant la distribution spatiale des prcipitations sur le territoire de lEurope ont t ralises laide du programme New Loc Clim 1.038 par la mthode du krigeage rsiduel pour linterpolation. La spatialisation a t ralise une rsolution de 0.4o latitude/longitude, celle-ci tant la plus fine rsolution permise par le programme au niveau du continent europen. La procdure de spatialisation par krigeage rsiduel a compris trois tapes: -Lestimation des prcipitations sur la base des gradients pluviomtriques verticaux et horizontaux locaux (composante dterministe); -Linterpolation des rsidus (des diffrences entre les valeurs relles et estimes) par krigeage ordinaire (composante stochastique); -Ladition de la composante dterministe et celle stochastique afin dobtenir la spatialisation finale. En gnral, lEurope reoit des quantits importantes de prcipitations qui peuvent garder un tapis vgtal spontan vari et pratiquement gnralis. Quelques
1) NewLocClim.-Local Climate Estimator, developed by Jurgen Grieseri, FAO/SDRN,2005
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ASPECTS IMPORTANTS VIS-A-VIS DE LA DISTRIBUTION DE LA
petites exceptions de zones nues se trouvent dans lextrme nord, dans des les telles que Spitzbergen ou dans lextrme sud est de la Plaine Russe. Mais celles-ci ne sont pas dues labsence des prcipitations, car dans ces rgions aussi tombent 150 200 mm deau chaque anne. Le Dsert Arctique est caus par le froid excessif, et celui du sud-est est d aux tempratures excessives et la scheresse prolonge de la saison chaude. En mme temps, du point de vue pluvial, en Europe, l o le relief le permet, il est pratiquement possible davoir sur son entire surface des cultures agricoles varies et trs productives, qui nourrissent la population du continent, en restant des quantits importantes aussi pour lexportation vers dautres continents. Bien que les prcipitations soient prsentes sur lentire surface de lEurope, il y a des diffrenciations spatiales importantes dune rgion une autre du continent. Le rapport entre la valeur minimale et maximale des prcipitations moyennes pluriannuelles est de 1: 33 (200 mm dans la Plaine Pricaspienne et 6600 mm sur les versants douest des Montagnes Dinariques et des Scandinavie). En mme temps, il faut souligner limportance des diffrentiations quantitatives annuelles, saisonnires et mensuelles. Cependant, cet aspect nest pas li au rgime des prcipitations, faisant lobjet dun autre travail de notre quipe (prsent dans le cadre du Sm. D. Cantemir du 19 oct. 2007). La distribution spatiale des prcipitations en Europe implique de nombreux facteurs, les plus importants tant les masses dair, les rapports de lEurope avec les eaux et continents environnants, la latitude et le relief. Les masses dair au-dessus de lEurope ont des origines diffrentes. Les plus frquentes proviennent de dessus des eaux atlantiques, mditerranes et arctiques tout en apportant dimportantes quantits deau. Les masses moins actives sont les masses dair continentales dorigine asiatique. Celles-ci napportent pas pratiquement dhumidit. Il faut mentionner aussi que lair maritime entrant sur le continent dcharge la plus grande partie de son humidit dans les rgions priphriques de lEurope et, plus elles avancent vers lintrieur, plus elles perdent leur caractre maritime. Elles deviennent des masses continentales,ou mieux dit, des masses dair continentalises. La circulation des masses dair au-dessus de lEurope vient principalement de louest. Le fluxe douest (Westerlies) est plus actif aux latitudes moyennes, tant gnr par linteraction entre la chane de cyclones au long du front polaire et celles des anticyclones au long de la ceinture tropicale de grandes pressions, cr par la descendance sur les flancs nordiques des cellules de Hadley. Une analyse dtaille de la circulation atmosphrique au-dessus de lEurope a t ralise en 1965 par N. Topor et C. Stoica (11). Bien que, en 1965, les auteurs de cette tude naient pas leur disposition les donnes fournies aujourdhui par les satellites mtorologiques et autres sources permettant de faire quelques prcisions
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dans le domaine de la circulation atmosphrique, leur analyse reste valable aujourdhui aussi. Les donnes rcentes apportent certains lments assez importants pour la science, mais ne modifient pas significativement linterprtation de la distribution des prcipitations sur le territoire de lEurope. Vu le mcanisme dirigeant les masses dair atlantiques au-dessus de lEurope (prsent ci-dessus,) celles-ci peuvent traverser le continent jusqu' son extrmit dest, arrivant jusquen Asie Centrale. En marchant vers lest, elles perdent graduellement leur humidit, mais sans se continentaliser compltement et cest ainsi que, laide de lorographie, elles gnrent des prcipitations sur le flanc douest des Montagnes de lOural et, ce qui est plus intressant, mme sur la faade douest des massifs Pamir et Alta. La circulation douest atlantique est plus importante par rapport autres directions, tout en apportant des masses dair humides qui offrent lEurope les plus grandes quantits de prcipitations. N. Topor et C. Stoica (11), page 7) attribue la circulation douest, qui porte dair maritime, un pourcentage de 45 % par rapport aux autres formes principales de circulation. Les masses dair dorigine atlantique nentre pas toujours directement sur le continent. Dans le cadre du fluxe gnralement douest, il arrive parfois que certains cyclones, forms dans le cadre du front polaire, changent leur direction vers sud-est. Dhabitude, le dtachement des dpressions errantes a lieu louest de lIslande et se dplace vers la Mer Mditerrane par le couloir entre les Pyrnes et les Alpes. Autres dpressions atlantiques aberrantes ne suivent plus la direction habituelle mme partir du secteur douest de lAtlantique et se dplacent vers sud-est vers les les dAores, o elles restent souvent 2-4 jours. Dici leur caractre aberrant. Leur trajet continue ensuite vers lest par le nord de lAfrique et le sud de la Pninsule Ibrique, ensuite elles traversent la Mer Mditerrane et entrent en Europe au-dessus de la Pninsule Balkanique, en arrivant dans le bassin de la Mer Noire. Celles-ci utilisent donc un trajet qui contourne lEurope, comme un immense arc courb vers le sud. Les masses dair, qui viennent de dessus de lOcan Arctique de nord, ont une importance rduite en ce qui concerne lapport dhumidit de cette direction. La dynamique atmosphrique dans cette zone est limite une bande relativement troite du nord du continent et est trs complique, avec des renversements de direction successifs. En fait, leur dplacement nord sud a lieu sur les flancs douest des dpressions (cyclones) se formant au long du front polaire. Sur leurs flancs dest se forment pourtant des fluxes sud nord, cest--dire du continent vers locan. La condition porte donc sur lexistence, au nord du continent, dune bande dynamique o se succdent au niveau spatial les fluxes nord sud et ceux sud nord. Le pourcentage de la circulation de nord (polaire) est, dans lopinion de N. Topor et C. Stoica (11), assez grand: 30 %. Cependant, il faut prciser ici que lapport de prcipitations provenant de la zone de lOcan Arctiquenest pas li au
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pourcentage relativement grand de la circulation polaire (nordique). Cet apport est incomparablement plus bas par rapport au sud de lEurope, o le pourcentage de la circulation mridionale (tropicale selon N. Topor et C. Stoica) atteint seulement 15 %. Ici interviennent les diffrences de thermalit entre nord et sud, qui penche la balance des prcipitations en faveur de la bordure mridionale de lEurope. Il faut aussi tenir compte du fait que ce nest pas seulement lOcan Arctiquequi dplace lhumidit vers lEurope Nordique. Dimportantes quantits de prcipitations de cette partie du continent sont gnres par les dpressions (cyclones) se dplaant au long du front polaire et portant dhumidit dorigine atlantique. Les masses dair dorigine mridionale sont en essence maritimes. Elles proviennent, dans une grande partie, de lOcan Atlantique, tant transportes par les cyclones qui se dtachent de la chane du front polaire, gnralement louest de lIslande, se dplaant ensuite vers sud est et passant au-dessus du golf de la Gascogne par la porte Carcassonne (entre les Pyrnes et le Massif Central), arrivant au dessus de la Mer Mditerrane. Ici elles deviennent plus humides et se dplacent gnralement vers nord-est, tout en gnrant, entre autres, les fameuses dpressions de la Mer Noire, qui donnent des prcipitations importantes pour une partie du territoire de la Roumanie. Dans notre opinion, il serait intressant de mentionner que cest toujours de la Mer Mditerrane quentrent en Europe des masses dair dorigine africaine, donc continentales. A moins que, en traversant la Mer Mditerrane celles-ci perdent, du point de vue de lhumidit, leur caractre continental. Elles sont importantes seulement du point de vue des tempratures de lEurope. Dans ltude de N. Topor et C. Stoica (11) concernant les types de circulation atmosphrique au-dessus de lEurope, ce type reoit un pourcentage de seulement 15 %. On vient de mentionner ici les principales directions de dplacement des masses dair au-dessus de lEurope. Il faut mentionner, comme on vient de faire dautres occasions aussi (8), que dans le cadre des fluxes gnraux dans une certaine direction surviennent des distorsions provoques par des facteurs gographiques rgionaux ou mme locaux, dont le plus important est le relief. Dautre part une masse dair qui se dplace en gnral dans une certaine direction porte des cyclones ou anticyclones, provoquant une dynamique intrinsque trs complique (8). Un aspect important de la dynamique gnrale atmosphrique de la zone atlantique- europenne, avec un important impact sur la spatialit (la distribution territoriale) des prcipitations de lEurope, porte sur loscillation saisonnire nord sud du front polaire. Les dpressions (cyclones) circulant au long de ce front de lOcan Atlantique vers lest de lEurope portent de lhumidit, formant une ceinture de prcipitations. Cette ceinture de pluies traverse elle aussi le continent de manire successive nord sud et sud nord, en mme temps que le front polaire. Le
30
dplacement graduel du front polaire, accompagn par les pluies quil gnre est prsent de manire trs suggestive dans les cartes mensuelles de la distribution territoriale des prcipitations pendant les mois de la saison chaude, partir du mois de mai, quand se produit le retrait du front polaire du sud de lEurope (son lieu dhibernation) vers le nord (fig. 1). Le phnomne se produit chaque anne, mais sa manire de manifestation diffre dune anne lautre, en ce qui concerne la dimension de larc de mridien influenc, sa position latitudinale ou la fidlit par rapport aux parallles gographiques traversant lEurope. Les diffrences annuelles mentionnes dcoulent de ltat de calme ou agitation de la dynamique atmosphrique du secteur nordique de lOcan Atlantique. Celle-ci, son tour, subit linfluence en grande partie de lvolution du phnomne ENSO de la zone quatoriale de lOcan Pacifique. Les rapports de lEurope avec les surfaces aquatiques et continentales voisines occupe, dans notre opinion, la seconde place quant limportance concernant la distribution spatiale globale des prcipitations dans le cadre du continent. LOcan Atlantique louest et la Mer Mditerrane au sud sont les principales sources de prcipitations pour lEurope. LOcan Atlantique est une permanente source qui coule pendant toute lanne et qui assure des prcipitations pour la plus grande surface de lEurope. La Mer Mditerrane, avec une surface moins vaste par rapport celle partie de lOcan Atlantique qui assure lhumidit de lEurope, capture dans sa zone dinfluence une surface plus rduite du continent, et son rle vis--vis de lalimentation en humidit se limite pratiquement la saison froide de lanne. Pourtant, vu la temprature leve de ses eaux, mme pendant la saison froide de lanne, suite sa position mridionale, la quantit de prcipitations tombee sur lEurope, par rapport lunit de surface, est plus grande que celle dorigine atlantique. La Mer Mditerrane est la principale source des prcipitations des trois grandes pninsules du sud de lEurope. Son influence sur les rgions intrieures du continent est bloque par les chanes et les massifs montagneux des Pyrnes, Alpes et Dinariques. Les masses dair dorigine mditerrane, mme si elles russissent monter ces montagnes vers le nord, vers lintrieur du continent, leur humidit est consomme sur les versants mridionaux. Tout en descendant sur les versants nordiques, elles deviennent chaudes par leffet de fhn, sloignent du point de rose et napportent plus de prcipitations. Ce mcanisme est le principal responsable de lexistence des les prcipitations rduites des valles suprieures du Rhne, Rhin, Inn et autres de dimensions et importance plus rduite. Les exemples typiques des zones exposes la scheresse sont Valais et Engadine.
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La Mer Mditerrane nenvoie pas de lhumidit vers lEurope seulement par des agents de transport personnels. Cest--dire par les cyclones qui forment audessus delle et se dplacent vers la masse continentale du sud et du sud est de lEurope. Comme on vient de le mentionner ci-dessus, les masses dair de type continental dorigine africaine traversent la Mer Mditerrane vers le secteur du sud de lEurope. Ces masses dair sont charges de vapeurs deau, sont maritimises et portent ainsi de lhumidit mditerrane quelles dchargent au sud de lEurope. Les eaux de la Mer Mditerrane remplissent une fonction similaire, mais une fonction de rechargement cette fois-ci, envers les dpressions errantes dorigine atlantique.Celles-ci entrent dans le bassin occidental de la Mer Mditerrane appauvries en humidit au-dessus de la pninsule Ibrique ou de la France mridionale. Dans leur chemin, gnralement ouest est, au-dessus des eaux chaudes de la Mer Mditerrane vers le bassin oriental de celle-ci, elles se rechargent de vapeurs deau, refont leur humidit, totalement ou partiellement, quelles transfrent ensuite au secteur du sud et sud-est de lEurope. LOcan Arctiqueprsente une importance modeste en ce qui concerne lalimentation de lEurope en prcipitations. Les pninsules de Kola et Kanin ne se comparent pas aux grandes pninsules europennes du sud. En plus, la rive nord de lEurope est faiblement fragmente. Ce nest que la Mer Blanche qui entre plus profondment lintrieur du continent. Les masses dair au dessus de lOcan Arctiquesont vraiment humides, mme trs humides, mais froides aussi. En entrant sur le continent, elles sloignent vite du point de rose. Dautre part, comme on vient de le dire ci-dessus, la circulation des masses dair de locan vers le continent est sporadique et de faible ampleur. Mme si lOcan Arctiquenest pas une source importante de prcipitations pour lEurope, il maintient pourtant une humidit atmosphrique plus grande au-dessus de la bordure nordique du continent, ce qui est trs important pour la vgtation de la rgion, qui est constante et verte pendant toute lanne, y compris en hiver sous la neige. Au sud-est du continent, sur des surfaces ayant des prcipitations similaires du point de vue de la quantit, il y a des rgions semi-dsertiques avec une vgtation xrophyte discontinue ou mme de petites surfaces dsertiques dpourvues compltement de vgtation. Dans le voisinage de lOcan Gel, la quantit moyenne de prcipitations annuelles se maintient entre 200 400 mm (fig.2). Lexception cest la pninsule de Kola qui est embrasse vers le sud par la Mer Blanche et laide du courant chaud du Cap Nord, reoit un peu plus de 400 mm prcipitations (Mourmansk 424 mm). Vers lest, lEurope est borne de la vaste masse continentale de lAsie avec laquelle elle fait corps commun. Dailleurs on parle souvent du continent Eurasie {terme lanc par le gologue dorigine autrichienne Eduard Suess}. Sur les cartes grande chelle on observe clairement laspect de pninsule asiatique de lEurope,
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modeste du point de vue de la surface par rapport aux autres pninsules du sud de lAsie du type de la Pninsule Arabe, Indienne et Indochinoise. LAsie ne gnre pratiquement pas de prcipitations pour lEurope. Au contraire, par la protubrance est europenne de la vaste surface de grande pression, installe dans la moiti nordique de lAsie, on cre des conditions de blocage du fluxe douest qui porte des prcipitations. Il y a pourtant un mouvement des masses dair de lAsie vers lEurope. Celui-ci se produit sur les flancsmeridionales des surfaces de grande pression atmosphrique (anticyclones) de la Plaine Russe. Mais elles sont ultra-continentales et napportent pas de prcipitations. Ceci est illustr par la figure nr. 2. La latitude est elle aussi un facteur important qui joue un rle dans la distribution spatiale des prcipitations de lEurope. Elle nagit pratiquement pas dune manire directe, mais seulement en corrlation, en interaction avec les autres facteurs gographiques. Par exemple, les tempratures basses du nord du continent, dues la latitude, ne favorisent non plus les prcipitations au mois de juillet, qui est vraiment le mois le plus pluvieux, mais loin des possibilits des autres facteurs gographiques prsents ici qui gnrent des pluies (fig.1). Comme la convection na aucune importance, la grande frquence des cyclones au long du front polaire, situ en t de grandes latitudes et qui apportent des masses dair atlantique humides ont une faible productivit du point de vue pluviomtrique. Dans ce cas, la latitude est en fait llment qui dclanche la raction en chane dun complexe de facteurs gographiques, avec des effets mme de feed back. La latitude augmente la radiation solaire diminue la temprature diminue la nbulosit augmente la convection diminue les prcipitations diminuent. Donc, dans ce cas de la zone nordique, malgr la formation des fronts atmosphriques qui circulent de lOcan Atlantique vers lest de lEurope, lactivit frontale est considrablement diminue faute de son soutien par la convection. Si lon tient compte de la vaste surface de lEurope situe des latitudes moyennes, on constate que dans ce cas aussi la participation de la latitude dans la distribution spatiale des prcipitations est perturbe par lintervention de deux facteurs trs importants: le voisinage de lOcan Atlantique louest et de lAsie lest. Cest ainsi que, en mme temps que la diminution des prcipitations dans la direction sud nord, impose principalement par la latitude, se produit une diminution des prcipitations dans la direction ouest est. Il y a donc deux processus qui voluent dans des directions diffrentes, en essence sur des lignes qui sentrecroisent angle droit. Cette interfrence de la latitude avec autres deux facteurs importants (Ocan Atlantique et Asie} est illustre par la figure 2, o la diminution des prcipitations dans les deux directions perpendiculaires sud nord et ouest est est clairement exprime.
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Au sud de lEurope, limportance de la latitude pour la pluviosit diffre de la saison froide la saison chaude. En hiver, lintervention de la latitude se combine avec dautres facteurs favorables aux prcipitations: le front polaire, qui gnre des cyclones est dplac jusqu' la limite nordique de la zone mditerranenne, la ceinture tropicale de haute pression (dorigine dynamique) est retir au nord de lAfrique, la frquence des cyclones dorigine atlantique et de ceux gnrs par la Mer Mditerrane augmente. Tous ces facteurs qui sont en fond gnrs la latitude contribuent la concentration des prcipitations pendant la saison froide de lanne (fig.1). Pendant la saison chaude, le front polaire est retir de grandes latitudes, et la ceinture tropicale de grandes pressions avance vers le nord jusquau dessus de la Mer Mditerrane. Le mouvement en prpondrance descendant de lair sur le flanc nordique de la ceinture de grande pression cit annule toute tendance de prcipitation dautres facteurs climatiques (fig. 1). Enfin, le relief est le dernier facteur que lon analyse, mais sans quil soit le moins important. Le relief de lEurope a un rle important dans la distribution territoriale des prcipitations. Il intervient par lorographie, lorientation des chanes montagneuses et son organisation intrinsque. La carte orographique de lEurope souligne la distribution non uniforme des massifs montagneux et des plaines. Les montagnes sont groupes, principalement, au sud et nord-ouest du continent. Dans ces rgions, les plaines sont prsentes mais ont de petites dimensions, subordonnes en tant que dimensions aux massifs montagneux. Lorientation des chanes montagneuses diffre. Ce qui prdomine cest lorientation ouest - est (les Pyrnes, la Cordire Btique, les Alpes, les Balkans, en partie les Carpates). Un nombre restreint de chanes montagneuses est orient nord sud (Montagnes de Scandinavie, en partie les Alpes, les Dinariques, en partie les Carpates). Les altitudes importantes, la plupart dentre elles atteignant plus de 2000 m, et les Alpes dpassant 4000 m, dtermine la concentration de grandes quantits de prcipitations par rapport aux zones basses qui les entourent. On sait qu les prcipitations augmentent en mme temps que laltitude. Il est vrai que cette augmentation va jusqu une certaine altitude critique, ensuite le volume des prcipitations commence baisser. Laltitude critique dpend en principal de la grosseur des masses dair, mais dans le cas de lEurope, celle-ci se situe entre 2000 et 3000 m, cest--dire l o arrtent les principales cimes. Lorientation des chanes montagneuses intervient dans la distribution spatiale par leur rle de barrire, qui cause, oblige, son escaladage ou mme bloque les masses dair dont lincidence forme un angle 90 de degrs ou environ cette valeur. De ce point de vue, lexemple le plus caractristique est celui des Montagnes de Scandinavie qui bloquent ou dtournent les masses dair riches en vapeurs deau et trs importantes pour lalimentation en prcipitations de lEurope. Mme dans les
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cas o cette masse dair monte la cordire scandinave, les prcipitations sont transfres leur flanc douest, alors que le versant de lest et les plaines situes lest profitent de ce qui reste. Il est clair que cest leffet de fhn qui intervient aussi. Les Montagnes de Scandinavie sont les plus reprsentatifs par lampleur de la dissymtrie pluviomtrique pour lEurope. Des effets similaires se produisent aussi dans le cas des montagnes orientes nord sud ou des plateaux hauts des pninsules mditerranennes. Ce phnomne est illustr par les stations du tableau no.1.
No. 1 2 3 4 Prcipitations (mm) 1958 Stckholm 532 1952 Tortosa 558 Almeria 215 Naples 1007 Brindishi 559 Podgoria 1632 Athnes 377 Tableau no.1. Des stations paires avec des diffrences de prcipitations dues au relief Stations de louest Bergen Vigo Prcipitations (mm) Stations de lest
Les chanes orientesouest est, en principal les Pyrnes et les Alpes, jouent un rle trs important dans le blocage du front polaire leur niveau et larrt du son mouvementvers la sud delles, en hiver. La fragmentation intrinsque des massifs montagneux, en principal lexistence des dpressions intra et inter montagneuses aussi bien que des couloirs de valle, causent dimportantes discontinuits dans la distribution spatiale des prcipitations. On pourrait citer ici les dpressions des Carpates Orientaux telles que les dpressions Giurgeului, Ciucului, Brsei, mai surtout les couloirs intra montagneux Valais sur le cours suprieur du Rhne et Engadine, sur le cours suprieur de lInn. Toutes celles-ci aussi bien quautres dpressions de moindres dimensions sinscrivent en tant qules de prcipitations rduites par rapport la zone environnante (tab. 2}
Stations Altitude Prcipitations Stations de Altitude Prcipitations de cadre (m) (mm) dpression (m) (mm) 1 Gr. St. 2472 2096 Sion 482 572 Bernard 2 Sommet 2504 1053 Braov 560 708 Omul Tableau no.2. Stations paire: le cadre haut la zone baisse de la dpression (ou du couloir de la valle) No.
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La Grande Plaine Europenne, qui inclue les territoires des latitudes moyennes de lEurope douest et de lEurope centrale, mais elle slargit du point de vue latitudinal, lest, de la rive de lOcan Arctiqueau Nord et jusquau bord de la Mer Noire et le pied nordique des Montagnes du Caucase, ne cause de discontinuits dans la distribution spatiale des prcipitations que dans des zones de petites dimensions, o se trouvent les massifs bas hercyniens ou autres plateaux et massifs coups de colline de petite altitude. A part cela, sur ce vaste territoire se produit une diminution normale de la quantit de prcipitations dans la direction ouest est, cest--dire la direction de dplacement des masses dair atlantiques, qui perdent graduellement leur caractre maritime dans la direction ouest est ( tab.3}. Les faits cits ci-dessus, aussi bien que le matriel illustratif prsent par nous relvent quelques traits de la distribution spatiale en Europe: -Les territoires voisins des eaux marines, en particulier ceux voisins de lOcan Atlantique et de la Mer Mditerrane, reoivent des prcipitations plus abondantes que les territoires de lintrieur du continent; -Les rgions montagneuses sont mieux arroses que les rgions basses environnantes; les cartes petite chelle des prcipitations moyennes pluriannuelles les prsentent comme des les pluviosit leve; En contraste avec les zones hautes, les dpressions intra et inter montagneuses, aussi bien que les couloirs vastes de valle, domins par des hauteurs considrables, semblent des les pluviosit rduite par rapport au cadre montagneux environnant. Vu la prpondrance des vents douest, les versants douest des montagnes, quelle que soit la latitude, se prsentent comme des rgions grande pluviosit. Mme dans le cadre de la chane des Montagnes de lOural, de lextrmit dest de lEurope,situe plus de 3000 km distance de lOcan Atlantique ( une moindre distance au nord et une plus grande distance au sud) on constate une asymtrie pluviale entre le versant douest et celui dest.
No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Station Brest Nordhorn Hanovra Voronej Saratov Oenburg Longitude 04,25 W 07,25 E 09,44 E 39,10 E 46,02 E 51,06 E Latitude 48,27 N 52,27 N 52,24 N 51,40 N 51,34 N 51,41 N Prcipitations (mm) 1083 791 642 574 422 372
Tableau no. 3. Stations rpandues ouest-est dans la zone de plaine de lEurope
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Janvier
Fevrier
Mars
37
Avril
Mai
Juin
38
Juillet
Aut
Septembre
39
Octobre
Novembre
Decembre
Figure 1. Distribution spatiale des prcipitations atmosphriques moyennes mensuelles en Europe
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Figure 2. Distribution spatiale des prcipitations atmosphriques moyennes annuelles en Europe Bibliographie
Alisov B.V., Poltaraus B.V. (1974) Klimatologhia, Ed. Univ. Moscova. Derruaux M. (1971) LEurope, Collection H. U., Paris Eramov C. A. (1960) Fiziceskaia gheografja materikov i okeanov, Zapadnaja Evropa, Moskva.. Erhan Elena, Hrjoab I., Patriche C.V. (2006) Specific Aspects Regarding the Air Temperature Distribution in Europe, Along the Meridians, Lucr. Sem. Geogr. D. Cantemir, nr. 26/2005. Erhan Elena,Harjoaba I., Patriche C. V. (2007) Contributions on the Anual Regime of Air Temperature in Europe, Lucr, Sem. Geogr. D. Cantemir, nr. 27, Iasi. Hrjoab I. (autor i coordonator, 1982) Geografia continentelor Europa, Ed. Did. i Ped., Bucureti. Hrjoab I., Erhan Elena, Patriche C.V. (2006) Air temperature in Europe along the parallels, An. t. Univ. Al. I. Cuza Iai, serie nou, tom LII, s. II-C, Geogr. Harjoaba I., Erhan Elena, Patriche Cristian-Valeriu, (2007)-Contributionsto the regionalization of the Air Temperature in Europe, An. St. Univ. Al.I.Cuza-Iasi, t. LIII, s.II. Kendrew W.G. (1982) The climates of the continents, ed. a 4-a, Clarendon Press, Oxford Topor N. (1963) Ani ploiosi, ani secetosi in R.P.Romana, C.S.A., Inst. Met. Bucuresti. Topor N., Stoica N. (1965) Tipuri de circulatie si centri de actiune atmosferica desupra Europei.C.S.A., Inst. Met. Bucuresti. Vlasova T.V. (1965) Geografia fizic a prilor lumii, ed. a 2-a, Ed. Lumina, Moscova. * * (2004) Climatological normals (CLINO) for the period 1961-1990, WMO, Geneva. * * (1964) Fizico-geograficeschii Atlas Mira, Ac. Nauc. SSSR, Moscova. * * (2003) FAOCLIM-2. World-wide agroclimatic database v.2.02, FAO/SDRN, 2003.
ANALELE TIINTIFICE ALE UNIVERSITII AL I. CUZA IAI Tom L IV s. II c, Geografie 2008
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FOG PHENOMENON IN THE SIRET CORRIDOR AND ASPECTS OF THE INDUCED CLIMATE RISK Liviu Apostol, Lucian Sfc
Al.I.Cuza University Iai Faculty of Geography and Geology Rezumat : Caracteristicile fenomenului de cea n Culoarul Siretului i riscurile climatice ale acestuia. Acest studiu prezint ceaa pornind de la condiiile genetice, durata i frecvena cu referiri la riscurile climatice induse. Importana calmului atmosferic n apariia ceei, n special n condiii anticiclonale este un alt element analizat. Ceaa este un fenomen legat n primul rand de anotimpul rece, concentrndu-se n intervalul Noiembrie-Martie, cu o predilecie pentru anumite intervale orare (ntre 7 i 10 a.m.) . Durata anual cumulat excedeaz 350 ore n decembrie i 200 n Ianuarie.
Keywords: fog, climatic risk, Siret Corridor, atmospheric calm. 1. General considerations The Fog is a hydrometeor whose appearance in the Siret Corridor contributes to the climate individualization of this physical and geographical subunit compared to the neighboring subunits. This phenomenon is defined as the water drops or ice crystals (or both) in suspension in the air layervery close to the Earthsurface and that has as its main effect the reduction of the visibility to less than one kilometer (Ciulache, Ionac, 2003). The analysis of the fog phenomenon was based on the identification of the periods when fog appears, at a diurnal, monthly and annual level. In order to do this we used the data from the weather stations in the Siret Corridor Adjud, Bacu and Roman at a monthly level for the 1960 2002 period and at a diurnal level for the 1991 2002 period. Fog, as climate phenomenon in the Siret Corridor was analyzed in specialist works, especially for the Bacau town area, because of the fundamental importance of this phenomenon for the traffic conditions of the local airport (Grama, 1960). Of what it is known until now, at Bacu meteorological station, fog has been noticed when air temperature ranges between -28 C and +20 C, and 66% of the fog cases are registered between temperatures of -6 C and +6 C, therefore when the air temperature oscillates around the0 C value. Likewise, 42.9% of the fog cases were produced when the wind blew from the South, fact that underlines the importance ofthe Siret Corridors
42
LIVIU APOSTOL, SFC LUCIAN
orientation and conformation on the North South direction; moreover, other 42% of the fog cases occur in conditions of atmospheric calm (Grama, 1960). Without further analyzing the appearance conditions, we have to underline that the same study mentions that Bacu meteorological station, 86,2% of the fog cases appear inside the same air mass. The radiation fogs, obviously linked to the presence of Bistrita and Siret rivers, prevailed. (Stnior, 1975). Regarding the climate risk aspects of the fog, the difficulty of the traffic, when this phenomenon appears, is underlined also by the fact that 7% of the fog cases are associated to the precipitations fall and the fog has the highest duration and intensity between 4 and 10 a.m., with its centre around 7 a.m. As we already mentioned, most cases of fog occur in the autumn (72.9%) and in the fall (20.9%) when this phenomenon can be also associated to other meteorological elements unfavorable to the traffic. This phenomenon can appear all around the year, but the maximum occurence is in the cold season, when it can be associated to other hazards, such as the glazed frost. In this case, the cumulated effect is intensified. About 15% of the aviation accidents are caused by meteorological conditions (Climate Change, 2001). It is interesting that this study indicates a constant for the entire second half of the past century, despite the obvious technical progress made by the aircrafts. 2. Genetic conditions for the fogs appearance of fog According to the genetic aspect, fog is classified depending to the synoptic scale at which it appears. This way, fogcan appear inside the same mass of air or at the contact between air masses with different characteristics, that is in the frontal regions.
Fig. 1 Fog persistence in the Siret Corridor, south of Rachiteni, on 14 of February 2005 (MODIS satellite image)
43
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FOG PHENOMENON IN THE SIRET CORRIDOR
The anticyclonic baric regime situations (fig. 2), when fog can occur, are more persistent in winter and in autumn and can go on for more than 5 days in a row.(tab.1). In these conditions, radiation fog can persist, in a similar way, for considerable periods of time. As far as the genetic conditions for the fog appearance (fig.1, tab.2) in the Siret Corridor, for the 1980-2005 period, we could notice that the radiative situations associated to anticyclone conditions have a very high frequency.These conditions, favorable to the appearance of fog, have in Romania a frequency of about 25% of the annul total in Romania. If we take into consideration this high frequency of the anticyclone conditions at the level of the entire country, the depression characteristic of the Siret Corridor and the existence of extended water surfaces, we can say that this region integrates some special premises for the development, the persistence and the high intensity of this phenomenon. (fig.1).
Anticyclonic baric regime: on the ground, high atmospheric pressure baric field or even anticyclonic nucleus centered over our country; - the very low baric gradient does not allow the advection of the air masses and determines the installation of the radiative mechanisms in the meteorological elements development; - the western circulation is deviated at higher latitudes in Europe; - in altitude over the south east of Europe there is an warm air dorsal or a high pressure baric field, with closed isohypses; - the annual average frequency of this baric regime is of 25% with a maximum in August (cca 35%) and a minim in April (cca 20%). Fig. 2- Synoptic conditions favourable to the development of radiation fog in our country (left) and the delimitation criteria for the antyciclonic baric regime (right)
3. Peculiarities of the fog phenomenon in the Siret Corridor We analyzed the appearance and the persistence of the fog in the Siret Corridor from various points of view:
44
Anticyclonic Minimum Temperature Maximum

January -7C -18C -1C 11C 6.5C Absent or very reduced Fog, including the hoar frost deposits; 8 days (1999) 25.2 % April 4C -2C 16C 28C 12C Absent or very reduced Frost and fog July 14C 8C 28C 35C 13C Convective rains October 4C -4C 16C 28C 12C Absent or very reduced Frost and fog
Average Absolute Average Absolute
Thermal amplitude Precipitations Specificmeteorological phenomena Persistence Frequency
4 days (1991, 1998) 20.8 %
8 days (1984) 28.3 %
12 days (1995) 29.9%
Tab.1 -Meteorological characteristics of the antyciclonic baric situations in Bacau
a.Analysis of the annual regime of the number of foggy days. From this point of view, in the Siret Corridor there are around 45 days with fog a year. (fig. 3). The average annual number of days with foggy air varies around 250 days a year. These meteorological phenomena characterize the cold season (October March), when 90% of the average number of foggy days appear. We underline, as a characteristic of the spatial distribution, that in Bacau the number of days with fog is considerably higher; this situation can be explained by the presence of the barrage lakes, which represent an important source of water vapors and facilitate the radiation fog appearance, when the thermal contrast between these lakes water and the atmosphere can be higher, in the conditions of the warm air advections, more frequent in April, or of the cold air advections, more frequent in October. The monthly peak of the foggy days is reached in December January, when the appearance of this phenomenon is facilitated by the high values of the relative humidity under the incidence of the low temperatures. In winter, fog is present in the Siret Corridor, as an average, in one of three days. As far as the hazards produced by the fog are concerned, we underlined the fact that these winter months that have a high frequency of the fog phenomena and of the foggy air, are characterized by high road traffic, associated to the winter holidays.
45

12,0 10,0
Adjud 45,7
Bacu 59,8
Roman 46,9
8,0 6,0 4,0
2,0 0,0 I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX X XI XII
Fig. 3 Number of fog days in the Siret Corridor
b. Diurnal analysis of the fog phenomenon. As we have already mentioned, fog has the highest frequency between the hours 4 and 12 a.m., reaching its maximum values between 7 and 10 a.m. The daily minimum appears between 18-20 hours, moment that coincides, generally speaking, with the sunset interval. (fig.4). From November till January, a period that we can consider as a peak of the annual regime of the phenomenon, the maximum incidence during the day appears between 6 and 11 hours, with a peak between 8 and 9 hours (fig. 5, 6 and 7). Between 6 and 11 hours, in average, every month has at least 5 days with fog, while during the second part of the day, the fog persists only in 2,5 - 3 days, a 50% decrease of the number of days, fact that underlines the predominant radiative character of this phenomenon.
40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 00:01 03:04 06:07 09:10 12:13 15:16 18:19 21:22
Adjud
Bacu
Roman
Fig. 4 The diurnal regime of the fog phenomenon in the Siret Corridor (cumulated annual frequency for the 1991-2002 period)
46
Likewise, the road traffic presents during the morning one of the two diurnal peaks in the morning. Of this superposition, we can see the importance of the fog as a hazard for transportation. Taking into consideration the physical and geographical characteristic of the Siret Corridor, due to the presence of the water streams, fog can also occur in summer, in the chillier mornings.
XII XI X IX VIII VII VI V IV III II I 6-7,2
00:01
03:04
06:07 1,2-2,4
09:10
12:13
15:16 3,6-4,8
18:19 4,8-6
21:22
0-1,2
2,4-3,6
Fig. 5 Hourly frequency of the fog phenomenon in Adjud

XII XI X IX VIII VII VI V IV III II I
00:01 0-1,2
03:04
06:07
09:10 2,4-3,6
12:13 3,6-4,8
15:16
18:19
21:22
1,2-2,4
4,8-6
6-7,2
7,2-8,4
Fig. 6 Hourly frequency of the fog phenomenon in Bacu

XII XI X IX VIII VII VI V IV III II I 6-7,2
00:01
03:04
06:07 1,2-2,4
09:10
12:13
15:16 3,6-4,8
18:19 4,8-6
21:22
0-1,2
2,4-3,6
Fig. 7 Hourly frequency of the fog phenomenon in Roman

9
Number of cases hourly multiannual average (1991-2002)
47
c. Analysis of the duration of the fog phenomenon. In the November February period, the average monthly duration of the fog phenomenon exceeds 50 hours. The fog duration decreases from Adjud (380 hours/year) towards Roman (340 hours/year), as the increase of altitude increases. (fig. 8).
120,0 100,0 80,0 60,0 40,0 20,0 0,0 I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX X XI XII Adjud Bacu 392,2 368,5 Roman 359,6
Fig. 8 Duration of the fog phenomenon in the Siret Corridor
In fact, the months with a high frequency of fog are also the months when duration of fog is longer, as a consequence of the high persistence of this phenomenon when the conditions for its formation are present. This situation underlines that the high number of foggy days in Bacu,, is the result of the appearance of the radiation fog on the water surfaces during the morning, fog that dissipates at maximum two hours after the sun rise. 4. Areas with increased climate risk caused by the fog As it is not possible to map the frequency of the fog phenomena in the region because of the small number of meteorological stations and of the high frequency of the phenomenon in the low regions those sectors in which fog can constitute a hazard for the road circulation were identified by means of field trips. This way, we can distinguish between various types of sectors of European/ national/ county roads that have a higher vulnerability to fog: -road sectors passing over water streams, where due to the higher atmospheric humidity the phenomenon is more frequent; - road sectors neighboring the lakes of the Bistrita and Siret valleys, where there are the same conditions of water vapors in excess occur;
48
- road sectors crossing the Siret or the Bistria meadow, where the radiation fog, especially in the cold season, can cause a higher frequency of this phenomenon.
References Ciulache, S., Ionac, Nicoleta (1995), Fenomene atmosferice de risc, Ed. tiintific, Bucureti. Bogdan, Octavia, Niculescu, Elena (1999), Riscurile climatice din Romania, Acad. Romn, Inst. Geogr, Bucuresti. Bogdan, Octavia (1978), Fenomene climatice de iarna i de vara, Edit. tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti. Day, J. (2005), Fog and mist (379-380), Encyclopedia of World Climatology, Edited by John E. Oliver, Spreniger.
Grama, Mariana (1960), Frecventa si cauzele ceturilor in regiunea Bacau, Meteorologia,hidrologia si gospodarirea apelor, nr.3, Bucureti. Sfc, L. (2007), Une nouvelle approche sur la circulation atmospherique dans nord-est de la Roumanie, Actes du XX-eme colloque de lAssociation le Internationale de Climatologie, 3-8 septembre 2007, Tunis.
Goussot, M. (1999),Les transports dans le monde, Armand Colin, Paris. Schnweise, Chr.D. (2003), Klimatologie, 2.Auflage, Ulmer, 2003.
SYNOPTIC CONDITIONS FOR THE OCCURRENCE OF MONTHLY EXTREME TEMPERATURES ON SIRET CORRIDOR Lucian Sfc Al.I.Cuza University Iai Faculty of Geography and Geology
Rezumat : Conditii sinoptice de producere a temperaturilor extreme lunare n Culoarul Siretului. Studiul de fa reprezint o clasificare a condiiilor sinoptice de producere a extremelor termice lunare temperatura maxim i temperatura minim menit s clarifice contextul genetic al producerii acestor valori extreme la nivelul Culoarului Siretului. Analiza s-a bazat pe identificarea situaiei sinoptice de la data la care s-au produs minimele si maximele lunare de temperatura n perioada 1960-2005, la Adjud, Bacu i Roman - i gruparea acestora conform unei metodologii care ine cont de 3 criterii: condiiile barice de la sol, direcia de ptrundere a maselor de aer (la nivelul de geopotenial de 850 hPa) i condiiile barice n troposfera superioar (la nivelul de geopotential de 500 hPa). Rezultate principale indic faptul c, cel mai frecvent, temperaturile minime lunare n Culoarul Siretului apar n condiiile prezenei la nivelul Romniei a unui ciclon sau a unui talveg ce implic n sectorul su posterior, o advecie de aer rece dinspre N, NV, NE i, iarna, chiar dinspre E, n condiiile evoluiei la nivelul Romniei a unui talveg de altitudine sau chiara unui cutt-of low desprins din minima polar. n schimb, temperaturile maxime lunare se produc cel mai frecvent iarna n condiii advective, atunci cnd ptrunderea unor cicloni atlantici sau mediteraneeni implic advecii masive de aer tropical dinspre sud n partea lor anterioar. n sezonul cald, n schimb, cel mai frecvent, temperaturile maxime lunare apar n condiii anticiclonale sau n adveciile de aer tropical, n cadrul unor dorsale de aer cald, ce transleaz de cele mai multe ori Europa de la vest la est. Chiar dac studiul a fost realizat pe baza datelor la care s-au produs aceste temperaturi la cele 3 staii meteorologice principale din Culoarul Siretului Adjud, Bacu i Roman putem considera, prin caracteristicile de aciune a factorilor sinoptici, c aceste rezultate sunt valabile pentru un teritoriu mult mai vast, respectiv Moldova istoric.
Keywords: monthly extreme temperatures, atmospheric circulation, cyclone, anticyclone, ridge, trough, cut-off low, cut-off high. 1. Research method For a better understanding of the synoptic conditions in which extreme monthly temperatures occur, a classification of extreme monthly temperatures has been made, starting with the existing synoptic situation on the continent at the moment in which these values were registered. In this analysis, the following meteorological data and synoptic materials have been used:
50
LUCIAN SFC
-dates of registration of monthly maximal and minimal temperatures, in the period of 1960-2005, from weather stations in Adjud, Bacau and Roman, from the Annual meteorological tables; -synoptic maps archived for the period of 1960-2005, based on the processing of the synoptic daily data of Global Forecast System, the most complex model of digital prognosis, currently used by NOAA; these materials include maps of the isopotential surface of 500 hPa, 700 hPa, 700 hPa and 850 hPa, and also baric maps from the ground level. The classification of the synoptic conditions of occurrence of the extreme temperatures is based on the following three criteria, each of them having more variations, coded in digits. a. Baric conditions on the ground level in the region of Romania that impose general conditions of atmospheric circulation on a synoptic scale. Therefore, the following 5 possible situations were established for Romania: - baric coupling (1-C) when the atmospheric dynamics is determined by the joining of two different major baric formations (cyclone-anticyclone) on the ground level, related to the position of the baric centers towards Romania, depending the cardinal component on which the ground circulation is attained; - cyclone at the ground level (2-L), when such a formation presents closed isobars in the region of our country; - anticyclone at the ground level (3-H), in conditions of atmospheric pressure that exceeds 1020 hPa, that takes part of anticyclonicformations of whose centre may be placed on a estimable distance of the south-east of the Europe; - ridge at the ground level (4-R), when such a baric formation expands over the south-east of Europe, even if the origin of the baric formation is placed on baric centers of atmospheric pressure on the level of the continent; - trough at the ground level (5-T), baric formation, usually expanded from the mobile cyclones that sweep Europe, thus reaching our country. b. Air circulation at the ground level with variations, due to the position of Romania towards the baric centers that act in Europe at a given moment of time: - atmospheric calm (0), in which case, due to the reduced baric gradient, we cannot speak of a properly advection of the air masses; - north (1-N); - north-east (2-NE); - east (3-E); - south-east (4-SE); - south (5-S); - south-west (6-SV);
51
SYNOPTIC CONDITIONS FOR THE OCCURRENCE OF MONTHLY EXTREME
- west (7-V); - north-west (8-NV). c. Altitudinal baric conditions on the isobaric surface of 500 hPa have been used for detecting the general status of the average and middle troposphere over Romania on the moment of occurrence of the extreme monthly temperatures. Situated on temperate latitudes, our country is placed at the contact of high pressure area from the tropical regions and the low pressure area from polar regions, so that, we canno say that these formations persist. Thermal changes are realized by the Rossby waves, which are based on the laws of fluids. Taking this into consideration, we have identified the following possible cases: - atmospheric calm (0) an almost impossible situation at the altitude of the spray currents, but we have taken it into consideration, for the coherence of the analysis; - baric coupling (1-C) a specific situation for periods of zonal circulation on the level of the continent, when the spray currents sweep the centre of the continent from west to east in the superior troposphere; - ridge of altitude (2-R) is a situation specific to warm periods most of the times, when such a baric formation prolongs towards north from the high pressure girdle from tropical latitudes, transporting warm air masses on the whole troposphere, to high latitudes; - trough of altitude (3-T), specific to the colder periods, these are extensions of the large polar depression; - cut-off high (4-CH) in when case a high pressure core strips off from an altitude ridge and remains isolated above Romania; - cut-off low (5-CL) complementary case to the one above, corresponds to the situations in which a low pressure core remains isolated in altitude above Romania; most of the times, these situations lead to the occurrence of a very high vertical thermal gradient which leads to a significant instability of the atmosphere and to periods with high amounts of rainfalls. These 3 criteria taken into account, every date of registration of a temperature has been classified by a 3 digit combination, which synthesizes on a tropospheric scale the synoptic conditions in which the value occurred. Theoretically, taking into account the number of the criteria, and their variations, 571 different combinations may be formed, each of them synthesizing the characteristics of the troposphere at the analyzed date. For instance, a combination like 171, often encountered, underlines the fact that Romania is located at the contact of an anticyclone formation and a cyclone formation (1), disposed so that the atmospheric circulation is attained from north-west towards south-east (7), the whole system being sustained by a baric coupling, similar to the one on the ground level in the middle troposphere (1). Similarly, a combination
52
LUCIAN SFC
like 302 underlines the existence of an anticyclone on the ground level (3) inside, the baric gradient is much reduced, which implies the persistence of the atmospheric calm (0), while in altitude, an anticyclonic ridge persists (2). It is obvious, though, that a lot of the combinations are impossible, and others, even if theoretically may occur, haven not been found on the analyzed synoptic maps. As we have noticed, in the Siret corridor, the occurring dates of the monthly extreme temperatures are different from a station to another, the chosen date has been the one on which the extreme temperature occurred in at least two out of three weather stations, or, if they are different on all three stations, it has been chosen the date on which extreme temperature occurred at the station Bacu, representative for the entire region due to its position. We also have to specify the fact that the current analysis should not be confused to the analysis of the heat and cold waves, because, in a very hot month, for instance, the absolute minimum temperature may be at a very high level, determined by the particular synoptic conditions of that month. This explains the occurrence of some extreme values in non typical conditions, presented next. 2. Analysis and results a. Ground synoptic conditions are determining in the occurrence of extreme temperatures. From the analysis performed on this criterion we can underline some conclusions: - the baric coupling situations are favorable to the occurrence of maximal temperatures especially in the months of the cold semester, and less in the hot one, therefore the advections of some warm air masses have an important role in the occurrence of these values; - it is remarkable the high frequency of cyclonic conditions(fig. 1A) in the occurrence of the same values also in the cold season, most of the times the same synoptic situation in which Romania was in the preceding part - with southern advections of warm air - of some mobile depressions of Atlantic origin, or even mediterranean; - but, in the warm season, the most frequent conditions for the occurrence of maximal monthly temperatures are the anticyclonic ones, that allow an increase of temperatures on a radiative background; - comparatively, we may state that the presence of some ridges on the ground level is much more favorable for the occurrence of some minimal temperatures(fig. 1B), than for the occurrence of the maximal ones, especially in the cold season, when these formations are related to the occurrence of the continental anticyclones inside which the masses of cold air are formed;
53
- on the other hand, the position of Romania in the region of some trough is much more favorable to the occurrence of some monthly maximal values. We must say that these formations may imply both maximal and minimal values, according to the position of Romania inside these formations. If it is placed on the anterior zone of the trough, southern
9 ,0 8 ,0 7 ,0 6 ,0 5 ,0 4 ,0 3 ,0 2 ,0 1 ,0 0 ,0 %
9,0 8,0 7,0 6,0 5,0 4,0 3,0 2,0 1,0
II
III
IV
VI
VII
V III
IX
0,0 B
II
III
IV
VI
V II
V III
IX
Figure no. 1: The annual regime of synoptic conditions on the ground level in the moment of the occurrence of the maximal temperatures (a) and minimal temperatures (b) monthly (C- baric coupling, L- cyclone, H- anticyclone, R-ridge, T- trough)
advections logically facilitate the occurrence of maximal values, in the same way that the positioning in the posterior sector of the northern advections facilitates the occurrence of the minimal values. As far as the annual situation is concerned, we underline the role of the anticyclonic conditions (fig. 2), which are most frequent in the warm semester, related to the occurrence of the monthly maximal values, and in the cold semester for the minimal monthly temperatures. We observe the extremely high percentage of the typical anticyclonic conditions in the occurrence of the minimal monthly values- 60%, as a result of the joining of the typical anticyclonic situations and the ridge situations which marks out the importance of the anticyclonic conditions. Those conditions lead to important radiation losses during the nights, favoring the occurrence of the minimal monthly values. At the same time, the occurrence of the monthly maximals is mostly connected to cyclonic situations 40% as a result of the cyclonic and trough joining. B. The direction of the breakthrough of the air masses in the conditions of extreme temperatures occurrence. Regarding the origin of the air masses that induce the extreme temperatures on the territory of Romania, it is already known the fact that the minimal values are caused by the movement of the polar air masses, but mostly, by the continental arctic air from Greenland or
54
LUCIAN SFC
from the Eurasian continent (Bogdan, 1999), while the maximal values are caused by the advections of the continental tropical air, generated by the continental anticyclones which develop in the south-east of Europe, in the southwest territory of Asia, in the pond of the Black Sea, Balcanic peninsula or in the north-west of the African continent (Clima Romaniei, vol. I, 1962).
%50,0
40,0 30,0 20,0 10,0 0,0 M ax M in
C 25,5 23,4
L 18,8 7,2
H 27,0 42,6
R 7,1 17,6
T 21,6 9,2
Figure no. 2: The annual frequency of the synoptic conditions on the ground level in the moment of the maximal and the minimal monthly temperatures occurrence (C- baric coupling, L cyclone, H anticyclone, R ridge, T - trough)
Aalysingn the baric maps at the level of 850 hPa is concerned, we may conclude that: - the situations of the atmospheric calm (fig. 3), in which extreme temperatures occur in the absence of the advection of the air masses, favor the occurrence of the maximal temperatures during the warm semester, in the interval of Aril-October, in each month, over 2% of the monthly maximal temperatures occur in these conditions while during the cold semester the atmospheric calm favors the occurrence of the monthly minimal values. The atmospheric calm cases which are related to the anticyclonic regime (serene and still) favor both the radiative warming during the winter nights, which lead to the occurrence of the minimal temperatures, and the radiative warming during summer nights which lead to the occurrence of the maximal temperatures during the summer afternoons.
55
9,0 8,0 7,0 6,0 5,0 4,0 3,0 2,0 1,0 0,0

C N NE E SE S
9,0 8,0 7,0 6,0 5,0 4,0 3,0 2,0 1,0
NE
SE
II
III
IV
VI
V II
V III
IX
0,0 B
II
III
IV
VI
V II
V III
IX
Figure no. 3 The annual regime of the direction of the air masses breakthrough in the moment of the occurrence of the maximal temperatures (a) and the minimal temperatures (b) monthly (C - calm)
%50,0
40,0 30,0 20,0 10,0 0,0 M ax M in
0 23,7 27,5
N 0,2 31,6
NE 0,2 6,5
E 2,9 11,8
SE 0,9 0,2
S 16,7 1,6
SV 39,5 0,4
V 12,9 4,0
NV 3,1 16,5
Figure no. 4 The annual frequency of the direction of the advectionsof the air masses in the moment of the monthly maximal and minimal temperatures occurrence
- a basic fact is that the maximal temperatures values occur based on the advection of the southern tropical warm air masses 57% cases of the monthly maximals in the analyzed period while the minimal values are associated to the northern air masses advections 52% of the monthly minimals occur under the incidence of the advection of the air masses on this component; - the western air masses advections is most favorable to the occurrence of the maximal temperatures during winter months, when the ocean air masses
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are a lot warmer than the continental ones, and the north-west circulation favors the occurrence of the minimal extreme temperatures in the months of the warm season, because in this period of the year, the Atlantic air masses are colder than the continental ones; - following the same reasoning of the differentiation of the thermal character of the continental and the maritime air masses related to the season, we underline the fact that eastern circulations have a significant contribution to the occurrence of the extreme monthly minimal values during winter, but also, to a smaller extent, the spring and summer maximals; Regarding the annual values(fig. 4), it is obvious, first of all, the higher percentage of the atmospheric calm situations in the occurrence of the monthly minimal temperatures, of the extreme values occurring in these conditions. The second feature is related to the radical change of the circulation conditions in the case of the maximal and minimal temperatures. It is also obvious the fact that the maximal temperatures occur in relation to the expanding of some warm air ridges from south-west, which, on their north-east extremity, reach the territory of Romania. The cold air breakthrough mostly occurs by the breakthrough of the cold air on the northern direction on the posterior part of the altitude troughs.
9,0 8,0 7,0 6,0 5,0 4,0 3,0 2,0 1,0 0,0 I II III IV V VI V II V III IX
9,0 8,0 7,0 6,0 5,0 4,0 3,0 2,0 1,0 0,0
II
III
IV
VI
V II
V III
IX
Figure no. 5 The annual regime of the synoptic conditions on the 500 hPa level in the moment of the monthly extreme temperatures occurrence (0 calm, C baric coupling, R ridge, T trough, CH cut-off high, CL cut-off low)
C. Synoptic conditions in the middle troposphere are closely related to the processes from the ground level. On this level which similes to the spray currents the dynamic is much more pronounced, so that the atmospheric calm situations have been taken into consideration with an orientation purpose mostly, their role in the occurrence of the extreme temperatures being very reduced. The best expression of the
57
dynamic conditions is given by the very high frequency of the baric coupling conditions in the occurrence of the monthly extreme temperatures(fig. 5). Another feature is given by the high frequency of the warm air ridges, especially during summer, in the moment of the monthly maximal temperatures occurrence in the interval of may-august, in each month, over 4% of the annual maximal values occur in these conditions. On the opposite, the minimal temperatures mostly occur in conditions of altitudinal trough during winter(fig. 6).Also, due to the dynamics of the atmosphere at temperate altitudes, in altitude, isolated cores of high atmospheric pressure that strip off the tropical ridges (cutoff high), or low pressure cores that strip off polar trough (cut-off low) may settle in the region of Romania. From the analysis we made, we can definitely
%60,0
50,0 40,0 30,0 20,0 10,0 0,0 M ax M in 0 1,4 0,0 C 53,8 25,9 R 33,3 22,3 T 8,5 39,9 CH 1,8 0,0 CL 1,1 12,0
Figure no. 6 The annual frequency of the synoptic conditions on the 500 hPa level in the moment of the monthly maximal and minimal temperatures occurrence (0 calm, C baric coupling, R ridge, T trough, CH cut-off high, CL cut-off low)
notice the dependence on the existence of some cut-off low cores and the occurrence of the monthly minimal temperatures, especially in the cold semester, while the impress of the cut-off high situations is much more worn off in the occurrence of the maximal temperatures. Annually, maximal temperatures occur, in most cases, in conditions of baric coupling (53.8%), while the minimal values mostly occur in conditions of altitude trough (39.9%), especially when Romania is located in their posterior, cold part. 3. Brief conclusions Concerning the most frequent types of circulation, including the 3 above mentioned criteria, we could state that:
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LUCIAN SFC
- in the warm period, the maximal temperature occurs most obviously during the development of 302 type circulation (anticyclone on the ground level leadung to atmospheric calm, all that system being sustained by a ridge of warm air on altitude); considering the cold period of the year, the advective conditions prevail on the production of maximal temperatures, 171 type circulation is supposing strong westerly advections of warmer air from the Atlantic in conditions of baric coupling on the ground with jet-stream in the altitude; - the minimal temperatures in the warm period are clearly generated by northerly advections of cold polar air in the westerly side of mobile cyclones crossing the continent from north-west to south-east in conditions of a large trough descending from the poles to low latitude in altitude (183 circulation type); the minimal temperatures of the cold season are produced by the same 302 circulation type with massive loss of radiation on the ground level inside the anticyclone with generalized temperature inversions in the low troposphere.
References Alheim K-H. (1989), Wie funktioniert das? Wetter und Klima, Bibliographisches Institut&F.A. Brockhaus AG, Mannheim. Barry R. G., Chorley R. J. (2003), Atmosphere, weather and climate, Eight edition, Routledge, London&New York. Bogdan Octavia, Niculescu Elena (1999),Riscurile climatice din Romnia, Academia Romn, Institutul de Geografie. Ion-Bordei N. (1988), Fenomene meteoclimatice induse de configuraia Carpailor n Cmpia Romn, Academia Romn, Bucureti. Kurz, M. (1998), Synpotic meteorology, Second, completely revised edition, Training guidelines of the German Meteorological Servuce, Deutscher Wetterdienst, Offenbach am Main, 1998. Lauer, W., Bendix, J. (2006), Klimatologie-neuarbeitung, Das geographische seminar, Bildungshaus Schulbuchverlage. Linacre E., Geerts B. (1997), Climate &weather explained, Routledge, London. Malberg H. (2002), Meteorologie und Klimatologie-eine Einfhrung, Vierte, aktualisierte und erweiterte Auflage, Springer, Berlin. Pettersen, S. (1969), Introduction in Meteorology, McGraw-Hill Book Company, Third Edition, New York. Schnwiese, C-D. (2003), Klimatologie, Verlag Eugen Ulmer, Stuttgart. Topor, N., Stoica, C. (1965), Tipuri de circulaie i centri de aciune atmosferic deasupra Europei, C.S.A., Institutul Meteorologic, Bucureti. Vigeau J-P. (2000), Geoclimatologie, Ellipses Edition Marketing S.A., Paris. Wiedersich B. (2006), Taschen Atlas-wetter, Klett-Perthes, Gotha und Stuttgart, 2 Auflage. *** Tabele meteorologice anuale TM-11, INMH, 1972-2002. ***http://www.wetterzentrale.de/
HUMAN SETTLEMENTS IN MOLDAVIA REPRESENTED ON THERUSSIANMAPBETWEEN 1828-1829 VasileBican Al. I. Cuza IaiUniversity Faculty of Geography and Geology
Rezumat. Aezrile omeneti din Moldova reprezentate pe harta rus din 1828 1829. Lucrarea de fafost realizat pe seama analizei i prelucrrii datelor oferite de Harta rus i prezint numrul, distribuia geografic i densitatea aezrilor omeneti din regiunea Moldovei n timpul rzboiului ruso-turc din anii 1828 1829, ctigat de rui i ncheiat cu Pacea de la Adrianopol (26.04.1829). n timpul acestui rzboi, ofierii topografi rui au efectuat ridicarea topografic a hrii la scara de 1 : 420.000, cunoscut n literatura romneasc i sub numele de harta rus. Aceasta este o hart statistic, ntruct autorii au notat lng fiecare aezare omeneasc numrul, de familii (gospodrii). Dup opinia istoricului romn C.C. Giurescu (1957), topografii rui au folosit datele statistice, referitor la numrul de gospodrii (familii), ale unui recensmnt mai vechi, din perioada anilor 1821 i 1828. n ordine cronologic, aceasta veste prima hart care ne ofer imaginea complet a rspndirii aezrilor din toat Moldova - exclusiv Bucovina, la nceputul sec. al XIX lea. Totodat, aceasta este i o hart administtrativ, deoarece red i limitele tuturor inututrilor Moldovei. Pe baza acestor date ale coninutului, am realizat i dou tabele statistice (Tabelul nr. 1 i Tabelul nr. 2) ct i dou hri geografice tematice anexe (Fig. 1 i Fig. 2), utiliznd metode specifice metoda punctului (simplificat), n Fig. 1 i metoda izoliniilor, n Fig. 2.). Harta rus, considerat destul de exact, a fost gravat n ediia I- a la 1835 i n ediia II - a la 1853.
Key words:Number, geographical distribution and density of the human settlements in Moldavia In the first decades of the 19th century, the social economic development of Moldavia produced in historical conditions different from those at the end of the 18th century. After the Peace from Kuciuk Kainargi (in 1774), Moldavia started the period of passing from the feudal economic relations to the capitalist way of production. At the end of this peace, Moldavia acquired new rights and liberties from the suzerain Ottoman Gate: for instance the right to trade with other states than with Turkey and others. In this way an intensive period of development, but also an extensive period of agriculture, particularly of growing animals, began.
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As a consequence occured the foundation of new rural settlements and the continual peopling of the low regions from East and South-East, steppe and forest steppe regions, which had been considered for many centuries open places and were avoided by the permanent settlements. At the same time, a slight refreshment of the urban settlements occurs and the foundation of significant number of small towns. All these occur as a background of an important growth of the number of population of Moldavia, even if this one had to bear the effects of lots of wars and epidemic periods. However, at the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the XIXth century, Moldavia had to tolerate certain historical events, some of them with very painful consequences. In this way, in the autumn of 1774, Moldavia bared a new cut-down of its boundaries because of Austrian Empire, that annexed Bucovina, in which also Cernui was included and over two thirds of territory of Suceava, totalizing a surface of over 10.000 km2, which remained under Austrian occupation until 1918. Many zears after the destructive Russian Austrian Turkish war in 1787 1792, the terrible Russian Turkish war followen in1806 1812, ending with the Peace of Bucharest (May 16th 1812), through which the Russian Empire rended from Moldavias body all the space between the rivers Prut and Nistru, that was called Basarabia. Beginning with 1774 the Tatars from Buceag sheltered themselves to Crimeea, and in 1806, the last Tatar families were sent to Crimeea and the region of Cuban, so that in 1812, Buceag was completely abandoned by Tatars. They left almost all the villages and small cities destroyed and devastated. (I.Nistor, 1923). The Russian Empire was considered to have had the richest land of Moldavia. Basarabia, anexed to the Russian Empire represented over half of Moldavias surface, totalizing over 45.630 km2, where there were 5 walled cities, 17 small towns, 685 villages and a population of approximately 482.630 inhabitants. In the first years after the occupation of Basarabia, because of the oppression of the Russian rule, thousands of villagers were running away over Prut, leaving behind a lot of devastated villages. Finally, in 1828-1829, another Russian Turkish war took place, won by the Russians and ended with the Peace of Adrianopolis (26.04.1829), that brought yet to Moldavia some more advantages. On the occasion of this war, the Russian topography military officers raised the map Karta teatr v Evope 1828 i 1829 godovi on the scale of1 : 420.000, also known as the Russian map, presenting among other teritories, Moldavia. This is a general map that represents all the visible details, but the landforms. It is also a statistical and
61 HUMAN SETLEMENTS IN MOLDAVIA REPRESENTED ON THE RUSSIAN MAP
administrative map, quite exact, that was graved in the first edition, in 1835 and in the second edition, in 1853. According to the opinion of the Romanian historian C.C. Giurescu (1957), the Russian topographers used the statistical dates refering to the number of households (families) of the human settlements, of an older census refering to the period between 1821 - 1828. This is the first map that offers a complete image of the distribution of human settlements all over Moldavia exclusively Bucovina, at the beginning of the XIXth century. This writing represents the result of modifying of the dates acquired through the analysis of this map. According to the legend, on this map all the visible and measurable details were thoroughly reproduced, with the exception of the landforms, so it is a general map. As for the human settlements the bellowing were reproduced: 1. cities four categories; 2. villages three categories; 3. devastating villages; 4. houses or manors; 5. churches; 6. monasteries and hermitages; 7. sheepfolds, sheep pens and chimney sweepers; 8. taverns, inns and 9. water mills and wind mills. At the same time it is an administrative map, because it renders also the limits of all Moldavian districts. In chronological order, it is the last map after which the limits of the territories Crligtura, Hera and Hrlu, suppressed in 1834, can be reconstituted. 1.The number and the geographical distribution of the settlements On the whole surface of Moldavia renderedon the Russian map, 3.755 settlements were represented, this number including also those hamlets, sheep folds, mills, monasteries, hermitages, where it hadnt been marked the number of the families was not marked(Table no.1). The map made by us (Fig. 1), entitled The distribution of the Moldavian settlements in 1828-1829, renders the human settlements cities, small villages, through an empty small circle, and the rural settlements through a small point. This map and especially the statistical table (Tab. 1) drawn up by us show that, in 1828-1829, on the territory of Moldavia, there is a total of 3.755 settlements, that means 32 cities and small towns and 3.7243 rural settlements villages and hamlets, as well as 101 monasteries and hermitages. Taking into consideration the findings of the historian C. C. Giurescu (1957) performed only concerning Moldavia until Prut, and our observations upon the whole territory up to Nistru, the distribution of the settlements in regions was very ununiformly, depending on the natural conditions as well as on the extent of the surface of the regions.
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Figure no.1 The dsitribution of the Moldavian settlements in 1828-1829 The most varied rural settlements were placed in Orhei (340), that also had the largest surface (8.212 km), including the old region Lpuna; following in order the region of Neam (879 settlements) and the region of Soroca (277). In the region of Hera there were only 36 rural settlements and in Crligtura 73. Hera had the smallest surface (315 km). Trying to group the regions according to the number of the rural settlements we can mention that: 2 regions (Hera and Crligtura) had less than 100 rural settlements, 10 regions had 100 200 rural settlements, 7 regions had 200 300 rural settlements and one region (Orhei) had over 300 rural settlements.
Figura 2 The density of rural settlements in Moldavia in 1828 - 1829
If we analyse distribution of the rural settlements on the three large longitudinal zones settled by the west boundary and the rivers Siret, Prut and Nistru, this one was rendered in the following way: 24,3% of the settlements were placed to the West of the Siret, with the smallest surface, 42,5% of the settlements were placed in the central area Siret Prut, with complex, natural conditions, especially pedoclimatic, favourable to the development of the agricultural economy prevalent at that time, and 33,2 % of the rural settlements were placed to the East o the Prut with the largest surface, but with a steppe and silvosteppe droughty climat.
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Table no . 1 The human Settlements rendered on the Russian Map in 1835 Region Sur face Number of settlements Monasteries, Density km/1 (km2) hermitages of the village rural settl. Cities Villages Total and hamlets towns Suceava 3 992 1 214 215 6 5,4 18,6 Neam 4350 2 279 281 22 6,4 15,6 Bacu 3 591 2 252 254 6 7,0 14,2 Putna 3 355 3 187 190 9 5,6 17,9 Hera 315 1 36 37 1 11,4 8,8 Dorohoi 2 232 1 197 198 1 8,7 11,4 Botoani 3 525 1 91 92 4 6,5 15,4 Hrlu 1 127 128 4 Iai 6 500 1 220 221 7 3,4 29,5 Roman 1 632 1 155 156 5 9,5 10,5 Crligtura 975 1 73 74 2 7,5 13,3 Vaslui 2 000 1 186 187 7 9,3 10,7 Flciu 2 100 1 158 159 4 7,5 13,3 Tutova 2 700 1 221 222 9 8,2 12,2 Tecuci 2 475 1 236 237 8 9,5 10,5 Covurlui 2 855 1 143 144 5 5,0 20,0 Hotin 4 650 1 179 180 3,9 26,0 Soroca 5 457 2 277 279 5,1 19,7 Orhei 8 212 2 340 342 1 4,1 24,1 Bugeac 23 013 7 152 159 0,7 151,4 83 929 32 3 723 3 755 101 4,4 22,5 TOTAL
Comparing The Russian Map (1835) with another map of Moldavia, at the end of the 18th century (1769 - 1772), of the Russian general F. G. De Bawr (V.Bican, 1981), we find out that, although the number of the human settlements has doubled in 60 years (on Bawr map 1938 rural settlements were rendered), their percentage distribution on the three longitudinal zones had kept almost the same percentage (25% on Bawr map and 24,3% in 1835), but in the central zone Siret Prut, the number of the rural settlements drabbed off with 4,5% (from 47% to 42,5%), while in the East zone Prut Nistru increased with 5,2% (from 28% to 33,2%). The fact is explainable: after the Peace of Kuciuk Kainargi (1774), the old threat (theNogai tatars from Buceaga and even the zaporogen Cossacks from
south Ukrainia) drabbed off gradually until its dissapearance, and the development of the agriculture in the low regions in East and South East advanced. It was followed by a more intense peopling and creation of new villages and hamlets. Besides this, in the north and south of Basarabia, after the driving away of the Turks and Tatars, the creation of new villages was encouraged for the Romanian population, as well as for the bringing of some foreign immigrants. Thus, it is supposed that from the 21.701 households registered in catagrafia from 1817 for the region of Hotin, almost 1/3 were ruten vagrants from Podolia and Pocuia. Moreover, to the North and South of Basarabia, after the chasing of the Turks and Tatars, the creation of villages was encouraging for the Romanian population, but also for the bringing of foreign immigrants. Hence, it is supposed that, from the 21.701 households registered in the catagraphia from 1817 for the region ofHotin, almost 1/3 were rutens wanderers that came from Podolia and Pocutia. In addition it is considered that there were almost 2000 Lippovan families, that wandered in Basarabia out of religious reasons, so that during the kidnapping of Basarabia, were living 8000 Russian families especially in villages. After 1769, but especially after the kidnapping of Basarabia, a lot of Bulgarians came from the Ottoman Empire and together with them the gguzi Petcheneg Cumanian Turkish nation, so that in 1817 34 Gguz Bulgarian villages, were already registered, all of them placed in Buceag, between the rivers of Ialpug and Lunga (I.Nistor, 1923). The colonization of Buceag, empty after the departure of the Turks and Tatars, accomplished gradually with Romanians, Cossacks, Russians, Germans, Bulgarians and a population named Gguzi. After the kidnapping of Basarabia, at the beginning, the Moldavians were running scared in large groups on the other side of Prut, but after the new Russian Administration assured them that through the Establishment from 1818, every new colonist was tax-exempt for four years, a lot of Moldavians established also in Buceag, creating new villages like: Spinoasa, Tambur, Cprioara, Frumuica Nou i Veche, Catargiu,Satu-Nou,Bulboca, Moldovanca, Moruzeni, Vratic, Ialpugeni, Valea Perjului, Baba, Grdina etc. In 1814, under the advice of the Russian government, approximately 1000 German reformed colonists families were brought, from the regions of Varsovia, founding villages along the rivers of Coglnic, Ceaga i Srata (Borodino, Tarutino, Kulm, Moloiaslov, Crasnoe., Leipzig, Cleatia, Katzbach). Subsequently, in 1833, German colonists came from Wrtemberg and other regions from south Germany, that founded the colony Gnadenthal, and in 1834, Friedenthal and Lichtenthal colonies were created. Finally, in the next years, another 11 German villages were
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founded. The German colonies were pleased at having a large local authonomy, creating three detours with the centre in Tarutino. In 1816, French colonists were brought, that founded the villages Farechampenoise, Brienne, Paris and Arcis, placed on the valley of Coglnic, at the beginning of Ceghei or upstream. In 1817, a new but small group of Germans founded the village Teplitz. Between 1824 1828, the Swiss colonists came from the Lausanne district, founding the villages aba, in thesouth from the White Stronghold. Russian also contributed, but not to the colonization of Bessarabia, respectively Velicorussians or the Moscals, Malorussians or Rutens (Ukrainians) ans Cossacks. They founded colonies or Cossack villages like Amangit, Staro-Cozare, Volontirovca and after the 1828 1829 war the villages of Nicolaievska, Uspenskaia, Cerno-levka, Stepanovka, Constantinovka, Cercheti, Marinovka, Mihailovka etc. Their inhabitans had a frontier organization. In Bessarabia Jew and Armenian colonists were also brought, but they could not adapt themselves to the life of the villagers, carrying on trade. Confronted by Bawr map, the Russian map (1835) includes also the region of Buceag (with a surface of about 23.013 km) and 152 rural settlements, but it does not render Bucovina, conquered by Austrians. On the Russian map 32 urban settlements were rendered cities, towns and townlets, most of them being the old settlements of Moldavia. Confronted by Bawr map some old towns became rural settlements (Kruglik, Lipcani, Briceni, Trotu, Lpuna, Greceni and Flciu), in exchange some others appeared (Hera, Bli, Flticeni i Bolgrad). We mention here that the Russian map (1835) does not register all the existing townlets until 1838. From the historical documents results that in the first three decades of the 19th century were declared at least five townlets: Burdujeni that was declared town at 1808 and market town at 1818; Nmoloasa, Putna (1828), Drgueni, region of Covurlui (1823); Sveni, region of Dorohoi (4.aug.1818) and Sulia, Botoani (1817 -1819). Moreover, on this map a large number of religious settlements was represented (101 monasteries, churches and hermitages), but in fact they were a lot more numerous. 2.The density of the rural settlements Because between 1828-1829 the surface of Moldavia, exclusively Bucovina, was 83.929 km, it results that, the medium density of the rural settlements was of 4,4 settlements/ 100 km, that means a significant increase as compared to Bawr map (2,7 settl./ 100km). At the same time, this fact shows us
a diminution of the surface of ground that was due to every settlement, from 37,5 km /1 village on Bawrs map, to 1828-1829 (Table no.1). Although the map drawn up by us, entitled The density of the rural settlements in Moldavia in 1828-1829, through the method of izolines (Fig. no.2), has some difficulties, imposed especially by the drawbacks of explaining the method of izolines, renders sufficiently clear the areas with different categories of densenesses. The areas with minimum density are delimited by the izoline of 2 settlements/ 100km; it shows that between 1828-1829,almost 40% of the territory Moldavias had less than 2 settlements/ 100km. The highest values of this kind were placed first of all in Eastern Carpathians, with ahigh level of wood cover with the natural conditions less favourable for permanent living, where higher densities (of 4- 6 and even up to 8 settlements/100 km2) were only along the main valleys, especially in their widened fields. The very little values of the density of the rural settlements (under 2 settlemets/ 100km) occupied a lot larger areas in the extra Carpathian lower steppe and silvosteppe subunits: the central zone of the north and the south halves of the Moldavian Plain, South-East of Husi Depression and South of Covurlui Plateau, but especially on the interstream Prut-Nistru (over 50%) - in Bli Depression, Orhei and all the region from south Bcului Forests (Hillocks of Coglnic, Plain of Bugeac). The low densities (2-4 settlements/100km) occupied significant areas, on about 20% of the surface of Moldavia, at the East limit of the Eastern Carpathians, in the Moldavias Plain, western Central Moldavian Plateau, on the Crasna-Lohan interstream, region of Brlad, Covurlui Plateau and especially in the North-half of the Prut-Nistru interstream. The densities with high values (6-8settlements/ 100km) occupied quite significant areas (about 10%) only in Moldavian Subcarpathians, the Siret Corridor and in the Moldavian Plateau between Siret and Prut in the hill and hillock higher subunits. The densities with very high values (8 -12 settlements/100 km2 ) occupied limited areas, insular ones (totalizing about 5% of Moldavia surface), all of them being situated only to the West of the Prut Valley (Fig. no. 2). The densities with the highest values (over 12 settlements/100km) marked only one area, very limited, situated in South from Tutovas Hillocks, where it reached the maximum value of 13 settlements/ 100km.
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VASILE BICAN The explanations of the maps
Figure no.1.Human settlements distribution in Moldavia berween 1828-1829 Legend:Towns und market towns; Villages and hamlets; Monasteries and churches;Abbreviations. Figure no.2Density of the human settlements in Moldavia between 1828-1829 Legend: under 2settlements/100 km 2, 2 4 settlements/100km2 .over 12 settlements/100 km2 References Bican V.. (1981) Aezrile din Moldova repezentate pe harta lui F.G.Bawr(17691772). Rev. Terra, nr.4, Bucureti. Ciachir N. (1992) - Basarabia sub stpnire stalinist (1812 1917) Univ. Bucureti, Facultatea de Istorie. Cucu V. (1981) Geografia populaiei i aezrilor omeneti. Ed.Did.Ped. Giurescu C.C.(1957) Principatele Romne la nceputul sec.al XIX-lea. Mihilescu V.(1927) O hart a principalelor tipuri de aezri rurale din Romnia.B.S..R.R.G., Vol. XLVI, Bucureti Nistor I.. (1923) Istoria Basarabiei. Cernui. Tufescu V.. (1934) Rspndirea satelor de rzei. Contribuiuni la studiul populrii Moldovei. Rev. Arhivele Basarabiei.Chiinu. Vlsan G.. (1912) - O faz n popularea rilor Romneti. B.S.R.R.G.,t.XXXIII, Bucureti. x x x (1835) Karta teatr voinu v Evrope 1828 i 1829(hart fenumit i harta rus), scara 1:420.000. Ed.I
LA ROUMANIE A LHEURE DE LIMPLOSION DEMOGRAPHIQUE par Ionel Muntele

Facult de Gographie et Gologie, Universit Al.I.Cuza Iai Rezumat : Romnia la ora imploziei demografice. Faptul c Romnia se afl ntr-un moment de criz din perspectiva evoluiei sale demografice nu mai constituie o noutate. Nici evidena unui declin practic imposibil de controlat nu mai trebuie afirmat. Cum n evoluia stocurilor de populaie fenomenele de genul celor care au determinat aceast criz i manifest efectele pe parcursul mai multor generaii, este greu de presupus c se vor gsi soluii viabile, n afara celor care pun accentul pe atragerea de imigrani. Analiza prospectiv propus ncearc s surprind disparitile teritoriale, tendinele regionale i efectele acestora asupra echilibrului demografic la nivel naional, regional sau local.
Mots-cl : prvision, crise dmographique, disparits, tendances, Roumanie La prsente tude est une application du modle de la prvision dmographique par composantes un systme populationnel en pleine crise. Il ne faut pas chercher le dbut de cette crise exclusivement dans la chute du rgime communiste. Les ressorts qui ont impos un dclin de la fcondit sont plus complexes et ont les racines dans des volutions antrieures. On peut affirmer que cette crise nest que leffet tardif de linadaptation de la socit roumaine aux exigences de la modernit. Cette inadaptation eut en tant que principale consquence un vritable gaspillage des ressources humaines sous diverses formes : exode rural brutal, urbanisation superficielle accompagne par une industrialisation force, mauvaise intgration des minorits dans le contexte dune vision simpliste de lEtat-nation, labsence dune politique cohrente en ce qui concerne la famille et le rle de la femme etc. Le point de dpart de lanalyse prospective est lanne 2005. Le choix du modle par composantes permet une prvision plus correcte vu la prise en compte des tendances de la mobilit gographique. 1.Les prmices rcentes de lvolution de la population roumaine base de la variante moyenne du modle prospectif Lanalyse propose a pour point de dpart la structure par ges et par sexes de la population au niveau des 42 units administratives de rang suprieur
70
IONEL MUNTELE
les dpartements (judee). Les donnes fournies par lInstitut National de Statistique pour 2005 respectent en grande partie les rsultats du dernier recensement effectu en 2002. Cest ce stock de population quon a appliqu le modle prospectif concernant les composantes suivantes : -la fertilit de la population fminine par tranches dges (15-49 ans). On a retenu la moyenne des annes 2002-2006 avec des corrections correspondant aux tendances de glissement de lge moyenne de la premire naissance vers les tranches suprieures dge ; -la mortalit infantile en 2005-2007 avec des corrections correspondant aux tendances visibles de diminution dans toutes les units administratives ; -lesprance de vie la naissance par sexes au niveau de la priode 2002-2006 avec des corrections correspondant aux dernires tendances observes en 2007 ; -les tableaux de mortalit par ges et par sexes en 2004-2006, avec la prise en compte des dernires volutions de 2007 ; -le solde migratoire par ges et par sexes, en2004-2006, avec la prise en compte des dernires volutions de 2007 et aussi des rsultats du dernier recensement concernant la mobilit internationale de la population. On a appliqu aussi des corrections suivant les volutions rcents, dans les limites imposes dans les statistiques officielles. Au niveau du pays on a labor trois variantes : basse, moyenne et haute, selon les pratiques courantes dans les prospections dmographique. Pour approfondir lanalyse au niveau dpartemental on a retenu seulement la variante moyenne, plus raliste notre avis. Cette variante part des suivantesprmices : -la prservation et la gnralisation des tendances actuelles en matire de fertilit (augmentation aux tranches 25-29 et 30-34 ans, rduction aux tranches 15-19 ans) ; -laugmentation de lesprance de vie la naissance, conformment aux volutions observes entre 2000 et 2006 (gain de 1,8 ans en moyenne) ; -le maintien des dernires volutions de la mobilit gographique de la population : rduction progressive de la migration dfinitive ltranger, continuation des mouvements circulaires au moins pour la premire dcade, relancement de la mobilit interne (vers les rgions disposant dun potentiel attractif certain). 2.Rsultats de lanalyse La base de donnes ainsi cre pour chacune des composantes fut suivie par lestimation, pour chaque priode quinquennale, des deux lments
71
LA ROUMANIE A LHEURE DE LIMPLOSION DEMOGRAPHIQUE
essentiels du bilan gnral de la population : le solde naturel et le solde migratoire. Les calculs successifs ont conduit un tableau final de la structure par ges et par sexes de la population en 2030 (voir tab. no.1).
Tableau no.1 : Prvision de la population totale en 2030
Nr. crt. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 Judets Alba Arad Arge Bacu Bihor BistriaNsud Botoani Braov Brila Buzu Cara Severin Clrai Cluj Constana Covasna Dmbovia Dolj Galai Giurgiu Gorj Harghita Hunedoara Population en 2030, en milliers,dont totale masculine fminine 316,1 154 162,1 417,1 201,1 216 551,7 266,5 285,2 655,8 322,5 333,3 530,4 257,7 272,7 283,6 139,1 144,5 413,9 527,3 298,2 413,4 273,9 278,1 617,3 660,7 203,5 461,5 607,5 532,2 244,9 340,5 286,2 384,6 204 253,3 144,6 201,1 133 136 296,3 316,8 99,2 224,4 294,5 259 119,9 166,8 138,9 184,8 209,9 274 153,6 212,3 140,9 142,1 321 343,9 104,3 237,1 313 273,2 125 173,7 147,3 199,8 Nr. crt. 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 Judets Ialomia Iai Ilfov Maramure Mehedini Mure Neam Olt Prahova Satu Mare Slaj Sibiu Suceava Teleorman Timi Tulcea Vaslui Vlcea Vrancea Bucureti Roumanie Population en 2030, en milliers,dont totale masculine fminine 261,8 127,9 133,9 804,5 394,3 410,2 307,5 149,8 157,7 445,4 217,5 227,9 241,6 118,7 122,9 521,8 253,6 268,2 500,5 383,4 708,2 314,8 210,9 385,7 672,9 298,6 625,7 208,1 416,3 346,4 343,5 1728,6 19024,6 245,0 188,1 341,5 150,6 102,9 186,1 331,8 147,1 299,2 102,1 207 170,2 168,1 836,9 9251,9 255,5 195,3 366,7 164,2 108 199,6 341,1 151,5 326,5 106 209,3 176,2 175,4 891,8 9772,7
Le rsultat de cette prospection est sombre : la population roumaine connatra srement une diminution. Toutes les analyses pertinentes menes par des dmographes rputs certifient cette ralit (Gheu, 2007) et les rsultats prsents ci-dessous convergent dans la mme direction, pour toutes les composantes suivies. Ce quon prsente dans le tableau ci-dessus cest la variante moyenne mais, mme la variante haute conduirait une diminution importante (1,5 millions moins en 2030 par rapport au 2005) et la variante basse, quon ne peut pas exclure, offre une perspective catastrophique (5 millions personnes de moins en 2030 par rapport au 2005). Les diffrences seront trs importantes auniveau des dpartements, suivant lvolution des deux composantes du bilan gnral (figure no.1). On peut remarquer ainsi une nette opposition entre le nord-est et le sudouest du pays : au nord-est la diminution de la population sera le rsultat
72
IONEL MUNTELE
convergent dun solde naturel et dun solde migratoire ngatifs mais dans le sudouest seulement le solde naturel lexplique et les situations de compensation relative de la diminution sont frquentes dans le dpartements attractifs depuis longtemps (Arad, Timi) ou rendus attractifs par les investissements trangres (Cluj, Dolj). Il faut constater une vidence dj accepte : le plus fort dclin senregistrera dans le sud du pays, surtout dans les judets ruraux, affects jadis par un puissant exode rural (Teleorman, Olt, Mehedini) mais aussi dans le Hunedoara, trs atteint par la dsindustrialisation. Il est possible assister dans ces conditions un relancement du massif exode rural qui avait caractris dans les annes 1965-1990 le nord-est du pays si lon tient compte que la majeure partie des investissements se dirigent notamment vers la moiti sud-ouest du pays.
Les changements structuraux seront trs importantes : si la pyramide des ges de 2005 attestait encore un potentiel important de la population adulte jeune (20 40 ans), celle de 2030 prvoit une concentration de la population en ge de
73
travail au-del de 40 ans et une augmentation spectaculaire du poids des vieux (voir graphiques).
Pyramide des ges et des sexes de la Roumanie (2005) Pyramide des ges et des sexes de la Roumanie (2030) F
80-84 ans 70-74 ans 60-64 ans 50-54 ans 40-44 ans 30-34 ans 20-24 ans 10-14 ans 0- 4 ans -10,00 -5,00 0,00 5,00 10,00 en%
F M
80-84 ans 70-74 ans 60-64 ans 50-54 ans 40-44 ans 30-34 ans 20-24 ans 10-14 ans 0- 4 ans
en%
-10,00
-5,00
0,00
5,00
10,00
Ceux-ci suggrent une acclration du vieillissement aprs 2030, phnomne qui conduira laccentuation du dclin de la population avec des graves consquences sociales et conomiques. Le recours limmigration pour assurerle bon fonctionnement de la socit sera invitable et il faut dj imaginer une stratgie long terme dans la direction de lintgration des prochaines communauts dimmigrants. Une stratgie cohrente ne peut sappuyer que sur des politiques des support de la famille telle que latteste des tudes menes par des organismes internationales (family support policies et family-friendly employment policies, selon Haub et Kent, 2005).Cest vrai que les auteurs cits parlent dune possible accentuation du changement des tendances de lvolution de la population mondiale, aprs un sicle de forte croissance mais cela ne peut nous rassurer si lon pensait que la Roumanie est classe parmi les pays au plus grand risque du point dmographique dans le dernier World Population Data Sheet publi par le Population Reference Bureau en aut 2008. Une projection au niveau territorial de base (les communes), plus grossire, ayant pour repres seulement la situation rcente des composantes du bilan naturel et du bilan migratoire, lestimation de la fertilit par ges ou de la mortalit par ges et sexe tant peu prs impossible ce niveau, permet la distinction des principales aires de dpeuplement et de concentration de la population au long de lintervalle tudie (figure 2). Les perspectives cette
74
IONEL MUNTELE
chelles sont plus contradictoires : sil y aura invitablement des rgions o le dpeuplement serait une certitude (sud du pays, Monts Apuseni) on peut considrer aussi certaines les aires de concentration, correspondant aux espaces priurbaines des grandes villes ou, plus rarement, aux quelques communauts qui garderont par inertie une vitalit dmographique (en Moldavie et en Transylvanie de nord-est surtout).
75
La carte reprsentant les prvisions de la densit de la population au niveau communal en 2030 est plus suggestif encore (figure 3). La rarfaction de la population roumaine sera une ralit dans les rgions carpatiques occidentales et au sud-est du pays. En mme temps les aires de forte densit se rduiront aux alentours des grandes villes.
76
IONEL MUNTELE
Cest une perspective encore optimiste car on ne peut pas estimer lampleur dune invitable reprise de lexode rural qui affectera certainement les rgions rurales isols, dpourvues de ressources et traditionnellement rpulsives (notamment lintrieur du Plateau Moldave, les plaines du sud extrme etc.). Dun autre point de vue il nest pas possible indiquer avec certitude quelles seront les axes et les noyaux de dveloppement (malgr lexistence des dfinitions et des dnominations officielles) qui attireront les prsupposes vagues dimmigrants. Les consquences de ces volutions possibles en sont nombreuses et surtout coteuses : charge sociale excessive pour la population active ; impossibilit dassurer les services essentiels pour des populations de plus en plus rares, notamment dans les rgions rurales ; extension de labandon rural, avec des consquences environnementales imprvisibles ; difficults dans lapplication des politiques sectorielles de dveloppement etc. Ce sont par ailleurs des problmes auxquelles se confrontent dj les autorits locales dans certaines rgions montagneuses ou collinaires.
Bibliographie Trebici Vladimir, Mic enciclopedie de demografie, Ed.t. i Encicl., Bucureti, 1975, Pressat Roland, Dmographie statistique, Armand Colin, Paris, 1971 Gheu V., Declinul demografic i viitorul populaiei Romniei. O perspectiv din anul 2007 asupra populaiei Romniei n secolul 21, Buzu, Alpha MDN, 2007 Kent M.Mary, Haub C., Global Demographic Divide, Population Bulletin, vol.60, No.4, 2005, Population Reference Bureau, O.N.U., New York ***Comisia Naional pentru Populaie i Dezvoltare, (2006), Cartea verde a populaiei Bucureti www.insse.ro, Baza de date statistic a Institutului Naional de Statistic, Bucureti
ANALELE TIINIFICE ALE UNIVERSITIIAL. I. CUZA IAI Tom LIV, s.II c.Geografie 2008 TOURISM NATIONAL FOREST FUND: A COMPLEX RELATIONSHIP by Marinela Istrate, Raluca Horea-erban Al. I. Cuza University Iai Faculty of Geography and Geology Rezumat : Fondul turistic forestier naionl : relaii complexe. Turismul, ca oricare alt activitate economic, se afl ntr-o strns interdependen cu patrimoniul natural, care constituie obiect al activitii turistice. Orice degradare a unei pri a acestuia determin, treptat, o diminuare a activitii turistice din acea zon; de aceea, dezvoltarea turismului trebuie s se realizeze concomitent cu pstrarea funcionalitii ecosistemelor. Un echilibru ntre dezvoltarea zonelor turistice i pstrarea integritii ecologice a acestora este mai mult dect necesar. n aceste condiii, exploatarea neraional a pdurilor reprezint aspecte importante ale activitii umane care pot conduce la afectarea potenialului turistic al unei zone. n studiul de fa ne-am oprit doar la o prezentare general a situaiei actuale a fondului forestier naional care ocup n prezent 6,2 milioane hectare (26% din suprafaa rii), cu contraste mari de la o zon la alta: alturi de pduri de nalt biodiversitate i stabilitate (precum fgetele, de exemplu), exist multe pduri deteriorate, destabilizate, aflate acum n declin sau chiar n curs de uscare. Alturi de zona de munte, relativ bine mpdurit, avem ntinse suprafee de cmpie despdurite, dealuri erodate, cmpiii stepizate etc. Diminuarea suprafeei forestiere este datorat ndeosebi tierilor ilicite, mai ales de pe suprafeele de pdure care au trecut n proprietate privat dup 1990. Apreciem c n prezent se manifest o ampl presiune social i economic asupra pdurilor, n condiiile n care turismul romnesc, ca i cel mondial, mbrac tot mai mult forma ntoarcerii la natur, la modurile tradiionale de via. Key words: forest resources, tourism, regional imbalances, forest regeneration
Due to their renevable and non-polluting character, forest resources are primarily taken into consideration in all sustainable development strategies. Among the factors that have disturbing influences upon the growth and development of forests, man constantly makes his presence felt at the local, regional and national level. The international dialogue on woods has focused on well-known aspects of their sustainable management. Recently it has also turned to such issues as tourism in forest areas, analysis of the opportunities of using woods in the context of ecotourism development and identification of certain strategy elements that could be used in order to stimulate the sustainable utilization of forest resources.
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MARINELA ISTRATE, RALUCA HOREA-ERBAN
1. The national forest fund As an economic activity, tourism has a direct impact on the environment, constantly taking part in its degradation. The relationships between tourism and forest ecosystem are the following: -the forest ecosystem generates development conditions for tourism; -the human society can alter the structures of the forest ecosystem; -the human society can affect the self-organization processes of the forest ecosystems by changing the parameters, microclimate etc.
Total forest area (2005)
Forest area (hectares)

420,797 243,869 115,187 32,115 608 Fait avec Philcarto - http://perso.club-internet.fr/philgeo
Figure 1
The most efficient analysis of the impact of the human factor is maximum, without doubt, at the local level (such as the level of a hydrographic basin). The present study focuses only on the general presentation of the present situation of the national forest resources, our next approach being intended to be a case study (the impact of human activities on the forests in Vrancea Mountains). In the year 2005, this fund had an area of 6,391,000 hectares, 97 % being proper forests (6,233,000 hectares) that represented 26 % of the country area. Referring to the number of people, the forest quota per inhabitant was of 0.28 hectares/inhabitant (as opposed to 0.30 hectares/inhabitant in 1990). Compared to this average percentage of afforestation at the national level, the territorial grouping of forests is very diverse mainly due to the natural conditions
79 TOURISM-NATIONAL FOREST FUND : A COMPLEXE RELATIONSHIP
and mans intervention along the centuries. Thus, plains possess 10% of the total forest area, hills - 30% and mountains - 60% of this surface (Figure 1). 2. Forest distribution according to species Forests have three main categories of functions: a)functions of producing vegetable and animal biomass; b)functions of protecting the environment: -hydrographic function: it impedes surface drainages, enables infiltration, feeds springs, ensures the permanence and moderate regime of running waters debits; -antierosional function: retention of precipitations in the top crowns of the trees, slow thawing of snow, retention of water in the leaf litter, strong biological drainage and deep consolidation of soil; when forests grow rarer or disappear there take place processes of erosion, land slides, landfalls, especially in the case of lands on a slope, with weak stability; -climatic function: reflection, decrease of radiations penetration and absorption, diminishing extreme temperatures, distribution of precipitations, reducing evaporation, increase of atmospheric humidity, decrease of wind intensity. c)Social functions (sanitary-hygienic, entertaining, esthetic, landscape, scientific). One of the features of the present day world is the increase of the number of people who feel the need of escaping from the more or less polluted cities in order to spend their free time in the nearby green areas, natural parks and generally in the woods, where they can find the most pleasant space for moving and relaxing. This entertaining touristic pressure has determined the local authorities to put much importance on the proper planning of forested areas. The evaluation of the social function of protection that woods have can be expressed by using Pabsts method: V = (e*u) / s, where: e = the cost of 10 trips that a visitor takes to the forest per year; u = the number of inhabitants who visit that forest; s = the area of that forest that has an entertaining function. The application of the evaluation methodology to a significant number of woods (with entertaining function) in our country (Gh. Purcreanu, I. Ceacovanu, 1975) has shown thatthe value of protection areas is much bigger (3 up to 20 times) than the value of annual wood production. 2.1. General aspects In the counties that lie in hilly areas the afforestation percentage is of about 30%, while in mountainous counties it exceeds 40% (Bacu 40.1%, Covasna 43%, Arge 41.4%, Gorj 43.6%, Hunedoara 44.3%, Cara-Severin 44.6%, Vlcea 46.3%; the most afforested county is Suceava 51.7%). In the counties situated in the Romanian Plain and Dobrudja (the driest regions in the
80
country), the woods percentage varies from 3.3 to 10% of the county area (Teleorman, Ilfov, Ialomia, Brila, Constana and Galai). The main forest surfaces are concentrated in the Oriental Carpathians, the Meridional Carpathians and Banat Mountains. One of the main features of our forests (that differentiates them in the European context) is represented by the special quality of certain woods and species that are endowed with a very high natural potential. These are the most famous: -the spruce forests in the Oriental Carpathians which produce the sound wood (nowadays almost unique on the continent) that is used for special devices and musical instruments; -the spruce forests in Dorna Depression (with trees which are higher than 55 meters); -the spruce of Crucea-Broteni, which has scored exceptional increases in the comparative plantations in Belgium, Denmark and Sweden; -the spruce of Stna de Vale (with a column-like shape and very wind-resistant); -the fir woods of Urltoarea-Broteni, which at the age of 110 had an estimated volume of about 1,100 cubic meters / hectare. -the evergreen oak of Ronioara-Maramure, of Runcu-Gorj, of Domneti-Arge or the oak tree of Sineti-Iai and Pecica-Arad, which produce high quality veneers. 2.2 Coniferous forests (figures 2-6) Spruces and fir trees can mainly be found in superior and middle mountainous areas, whereas pine and larch trees can go down to smaller altitudes. The vastest areas covered with resinous woods lie in the Oriental Carpathians (Suceava, Harghita, Neam, Bacu, Maramure, Mure, Bistria Nsud), Curvature Carpathians (Vrancea, Buzu, Covasna), Meridional Carpathians (Alba, Arge, Vlcea, Sibiu, Braov, Hunedoara) and Apuseni Mountains where they occupy smaller surfaces. A century and a half ago (that is before starting to exploit resinous species at choice) spruces and fir trees used to occupy substantially larger areas than they do at the present. 2.3. Leaf bearing forests (figures 2, 3, 5, 7, 8) The beech tree represents the majority species in our forest fund (33%). Nowadays, Romania seems to be the country with the richest beech resources on the continent. For a long time beech trees were little used in industry, but at present they provide raw materials which are highly appreciated in the field of veneers, plywood, timber, furniture and parquet floors industry. Beech forests are concentrated in the Meridional Carpathians, in Cara-Severin, Arge, Gorj, Hunedoara and Vlcea counties.
The evergreen oak and the pedunculate oak are extremely important industrial species, offering high quality wood for esthetic veneers. The evergreen oak occupies large areas in the South-West and West of the country (Vlcea, Gorj, Arge, Cara-Severin, Arad, Bihor and Hunedoara) as well as in most
Forest area by main species (thousands of hectares) 4,500 4,000 3,500 3,000 2,500 2,000 1,500 1,000 500 0 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
Forest area by species (2005)
C oniferous Leaf bearing
30% C oniferous Leaf bearing 70%
counties lying in the Moldavian Plateau and Transylvania Depression. The surfaces covered with pedunculate oak are much smaller, being located rather in plain forest regions (especially in Dmbovia, Prahova, Ilfov, Timi, Arad and Satu-Mare counties), as well as on the alluvial terraces and plains in Alba, Braov, Mure and Sibiu counties.
Share of main coniferous species (2005) fir tree 16% pine tree 6% larch tree 1%
spruce 77%
Figures 2-3-4 3.Types of forest property. Present forest policy in Romania By adopting the Law of Environemnt Protection in Romania in 1995 and than the Forest Code (Law No.26 of 1996), wich is the fundamental forest law, we can say that the status of woods in our country was completedm, at the same time regulating the process of forest production and the relationships between forestry and other econoic branches. According to the Land Fund Law No.18 of 1991,they tried to make a restoring act on private property by stipulating that forests could be returned to former rowners within the limit of a certain area, stating instead that they would have to be kept in the forest system.
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Areas occupied by the main types of forests (2005)
leaf bearing forests coniferous forests
330,498 hectares 18,6598 81,803 19,916 1 Fait avec Philcarto - http://perso.club-internet.fr/philgeo
Figure 5
Figure 6

Share of main leaf bearing species (2005) various soft species 7% beech tree 46% oak 25%
various hard species 22%
The Forest Code indicates the method of administering private forests, the obligations and rights these woods owners have, the attributions and responsibilities of the public bodies and local administration, but also the sanctions against those who bring prejudices to the forest. The same Forest Code establishes a series of short term targets, such as the onesfor the period 2000-2005: increase the surface of national parks with 80,000 up to 120,000 hectares; improve the present structure of woods; intensively and extensively develop the forest fund so that in the year 2010 it will represent 28% of the country area (including protective belts).
Forest private property (2005)
Forest fund area by property type (2001-2005)

600,000 500,000 400,000
6,000 5,000 4,000 3,000 2,000 1 ,000 0 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
public property private property
300,000 200,000 1 00,000 0 Coniferous Leaf bearing
legal persons natural persons
Figures 7-8-9-10
Strategic actions of judicious woods management should include the necessity of having control over the forest risk by means of a series of measures, such as: keeping the integrity of the forest fund when changing the property regime; increasing the forest fund until it will get to an optimum level (35% of the country area) differentiated on land forms: 10% in plain regions,
84
25% in hilly regions and 65% in the mountains; afforesting degraded lands so that in the year 2020 the number of Forest fund area within private property afforested hectares will reach 300,000; (2001-2005) planting a protective belt for agricultural lands: 2,000 km by the 700 600 year 2010 and 10,000 km by 500 400 2020;delimiting and protecting the legal persons 300 natural persons green regions around towns; ecologically 200 1 00 reconstructing those woods that have 0 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 been structurally degraded by natural and anthropic factors 20,000 such E volution of exploited wood quantity hectares are to be reconstructed in the (in thousands cubic metres) period 2000-2020 (Bran, 2002) The private property forest fund 14,000 is administered by its owners, who have 13,000 the obligation to take care of these 12,000 woods in accordance with the forest 11,000 code and environment protection rules. 10,000 Private forest fund owners have to 2002 2003 2004 2005 comply with forest planning stipulations and to ensure forest permanence.
Figures 11-12
Whereas in 2001 only 8% of the woods area was in private property, the value increased to 21% in 2005 and continues to rise. The largest surfaces that are still in public property belong to Suceava, Cara-Severin, Hunedoara, Neam, Maramure and Bacu counties (more than 200,000 hectares); as regards the administrative units with the vastest private property forest areas, Harghita (nearly 154,000 hectares) and Vlcea (136,866 hectares) rank first. If we analyze the percentages of state-administered forests, the first positions are occupied by Tulcea, Brila and Constana, where 99% of the forests are included in this category, while as regards forest retrocessions, the leading counties are Harghita (66.5% of the woods are in private property), Vlcea and Vrancea (51% each), Covasna (46.6%) and Slaj (38%) (Figures 9-14). 4. Exploited wood volume (Figures 15-20) Of all the factors that have sharpened the anthropic impact on forest ecosystems, it has come out that illicit cutting of trees (especially on private property forest areas) is the most destabilizing one. This aspect is pointed out by
the affected regions and wood volume losses as a first consequence of these actions that have got out of control.
Figure 13
Property type of coniferousforests (2005)
Property type of leaf bearing forests (2005)
private property public property
287,021 hectares 132,557 71,952 18,543 1
private property public property
313,868 hectares 174,045 80,682 21,456 60 Fait avec Philcarto - http://perso.club-internet.fr/philgeo
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Figure 14-15
One of the most important aspects of forest degradation is connected to the fact it affects the tourist potential.A special situation is induced by the cutting of woods around balneal resorts and, generally, around settlements, wich diminishes much the self-purification capacity of atmosphere surrounding them.
86

Total exploited wood volume (2005)
Structure of exploited wood volume (2005) 7% 4%
round w ood bark technological losses
89%
% of the total volume of exploited wood

9,21 7,10 3,33 1,70 1,16 0,42 Fait avec Philcarto - http://perso.club-internet.fr/p hilgeo 0,11 26.19% 967 thousands cubic metres 607 308 108 12
Volume ofexploited oakwood (2005)
Another delicate point deals with the degradation of forests of social importance those lying in the neighbourhood of the great urban centres, meant to tourism and recreation. Of course, we cannot neglect the esthetic pollution brought about by industrial building sites, mine workings etc.
Figures 16-17-18
5. Forest regeneration A survey on the health condition of the woods in Romania (O. Badea, M. Tnase, 2004) underlines the fact that, at the individual level, the spruce and the beech are the least affected species, the opposite side being represented by fir tree and some leaf bearing species such as the downy or Hungarian oak. The woods in the South and South-East of the country have been most damaged. At the international level, the intensity of forest damage is estimated in terms of the values of the percentage of notably defoliated trees. On the basis of this hierarchy, in 2003 Romania was included in the category of moderately affected countries, with a proportion of 12%. That is why forest regeneration is an absolutely necessary approach in order to preserve the natural patrimony. It is compulsory to go on with constant actions of afforesting degraded lands regardless of their property nature.
% of total oak wood exploit ations 9,04
6,75 3,53 2,07
21.42%
87 cubic metres 55 26 1
0,72 0,10
0,00
Fait avec Phil arto - http://perso.club-internet.fr/philgeo c

Volume of exploi ted coni ferous wood (2005)
Volume ofexploited beech wood (2005)
% of total coniferousexploitations
19,43 11,90 3,29 0,67 0,02 0,00 Fait avec Philcarto - http://perso.club-internet.fr/philgeo 772 cubic metres 461 205 52 1 30.95%
% of total beech wood exploit ations 8,12
7,81 4,15 1,89 0,06 0,00 270 cubic metres 155 73 24 1
4.76%
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E volution of regenerated areas (2001-2005)

1 8,000 1 6,000 1 4,000 1 2,000 1 0,000 8,000 6,000 4,000 2,000 0 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
E volution of afforested areas, by species (2001-2005)

1 2,000
natural regeneration retim bering
1 0,000 8,000 6,000 4,000 2,000 0 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
with leaf bearing species with coniferous species
Figures 19-20-21-22
The National Forest Administration provides free material for planting and technical assistance for installing and tending these cultures. Moreover, those owners who afforest degraded lands and create protective belts for agricultural lands receive a premium due to the fact they contribute to improving the environment quality. At the same time it tries to solve out the difficult problem of providing the owners of these forests with timber (wood for rural constructions, fire, household goods and handicrafts). The National Forest Administration has the obligation to adopt proper measures in order to tend forests, regenerate forest vegetation and perform ecological reconstruction workings when needed. In afforestation actions they use reproduction materials from seeds reservations and other sources registered in the national catalogue of reproduction materials. Workings of ecologic reconstruction, regeneration, sapling-covered areas and plantations maintenance and stands tending are executed in accordance with
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programs established for each forest planning. The average retimbering cost is about 6,000 USD / hectare, whereas in the case of special rehabilitation workings the price can rise to 10,000 USD / hectare. There is a series of regional projects, such as: recovering the degraded lands that cannot be agriculturally used in the Moldavian Plateau and certain regions in Galai, Vrancea, Buzu and Prahova counties; planting protective forest belts in desertification and droughtaffected areas in the Moldavian Plateau, Dobrudja, Brgan and South Oltenia. The average retimbering cost is about 6,000 USD / hectare, whereas in the case of special rehabilitation workings the price can rise to 10,000 USD / hectare. There is a series of regional projects, such as: recovering the degraded lands that cannot be agriculturally used in the Afforested areas (2005) Moldavian Plateau and certain regions in Galai, Vrancea, Buzu and Prahova counties; planting protective forest belts in desertification and drought-affected areas in the Moldavian Plateau, Dobrudja Plateau, Brgan and South Oltenia. There is an ample social and economic pressure on woods on the part of the human communities. Consequently, the afforested areas (hectares) following urgent measures are imperative : keeping cutting quotas within the limits of legal norms; strictly controlling timber circulation Afforested areas (2005) along the whole exploitation and distribution chain: forest transportation equipment delivery equipment final beneficiaries (wood processing civil engineering societies, entrepreneurs and economic agents); retimbering calamity-stricken areas. There is an ample social and economic pressure on woods on the part of the human communities. afforested areas (hectares) Consequently, the following urgent measures are imperative : keeping
1604 1039 502 190 26 Fait avec Philcarto - http://perso.club-internet.fr/philgeo 1604 1039 502 190 26 Fait avec Philcarto - http://perso.club-internet.fr/philgeo
cutting quotas within the limits of legal norms; strictly controlling timber circulation along the whole exploitation and distribution chain: forest transportation equipment delivery equipment final beneficiaries (wood processing civil engineering societies, entrepreneurs and economic agents); retimbering calamity-stricken areas; making private individuals who have received or are to get back forest areas observe legal provisions and treatments; correctly evaluating the social and economic importance of woods; making tourists sensitive to this issue and acting on peoples mentality. There is an ample social and economic pressure on woods on the part of the human communities. Consequently, the following urgent measures are imperative : keeping cutting quotas within the limits of legal norms; strictly controlling timber circulation along the whole exploitation and distribution chain: forest transportation equipment delivery equipment final beneficiaries (wood processing civil engineering societies, entrepreneurs and economic agents); retimbering calamitystricken areas; making private individuals who have received or are to get back forest areas observe legal provisions and treatments; correctly evaluating the social and economic importance of woods; making tourists sensitive to this issue and acting on peoples mentality. On the whole, the diminution of the forest patrimony brings prejudices to the tourist potential and prevents tourism from developing in an ecological direction. In the context of sustainable development, touristic activities cannot go on without taking into consideration the risks induced by the intensification of economic activities on the natural environment. Despite the natural potential Romania disposes of, tourism is much underdeveloped compared to the existing possibilities. And, if the Romanian seaside was the first to experience this regress, mountainous regions are still attractive, including from the angle of agrotourism.
Conclusions
Forests play an important role in the life of local communities, thats why it is necessary to find alternative strategies of life standard improvement without endangering the existence of woods. There are some clashes of interest referring mainly to the modality (regime) of using forest resources, the losses caused by deforestations etc. Most of the time, the local peoples income is small and, in addition to this, the local communities have few ideas on the possibilities of making their situation better. Forests that have come to maturity represent a source of living for a great number of families, sometimes being in fact the only financial source. Under these circumstances tourism could become a viable alternative in using forest resources. The local communities could take advantage of the forest fund in order to create a touristic product. To accomplish these projects, it is necessary to have good communication between all those who are interested in a certain area so that they
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can preserve the traditional way of living in natural areas and, at the same time, properly develop touristic activities. Third millennium tourism seems to be more and more marked by climate change and concern for the planet. Romanian tourism has also turned to nature, village world, natural food and rural cultural values. All potential tourists appreciate the safety of their destination. How safe can one feel in a region where the environment, water and food are polluted? In this context, how can we talk about satisfaction and desire to come back? In order to maintain the balance between tourists satisfaction and growth possibilities, the development of a touristic area must take into account such aspects as keeping its ecologic integrity and rational exploitation of its resources. It is not by chance that specialists talk about the concept of sustainable tourism, which refers to promoting those forms of tourism that comply with natural, social and economic environment integrity and also provide the future generations with natural and cultural resources. At present, the financial cost of sustainable tourism (including ecotourism) seems to be high. Instead, trying to realistically foresee the future, we will find that the expense of ecological reconstruction Afforested areas by main types of woods (2005) is even heavier and the negative effects on the environment can be irreversible to a great extent.
Figure 24
References Badea, O., Tnase, M. (2004) Starea de sntate a pdurilor din Romnia la nivelul anului 2003. Dinamica acesteia n perioada 1990 2003, Analele ICAS, vol. 47, serie 1, pg. 205 217, Ed. Tehnico Silvic, Bucureti. Borlea Gh. (i alii) (2004) Strategii de stimulare a utilizrii durabile a resurselor forestiere ca materii prime regenerabile i nepoluante, Analele ICAS, vol 47, serie 1,
coniferous afforestation leaf bea ring afforestation
1497 hectares 805 322 107 1 Fait avec Philcarto - http://perso.club-internet.fr/philgeo
Ed. Tehnico Silvic, Bucureti. Bran, Florina (2002) Componenta ecologic a deciziilor de dezvoltare economic. Studiu de caz (silvicultur i turism), Ed. ASE, Bucureti Bran, Florina (2002) Degradarea ecosistemelor (silvicultur i turism) implicaii economice, Ed. ASE, Bucureti Giurescu, C. (1976) Istoria pdurii romneti din cele mai vechi timpuri pn astzi, Ed. Ceres, Bucureti. Srbu, I., tefan, N. (1997) Resurse forestiere, Editura Univ. Alex.I.Cuza Iai Vlad, I. (i alii) (1997) Silvicultur pe baze ecosistemice, Ed. Academiei Romne, Bucureti
ANALELE TIINTIFICE ALE UNIVERSITII AL I. CUZA IAI Tom L IV,s. II c, Geografie 2008
SPANISH SKILLED MIGRATION TO MEXICO CITY: TNC TRANSFEREES AND MIGRANTS IN THE MIDDLE by Cristbal Mendoza and Anna Ortiz Guitart
Dpto. de Sociologa, Divisin de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades Universidad Autnoma Metropolitana-Iztapalapa Department de Geografia Universitat Autnoma de Barcelona Abstract : Using qualitative information, this paper studies the labour experiences of a group of skilled Spanish migrants in Mexico City. The paper identifies two types of migrants amongst the interviewed Spaniards: TNCs transferees and 'migrants in the middle' ('those who are neither low-skilled migrants nor high-skilled migrants'; Conradson and Latham, 2005a). This somehow challenges assumptions about skilled workers, by showing the multiple work trajectories and experiences of highly qualified and educated workers. The article also stresses that the labour mobility of those in the middle is more horizontal and less conventional than the more typical career-path mobility of TNCs transferees. Furthermore, it is argued that labour mobility is not only related to educational background or performance in Mexicos labour markets, but also to non-economic reasons (e.g. extensive use of social networks). Of special interest for this study are relations at the workplace as they represent 'contact zone' where 'difference' is constantly encountered and negotiated (Yeoh and Willis, 2005b). For the interviewed Spaniards, workplace relations are substantially (and unexpectedly) different from their home country. This causes tension and problems which may affect their intentions to remain in Mexico.
Keywords: skilled migration, labour markets, labour trajectories, Mexico City, Spain Partially as a consequence of global economic integration and the explosive growth of information and communications technology (ICT) in recent years, skilled migration is on the rise (Findlay and Stewart, 2002). However, literature on skilled migration only represents a small part of the total number of migration studies. Perhaps this is because unskilled manual workers represent the majority of the international migrants in aggregate numbers, with the highly educated being relatively few in comparative terms. Their low number implies that skilled migrants might be socially and statistically 'invisible' (yet their economic and social impact in many developing countries is far from being irrelevant; Salt, 1988; Peixoto, 2001). Literature on skilled migration has traditionally followed two research lines. Brain drain ranks first in skilled migration literature (see, for instance, the classical studies of Grubel and Scott, 1977; Corts, 1980; or more recently Meijering and Van
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CRISTOBAL MENDOZA, ANNA ORTIZ GUITART
Hoven, 2003). In these studies, the movement of skilled people is generally from less developed countries to those more developed. The underlying assumption is that the poorer countries lose skills (and thus potential for development) through migration. Yet recent research proposes changing the concept from brain drain to brain exchange or brain circulation which suggests that there is no such break between destination and origin. These concepts somehow imply that mobility and circulation are substantial parts of the lives of skilled migrants which incorporate different places into their migration circuits or spaces (Ong, 1999; Pellegrino, 2001), even if this is sometimes associated with precarious labour conditions and/or possible problems of adaptation to destination countries. The concept 'high tech braceros' (Alarcn, 2000) which refers to the temporary agricultural program for hiring Mexicans in the 1960s sums up this perspective of work and legal instability. In many cases, the origins of this sort of migration are not economic, but their roots are to be found in links that the political and economic elite in developing countries have with core countries. For instance, there is a strong tradition for Latin American elites to study at US universities. A second type of research on skilled migration revolves around mobility within transnational corporations (TNCs). In contrast to migration due to brain drain, in this case, migration occurs within the institutional framework of these companies. In the 1980s and early 1990s, studies on migration within TNCs concentrated on the movement of qualified workers from corporate offices in central countries to affiliated companies or factories in less developed countries (e.g. Salt, 1988; Findlay, 1989, Beaverstock, 1991). In these countries, managerial and technical staff from headquarters is in charge of supervising and coordinating specialized tasks (e.g. Mendoza, 1994, on European professionals in German companies in Spain). This line of analysis is certainly influenced by the World Systems Theory and the New International Labour Division (see Frbel, Henricks and Kreye, 1980). However, subsequent studies explored migration within TNCs from a more complex perspective, overcoming rigid frameworks of interpretation by emphasizing other aspects such as the relevance of the companys internal markets (e.g. researching the labour trajectories of skilled workers in the framework of complex migration routes between central headquarters, regional offices and/or factories). In principle, migration is an inter-company transfer and implies upward labour mobility for the transferees (e.g. Findlay et al. 1996; Iredale, 2001; Beaverstock, 2002; Beaverstock, 2005). From our point of view, the literature on skilled migration shares two assumptions. First, that migration is understood under a core-periphery scheme. For technical and managerial staff working for TNCs, the countries in the 'periphery' are considered to be places of temporary migration leading to an eventual promotion in the host country. For 'brain drain' studies, migration is always unidirectional towards
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SPANISH SKILLED MIGRATION TO MEXICO CITY: TNC
more developed areas (see for instance Hardill and MacDonald, 2000, on nurses into the UK, Voigt-Graf, 2003, whose research analyses the migration of teachers from Fiji to Australia and New Zealand, or Meijering and Van Hoven, 2003, on Indian professionals in Germany). Second, work is the main (and frequently the only) reason for those with specific skills to migrate. Recently, the transnational approach has somehow challenged traditional views on international migration. This approach argues that, due to the increased circulation of people, goods and ideas, migrants create fluid, transnational spaces, which have been defined as both a social terrain that reflects migrants bi-culturality and a fragmented, diffused geographical reality (Rouse, 1991; Kearney, 1995). In these social fields, transmigrants take actions, make decisions, feel concerns, and develop identities within social networks that connect them to two or more societies simultaneously (Glick Schiller, Basch and Blanc-Szanton, 1992; Faist, 2000; Beaverstock, 2005). Even if the bulk of empirical studies on transnationalism has focused on unskilled migration mainly into the US, some studies have stressed the relevance of the transnational framework to analyse the highly-skilled (e.g. Tarrius, 1992, described the construction of everyday spaces of professionals working for the European Union institutions between Brussels, Paris and London; or Ong, 1999, on flexible citizenship amongst Chinese businessmen whose personal spaces are articulated between different countries, but their everyday practices correspond exclusively with those of the West). Likewise, recently, the relevance of the non-economic factors (e.g. everyday practices) that organise particular patterns of global movement for skilled migrants has been recognized (e.g. Yeoh and Willis, 2005a; Conradson and Latham, 2005a). Furthermore, Conradson and Latham (2005a) reckoned that relatively little work has been conducted on migrants in the middle, who are neither 'low-skilled migrants' nor 'high-skilled migrants'. To this regard, along the same lines, Clarke (2005: 308) notes that 'writings on transnationalism tend to focus on either the high end of the labour market (high-skilled economic migrants) or the low end (lowskilled economic migrants). And so they neglect a significant proportion of the worlds transnational population: people in the middle, often motivated to cross borders by non-economic concerns'. Certainly, a variety of people can be found under the heading of 'skilled migration': migrants that pertain to the education (and science) sector such as students, scientists, scholars and researchers; migrants that belong to the business sector (e.g. engineers, information technology experts, managers), and also migrants in the banking industry (e.g. experts in risk analysis, portfolio managers, strategists and others; Solimano and Pollack, 2004). Finally, the studies on skilled migration have increasingly adopted a gender perspective (Hibbins, 2005; Iredale, 2005; Kofman and Parvarti, 2005; Nagel, 2005;
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Purkayastha, 2005; Raghuram, 2005; Yeoh and Khoo, 1998; Yeoh, Huang and Willis, 2000). This increasing literature on migration and gender reflects change in female migration trends, namely female workers migrating autonomously. Certainly, the role of women in the context of skilled migration has been invisible because it was assumed that this type of migration was exclusive male, and wives simply followed men through family regrouping. In many cases, international migration imposes a change in gender role in which women are expelled from the labour market and 're-educated' to certain family values. Plainly spoken, these accompanying women cease to enter the labour market as they are channelled towards domestic tasks (for instance Yeoh and Willis, 2005a, on Singapore women in China). The reasons for these changes are to be found in legal and gender barriers that make joining the labour force in the host country difficult (see Purkayastha, 2005, for Indian women in the USA). However, rather than observing these women as mere passive agents, the literature stresses the active role of accompanying women in migration decision making, as well as in negotiating strategies within family, social and even labour spheres. Set in this context, this paper studies the labour experiences of a group of Spanish skilled migrants in Mexico City. Considering the variety of skilled migrants (as seen in Solimano and Pollack, 2004; Clarke, 2005), this research identifies two types of migrants amongst the interviewed Spaniards: TNCs transferees and 'migrants in the middle'. The paper somehow challenges assumptions about skilled workers, by showing the multiple work trajectories and experiences of skilled workers. Furthermore, the paper argues that labour mobility is not only related to educational background or performance in Mexicos labour markets, but also to other non-economic reasons (e.g. extensive use of social networks). Of special interest for this study are relations at the workplace as they represent a 'contact zone' where 'difference' is constantly encountered and negotiated (Yeoh and Willis, 2005b). For the interviewed Spaniards, workplace relations are substantially (and unexpectedly) different from their home country. This causes tension and problems which may affect their intentions to remain in Mexico. 1.Spanish migration to Mexico International migration into Mexico is irrelevant in total numbers, but it has been very important historically and is symbolically relevant in terms of Mexico Citys world city status. According to Census data, the 492,617 foreign-born immigrants in 2000 constituted only 0.5% of the Mexican population (INEGI, 2007). Interesting enough, a large part of those born in a foreign country are relatives of former Mexican immigrants in the US. By nationality, the registers from the Migration National Office (Instituto Nacional de Migracin; data collected by
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Castillo, 2001), show that Spaniards were the second largest foreign group and the first amongst those with a residence of 10 years or more in the country (Table 1).
Table 1 :Foreign population in Mexico, by nationality and migration status (1996) Temporary migrants1 United States Spain Germany Canada China France Japan Argentina Italy Great Britain Cuba Colombia Lebanon Guatemala Chile El Salvador Switzerland Venezuela Peru Nicaragua Other TOTAL 43,412 27,564 8,713 3,870 2,556 5,727 4,988 5,051 4,057 3,534 3,291 3,195 1,703 2,359 2,428 2,479 2,139 2,347 2,382 1,913 21,744 155,452 Permanent immigrants2 21,159 33,478 4,637 5,279 6,158 2,951 2,084 1,863 2,780 1,986 2,209 899 2,370 1,318 1,129 821 986 630 565 680 12,012 105994 Total 64,571 61,042 13,350 9,149 8,714 8,678 7,072 6,914 6,837 5,520 5,500 4,094 4,073 3,677 3,557 3,300 3,125 2,977 2,947 2,593 33,756 261,446 % 24.7 23.3 5.1 3.5 3.3 3.3 2.7 2.6 2.6 2.1 2.1 1.6 1.6 1.4 1.4 1.3 1.2 1.1 1.1 1.0 12.9 100.0
(1) FM-2 permit holders. Migrants with at least five-years of residence in the country or married with a Mexican national. This permit has to be renewed annually. The data do not include the foreigners on FM-3 permits which are considered temporary legally residents in the county. (2) FM-1 permit holders. Permanent immigrants must renew their permits every five years. Source: Castillo (2001
Even if this is an uneven pattern, Spanish migration has never stopped since independence in 1821 (for instance, under the Porfirio Daz government in the period 1876-1911). This trend reversed dramatically during the Mexican Revolution and its aftermath (1910-20). Another conflict, the Spanish Civil war (1936-1939), provoked a massive exile of refugees, with an impressive number of 25,000 refugees accepted in Mexico during the government of Lzaro Cardenas (Bonfil Batalla,
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1993; Lida, 1997). Afterwards, Mexico gained a good reputation as a destination for other groups of refugees (mainly from Central America, Brazil, Chile and Argentina) who also flew from the dictatorships which came into power in the 1960s and 1970s in the Americas (see, for instance, Casillas y Castillo, 1994; Lida, 2002, Yankelevich, 2002). On the other hand, linked to a process of expansion of Spanish firms in Latin America, a sizeable flow of highly-qualified migrants have arrived to Mexico since the 1980s. This process of the expansion of TNCs relates to the substitution of the model of import substitution industrialization (ISI) for a more 'open' economy that is based on free trade, exports, privatization of the public sector and foreign investment (Parneiter, 2002). In this way Mexico City, as well as other large Latin American cities, has fully integrated itself into the global market (Sassen, 2000; Aguilar, 2002). Related to the peak of foreign investment, many transnational companies have relocated technical and managerial staff to less developed countries, as is the case for many Spaniards in Mexico. Unfortunately, Mexicos official data are not of great help in quantitatively assessing the relevance of these inflows, since data are not broken down by economic activity in the case of foreigners. Furthermore, skilled labour migration into Mexico has not been studied in the literature so far. Reasons for migrating amongst these Spanish professionals obviously differ from the previous politicaldriven movement. However, regardless their reasons for migration, the successive flows of Spaniards in Mexico have had a clear impact on the economy. In fact, the Spanish immigrants who arrived into the country at the beginning of the 20th century were active in creating firms, some of which nowadays constitute large well-known holding companies (for instance, the supermarket chain Gigante, the brewery Modelo, or Lala, a dairy products group, Noceda, 2005). At present, associated with the investment of transnational companies, the Spanish capital plays a key role in sectors such as phones, hotels, banks, real state agencies and electric companies, with the total Spanish gross investment raising to 3,691 million euros in 2004 (Relea, 2005). 2.Methodology This article is based on qualitative data from extensive fieldwork in Mexico City that was carried out from May to October 2005. Specifically, a total of 30 indepth semi-structured interviews with Spanish immigrants in Mexico City were conducted. Although the migrants were contacted opportunistically, we interviewed men and women in equal numbers, as well as different types of skilled migrants (i.e. managers or technicians in Transnational Corporations, businesspeople and professionals in public companies; Table 2). The interviews that were carried out
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either in Spanish or Catalan were preceded by a questionnaire to collect labour and migration trajectories.
Table 2:Profile of the interviewed Spanish immigrants Se x M M M F M M F M F M M M F M Year birth 1976 1961 1968 1976 1967 1967 1974 1978 1955 1950 1976 1966 1969 1960 Last entry Mexico 1999 1994 1997 2001 1997 1999 2000 2004 1992 2001 2004 2001 2004 2004 Place of origin in Spain Barcelona Barcelona Barcelona Terrassa (Barcelona Barcelona Barcelona Barcelona Beasain (Guipzcoa) Iznajar (Crdoba) Bilbao Bilbao Alicante Barcelona Barcelona Sestao (Vizcaya) Barcelona Barcelona Bilbao Badalona (Barcelona)
N. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
Current work Businessman Restaurant chef General Director. Mexican company
Sub-director. Spanish company General Director. Spanish company University lecturer Executive manager. Mexican company Grantholder in Basc Government Office in Mexico Single NGO lawyer Retired/Consulting Spanish company Consulting. Spanish company NGO area director Businessman Manager. French company
Marital Status Married (2 children) Living with partner (no children) Married (2 children) Married (no children) Married Single Single
Single Married (2 children) Single Single Living with partner (no children) Living with partner (no children) Living apart together (no children) Living with partner (no children) Married (one child) Single Single
15 16 17 18 19
F M M F F
1975 1973 1962 1973 1976
2002 2004 1997 2001 2000
United Nations area co-ordinator Head of area. Spanish company Businessman United Nations area manager Area manager. Mexican company
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Married children) Married children) Belgium Single Married children) Single Living together children) Married Living partner children) Single Single Single (two (no (two
20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30
F F M M M M M F F F F
1971 1963 1977 1951 1979 1965 1960 1976 1978 1955 1971
1997 2003 2005 1986 2004 1993 1984 2001 2004 1982 2004
Madrid Girona Tarragona Barcelona Madrid Len Barcelona San Sebastin Baracaldo (Vizcaya) Tolosa (Guipzcoa Madrid
Manager. Mexican company Executive assistant Import-export manager. company Businessman NGO manager University lecturer Entrepreneur United Nations area manager United Nations area manager United Nations admistrative University lecturer
apart (no
with (no
Source: Fieldwork in Mexico City (May-October 2005)
Due to the lack of reliable official statistics, a snowball sampling technique was used. Participants were assured that the interviews will be treated confidentially and pseudonyms will be used in the academic publications resulting from the research. Most interviews were carried out at the workplace, although some were held at interviewees homes or cafeterias at their request. The 30 in-depth structured interviews which lasted an hour on average were structured along three lines: work, social integration and geographic issues. Through the interviews, it was possible to discuss questions about reasons for having migrated to Mexico, intentions of stay, opinions about Mexicos labour market (e.g. views on workmates, professionalism, responsibility, discrimination at work), everyday experiences in Mexico City (e.g. living standards, everyday spaces, images of the country and the city before and after moving to Mexico) and links with the home country. As Nagel (2005) pointed out, skilled migration is far from being homogeneous. That is to say there is a great diversity of experiences amongst skilled migrants because of sex, age, education or socio-economic circumstances. Likewise we found that the interviewees profile was heterogeneous, with the exception of their educational and professional profile which was obviously high. All those interviewed had at least undergraduate studies, and they were either entrepreneurs or
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worked in managerial fields. Their length of their residence varied extensively. For some of them, their stay is clearly temporary, but this is not the case for others. Finally, whereas women tended to be single (living alone or with other people), men were more likely to be married (with or without children, either with Mexican or Spanish partners). In the next sections, the empirical material of the interviews is analysed. First of all, the article shows the similarities and differences amongst the migration processes of the two groups of skilled migrants that were found during fieldwork: TNC transferees and 'migrants in the middle'. This analysis is done in the light of their different socio-demographic characteristics and their contrasting intentions of stay. Secondly the paper focuses on work trajectories. Following the division of the skilled migrants in two groups, the article stresses that the labour mobility of those in the middle is more horizontal and less conventional than the more typical careerpath mobility of TNCs transferees. Finally, the article revolves around views on Mexican labour markets. Even though critical opinions on Mexican labour culture are reported by almost all interviewees, the transnational corporation employees express clearly negative views on the lack of company ethos amongst their Mexican workmates. Younger migrants during earlier stages of their careers are more willing to accept these differences concerning work relations because their decision to migrate is embedded in personal considerations. 3.Migration rationale: job promotion, adventure and beyond Even if reasons for migrating to Mexico are diverse, and depend, to some extent, on the interviewed individuals characteristics (sex, age, etc.), and/or their previous professional activity in Spain, two groups of people can be clearly differentiated according to their labour market trajectories. The first group is composed of expatriates who came to Mexico under temporary well-paid jobs arrangements, some of those being entrepreneurs. For this group, migration is synonymous with job promotion, since this move generally came along with greater responsibility, more decision power, autonomy and better economic conditions (plus accommodation) in the host country. Those contacted for this research who fall under this scenario included 12 men who, upon their arrival to Mexico, were between 35 and 50 (see Table 3). Juan, who holds two masters degrees in Finance and Business Management from private Spanish universities, told us his reasons for moving to Mexico: I came here (Mexico City) for work since I wanted a more autonomous project, where I could develop myself professionally. And this goes hand-in-hand with leaving Spain. It has been very fulfilling (Juan, 32, manager in a transnational Spanish company).
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It is relevant to point out that no woman was found in this category. This may lie in the fact that women and men have contrasting views on work. Generally speaking, men place a greater value upon higher labour mobility than women (plus their involvement in labour markets is generally better especially concerning wages). Thus, when deciding to migrate, heterosexual couples tend to give preference to mens careers. Kofman (2000) also suggests that, in the male-dominated world of financial and producer services, women are not given the chance to opt for overseas jobs, since these decisions are mainly made within male networks.
Table3 : Profile of the TNC transferees and migrants in the middle TNC transferees Sex Age Marital status Education Male 35-50 Migrants in the middle Male and female 25-35
Married (co-habitation) and children Single or with partner (no co-habitation) University degree University degree Early Various reasons Open 18
Stage on career Intermediate Reason for emigration TNC transfer Intentions of stay Temporary (maximum 5 years) N 12 Source: Fieldwork in Mexico City (May-October 2005)
For this group, the time of residence in Mexico varies substantially, from one to twenty years, an average being five. It was found that a small portion of the transferees decided to leave the transnational corporation for which they worked when they arrived in Mexico to set up their own businesses. Indeed those who have resided for a longer period of time rarely think about returning to Spain in the near future. Other personal circumstances, such as marrying Mexican nationals or children born in Mexico, as well as business success are relevant in the decision to stay for longer periods. Eventually stronger identification with Mexico (and more critical stances on Spain) is seen within the discourse of this last group. But generally speaking, expatriates are in Mexico for less than five years and consider their experience of working and living outside Spain to be temporary, related to the decisions of the company. As in other geographic contexts (for example, Willis and Yeoh, 2000), we can also observe that the wives of married men 'accompany' their husbands on their job tracks leaving their position back in Spain. According to the information provided in the interviews, these women do not search for a job. If they do so, they have
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difficulties finding work due to legal requirements for a work permit or because the jobs that are available to them do not fulfill their expectations. Contrary to the their husbands careers, migration to Mexico for them represents a 'break from work' and, consequently, a 'return to the home', according to the opinion of Yeoh and Willis (2005). Joses narration shows to what extent the Mexican experience has slowed down his wifes career, making her the 'holder' of family values. Personally, there was a very important factor, and it is that We have a son and when in Spain my wife and I saw him one hour a day (). Although it sounds a bit macho, I believe that children should be with their mother as much as possible, and this can be done here (). My wife used to work for an advertising company in Barcelona. We had a very limited family life. Our child had a nanny that looked after him all day long. I dont think this is ideal. Evidently, over there it couldnt be done differently because thats the way it is. Here, instead, my wife doesnt work. She dedicates her time to our children. At the beginning it was hard for her because quitting work is hard, but now it is very fulfilling. She can dedicate herself to our children. What she is doing is a sacrifice, but I think it is good for the family (Jos, 37, general director in a Spanish company). In contrast, the second group is mainly composed of men and women under 35 years of age who came to Mexico under less formal arrangements. These Spaniards also have university studies, but, back in their home country, they had joined the labour force with temporary, poorly-paid jobs once they finished their graduate studies. In this way, working abroad gave them an opportunity for better labour conditions. Besides, they wanted to make a change in their lives and longed for new experiences and horizons. In this group there is a particular subgroup which arrived to Mexico under the umbrella of public organizations, such as international cooperation agencies, trade chambers or universities (e.g. through Spanish scholarships; see Table 3). These individuals fit the definition of migrants in the middle, as understood in both terms of socio-economic and class position in their country of origin (Clarke, 2005; Conradson and Latham, 2005b). Their intentions to stay are generally open. They knew the date of arrival but not the time that the 'adventure' would last. The following narrations exemplify this. Marta, a 29 year old woman from Barcelona, said that her trip to Mexico marked a 'turning point' in her life. She had just finished her studies in Spain, but her job was not rewarding. Under these circumstances, Marta decided to visit her brother who had been working in Mexico for two years. Basically the reason was that my brother was living in Mexico. It was a turning point because I had finished my postgraduate studies and I wanted to change jobs. My only brother was living in Mexico and I had recently broken off a relationship that had lasted many years so it was a fresh start for me. I never
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imagine living in Mexico. I came to see my brother for a summer...and that summer has lasted five years (Marta, 29, head of cultural affairs in a Mexican university). This interview clearly emphasizes the relevance of social networks in the decision to migrate, as well as the importance of non-professional relations and events that lead to long-term settlement. Although these interviewed Spaniards may have arrived in Mexico with no clear intentions of staying, once settled in the country, opportunities in the labour market arise as individuals weave social networks and access information about jobs (mainly through informal channels). This is in line with the Conradson and Latham (2005b) study on young migration to London. They conclude that the young migrants are relatively well-educated and come from relatively wealthy backgrounds; moreover, that their reasons for moving to the city lie in what the experience offers in personal as well as economic terms. 4.Upward labour trajectories The analysis of Spanish labour trajectories clearly indicates that with no exceptions, the interviewed Spaniards have experienced upward labour mobility in Mexico, in terms of a more skilled job, greater responsibility, wages and/or longterm (or even permanent) work contracts. For some 'migrants in the middle', this mobility is associated with a 'real' incorporation into the labour market, since some interviewees only had part-time unstable low-paid jobs back in Spain. This is especially true for young individuals who are in the early stages of their careers. For instance, Catalina expressed herself with these words: Finally Ive got an eight-hour job (in Mexico). There (in Spain) I used to have several jobs to get by. Here youre at an economic level which is not the one you had there you live in a bubble. Youve got a standard of living different from that previous in Spain. There I just survived and here I have a good standard of living. All sobreviva, aqu vivo bien (Catalina, 29, area manager in an international organization). Apart from work stability, Catalina highlights her salary which is a relevant aspect for most interviewed Spaniards. In this regard, wages for the interviewees are higher in absolute terms in Mexico and this means a more comfortable life style. Furthermore, this is not accessible for them back in their country of origin because either labour market conditions are more rigid or young professionals have less work opportunities, or both reasons. Regarding this, Christian says: Here (in Mexico) you can move jobs easily. Ive changed twice in the time Ive spent in Mexico (six years). At Mexican universities, there are plenty of opportunities for research. I had the posibility to go back to Spain, but it was a twoyear contract. What would I do afterwards? (Christian, 38, University lecturer).
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Although the Spanish university system may be private, Christian points out that the Spanish labour market is rather rigid. This opinion is shared by Clara who is employed in a publishing house, 'in Spain, you get a permanent job, and you dont let it go'. Similar to other interviewed Spaniards, Clara arrived to Mexico through a Spanish fellowship, after finishing her MA. 'I applied for this fellowship. I was interviewed, and Mexico came out as a possible destination. This suited me. I wanted to have international experience, since I studied foreign trade and economics. This was a one-year fellowship. My idea was to stay for one year and then return'. Right now, Clara, 34, is married with a Mexican citizen and has applied for the Mexican nationality. Flexibility, wages, an improved economic position, as well as work stability are reasons quoted in all the interviews when assessing labour experiences in Mexico. This is especially true for young people who are at the early stages of their career. Working abroad implies not only the possibility of obtaining job promotion, but also, and especially in the case of the younger Spaniards, an opportunity to develop themselves professionally, greater labour stability and better wages. On the other hand, TNC employees who are at intermediate stages of their careers also experienced upward labour mobility, especially in terms of more responsibility and wages. This vertical career-path mobility is accomplished within the companys labour market, as described in Salt (1988) or Beaverstock (1991). This was the case of Lluis. He used to work in an intermediate position in Barcelona, but he came to Mexico as a manager for a transnational corporation. In his own words, 'I am my own boss. I am number one in the company. I do what I think is right'. Finally, upward mobility in Mexico does not relate exclusively to migrants educational or occupational endowments, but also to non-economic considerations, such as the extensive use of social networks. For instance, Marta, 32, told us in the interview that she found her previous job as a manager of one of the most important Mexico City festivals at a party ('I met the director of the Festival at a party. We were dancing, and he asked me if I spoke English. Then he offered me the job as the coordinator of the international programme of the festival. Here things are easy. No doubt about that'). Quite similarly, Christian said that his current University job was offered in an informal dinner after a conference. These 'coincidences' (or 'being in the right place at the right time', in Victors words, 45, businessman) stress the importance of social networks in helping find jobs. Certainly, a party to which a top manager of the Mexico City administration attends or an 'informal' dinner after an academic conference are certainly restricted milieus. These testimonies also reveal highly informal aspects of the Mexican labour market in which top managers may offer jobs freely to people whom they feel are suitable. However, this is not to say that
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all the opinions on Mexicos labour market are equally positive, since comments on Mexicos labour culture are also negative or in some cases very negative. 5.Values in conflict, contrasting labour cultures Maybe because their migration is 'channelled' through the companys headquarters, the expatriates are very critical about Mexicos labour culture. This is the case of Joan who heads up the customs office of a transnational company. Apart from coordinating the office, he is in charge of looking for new clients ('a hard task', according to Joan). In his own words: Im much better off here if you ask about my salary. However, the labour conditions are much worse than in Spain, more precarious. There is no business reliability. You cannot trust people. For me it is rather stressing to do my job, especially because I recently arrived in Mexico and I do not understand the Mexican labour culture very well (Joan, 28, Managing Director of the Mexican trade office of a Belgian company). Similarly, Salvador, General Director of a Mexican office of a Spanish transnational, says that 'we always desire someone who understands us'. With these words, this manager captures the reasons why this company prefers a non-Mexican top manager. Salvador explains this is because 'many companies have had bad experiences with Mexican general directors who took advantage of their position within the company, to do other type of "business" (...). The rule is to hire Spanish general directors for Spanish companies' (Salvador, 37, Mexicos General Director of a Spanish company). Likewise, Oriol, who decided to make a move in his career within the French transnational where he has been employed for almost 20 years, also agrees on the different work standards between Mexico and Spain. Relations at work are very different in Mexico (compared to Spain)(...)People work in a different way, and you cannot rely on them. Their commitment with the enterprise ethos is very low. And most people are shortsighted. But when you get it, that is it. You ask something and the reply is always `right away (ahorita mismo]. But one week goes by and nothing has changed, and when you confront them their answer is 'Im so sorry. Ill do it right now'. And again one more week goes by without the job getting done And they are never on time, nobody, workmates, friends (Oriol, 45, Head of Human Resources in a French company). Later during his interview, Oriol seemed to have more nuanced opinions, since he also related that transnational companies and their employees are similar everywhere. In this sense, the lack of enterprise ethos does not apply for the highlyskilled Mexicans who have obtained their degrees mainly in private universities or in the USA, and their performance at work is satisfactory. Those holding
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intermediate positions, probably because of their relatively low wages, are less motivated employees though. Yet all these quotes stress that the workplace is actually a 'contact zone' (Yeoh and Willis, 2005b), or even 'an area of confrontation', revealing that everyday encounters and everyday experiences are the battleground where sameness and difference are negotiated. Perhaps because of these negative opinions regarding the Mexican labour culture, most of the expatriates would prefer their stay to be temporary. In this regard, the interviewees reckon that a long stay in Mexico may be negative for their careers in future. As Manel said, 32, Director of a Mexican company, 'If you stay for a very long period, your CV becomes more Mexican, and this is not good'. Even if critical opinions about Mexican labour culture are also found amongst the migrants in the middle, their views on work are not isolated from general considerations in reference to living in Mexico, which is generally seen in positive tones. They also value a more relaxed work environment and appreciate the chance to improve their careers in Mexico. As an example: I like my job in Mexico. I have to deal with people who dont seem interested in their jobs. But I try to take it easy. Ive learned to relax and let things flow. Otherwise, Id have gone crazy (...) The work atmosphere is nice and I occasionally see my workmates for a drink. Its fine by me (Unai, 29, NGO manager). 6.Final remarks From a qualitative perspective, the analysis of Spanish qualified migration to Mexico shows the diversity of experiences, perceptions and opinions in as far as work and the labour field in Mexico City. The interviewees clearly state that they have multiple motivations to work in Mexico, although two fundamental reasons may be outlined: (i) better labour prospects, including higher wages, job promotion and/or labour stability; and (ii) the challenge of living in a foreign country with all its implications. In addition, the personal situation of each individual (married, single, etc) eases or, on the contrary, hampers the migration processes. Of all these personal circumstances we should take note that no woman was found amongst the transnational transferees or the entrepreneurs. In fact, all men working for transnational companies arrived 'accompanied' by their wives (and children in some cases). In contrast, the majority of the women interviewed who decided to migrate in an autonomous way were single at that moment. Indeed it seems that companies do not take into account the possibility of transferring women to complicated destinations, such as Mexico City. Once in Mexico, the interruption in their careers and the 'return to the home' are, in some cases, positively appraised by their
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husbands, as it allows them a greater amount of spare time (for instance, for child rearing or leisure activities). As for their intentions of stay, many interviewees intended their migratory experience to be a well-defined, clearly delimited, perhaps temporary stage of their lives. Afterwards they acknowledge that Mexico offers satisfactory labour opportunities which are hard to find in their country of origin. Nevertheless, the decision whether to remain does not revolve only around labour opportunities, but also includes (negative) views on Mexican labour culture. Regarding their careers, all those interviewed experienced upward labour (and social) mobility. The evidence demonstrates two ways to enhance labour mobility in Mexico, depending on the type of migrant: (i) the TNC transferees who experience upward labour mobility within the company due to their work-related abilities and social networks; (ii) for those migrants in the middle mobility is understood in both labour and social terms, by virtue of the status that migration affords, and also because of their national origin. This mobility is more 'horizontal' and less conventional than the vertical career-path mobility of TNC transferees. In this regard, the characteristics of the Spanish labour market, and specifically for the young (only 40% of the Spanish university degree holders access a job related to his/her studies, Jimnez Barca, 2005), might push the more 'audacious' to look for labour opportunities abroad. References
Alarcon, R. (2000), Skilled immigrants and cerebreros: foreign-born engineers and scientists in the high-technology industry of Silicon Valley. In: N. FONER, & N. RUMBAUT, eds., Immigration Research for a New Century, pp. 301-321. New York: Russell Sage. Beaverstock,J. V. (1991), Skilled international migration: An analysis of the geography of international secondments within large accountancy firms. Environment and Planning A 23, pp. 1133-1146. Bonfil Batalla, G. (1993), Simbiosis de Culturas: Los Inmigrantes y sus Culturas en Mxico. Mexico City: Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes and Fondo de Cultura Econmica. Castillo, M. A. (2001), La inmigracin hacia Mxico. In: J. Gomez de Leon Cruces & C. Rabell Romero, eds., La Poblacin en Mxico: Tendencias y Perspectivas Sociodemogrficas hacia el Siglo XXI, pp. 425-514. Mexico City: Consejo Nacional de Poblacin and Fondo de Cultura Econmica. Clarke, N. (2005), Detailing transnational lives of the middle: British working holiday makers in Australia. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 31, pp. 307-322. Cortes, C. E. (1980), The Latin American Brain Drain to the United States. New York: Arno Press.
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Faist , T. (2000), The Volume and Dynamics of International Migration and Transnational Social Spaces. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Findlay, A. M. & Stewart, E. (2002), Skilled Labour Migration from Developed Countries: Annotated Bibliography. Geneve: International Labour Office. Frbel , F., Henricks, J. & Kreye, O. (1980), The New International Division of Labour. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Grubel, H. G. & Scott, A. (1977), The Brain Drain: Determinants, Measurement, and Welfare Effects. Waterloo: Laurier University Press. Hardill, I. & MacDonald, S. (2000), Skilled international migration: The experience of nurses in the UK. Regional Studies 34, pp. 681-692. Hibbins, R. (2005), Migration and gender identity among Chinese skilled male migrants to Australia. Geoforum 36, pp. 167-180. Inegi (2007), Censo de Poblacin y Vivienda 2000: Resultados Definitivos. Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de Estadstica, Geografa e Informtica. Iredale, R. (2005), Gender, immigration policies and accreditation: Valuing the skills of professional women migrants. Geoforum, 36, pp. 155-166. Kearney, M. (1995), The local and the global: The anthropology of globalization and trasnationalism. Annual Review of Anthropology 24, pp. 547-565. Kofman, E & Parvarti, R. (2005), Editorial. Gender and skilled migrants: Into and beyond the work place. Geoforum 36, pp. 149-154. Lida, C. (2002), Enfoques comparativos sobre los exilios en Mxico: Espaa y Argentina en el siglo XX. In: P. Yankelevich, ed.,Mxico, Pas Refugio: La Experiencia de los Exilios en el Siglo XX, pp. 205-217. Mexico City: Plaza y Valds, Conaculta and Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia. Mendoza, C. & Ortiz, A. (2006), Hacer las Amricas: Migrantes espaoles de alta calificacin en la ciudad de Mxico. Documents dAnlisi Geogrfica 47, pp. 93-114. Nagel, C. (2005), Skilled migration in global cities from Others' perspectives: British Arabs identity politics and local embededdness. Geoforum 36, pp. 197-210. Parneiter, C. (2002), Mexico: The making of a global city. In: S. SASSEN, ed., Global Network. Linked Cities, pp. 145-182. New York: Routledge. Peixoto, J. (2001), Migration and policies in the European Union: Highly skilled mobility, free movement of labour and recognition of diplomas. International Migration 39, pp. 33-61. Pellegrino, A. (2001), Trends in Latin America skilled migration: Brain drain or brain exchange?. International Migration 39, pp. 111-132. Purkaystha, B. (2005), Skilled migration and cumulative disadvantage: The case of highly qualified Asian Indian immigrant women in the US. Geoforum 36, pp. 181-196. Raghuram, P. (2005), The difference that skills make: Gender, family migration strategies and regulated labour markets. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30, pp. 303-321. Relea, F. (2005), Una pica al sur del ro Bravo. El Pas, Suplemento Empresas 23 October 2005, pp. 5-6.
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Salt, J. (1988), Highly-skilled international migrants, careers and internal labour markets. Geoforum 19, pp. 387-399. Sassen, S. (2000), Cities in a World Economy. 2nd edition. Pine Forge Press: Thousand Oaks. Tarrius, A. (1992), Circulation des lites professionnelles et integration europenne. Rvue Europenne des Migrations Internationales 8, pp. 27-56. Voigt-Graf, C. (2003), Fijian teachers on the move: Causes, implications and policies. Asia Pacific Viewpoint 44, pp. 163-175. Willis, K. & Yeoh, B. S. (2000), Gender and transnational household strategies: Singaporean migration in China. Regional Studies 34, pp. 253-264. Yankelevich, P. (2002), Mxico, Pas Refugio: La Experiencia de los Exilios en el Siglo XX. Mexico City: Plaza y Valds, Conaculta and Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia. Yeoh, B. S. & Khoo, L. M. (1998), Home, work and community: Skilled international migration and expatriate women in Singapore. International Migration 36, pp. 159186.
LINFLUENCE DE LA MIGRATION INTERNATIONALE SUR LA NATALITE EN ROUMANIE CONTEMPORAINE par Ionel Muntele, Corneliu Iau, Facult de Gographie et Gologie, Universit Al.I.Cuza Iai
Rezumat : Studiul de fa propune o analiz preliminar a raporturilor dintre componentele migraiei internaionale i dinamica populaiei din Romnia contemporan. Un prim aspect tratat este acela al efectelor induse de migraia internaional asupra evoluiei indicatorilor eseniali ai fertilitii populaiei. Concluziile converg spre existena unei corelaii puternice, cu nuane regionale evidente dar care n esen impun o politic mai ferm n direcia preveniei unor fenomene derivate extrem de grave dintre care abandonarea copiilor poate avea efecte pe termen lung.
Mots-cl : migration internationale, dgradation de la vitalit dmographique, diffrentiations rgionales Ltude des effets de la migration internationale est devenue de nos jours imprative. Cest la raison principale de cette dmarche dont les objectifs en sont : -lidentification des lments danalyse des interfrences entre les composantes du bilan naturel de la population et celles du bilan migratoire, dabord entre la natalit et lmigration estime, y compris celle temporaire ; -lestimation prliminaire des consquences induites par les phnomnes observs, court terme ; -la mise en vidence des disparits rgionales et locales, correspondant aux moyens dinsertion de la population dans les circuits migratoires internationaux ; Le point de dpart est constitu par une constatation apparemment banale : lcuation du bilan gnral (BG = (N-M)+ (I-E)) est trs simple mais...pleine dinconnues! On peut ajouter encore quelques constatations : -les informations utilises sont celles fournies par lINSSE, dans ses bases de donnes territoriales et nassurent toutes les lments dune analyse complte; -la saisie statistique et cartogrphique de ces informations ne peut, pour linstant, se limiter quaux aspects gnraux, seulement une saisie approfondie et les tudes de terrain pouvant assurer lextraction des conclusions finales; -l ltude est limite lanalyse de quelques prmices dmographiques de la manifestation du phnomne de la migration externe aprs 1990 en Roumanie, en distinguant trois priodes distinctes : 1992-1996, 1997-2001 et 2002-2006. Celles-ci correspondent trois seuils distincts : la fin de la migration
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IONEL MUNTELE, CORNELIU IAU
raison ethnique, lapparition de lmigration definitive au sein de la population majoritaire et lexplosion des mouvements circulaires (Diminescu, 2003), lenlvement des restrictions de circulation dans lespace Schengen etc. Une premire analyse vise la relation entre les mouvements migratoires internes et ceux internationaux. Le matriel graphique prsent dmontre lexistence
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LINFLUENCE DE LA MIGRATION INTERNATIONALE SUR ...
dun clivage sparant les dpartements forte migration externe rurale (nord de Transylvanie, certainsdpartements moldaves) et ceux o les mouvements se sont manifests tardivement, aprs lenlvement des visas (sud du pays notamment). Il faut aussi remarquer que le repli rural a dabord t massif dans les aires dominante agricole des marges mridionales et orientales, les aires carpatiques, pargnes par la collectivisation se comportant plutt au contraire. Lexode urbain prsente une situation en miroir mais il faut remarquer sa gnralisation vers la fin de la priode analyse quand il simpose pourtant quelques aires o il se fait sentir un regain de lattractivit (ouest de pays et rgion de la capitale surtout). Cest dans ces rgions aussi quon constate une prservation du repli rural, concentr, lon suppose, dans les aires priurbaines, expression dun ajustement dmographique au niveau territorial (Muntele, 2006). On peut penser que ce repli rural fut une situation transitoire et les rgions concernes par son haut niveauseront les plus affectes par lmigration (figure 1). Les cinq types dvolution de limmigration correspondent deux series de facteurs : dun ct le niveau de dveloppement qui rend la capitale, la rgion de Constana, une grande partie de la Transylvanie et le Banat plus attractives et les sud du pays plutt repulsive; dun autre ct, la proximit des sources de limmigration explique lapparente attractivit recente de la Moldavie (figure 2). Il est difficile pourtant, mis part le cas particulier de la capitale, de trouver une certaine influence de limmigration sur lvolution de la natalit. Quant lmigration, elle fournit une distribution aussi interessante, sparant la rgion extracarpatique o, gnralement (sauf les grandes villes) lmigration est rcente de la rgion intracarpatique du pays o celle-ci fut trs importante jusqu une date recente, signe de la disparition de lmigration base ethnique (pour lanalyse de ce facteur on a tendu la priode dtude afin davoir un meilleur support explicatif). Partout le moment 1990 est crucial et il faut remarquer lapparition dune nouvelle rgion active dans la partie occidentale de la Moldavie, o la tendance, au contraire de ce qui se passe (apparemment, selon les donnes officielles) dans le reste du pays. Cest peut tre prmatur mais dj on peroit cette rgion en tant que le principal bassin demigration, explicable dans le contexte dune forte densit (au niveau de la Roumanie), dune incidence brutale des reformes conomique et de la quasi-absence des investissements majeures. Il y a des indices que ce modle moldave est dja en extension vers le sud-ouest, des poches de forte migration se manifestant aussi dans la Muntnie et dans lOltnie (notamment dans les dpartements de Teleorman, Dmbovia et Vlcea). Lmigration a engendr, semble-t-il, une tendance dhomognisation des valeurs de la natalit, par lrosion du potentiel de la population en ge de procration, principalement concerne mais aussi par la modernisation possible du comportement dmographique grce aux contacts avec des populations
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avances en ce sens-l. Cest ce que dmontrent les cartogrammes visant lvolution de la natalit, selon la rsidence (rurale ou urbaine) et sur la typologie de lindice gnral de fcondit (figures 3 et 4). On peut observer la forte chute des valeurs de la natalit aprs lan 2000 dans les dpartements caractriss antrieurement par une forte fertilit gnrale (Moldavie, nord de la Transylvanie, rgions principalement touches par lmigration rcente).
Au contraire, dans les rgions manifestant encore une certaine attractivit, cette chute fut moins visible et la reprise rcente est remarquable (capitale, Banat etc.). Le cas particulier de lOltnie supporte une analyse plus complexe, la chute continue de la natalit et de la fertilit gnrale y tant lie aussi la structure par ges et au maintien dun ge prcoce aux naissances. Ainsi le dclin des femmes de 15 49 ans explique mieux la situation de cette
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rgion, ailleurs on constate une augmentation de lge la premire naissance favorisant une reprise, plus ou moins forte de la fertilit. Cest une situation conjoncturelle puisque dans la prochaine dcennie arriveront lge de la premire procration des tranches dges de moins en moins nombreuses.
Trs intressante est la diffrence qui spare les milieux de rsidence du point de vue de lvolution de la natalit dans les trois priodes mentionnes plus haut. Nous avons utilise le rapport entre les priodes, en prenant la premire en tant qutalon. Gnralement on peut estimer que la chute de la natalit a t plus forte dans les villes, consquence du retour rural dans une premire phase (avant 2002) mais le deuxime rapport dmontre lexistence dun fort dclin dans les villages
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aprs cette date,concentr dans deux aires distinctes, le nord-est o lexplication rside surtout dans lampleur de lmigration et le sud-ouest o lexplication supporte plutt une analyse du comportement dmographique, invoque plus haut.Le matriel prsent est encore plus riche en informations et impose une analyse complexe de linterference de plusieurs processus tels la priurbanisation, la rconversion industrielle, le repli rural, la chute de la vitalit dmographique etc.
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Un argument supplementaire pour limportance de lmigration dans la dvitalisation du peuple roumain est fourni par lanalyse illustre dans la figure 5. Ainsi on observe que la chute de la natalit fut plus forte dans les communes o le poids des personnes absentes au recensements de 2002 tait trs lev. Cest aussi remarquer que ces communes taient caractrises pour la plupart par une forte vitalit dmographique au dbut de la priode tudie. On peut tablir une corrlation entre lanciennet et lintensit de lmigration dun ct et lvolution de la composante active du bilan naturel, la natalit, de lautre. Un rle indiscutable revient aux particularits ethniques et confessionnelles mais
1,0 1,0 0,9 0,9 0,8 0,8 0,7 0,7 0,6 0,6 0,5 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006
Figure no.5 : L'volution de la natalit selon la proportion de la population temporairement absente au recens. de 2002 (1990 = 1)
moins de 1% 5-10%
1-2,5% plus de 10%
2,5-5%
aussi importante seraient la position gographique et la structure sociale et professionnelle de la population. Des 20 diffrences rgionales 15 peuvent tre aussi tablies, opposant par exemple les 10 dpartements Liuzii Clugra Froani 5 subcarpatiques de Grleni Cleja la Moldavie et ceux du 0 nord de la Transylvanie. 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 Les consquences de lmigration semblent avoir t plus graves dans le contexte dune forte pression dmographique. L o lmigration est dj ancienne la dgradation de la vitalit dmographique se ressentira longtemps, dans labsence dun retour important (au nord ouest du pays par exemple). La proximit des villes joue un rle contradictoire, en
Figure 6 : L'volution de la natalit de 1990 2006 promiles dans quelques communes de dpt. de Bacu 25
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combinaison avec la strcture par ge et par sexes de la population. Les villes soumises une forte dsindustrialisation ont engendr dans leurs alentours une migration massive (par exemple, Focani ou Bacu). Lmigration selective par sexe, favorise les communes forte migration masculine (Grleni et Cleja dans la figure 6) au contraire de ce qui se passe dans les communes migration gnralise (Liuzii Clugrei et Froani dans la mme figure). Cet exemple repris de Moldavie est reconfirme par lanalyse de la situation des communes localises dans dautres rgions forte emigration. Gnralement, plus lmigration est ancienne et concerne les deux sexes, plus les effets en sont graves sur le plan dmographique. Cette conclusion parrat logique mais il y a pourtant des situations particulires lies au clivage temporairedfinitif. Il y a ainsi des communes o lmigration avait dbut immdiatement aprs 1989 sans enregistrer une chute spectaculaire de la natalit ce qui fait penser aux particularits culturelles locales mais aussi une dominance des circuits aller-retour. Dans dautres situations le dclin nest pas totalement li une forte migration mais aussi une modernisation du comportement dmographique, phnomne saisisable notamment dans les milieux catholiques de Moldavie et autour des villes dont on peut reclamer une double influence, de lmigration et de la ville. Il se manifeste ainsi une relation entre les mouvements de retour rural et lmigration, encore difficile cerner et inscrire dans le discours des relations entre lmigration et le dveloppement (Bernard, 2002). En conclusion on peut affirmer quune analyse des correlations entre lmigration et la dynamique naturelle de la population est encore prmature, les volutions observes en sont souvent conjoncturelles. Il y a pourtant une certitude : ltude de la dynamique de la population en Roumanie, y compris au niveau local, ne peut pas faire abstraction de cette composante extrmement active dans certaines rgions : lmigration. Dans des situations particulires (la capitale surtout) on ne peut pas ignorrer limmigration, ct de la rvitalisation des flux migratoires internes engendrs par la dynamique rcente des investissements.
Bibliographie : Dana Diminescu (2003), Visibles mais peu nombreux. Les circulations migratoires roumaines, Maison des sciences de lhomme, Paris Philippe Bernard (2002), Immigration : le dfi mondial, Gallimard,Paris Ionel Muntele (2006), Romanian Population Between Crisis and Demographical Adjustment, Buletinul Societii Geografice din Romnia, Edit.Academiei Romne, Bucureti *** Baza teritorial de date, INSSE, Bucureti, 1990-2006
UNOS SE VAN, Y LOS QUE SE QUEDAN? POBLACION MAYOR, TRABAJO Y AGRICULTURA EN RUMANIA10. Jos Daz Diego11 Juan Antonio Mrquez Domnguez12 Universidad de Huelva (Espaa)
Rezumat : Unii pleac dar cine rmne? Populaia vrstnic i munca n agricultur n Romnia. Prezentul articol expune o reflecie asupra prelungirii vieii active a populaiei romneti de peste 64 de ani, ndeosebi n mediul rural n care domin sectorul agricol. Abstract :This article deals a brief reflection on the current prolongation of Romanian ageing people over 64 labour life. The paper pays special attention on the rural context and the work in agriculture.
Key-words: ageing people, work, agriculture. 1. Introduccin Aunque las cifras oficiales rumanas son poco rigurosas en esta materia, hay un elevado nmero de rumanos que ao tras ao contina dirigindose hacia los mercados laborales europeos, como el espaol o el italiano. Una vez aqu, los rumanos se emplean en un amplio abanico de puestos de trabajo entre los que podemos sealar el cuidado a personas mayores con necesidades de atencin, cuyo nmero tambin se desliza fuera de las estadsticas espaolas debido a la economa sumergida que define a buena parte del entorno laboral domstico. Este hecho, que conocamos por el trabajo de campo en Espaa, junto a los volmenes, mejor clarificados, de rumanos dedicados a la construccin y finalmente contratados en origen para las tareas agrcolas (Bleahu, 2005; Viruela, 2006; Mrquez, Gordo y Garca, 2007; Jurado y Gordo, 2008, Pajares, 2008; Daz Diego, 2008) nos haca pensar que una importante parte de la poblacin rumana mayor deba encontrarse
Este artculo es resultado del trabajo llevado a cabo en el proyecto de I+D Los contratos en origen de temporada como poltica de control de flujos migratorios en Espaa. Anlisis socioeconmico y regional de los pases participantes: el caso rumano (referencia SEJ2006-14945), que est siendo financiado por el Ministerio espaol de Ciencia e Innovacin y llevado a cabo por el Grupo de Investigacin Instituto de Desarrollo Local (IDL) de la Universidad de Huelva (Espaa). 11 Investigador FPI-MICINN (Formacin de Personal Investigador, Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovacin) en el rea de Anlisis Geogrfico Regional de la Universidad de Huelva (Espaa). Miembro del Grupo de Investigacin Instituto de Desarrollo Local. Correo electrnico: jose.diaz@dhis2.uhu.es 12 Catedrtico de Anlisis Geogrfico Regional de la Universidad de Huelva (Espaa). Responsable del Grupo de Investigacin Instituto de Desarrollo Local. Correo electrnico: antonio@uhu.es
10
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JOSE DIAZ DIEGO, JUAN-ANTONIO MARQUEZ-DOMINGUEZ
abandonada por sus hijos, aun recibiendo dinero de ellos en forma de remesas. En el mejor de los casos, los ms afortunados padres de emigrantes deban estar solos 7, 8 9 meses al ao debido a las caractersticas temporales de la contratacin en origen y al perfil de sus trabajadores (Gordo, Garca y Daz Diego, 2007). Todo ello es, sin duda, un importante impacto social de la emigracin. Esa idea se reforz al conocer ms de cerca la estructura demogrfica de la poblacin rumana (INS, 2008), el perfil sociodemogrfico de los trabajadores (Iau, 2006), el importante peso de la poblacin rural, el envejecimiento de sta, las condiciones de vida en los pueblos y aldeas del interior, la escasez de las pensiones entre ellas la falta de las no contributivas , los costes mdicos, la inflacin de los productos bsicos especialmente bienes de consumo y vivienda, la prolongacin de la vida laboral por encima de los 64 aos, el importante nmero de mayores a cargo de sus nietos (SFR, 2008), la pobreza que atenaza a buena parte de los ancianos rumanos (Ionescu, 2008) y finalmente, quizs a golpe de prejuicios, el elevado nmero de mendigos mayores, gran parte de ellos mujeres, que en las ciudades de Rumana nos pedan apostados en estaciones de tren, mercados e iglesias. El texto que sigue comprende una breve reflexin sobre la prolongacin de la vida laboral de la poblacin mayor de 64 aos, debido, entre otros factores, a las bajas pensiones percibidas. Prestamos una especial atencin al medio rural en el que vive una gran parte de esta poblacin mayor, muchos de ellos desatendidos por las migraciones de sus hijos. Asimismo nos centramos en el trabajo que realizan, principalmente en el vinculado a la agricultura. 2. Mayores, trabajo y agricultura Alrededor de 3.100.000 pensionistas rumanos cobran menos de 140 euros al mes (Bobocea, 2008). Este sueldo, en un pas donde en cualquier comercio un litro de leche cuesta ms de 1 euro, enva a buena parte de esta poblacin directamente a la pobreza, con independencia del indicador econmico que la Administracin de turno haya decidido fijar como su umbral. Esta cobertura social insuficiente hace que un nmero muy elevado de poblacin mayor se vea obligada a continuar con actividades laborales que, si bien no son remuneradas la mayor parte de las veces por tratarse de trabajos agrcolas llevados a cabo en la parcela propia, constituyen un aporte fundamental a la economa familiar. En Rumana continan ocupadas activamente ms 456.000 personas mayores de 64 aos, de las que el 88,4 % se dedican a la agricultura (INS, 2008). Varias son las causas que, sin agotarlas, podran explicar este hecho. En primer lugar, Rumana es un pas que, como Espaa, tiene una larga y arraigada tradicin agrcola. La poblacin rural, cuyo principal sector econmico contina
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UNOS SE VAN, Y LOS QUE SE QUEDAN?
siendo la agricultura, representa el 44,8 % de la poblacin del pas, es decir ms de 9.670.000 personas.
Mapa 1. Fuente: INS, 2008.
Si observamos la pensin media (Mapa 2) y la concentracin de la poblacin rural en Rumana (Mapa 3) podemos comprobar a simple vista cmo las provincias (judee) con las pensiones ms bajas coinciden el mayor nmero de veces con las reas donde se concentra un mayor nmero de habitantes de entornos rurales. Esta confluencia se puede ver con claridad en las provincias al sur de Bucarest: Teleorman, Girgiu y Clrai; las moldavas Vrancea, Vaslui o Botoani; y Satu Mare, Maramure y Bistria-Nsud en Transilvania. Dos variables principales explican este hecho. Por una parte, la Ley nmero 19, de 17 de marzo de 2000 (MOR, 2000), reguladora del sistema pblico de pensiones de Rumana, calcula la prestacin por jubilacin de los trabajadores rumanos teniendo en cuenta la media del salario bruto anual de su vida laboral y su perodo de cotizacin, a cuyo resultado se le aplica finalmente una constante (valoarea punctului de pensie) que expresa el salario bruto medio nacional y que sirve
para regular las subidas de las pensiones paralelamente al salario de los trabajadores cotizantes (CTCEP-PN, 2008). En este sistema de clculo el salario bruto medio de la
vida laboral del trabajador representa lo que en Espaa el grupo de cotizacin, si bien la pensin final se ve ms directamente influida por el salario dado que la orquilla es menor que en los sistemas por grupos o umbrales. Puesto que en
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Rumana, como en Espaa, los sueldos ms elevados se encuentran en los entornos urbanos y por el contrario, los ms reducidos se dan en los entornos rurales, las pensiones de los trabajadores rurales son proporcionalmente ms bajas.
La segunda variable que opera en contra de las pensiones de los entornos rurales es una rmora que proviene del sistema de cotizacin comunista. Hasta la cada del comunismo en diciembre de 1989, los trabajadores rumanos tenan dos modalidades principales de cotizacin, el modelo agrcola y el modelo de Estado.Ello daba en dos tipos de pensiones, las pensiones agrcolas y las pensiones de Estado, siendo siempre las primeras inferiores a las segundas. Con el desarrollo completo de la Ley 19 sobre pensiones, en abril de 2001, la administracin acaba con esta diferenciacin y, por tanto, con esta clara discriminacin que sufran los trabajadores agrcolas. Pero an con ello no se nivelaron las pensiones que hasta 2001 pertenecan a los dos sistemas sino que los pensionistas agrcolas jubilados con anterioridad a la reforma, continuaron siendo jubilados por el sistema agrcola. Slo aquellos jubilados con posterioridad a abril de 2001 han conseguido una
13
Los indicadores econmicos en euros han sido calculados segn marcaba el Banco de Espaa, el 10 de septiembre de 2008, de 1 = 3.602 lei rumanos. Link: http://www.bde.es/banota/bp0201.htm
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igualdad de trato. Esto hace que en los entornos rurales, con la agricultura como primer sector de empleo y por consiguiente con el mayor nmero de trabajadores, queden amplias bolsas de campesinos jubilados con anterioridad a 2001, con pensiones ms bajas a aqullos que en la industria, la Administracin o en los servicios lo hicieron por el sistema de Estado.
As, en los entornos rurales se unen dos circunstancias que disean territorios marginados en lo que a prestaciones por jubilacin se refiere: pensiones ms bajas por sueldos ms bajos y pensiones ms bajas por sistemas de cotizacin discriminatorios. En este contexto, la agricultura y la propiedad de la tierra continan siendo eje material y simblico fundamental para muchas familias rumanas. De forma muy viva todava, la transicin del perodo comunista al democrtico signific para la agricultura el paso de la produccin comunal a la restitucin de la propiedad privada y a la autoexplotacin de las propiedades familiares colectivizadas anteriormente. Sin entrar a analizar las deficiencias que ello provoc a nivel macroproductivo, las familias rumanas vinculadas a la agricultura continuaron gran parte de ellas
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dedicndose a esa misma actividad aunque bajo un modelo absolutamente distinto, responsables ahora de los medios y modos de produccin. Esto implic abandonar las seguridades que ofreca la agricultura comunitaria para adentrarse en un sistema de produccin capitalista regido por la oferta y la demanda, en cuya red los agricultores rumanos a penas han tenido hasta ahora capacidad alguna de negociacin frente a las empresas agroalimentarias, a las de productos fitosanitarios, a las de maquinaria agrcola o ante sus intermediarios. Sin embargo, 42 aos de comunismo en los que la poblacin rural no abandon el sentimiento de propiedad de la tierra, hicieron imperar la necesidad por recuperar la parcela familiar colectivizada y trabajar sin ms indicaciones que las decisiones propias. Adems, todo aquello bajo lo que subyaciese una remota idea de puesta en comn de los bienes, de las decisiones, de las estrategias era completamente rechazado por parte de la sociedad, lo que no ha permitido an una atmsfera proclive a la creacin de cooperativas que hagan ms fuerte la posicin individual del campesino, como por ejemplo, salvando las distancias, ha ocurrido con el caso de los freseros de Huelva (Espaa).
Estructura de la poblacin ocupada por sector de ocupacin y grupo de edad Grupo de edad (%) Ocupacin laboral Poblacin total (miles) 269 864 860 391 915 2.319 1.538 2.157 9.313 65 15- 25- 35- 45- 55aos 24 34 44 54 64 y aos aos aos aos aos ms 1,7 23,5 34,1 30,4 9,5 0,8 2,5 35,7 24,3 25,4 11,3 0,8 5,4 32,1 26,3 27,2 8,7 0,3 6,5 29,2 31,9 25,8 6,5 0,1 11,8 34,7 29,7 19,5 3,9 0,4 10,5 19,0 16,6 17,4 19,1 17,4 8,1 25,6 31,3 29,2 5,7 10,6 29,1 29,3 22,3 7,2 8,6 27,3 26,0 23,1 10,1 0,1 1,5 4,9
Cuerpos ejecutivos, legislativos y polticos Intelectuales y cientficos Personal tcnico Funcionarios administrativos Personal de comercio y servicios Campesinos, peones agrcolas, forestales y silvicultores Artesanos Otras ocupaciones Total de sectores
Fuente: INS, 2008. Elaboracin propia.
Pero la restitucin de la tierra no slo ha llevado al agricultor a la propiedad privada y a la explotacin de los recursos con base en la fuerza de trabajo de la unidad familiar sino que ha transformado el mapa agrcola rumano de importantes extensiones de cultivos a un parcelario minifundista con una superficie media por explotacin que a penas supera las 2 hectreas. Adems, este minifundismo se atomiz ms an cuando al proceso de restitucin de la
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propiedad privada le sigui el lgico reparto entre herederos, lo que ha transformado a la finca agrcola en un foco de conflictos sociales y administrativos en muchos casos an por resolver debido al proceso de restitucin y, una vez resueltos, en una explotacin que a penas permite por s misma la subsistencia. En Rumana las explotaciones agrcolas han visto cmo se daba un salto generacional completo en el que los herederos se multiplicaban sin que estos implementaran las estrategias de compra-venta que aseguran: o bien 1) la continuidad de parcelas viables agrcolamente por su superficie incorporando parcelas vecinas o comprando las suertes de los hermanos o bien 2) la adquisicin de su capital tras la venta para la acumulacin del mismo o la inversin en otros sectores econmicos o en necesidades de la vida cotidiana. Nada de esto era posible con anterioridad porque la propiedad era del Estado.
Por otro lado, las explotaciones colectivizadas contaban con una maquinaria, a disposicin de la comuna que las trabajaba, que permita unos mrgenes modernos de produccin. Tras la cada del comunismo y la restitucin de la propiedad privada, entra en desuso porque ni muchos de estos medios de
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produccin pudieron ser privatizados ni la crisis paralela que viva el sector industrial permiti contar con piezas y recambios que alargasen la vida de estos tractores, segadoras, empaquetadoras, etc. de sello nacional. En los aos que siguen al derrumbe del rgimen comunista, desde las chapas de estas maquinarias hasta los tubos de metal que formaban el sistema de canalizacin y riego de los campos pasando por los armazones y vigas de hierro de los edificios industriales abandonados fueron vendidos al peso, como chatarra, para poder subsistir. Comenz aqu un crculo vicioso que ha empobrecido rpidamente al campesinado. Por una parte, la falta de maquinaria no permite intensificar la produccin para conseguir mrgenes de beneficio que posibiliten hacer frente a muchos de los gastos que se hacen presentes y necesarios en una familia de finales del s. XX. Por otra parte, la superficie tan reducida de la explotacin agrcola impide, por medios tradicionales, una produccin que permita al campesino acumular el capital necesario para hacer frente a la compra de una moderna maquinaria agrcola. Este crculo se agrava ms an en el contexto europeo, cuya lgica co-financiadora de los proyectos de desarrollo agrcola y rural dejan a un lado al campesino medio incapaz de hacer frente a ese 20, 15 10% de capital propio que debe aportar, operando a favor del inversor extranjero o del gran empresario, muchos de los cuales se quedaron con buenas fincas durante el proceso de restitucin gracias al corrupto sistema clientelar rumano (Marcu, 2003). Este cmulo de circunstancias ha hecho de buena parte del campo rumano un conjunto de pequeas explotaciones, de agricultores envejecidos, recelado por los jvenes, que cuenta con el carro de caballos como principal medio de carga y transporte; el arado, la hoz y la guadaa como principales herramientas de trabajo; maz, cereales, patatas y coles como cultivos principales del paisaje agrcola; una pequea huerta para los frutales y las hortalizas; y animales domsticos, entre ellos una o dos vacas, como fuente de protenas y recurso para la compraventa en los mercados locales (carne, leche, queso). Si no fuese porque ni los tiempos se repiten ni las sociedades son iguales, podramos confundir la agricultura que se lleva a cabo en zonas del interior de Rumana con una agricultura medieval, eso s, con antena parablica en casa, algn cybercaf no muy lejos y, casi con total seguridad, buena cobertura de telefona mvil. En este contexto se mueve buena parte de los ms de 403.500 agricultores que superan en Rumana los 64 aos de edad: reciben pensiones muy bajas, tienen una cultura de trabajo individual o familiar de la tierra, sus fincas son demasiado pequeas para generar dividendos, los modos de produccin son mayoritariamente tradicionales, no cuentan con capital que les permita invertir en mejoras para la explotacin y
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adems tienen muy poca iniciativa empresarial, algo por otro lado normal y presente en buena parte de las sociedades campesinas europeas. Esto, junto a la inflacin de los precios y a la falta de la ayuda cotidiana de los hijos que, emigrados, se encuentran lejos de los pueblos y aldeas donde viven sus padres, obliga a los mayores rumanos a continuar ocupados activamente en la agricultura hasta que pierden prcticamente la capacidad fsica de trabajo. Por ltimo, hay que tener en cuenta que en Rumana no existen las pensiones no contributivas, es decir, que o el contribuyente llega a tener el perodo mnimo de cotizacin o se queda sin derecho alguno a cualquier pensin por pequea que sta sea. Ello, sin duda, debe empujar a continuar trabajando, aun con edad para jubilarse, a buena parte de la poblacin con dificultades para llegar a los actuales 11 aos y 10 meses de contribucin mnima (CTCEP-PN, 2008). De stos, los que no cuenten con propiedades para trabajar o recursos similares les queda la ayuda de los hijos o la caridad.
Foto 1. Carro tirado por caballos, provincia de Iai. Archivo propio.
En este contexto se mueve buena parte de los ms de 403.500 agricultores que superan en Rumana los 64 aos de edad: reciben pensiones muy bajas, tienen una cultura de trabajo individual o familiar de la tierra, sus fincas son demasiado pequeas para generar dividendos, los modos de produccin son mayoritariamente tradicionales, no cuentan con capital que les permita invertir en mejoras para la explotacin y adems tienen muy poca iniciativa empresarial, algo por otro lado normal y presente en buena parte de las sociedades campesinas europeas. Esto, junto a la inflacin de los precios y a la falta de la ayuda cotidiana de los hijos que, emigrados, se encuentran
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lejos de los pueblos y aldeas donde viven sus padres, obliga a los mayores rumanos a continuar ocupados activamente en la agricultura hasta que pierden prcticamente la capacidad fsica de trabajo. Por ltimo, hay que tener en cuenta que en Rumana no existen las pensiones no contributivas, es decir, que o el contribuyente llega a tener el perodo mnimo de cotizacin o se queda sin derecho alguno a cualquier pensin por pequea que sta sea. Ello, sin duda, debe empujar a continuar trabajando, aun con edad para jubilarse, a buena parte de la poblacin con dificultades para llegar a los actuales 11 aos y 10 meses de contribucin mnima (CTCEP-PN, 2008). De stos, los que no cuenten con propiedades para trabajar o recursos similares les queda la ayuda de los hijos o la caridad.
Fotos 2. Campesino recogiendo su vaca al atardecer, provincia de Iai. Archivo propio.
En Bucarest, un alto cargo poltico nos aclaraba, no sin falta de orgullo, que en Rumana los mayores en los pueblos no se jubilan sino que siguen trabajando hasta que mueren. Deberan los responsables polticos permanecer atentos, no vaya a ser que ms que debido a una salud de hierro, sea tanto trabajo el que agote rpidamente los aos de vejez, o ms preocupante an, que cuando los mayores no cuenten con la capacidad fsica para trabajar los recursos econmicos sean tan pocos que a la calidad de vida no se le encuentre razn alguna para llamarla as. 3. Aproximacin geogrfica al sufrimiento econmico En el Mapa 5 se refleja una aproximacin sencilla a las reas centrales donde el sufrimiento econmico de los mayores de 64 aos es ms agudo,
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haciendo un clculo simple en el que se tienen en cuenta los precios de una lista de alimentos bsicos (1 kilo de patatas, 1 kilo de cebollas, 1 kilo de alubias, 1 kilo de tomates, 1 kilo de manzanas y 1 litro de leche) y la pensin media. Si observamos el mapa con los resultados vemos cmo son los grandes centros urbanos e industriales las reas donde el sufrimiento econmico de los mayores es ms intenso, puesto que el precio de los alimentos es mayor que en las zonas rurales y las pensiones, aunque tambin son algo mejores, no equilibran la balanza de gastos.
Mapa 5.Fuente: INS, 2008.
Sin embargo, si tenemos en cuenta que las pensiones ms bajas se encuentran en el medio rural, pues es aqu donde an continan percibindose pensiones agrcolas anteriores a la reforma de abril de 2001, y que estas zonas estn, en muchos casos, muy envejecidas, podemos modificar el clculo del sufrimiento econmico aadiendo a la ecuacin el porcentaje de poblacin mayor de 64 aos adems del porcentaje de poblacin mayor de 74 aos, cuyas caractersticas vitales los hacen ms dependientes de las prestaciones econmicas y reducen su capacidad de movilizar recursos por ellos mismos. As obtenemos un segundo mapa de riesgo de exclusin econmica (Mapa 6), que vuelve a situar las reas de alto riesgo en las zonas rurales, especialmente en aqullas a orillas del Danubio donde su fuerte conversin industrial durante el perodo comunista y su posterior desestructuracin a partir
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de los ao 90 han hecho que el tejido productivo prcticamente se desintegre y que ni la agricultura de subsistencia haya supuesto una alternativa viable.
4. Conclusiones Rumana es un pas con altos ndices de crecimiento econmico pero que sin embargo contina viendo cmo mucha de su poblacin en edad de trabajar emigra para buscar mejores condiciones laborales en otros pases, especialmente europeos. Con sus remesas mejoran la calidad de vida de algunos de los familiares que quedan en el pas, sobre todo la de los padres, si bien su marcha est desequilibrando el sistema rumano de pensiones al hacer disminuir la poblacin trabajadora por debajo de la poblacin jubilada, agravando adems la tendencia demogrfica de envejecimiento. Esto acarrea una serie de problemas al Estado a la hora de hacer frente al pago de las pensiones, que continan en niveles insuficientes en comparacin con los costes de la vida. En un contexto as, y especialmente en el entorno rural, donde las condiciones se prestan a ello, muchos rumanos mayores de 64 aos se ven en la obligacin de continuar trabajando, principalmente en la agricultura, con el fin de apaliar la escasez de recursos econmicos con los que les provee la Administracin. An hoy, en muchos pueblos de Espaa puede verse cmo un gran nmero de mayores continan dedicndose activamente al cultivo de sus campos, sin embargo la
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gran mayora lo hace por cuestiones que estn ms atadas a la reproduccin de roles culturales que a la necesidad econmica. Es necesario que la Administracin rumana atienda al hecho de que las remesas que llegan desde el extranjero y que tanta vida estn dando al tejido econmico de Rumana no slo parten del esfuerzo de los emigrantes, a los que se las deben sin duda, sino tambin de los muchos mayores que se ven, a una edad considerable, encargados de criar de nuevo una prole para facilitar la independencia de sus hijos y su consiguiente marcha. Otros padres de emigrantes ni siquiera quedan con nietos y slo tienen hijos que trabajan a miles de kilmetros, que ven con suerte una vez al ao y que adems, en muchos casos, saben que trabajan prestando a otros mayores de pases ms ricos las mismas atenciones que ellos necesitan. Si al menos el Gobierno no mejora las pensiones, aumenta las prestaciones econmicas vinculadas al antiguo sistema agrcola y reflexiona sobre la necesidad de las no contributivas, esta generacin de mayores cambiar a diario el duelo migratorio por el umbral de la pobreza y los pueblos de Rumana continuarn llenos de viejos empobrecidos que trabajan lo que ya no pueden y cuya meta vital es en ocasiones obtener el pan de cada da.
Bibliografa Bleahu, Ana, 2005, Romanian migration to Spain. Motivation, networks and strategies. Pop, D. New patterns of labour migration in Central and Eastern Europe. Centrul pentru Politici Publice. Cluj-Napoca. Bobocea, M, 2008, Over 3.1 million Romanian pensioners make less than 140 EUR a month. Private Pensions.ro, online: http://www.privatepensions.ro/Over-3-1-millionRomanian-pensioners-make-less-than-140-EUR-a-month-article-1-178.htm Daz Diego, Jos, 2008, Los campos que otros trabajan. Las campaas agrcolas espaolas con mayor porcentaje de trabajadores extranjeros. Actas del Curso de Desarrollo <<Nueva agricultura y mercado laboral. La contratacin en origen: el caso rumano>>. Universidad de Huelva. Huelva (ttulo provisional, pendiente de publicacin). Gordo, Mercedes, Garca, Mercedes y Daz D.-J., 2007, Perfil de los temporeros extranjeros en Espaa con contratos en origen: primeras aproximaciones. Actas del IX Congreso de la Asociacin Andaluza de Ciencia Regional Inmigracin y Desarrollo Regional . Asociacin Andaluza de Ciencia Regional y Universidad de Almera. Almera (pendiente de publicacin). Iau, C, 2006, Dmographie et gographie du travail en Roumanie postdcembriste. Sedcom Libris, Iai. Ionescu, I., 2008, Roumanie. Regards sociologiques, Institutul European, Iai. Jurado, J.-M. y Gordo, Mercedes, 2007, Sector de la construccin y mano de obra extranjera en Andaluca. Repercusiones ante el fin de un ciclo expansivo, Actas
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del IX Congreso de la Asociacin Andaluza de Ciencia Regional Inmigracin y desarrollo regional. Asociacin Andaluza de Ciencia Regional y Universidad de Almera. Almera (pendiente de publicacin). Marcu, Silvia, 2003, El proceso de transicin poltica en Rumana: herencias y realidades postcomunistas. Revista Electrnica de Estudios Internacionales, nm. 7, online:www.reei.org/reei7/S.Marcu.pdf Pajares, M., 2008. Inmigracin y mercado de trabajo. Informe 2008. Observatorio Permanente de la Inmigracin. Ministerio de Trabajo e Inmigracin. Madrid. Viruela, R. 2006, Inmigrantes rumanos en Espaa: aspectos territoriales y procesos de sustitucin laboral ,. Scripta Nova. Revista Electrnica de Geografa y Ciencias Sociales, vol. 10, nm. 222, online: http://www.ub.es/geocrit/sn/sn-222.htm SFR. 2008, Effects of migration: children left at home, Soros Foundation Romania. Bucarest. CTCEP-PN, 2008, Lege nr. 19 din 17 martie 2000 (actualizata), Centrul Teritorial de Calcul Electronic S.A. Piatra-Neam. *** 2003, Recensmntul General Agricol 2002, Institutul Naional de Statistic. Bucarest. *** 2008. Anuarul Statistic al Romniei, 2007. Institutul Naional de Statistic. Bucarest. *** 2000. Lege nr. 19 din 17 martie 2000, privind sistemul public de pensii i alte drepturi de asigurri sociale, Monitorul Oficial al Romniei, parte I, nm. 140, de 1 de abril, Bucarest.
LOCALISATION DES SERVICES ET MIXITE FONCTIONNELLE DANS LA VILLE DE IASI Oana Mihaela Stoleriu
Facult de Gographie et Gologie Universit Al.I.Cuza Iai Rezumat.Localizarea serviciilor i mixitate funcional n municipiul Iai. Studiul pune fa n fa dou moduri diferite de analiz a organizrii funcionale a spaiului urban, precum i dou perioade diferite din evoluia Iailor, fiecare cu principii i maniere specifice de producie a spaiului urban. Trecerea, dup 1990, de la o planificare teritorial riguroas i funcionalist, la o dinamic spaial spontan, este nsoit de transformri la fel de importante n viaa social i n organizarea funcional a oraului. Factor determinant al acestor transformri, distribuia serviciilor urbane se impune aadar ca un reper important n analiza modului de restructurare actual a intravilanului ieean. Noile forme de agregare i dispersie a serviciilor urbane, nnuclee i axe specializate, nlocuiesc vechile zone funcionale compacte. De la uniformitatea i omogeneitatea planificat, teritoriul urban evolueaz n mod spontan ctre mixitate, diversitate i convivialitate, n strns legtur cu necesitile actuale ale celor care l triesc i i-l apropriaz.
Mots cl : localisation, mixit, services 1.Introduction Les fonctions urbaines qui ont soutenu, travers les sicles, le statut territorial et une image de marque de la ville de Iasi savrent tre encore bien conserves dans la mentalit collective et dans la mmoire de lespace. Aussi la ville de Iasi a-t-elle continu tre considre la capitale historique et culturelle de la Moldavie, malgr une longue priode de marginalisation territoriale et administrative, et malgr les politiques centralisatrices et uniformisatrices du rgime communiste. Ces fonctions urbaines traditionnelles sont encore perceptibles dans la structure et la hirarchie actuelle de lespace urbain: car, structure par des axes de communication radiaires, lvolution de lespace urbain a toujours gard comme repre lancien noyau administratif et commercial de la ville. Autour de celui-ci les quartiers urbains ont successivement chang daspect et de fonction. A lintrieur de cette structure concentrique densemble, lusage de lespace et la diffrenciation socioprofessionnelle des habitants de Iasi ont engendr une morphologie complexe et la diversit fonctionnelle. Car, greffe sur les mcanismes intimes de lespace (statut, standing), la spcialisation
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fonctionnelle nexclut pas mais se fonde justement sur les complmentarits spatiales, les juxtapositions et le dynamisme local. Or, ignorant les relations et spcialisations territoriales hrites, les politiques spatiales et conomiques de laprs-guerre ont radicalement chang le visage et la fonctionnalit interne de la ville de Iasi. Lindustrialisation acclre a progressivement effacs les lments de spcificit locale, rduisant la part des fonctions tertiaires traditionnelles dans lconomie urbaine: lindustrie arrive dtenir 46.22 % de la population active en 1992, par rapport a 17,06 %, en 1956. La taille de la ville et le statut de centre sanitaire et universitaire au rayonnement rgional ont pourtant russi conserver une structure socioprofessionnelle plus complexe de la population, mme de celle travaillant dans lindustrie. Et comme lindustrialisation urbaine avait besoin de formes spatiales appropries, on a procd au rtrcissement rapide des anciennes zones de services, simultanment lexpansion des plateformes industrielles et des grands complexes rsidentiels collectifs. Le territoire urbain est devenu lobjet dune rigoureuse planification fonctionnelle grande chelle, ou la rptitivit architecturale assurait et reproduisait le rythme des flux journaliers polariss par les fabriques. La monospcialisation et de la dissociation spatiale taient les principes qui ont guid une organisation fonctionnelle sectorielle de la ville, telle quelle a t mise en vidence, dans les annes 80, par les recherches dAlexandru Ungureanu (Geografia Municipiului Iai, 1987 fig. 1). 2.Directions dtude et mthodes Dates de la fin de la priode communiste, les dernires tudes sur lorganisation fonctionnelle de la ville de Iasi exigeaient une continuit de la dmarche scientifique, centre sur lvolution rcente de lespace urbain. Cette dmarche semblait dautant plus intressante dans le contexte des nouveaux acteurs et politiques urbaines, et surtout rapporte aux re-localisations des activits lintrieur de la ville. On a donc essay de voir si et comment la mmoire de lespace et la nouvelle administration russissent dvier ou continuer lvolution de la ville par rapport au pass et comment les nouveaux agencements des services et fonctions urbaines arrivent crer des structures socio-spatiales spcifiques. On a utilis dans ce but un inventaire des activits conomiques prsentes dans la ville de Iasi, au dbut de 2007. Pour affiner danalyse et la typologie fonctionnelle de lespace urbain, on a utilis un carroyage aux cellules
Issu dun vaste travail de documentation en terrain, cest un inventaire de toutes les units conomiques visibles (en tat de fonction et signales par des enseignes) dans le paysage urbain.
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de 30 m x 30 met; le poids de chaque type de fonction urbaine (reprsente par les activits spcifiques), dans chaque maille, a t ensuite introduit comme variable dans une classification hirarchique ascendante. 3.Production et planification de lespace urbain socialiste Si lon pense la rigueur des plans damnagement, aux amples travaux vous dominer la nature, larchitecture fonctionnaliste et rptitive et lchelle de projection du territoire urbain, on pourrait intgrer la ville de Iasi dans la catgorie des espaces produits par une idologie. Dans son ensemble, lespace urbain forg par les politiques socialistes tait fort divis par les fonctions mmes quil tait cens de remplir. A son tour, il abritait et produisait un milieu social fort divis, toute une srie de rapports entre les nouvelles classes dominantes et entre les espaces que celles-ci sappropriaient. La moiti sud de la ville tait alors occupe par lindustrie et par les quartiers rsidentiels ouvriers, tandis que la partie de centre nord demeurait plus diversifie, concentrant la plupart des services polarisation rgionale (commerces centraux, hpitaux, units de recherche et denseignement) et la plupart des employs du secteur tertiaire. Or, respectant le principe de lagglomration fonctionnelle et le spcifique de la clientle, la distribution spatiale des services ne faisait que renforcer cette opposition majeure: les lyces techniques et la facult polytechnique taient groups au voisinage des fabriques, les services culturels et sanitaires - au nord de la ville. Orient par les flux journaliers dominants le systme de transport public arrivait consolider leffet de certaines fractures spatiales hrites (la voie ferre, les rivires Bahlui et Nicolina), favorisant les liaisons internes dans la partie sud de la ville, et celle est-ouest, en dfaveur des connexions nord-sud. A lchelle locale, le bti rsidentiel, la distribution centralise des logements et la mme localisation planifie des services ont engendr une organisation particulire de lespace urbain et social, de type communautaire. Construite sur le modle de la vie dune famille douvriers socialistes, telle que promue lpoque, celle-ci tait voue reproduire leurs comportements, leurs capacits conomiques, leurs attitudes et mme choix professionnels. Les petits noyaux tertiaires concentrs au milieu de chaque quartier groupaient seuls les services de frquence courante, strictement ncessaires pour un mnage de deux adultes actifs et plusieurs enfants: cole maternelle, cole primaire, mdecin gnral, magasin alimentaire et encore quelques petits commerces. Le systme de communication projet pour dlimiter ces cellules socio-spatiales et les relier aux lieux de travail, ne faisait que consolider les relations internes, accentuant leur fermeture vers lextrieur.
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Forts homognes, ces communauts sont construites sur les liens invisibles tisss entre des personnes ayant le mme lieu de travail et utilisant les mmes quipements culturels, commerciaux ou sanitaires de proximit. Lagglomration dans les grands immeubles collectifs, monotones et impersonnels, renforait et reproduisait cette homognit, par opposition tout ce qui tait en dehors (les quartiers de logements individuels). A partir de la rue jusqu' lintrieur des logements, larptitivit visuelle refltait la rptitivit du rythme des vies quils abritaient. Dans le contexte dune nette dissociation des fonctions rsidentielle et conomique les transports urbains et lascenseur devenaient les accessoires fonctionnels de la nouvelle organisation de la ville. 4.Vers un nouvelle organisation spatiale: zonage ou mixit fonctionnelle? Les acteurs grant la localisation des activits urbaines changent aprs 1990, de sorte que lvolution du territoire urbain devient le sujet dun contrat public priv, o ce sont plutt ces derniers qui semblent gagner le rle dominant. La dsindustrialisation de lconomie, lessor de lentreprise prive et lindiffrence des autorits vis vis des nouvelles localisations tertiaires cassent la monotonie du paysage urbain, marquant le dbut dune rapide diversification fonctionnelle et architecturale. Contrepoids des licenciements massifs de lindustrie, le dveloppement spontan des services reprsente avant tout la rponse une demande disperse et longtemps non (mal) satisfaite. Si les carts en termes daccs de la population aux services banals sont ainsi progressivement attnus, de lautre cot, les contrastes architecturaux, dilitaires et sociaux saccroissent. La restructuration de lespace urbain est directement influence par la rente foncire, qui contrle lagrgation des services et des groupes sociaux partir du centre-ville vers la priphrie. Si lon reprend la dmarche mthodologique utilise dans les tudes antrieures (Al. Ungureanu, 1987 - fig. 1), tenant compte de lespace occup par chaque type dactivits, on observe quelle nest plus approprie bien illustrer les ralits du prsent, respectivement la diversification fonctionnelle de lespace urbain. Mieux adapte aux grandes structures monofonctionnelles, cette mthode met en vidence surtout les activits dployes sur grandes superficies (telles lindustrie lourde ou le commerce de gros) ou celles localisation fortement agrge (les noyaux commerciaux forms au centre ville et le long des axes principaux), diminuant limportance dautres activits moins consommatrices despace, mais intimement lies son volution actuelle. Trs diffuse et occupant souvent un seul appartement au rez-de-chausse dun immeuble rsidentiel, cette dernire catgorie inclut des activits productrices de richesses
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(telle linformatique) ou, au moins, cratrices de mixit et vitalit conomique lchelle locale: petits commerces, ptisseries, salons de coiffure, cabinets des mdecins, etc. Conformment la figure 1, on peut parler donc, pour 2007, dun remplacement des anciens secteurs monofonctionnels, par des zones mixtes, runissant des groupes dactivits aux mmes exigences spatiales et/ou complmentaires: grande consommatrice despace, lassociation industrie commerce de gros - dpt est la plus facile distinguer dans la texture urbaine.
Fig.1.Lorganisation fonctionnelle de la ville de Iasi en 2007, par rapport 1985
Pour affiner donc lanalyse et vrifier lappropriation du terme zonage lorganisation fonctionnelle actuelle de la ville de Iasi, on a ralis une typologie illustrant les modles de localisation des activits urbaines dans un maillage de 30x30m fig. 2, 3, 4. Or, cette fois, le plus vident changement qui sen dtache est justement la mosaque dactivits entame lintrieur des
Du aux contraintes de ldition, en blanc noir, on a t oblig de dmanteler une seule image en trois.
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anciens secteurs fonctionnels compacts. On ne peut plus parler de zones mais densembles fonctionnels, souvent entams sur ldifice dun pass plus lointain (anciens axes commerciaux), soit comme une raction contre celui-ci (reconversion des zones industrielles). Accompagn dune tertiarisation de la main doeuvre locale, le fort essor numrique et spatial des services, aprs 1990, a engendr une mixtion croissante des activits partir du niveau urbain jusquau niveau des rues et mme des immeubles. Soutenue par les victions et le regroupement des activits, la mesure de cette mixit est directement contrle par la rente foncire et par le mode de (r)appropriation de chaque secteur urbain par ses habitants. Le maximum est atteint au centre-ville et le long des axes principaux, suite la forte concurrence sur le terrain et sur le march. Le processus a aussi un rythme trs intense dans les zones longtemps associes une seule fonction, et accumulant donc une forte demande, mal desserte auparavant: quartiers rsidentiels ouvriers et surtout la priphrie de ceux-ci, de mme que la priphrie de la ville en gnral. Le calibrage du rapport offre - demande y soutient une dcentralisation progressive des activits tertiaires, dans une succession induite par leur aire de chalandise et la frquence des relations avec les clients: le commerce banal est suivi, en tapes, par les services dentretien, sanitaires, financiers, juridiques, etc. 5.Succession et regroupement des fonctions urbaines: noyauxet axes fonctionnels Plus indiffrents vis vis de la prsence dautres activits, le commerce et lalimentation publique manifestent le plus rapide et le plus haut degr de diffusion spatiale fig. 2. La prsence de ces services pionniers annonce en fait le dbut de la mixit fonctionnelle des quartiers rsidentiels et de la priphrie urbaine, prparant le march local pour larrive dautres activits. Aussi le commerce arrive-t-il dtenir au moins 25 %de toutes les units actives de chaque quartier; son poids est li aux tapes de retertiarisation de lespace urbain et la structure dmographique locale. Dans les zones rsidentielles au caractre ouvrier, les revenus et le mode de vie de la population sont directement lis au poids lev des petits commerces de proximit, reprsentant plus de 65 % des activits: Ttrai, Galata, Alexandru cel Bun, P-a. Nicolina, Dacia, C.U.G. Outre les localisations traditionnelles (le noyau du centre-ville et les anciens axes commerciaux disparues dans la priode de laprs-guerre), on constate la formation de nouveaux axes commerciaux spcialiss, le long des principales voies de communication, dvelopps en noyaux dans les zones au flux pitonnier et routier intense: places, noeuds importants du rseau de
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transport public, centres de quartier, anciens ou nouveaux centres commerciaux locaux. Ce dveloppement dominant axial des services urbains induit, surtout au centre - ville, une organisation fonctionnelle en lots: on y distingue des ensembles rsidentiels dlimits par des axes fonction commerciale ou mixte.
Fig. 2. Nouveaux agencements fonctionnels dans la ville de Iasi, en 2007
Peu exigeants en termes despace, les petits commerces occupent souvent le rez-de-chausse des immeubles, y concurrant la fonction rsidentielle. Pourtant on ne peut parler de reconversions fonctionnelles importantes que dans le cas des grands centres commerciaux qui ont remplac les anciens espaces industriels du sud et du sud-est de Iasi: dans les quartiers C.U.G., Zone Industrielle, Frumoasa. Le phnomne a t encore plus rapide et intense si ces zones industrielles ou de transport taient insrs au milieu dune
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zone rsidentielle: le cas de lancienne gare routire de Iasi ou danciens btiments industriels des quartiers Canta et Sf. Andrei. Juxtapos aux zones commerciales spcialises, un premier type dassociation fonctionnelle, spcifique lorganisation actuelle de la ville, dtient encore un poids lev du commerce (environ 40 %), cot dautres services tels ladministration, les banques, la justice, la sant etc. Plus disperss, ces dernires narrivent pas former des groupements importants, de la mme taille quau centre ville; dans les nouvelles localisations (les anciens quartiers rsidentiels) elles sont destines desservir une demande plus faible et moins spcialise. La baisse sensible de cette demande par rapport au centre ville ou aux noyaux tertiaires secondaires est soutenue par une baisse similaire des avantages spatiaux exigs par ce type de services: centralit, image de marque, proximit dautres activits complmentaires. Cela explique leur regroupement dans les zones centralit leve et au flux pitonnier intense, indices qui contrlent dailleurs lextension des nouveaux noyaux tertiaires mixtes, rcemment forms dans des endroits tradition commerante (la zone de la Gare ferroviaire, Podul Ro, Podul de Fier et quelques axes principaux de la ville - oseaua Pcurari, Sf. Andrei, Bucinescu, oseaua Socola, oseaua Nicolina), dans certains noyaux urbains secondaires (Universitate Copou, Super Copou, Srrie, Nicolina, Zone Industrielle, Minerva, Dispecer Ttrai, Galata) ou dans la priphrie urbaine le boulevard Poitiers. Englobant surtout des services spcialiss, personnels ou aux entreprises, les groupements tertiaires divers narrivent pas former des noyaux compacts de grande taille. Certains en fonctionnent souvent par la rputation, fait qui leur permet une localisation pricentrale ou marginale: pompes funbres, confections mtalliques/en bois spcialises - dans les quartiers Galata, Moara de Vnt, Ttrai. Dautres sont strictement dpendants de la proximit des clients, do leur concentration lintrieur ou au voisinage danciens centres commerants, la proximit des institutions et des entreprises urbaines fortement polarisantes telles: les universits et les institutions culturelles (les noyaux de Super Copou, de Rpa Galben ou Podu Ro), les grands centres commerciaux (Bucinescu) et financiers (Hala Central), etc. Dans la figure 3 on observe que la plupart des activits sanitaires, culturelles et administratives sont concentres le long dun axe orient NV-SE, le mme axe le long duquel sest dvelopp la ville de Iasi, travers le temps, et qui a toujours russi maintenir une fonction tertiaire dominante. Ce sont dailleurs les fonctions les plus conservatrices vis--vis de leur emplacement spatial, calles soit sur des localisations traditionnelles, soit sur le rseau entam pendant la priode communiste. Et cest toujours la tradition qui contrle leur talement spatial par
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rapport aux localisations anciennes. Outre la superficie occupe, leur visibilit (en plan urbain et graphique) est renforce aussi par lattraction dautres services similaires ou complmentaires: centres de photocopie, librairies, fast-food, respectivement pharmacies, cabinets mdicaux etc. Cest de cette manire que les fonctions sanitaire et ducative ont continue accrotre leur poids au nord de Iasi, de mme que ladministration le fait au centre ville. Encore fortement tributaire au pass, la faible dlocalisation des ces services montre leur incapacit de former de nouveaux noyaux importants, aspect bien vident dans le cas de ladministration et des services trs spcialiss, en gnral. Si la plupart des units culturelles et denseignement restent superposes, en grandes lignes, sur le rseau entam avant 1990, seules les glises enregistrent une amlioration de leur desserte spatiale; leur prsence est une raction naturelle une longue priode de marginalisation de ces services et surtout de certaines religions.
Fig. Nouveaux agencements fonctionnels dans la ville de Iasi, en 2007. 3.
Les services financiers prsentent, en ensemble, le mme type de distribution spatiale. Profitant et renforant limage de prestige du centre ville, un noyau financier important sest fait consolider dans la rue A. Panu, suivi par dautres, de moindre taille et moins spcialiss, dans les centres de quartier. Dans les deux cas, leur prsence est perue comme un signe du pouvoir conomique et de la centralit. Et mme sil ne sagit pas dune centralit
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gographique, ils deviennent vite des repres importants dans la vie du quartier: points dinteraction sociale, de dynamisme conomique et immobilier. Bien que plus diffus, les cabinets juridiques et mdicaux ont, eux aussi, une prsence intermittente. Peu consommateurs despace, ils apparaissent, le plus souvent, insrs dans ou la proximit des petits noyaux tertiaires laire de chalandise locale (dans les centres de quartier, cot dautres services polarisants, dont ils partagent la clientle), y apportant un potentiel dimage positif, li la qualit des services et au dynamisme local. Malgr les petites dimensions, seuls les services sanitaires russissent former quelques nouveaux axes spcialiss, la proximit du centre-ville ou dautres points fort polarisants (la gare): les rues G. Muzicescu, Sulescu, Bucinescu et Arcu. Par leur localisation, dautres nouveaux cabinets et pharmacies ne font que renforcer ltalement spatial des anciens noyaux sanitaires consolids autour des grands hpitaux polarisation rgionale (les rues L. Catargi, V. Conta) ou locale (les rues Primverii et Socola). La figure 4 met en vidence le fort rtrcissement et dmantlement spatial des zones industrielles urbaines, forces cder leur place dautres activits plus dynamiques et grandes consommatrices despace le commerce de gros, centres commerciaux, transport et dpt. Anciens espaces de production deviennent prsent des espaces de consommation: les halles industrielles sont transformes en centres commerciaux et de loisirs (discothque). Quant aux nouvelles units de production, la disponibilit des terrains et des infrastructures retiennent la plupart de celles-ci au sud et au sud-est de Iasi, dans les anciennes plateformes industrielles. Plus mobiles et moins exigeantes despace (les confections), dautres industries manifestent pourtant une plus forte tendance dlocaliser, remplaant la fonction commerciale au rez-dechausse des btiments, dans les quartiers rsidentiels (Nicolina et Dacia). Quant aux activits moins appropries au milieu rsidentiel ou au centre ville (du point de vue esthtique, sonore), elles sont dlocalises et regroupes en priphrie; profitant de la mme clientle, ces activits arrivent former de petits noyaux spcialiss le long des routes marginales, au sud est au nord-est de Iasi: les confections mtalliques le long des boulevards C. A. Rosetti i Poitiers; lindustrie alimentaire dans la zone Manta Roie Frumoasa. Un important groupement industriel et commercial a t rcemment constitu louest de Iasi, partir dun site industriel ancien;trs dynamique, il continue staler le long du plus important axe conomique local, sy disputant lespace avec dautres services divers. La frquente association des zones de transport et dpt lindustrie est dtermine par la similarit de leurs principes de diffusion spatiale: qute de
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grands espaces aux loyers modrs (le commerce de gros, les garages et les units de rparation et service automobile se sont installes dans les anciennes halles abandonnes par lindustrie, au sud-ouest et au sud-est de Iasi). A cela sajoute la proximit de la clientle vise, do la formation, la sortie de Iasi, dans les zones de trafic routier trs intense, de plusieurs noyaux spcialiss, dont lampleur est directement proportionnelle limportance de laxe de communication. Il sagit de noyaux regroupant les rparations et le service automobile louest (les rues Canta et oseaua Pcurari) et au sud de la ville (le boulevard Poitiers et oseaua Bucium) et de petits axes spcialiss, le long des boulevards C.A. Rosetti et N. Iorga (routes qui assurent le trafic lourd). Quant aux bureaux de vente des tickets (les front offices) des firmes de transport, ils ont une localisation spcifique, impose par le contact permanent avec les clients: la diffrence des garages dlocaliss en priphrie, les premiers cherchent les zones au trafic pitonnier intense et la proximit dautres services aux offres complmentaires: agences de tourisme, plateformes de transport multimodal (la Gare routire et ferroviaire), commerce spcialis (quipements de voyage). La concurrence spatiale leur y permet seulement un dveloppement axial mais assez compacte, soutenu par une offre diffrencie du point de vue du prix, des destinations et du confort: le long des rues Garii et Strapungerea Silvestru. A faible reprsentation numrique, les zones balnaires - rcratives sont moins visibles dans les figures 2 et 3,entrant dans la composition des zones mixtes de services. Quant leur distribution, le nord de la ville est nettement favoris, cumulant la plupart des zones rcratives et des espaces verts chapps aux plans de systmatisation communiste; le sud de Iasi, de lautre cot, est bien dpourvu de ce type dquipements, videmment marginaliss par les architectes des quartiers rsidentiels ouvriers. Mais, ces dernires annes, la croissance de la concurrence foncire au centre ville a induit le rtrcissement et la dislocation de certains services vers la priphrie, et on assiste en fait au doublement de la zone existante au nord de la ville, par lapparition dun noyau important, avec une offre diverse, dans la priphrie sud de Iasi: terrains de sport associs aux piscines et plages amnages, dans le quartier Alexandru cel Bun, hippodrome dans le quartier Frumoasa. La sousreprsentation des fonctions rsidentielles - agricoles par rapport 1985 est due au dynamisme acclr des quartiers rsidentiels marginaux, lors du changement des comportements spatiaux de la population urbaine, de plus en plus attire par le modle du logement individuel. Les jardins et la petite agriculture de subsistance y pratique jusquen 1990, sont vits vers les espaces ruraux environnants, laissant la place aux villas modernes. Au centre-ville, la pression foncire croissante engendre une densification encore plus acclre de
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lespace construit, cette fois-ci en faveur de nouveaux btiments de bureaux ou commerciaux (le quartier Sf. Andrei). Les espaces verts centraux sont progressivement remplacs par ces btiments de bureaux (les rues A. Panu, Arcu), aspect partiellement compens par lextension ou lapparition de nouveaux cimetires en priphrie (le cimetire Bunavestire, au sud de Iasi).
Fig. 4. Nouveaux agencements fonctionnels dans la ville de Iasi, en 2007
Fonctionnalitet perceptions spatiales Les politiques spatiales et la localisation des activits ont contribu la mise en place dune gographie particulire de lespace urbain, greffe sur les reprsentations spatiales. Avant 1990, la forte concentration des services au centre - ville et au milieu des quartiers rsidentiels renforait lopposition entre un centre dominant, bien quip et attractif, et une priphrie domine et mal desserte. Quoi quil sagisse de la priphrie urbaine, en gnral, ou celle dun
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quartier, lexclusion (la marginalisation) sociale y tait directement lie laccs difficile aux services dusage frquent. A travers les deux dernires dcennies, cest toujours la distribution des services qui soutient un phnomne inverse. La diffusion des petits commerces de proximit, ensuite suivis par dautres activits, soutient un changement majeur dans le comportement et les reprsentations spatiales de la population: les zones les plus attractives avant 1990 (les quartiers rsidentiels ouvriers de la moiti sud de la ville) souffrent une diminution vidente du potentiel dimage construit par les politiques socialistes. Au contraire, la priphrie urbaine devient attractive, entranant un vaste mouvement de priurbanisation, aussi bien des rsidents que des activits conomiques. Quant la priphrie des quartiers, celle-ci ne russit pas souvent se dtacher dune image ngative, qui est, de plus, renforce et reproduite par des quipements dilitaires dficitaires, par certains groupes sociaux captifs immobiliers, et aussi par certains services associs aux bas revenus et linscurit (maisons de gage, petits bistrots). Les services restent donc directement impliqus dans la cration, la reproduction et le changement de limage et des perceptions spatiales. A leur tour, les reprsentations spatiales influencent la structure des groupes dactivits (fonctions) urbaines: degr de mixit, poids de certains services, formes dassociation et vitement des activits. Fonde elle aussi sur la distribution des activits/fonctions urbaines, lhirarchie actuelle de lespace urbain reste encore fort tributaire lhritage du pass. La tertiarisation de lconomie et de lespace de la ville ne russit pas liminer cet hritage, mais le nuancer et mieux lapproprier aux besoins du prsent. Dans lespace vcu par les habitants de Iasi, les marques du pass et du prsent coexistent, signalant le changement des forces politiques (traces du communisme et symboles de lUnion Europenne), conomiques (siges bancaires, symboles du pouvoir) et sociales (petits entrepreneurs, grands investisseurs). Conclusions. Aprs 1990, on assiste une volution spontane du paysage urbain de Iasi, dun urbanisme moderniste, rationaliste et fonctionnaliste, vers une ville de type postmoderniste, caractrise par clectisme architectural et mixit sociofonctionnelle. Par le biais de lentreprise prive, la nouvelle distribution des activits, et surtout des services, arrive structurer et re - produire lespace urbain, crant de nouveaux agencements fonctionnels spcifiques. Ce sont toujours les services qui, appuys sur la mmoire de lespace et les besoins du prsent, assurent le retour une mixit fonctionnelle, architecturale et sociale longtemps bannie.
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Accompagne et soutenue par une rapide tertiarisation de lconomie et de la main duvre locale, la diversit socio-fonctionnelle actuelle de la ville dnonce lchec des plans socialistes grande chelle; trop thoriques et uniformisants, ceux-ci visaient raliser lunit urbaine par lhomognit architecturale et un rseau de transport contraignant. Or, mme si perue et critique comme chaotique, lvolution rcente de la ville savre tre beaucoup plus approprie assurer le dynamisme et la vitalit du territoire urbain. La dcentralisation des services est lorigine de cette rappropriation sociale et fonctionnelle qui se fait voir toutes les niveaux: ville, quartiers, rues, btiments. La mixit et la discontinuit deviennent les nouveaux attributs du paysage urbain, lui assurant une dynamique permanente. De nouvelles structures spatiales et sociales mergent autour des noyaux et axes fonctionnels, mixtes ou spcialiss, qui ont remplac les zones monofonctionnelles compactes. Les anciennes formes spatiales correspondent, prsent, des fonctions diffrentes (halles industrielles abritant des commerces ou des espaces de loisirs) et des moyens diffrents dusage de lespace (espaces de production transforms en espaces de consommation). Contrles par le seul principe de lefficacit conomique, par la rente foncire et la demande, les activits sagglomrent et se diffusent dans la ville, gnrant de nouvelles hirarchies et reprsentations spatiales.
Bibliographie Pain, R., Barke, M.,Fuller, D., Gough, J., MacFarlane, R., Mowl, G. (2001), Introducing social geography, Oxford University Press, New York. Lefebre, H. (2000), La production de lespace, Ed. Anthropos, Paris Haumont, N. et collab., (1996), La ville: agrgation et sgrgation sociales, Edit. LHarmattan, Paris. Wayens, B. (2006), Structure et dynamique du commerce de dtail bruxellois. Une approche sous langle des facteurs de localisation diffrentielle, ULB, Bruxelles. *** Geografia Municipiului Iai, (1987), ouvrage collectif coordonn par N. Barbu i Al. Ungureanu, Edit. UAIC, Iai.
LEVOLUTION TERRITORIALE DE LA VILLE DE BARLAD Drd. Albstroiu Elena-Simona, Drd.Bejenariu Alina-Gabriela, Prof.Univ.Dr. Nimigeanu Vasile
Al.I.CuzaUniversity, Faculty of Geography and Geology Abstract: The territorial evolution of Brlad town. This article proposes an analysis for the territorial evolution of Brlad town, since his early foundation until present, considering the natural conditions, the political, historical, economical and demographical factors. Its first establishment as a bourg (targ) needs to be linked to the rural settlement of Prodana, while its following territorial evolution is subordinated to the influence of different factors such as: its geographical position on the commercial roads, the climatic favorability, agricultural soils productivity and fertility rates. The most profound transformations of its image as a town are registered between 1944 1977, being conditioned by the political factor, the industrialization process and the demographic increment linked mainly to the rural emigration. After 1989, the extension of its urban limits was slackened by administrative factors, especially by the retrenchment of its administrative territory, which determined a systematization of its further and present territorial expansion.
Key words:territorial evolution, dynamic demographic, functional segregation I. La constitution du noyau urbain, le XIVe et le XVe sicles Le processus de cristallisation de la vie urbaine dans la ville de Brlad doit tre analys dans le contexte de la renaissance de la vie urbaine dans lespace europen et des conditions concernant la formation de la Moldavie. Lexistence de la formation politique du Pays des Berladnici (ara Berladnicilor), fut une prmisse favorable la fondation des villes du sud de la Moldavie, zone de peuplement ancien (attest pare les fouilles archologiques). Le peuplement de lactuel territoire de la ville est discontinue au IXe et le e XI sicles mais les archologues ont dcouvert des traces nombreuses du XIIIe et de la premire moiti du XIVe sicle : notamment le site de Prodana, au sud-est de la ville, rduit par les vastes marcages et soumis au risque d innondation. Le dveloppement ultrieur de Brlad sur la rive droite de la rivire homonyme, est en continuit avec lhabitat rural de Prodana, inclus depuis dans le territoire du bourg. II. Lvolution territoriale au XVIe sicles Au XVe et au XVIe sicles, lvolution territoriale de la ville de Brlad a t conditionne par la position sur le trajet des routes commerciales, de
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SIMONA ALBSTROIU, ALINA BEJINARIU, VASILE NIMIGEANU
lexistence dun climat favorable, des terrains consentis la pratique de lagriculture.Les conditions naturelles, spcialement celles gomorphologiques et hydrologiques ont eu un caractre restrictif sur lvolution spatiale de la localit. Le lit majeur de la rivire Brlad prsente de nombreuses surfaces marcageuses ayant la nappe phratique prs de la surface, tant affecte souvent par les dbordements de la rivire. Les bandes de terre le long de la rive et la terrasse infrieure sur la rive droite de la rivire reprsentaient les surfaces les plus favorables de lemplacement des logements ainsi que la localit sest dveloppe petit petit sur la rive droite de la rivire. La route commerciale moldave a eu un rle trs important pour lapparition de lhabitat urbain.Ds le XIIe sicle, elle assurait la liaison entre la Mer Baltique et celle la Mer Noire. La dynamique de lhabitat fut stimule par le statut de point douanier conformment au privilge de Lvov de 1408, accord par Alexandre le Bon, ce qui a stimul le dveloppement des activits commerciales et artisanales. Au XIVe sicle, lemplacement du bourg se limitait une zone rduite proximit de la rive droite de la rivire, Ulia veche - (aujourdhui la rue Cetatea de Pmnt ) considre le noyau do sest dvelopp lhabitat. Laccroissement numrique de la population (au XVe et au XVIe sicles quand la ville avait le statut de capitale de la Basse Moldavie) est visible dans les estimations : de 2000 la ville est passe 4000 habitants ). On peut estimer une extension de la surface construite malgr labsence des sources documentaires. On suppose que lancien emplacement du bourg concidait lactuel centre civique, les recherches archologiques tant plus difficilement y raliser. Pendant les travaux de restauration de lEglise Princire ( en 1976), des traces dhabitation datant du XVe sicle , ont t mises en vidence. Lancienne fondation de lglise atteste lexistence sur ce lieu dune glise en bois reconstruite ultrieurement par Vasile Lupu. De cette faon, on peut apprcier que lemplacement stait largi au XVe sicle jusqu la zone de lEglise Princire, le ruisseau Valea Seacet le Drumul cel Mare ( la Grande Route). Pendant la rgne dEtienne le Grand, au sud du bourg, on a difi une fortification pour consolider le systme de fortifications au sud de la Moldavie. Les destructions successives provoques par les invasions des Tatars, des Cosaques et des Turcs, nont pas permis lextension de la ville au long de XVIe et de XVIIe sicles, sauf vers le sud et le sud-ouest, sans dpasser le ruisseau Valea Seac ( la Valle Sche) vers le nord. III. Lvolution territoriale au XVIIIe sicle Au XVIIIe sicle, la ville connat un rythme trs rapide dextension territoriale grce lanimation des activits commerciales en utilisant mme les
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zones moins favorable aux constructions : les actuels quartiers Podeni et Munteni ou le faubourg Mornii din Jos, disparu au XIXe sicle, la suite des innondations. La ville stalait au long du lit majeur de la rivire Brlad. Les mesurages faites pour la dlimitation du domaine de Brlad quand on lavait cd au monastre St. Samuel de Focani (1757), montraient que la limite de la ville tait fixe entre la rive de Brlad, la rive de Vlcelei , sur la colline de Perieni, et en face de lEglise Hongroise.
Figure no. 1 Lextension du territoire a t influence par lvolution numrique de la population dune manire spontane, avec lapparitions des banlieues (mahala) : Podeni, Munteni, Mahalaua din Jos de Cacaina, Mahalaua n Promoroace, Mahalaua spre Ocolul vitelor, Mahalaua din Jos de Pot).
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Au XVIIIe sicle, le Faubourg Munteni, nomm selon la population venue carpatiques, tait situ au sud de la ville, prs du faubourg Podeni, spar par la rivire Brlad. Ces deux ont gard leurs noms mme prsent, les autres ont disparu. IV. Extension territoriale au XIXe sicle Lextension territoriale de la ville est confirme galement par lexistence du qualificatif nouveau(nou, nou) dans les documents de lpoque : Vatra Nou, Ulia Nou. Les ruelles et les faubourgs qui composaient les bourgs sont mentionns dans les documents du dbut du XIXe sicle (Tabla msoritei trgului de la 1815) : Ulia Veche, Ulia Nou, Ulia Armeneasc, Ulia strmb, Mahalaua din jos de Cacaina et Mahalaua din jos de Podul Domnesc. Le march local tait situ sur le terrain en face de lEglise Princire et connu sous le nom de Piaa Carelor (Le march des chars). Lvolution conomique reflte dans le dveloppement et la diversification des mtiers et des relations commerciales a stimul lextension territoriale. Il sest produit en mme temps une sgrgation ethnique et professionnelle : Ulia Armeneasc (Rue des Armeniens, aujourdhui Rue Paloda) en est un exemple. Les juifs avaient aussi de nombreux magasins et boutiques dans la Ulia Strmb devenue au but du XIXe sicle Ulia Jidovilor (Rue des Juifs). Le faubourg des Tanneurs (Mahalaua Tbcarilor), mentionn dans les documents au dbut du XIXe sicle, tait situ la proximit de la rivire Brlad, prs du Faubourg des Chaussuriers (Mahalaua Tlplarilor). Ds le XVIIIe sicle, le nombre des ouvriers tanneurs a augment considrablement ce qui a dtermin le groupement de ceux-ci en corporation. Dans la premire partie du XIXe sicle, la Ruelle des Cordonniers (aujourdhui la rue Stroe Belloescu) sindividualise galement, elle groupait les ouvriers cordonniers ou ciobotari. La Nouvelle ruelle nomme aussi la Ruelle des Pelletiers (aujourdhui la rue Mihail Sadoveanu) groupait les ouvriers pelletiers et fourreursdont le pouvoir financier avait permis de construire leur propre glise St.Ilie (1795). Les marchands de cotonnades (dorigine turque) taient groups dans la ruelle homonyme ou se trouvait aussi lEglise Vovidenia. Les ouvriers forgerons taient localiss en marge de la ville pour viter les incendies lintrieur du bourg. Brlad, les bouchers sont mentionns plus tard par rapport aux autres villes de Moldavie, taient autochtones ayant les ateliers situs dans le Faubourg den bas de Cacaina,nomm ultrieurement le faubourg de la boucherie. On achetait la viande directement des boucheries situes dans lancien bourg, on vendait le poisson dans la zone du Pont de la pcherie, les pices emports de lEmpire Turc taient vendus dans les piceries situes dans la Grande et la Nouvelle Rue, le centre commercial tant situ dans lancien bourg.
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Suite au tremblement de terre en 1802, la plus grande partie de la ville a t reconstruite ainsi que les glises Princire, Vovidenia et St. Dumitru, les auberges, les maisons des boyards et mme celles de certains marchands ou des ouvriers plus riches aient t reconstruites en pierre et en brique. Toujours au XIXe sicle, ladministration locale a recourt la reconstruction de toutes les glises de la ville en pierre et en brique. Au XIXe sicle, lextension territoriale de Brlad, a t conditionne par lvolution numrique de la population, la diversification fonctionnelle de lespace urbain et la sparation du lieu de travail ce qui a stimul llargissement de la ville vers les priphries. La premire partie du XIXe sicle reflte une croissance de la densit des logements dans le cadre de la ville et moins une volution spatiale. De point de vue spatial, la ville sest dveloppe et changeait daspect par lapparition de nouveaux btiments surtout dans la priode du Rglement organique. Lvolution de la vie urbaine a t conditionne par le progrs conomique trouv en troite liaison avec les vnements historiques politiques sur le plan interne et externe. En 1832, il y avait 1714 maisons qui taient mentionnes dans les documents dont 266 maisons appartenaient aux boyards, entoures par des jardins, 11 glises et un monastre. Les maisons taient gnralement bties en bois ce qui indiquait un risque en cas des incendies. Un document datant de 1851 mentionne lincendie qui affectait la ville pendant 23 jours, o 2500 btiments ont t affects comme, par exemple, lEglise St. Ilie. Jusquen 1864, lextension territoriale de Brlad a t ralentie cause des calamits naturelles comme les tremblements de terre (ceux de 1838 et de 1864 ont affect de nombreux btiments), les inondations (qui affectaient surtout les quartiers situs au long de la rivire) et des temptes. Lvolution territoriale et urbaine de Brlad a contribu la consolidation du son statut de centre conomique important de la Basse Moldavie. La ville sest largie surtout vers lest, avec les faubourgs Podeni et Munteni, au long des grands axes commerciaux. La faible diversification des industries et des manufactures a constitu un obstacle en ce qui concerne la capacit dabsorption des flux migratoires des villages voisins. Au contraire, un important flux se manifestait vers dautres villes plus importantes, notammentIai et Bucarest. V. Lextension spatiale ds le dbut de lpoque moderne jusqu la premire moiti du XXe sicle (1900-1944) Le processus de sgrgation sociale dans la fin du XIXe sicle saccentue, tant vident aussi par laugmentation des petites units industrielles
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et commerciales. Les plus importantes artres commerciales de lpoque correspondent aux principales rues de la ville : Grande Rue, Rue de la Gare, Rue Etienne le Grand et La Rue Dimitrie Cantemir.
Figure no.2
Une nouvelle forme dvolution de la ville a t dtermine par le dveloppement des entreprises industrielles : la Fabrique douate, la Fabrique des cierges, la Fabrique dhuile Mndra , lUsine lectrique mise en fonction en 1906 a jou aussi un rle important. Dans les premires dcennies du XXe sicle, lextension territoriale de Brlad se droulait lentement conformment lvolution numrique sans se
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produire une densification des btiments. Au recensement de 1912, la ville ayant une population de 25.288 habitants, tait considre lune des plus peuple villes du pays mais ensuite il entre dans une phase de stagnation, en 1930 ayant 25.677 habitants. Cette crise, accompagne par les guerres mondiales et les calamits naturelles (innondations en 1930-1933, tremblement de terre en 1940 etc.). En 1933 on parlait de 426 maisons dtruites, 827 avaries et 75 rues couvertes deau. Le tremblement de terre de 1940 avait dtruit complment 1566 maisons et gravement avaries 3036. La surface de la ville sest tendue de 581 ha conformment au recensement de 1912. cause des inondations fortes en 1932, les quartiers de la Gare et des Casernes ont t fortement affects en dterminant les autorits dimaginer le dplacement de ces quartiers. Lextension territoriale a avanc cette poque-l vers la limite ouest de la ville, les nouvelles constructions tant situes sur le versant moyen de la Colline de la cimetire (en sorganisant le quartier Deal) entre la zone centrale et le cimetire Eternitatea. La zone centrale qui correspondait lancien emplacement de lhabitat tait la zone avec la plus grande densit de btiments, la plupart des difices administratives, culturelles et les units commerciales en y tant situes. Les zones priphriques de la ville se dveloppaient spontanment, les constructions tant disposes de faon chaotique en fonction des prfrences de la population, les rues troites sans trottoirs et paves partiellement en pierre. Seules les rue centrales taient paves en pierre cubique de granite et lasphalt tait prsent seulement en face du Jardin publique. Le paysage urbain tait reprsent par des constructions modestes, un seul niveau, la priphrie se maintenait laspect rural et seulement les constructions situes sur la Grande Rue taient bties en brique, deux niveaux, une importante preuve tant le premier plan topographique de Brlad, conu par lingnieur George T. Negrutzi. En consquence, les suivantes dcennies, une srie de travaux dilitaire urbains se sont raliss base de ce plan urbain. Les limites administratives de la ville se sont tendues sans interruption au long de lartre routire principale vers le sud (par lemplacement de lusine APACA) et vers le nord, en direction du Jardin publique.
Table no. 1 Lextension relative de la surface de la ville entre 1500-1977 (selon Al.Ungureanu, 1980) Priode 1500-1700 1700-1800 1800-1900 1900-1944 1944-1977 Lextension relative de la surface de la ville 46,1% 694,7% 239,1% 18,3% 71,3%
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VI. Extensions territoriales entre 1944-1989 a) Dans lintervalle 1944-1977, on a enregistr des rapides modifications, dtermines par le processus dindustrialisation, accompagn par une augmentation rapide de la population, suite lexode rural.Par lq construction de nouvelles units industrielles, lextrmit nord (roulements, elements pneumatiques, produits abrasifs, vigogne) et lextrmit sud (confections, fermentation du tabac, vinification, exploitation et entretien desautomobiles, fourrages combins) de la zone intra-muros, la ville avec un contour presque circulaire jusqu prsent, a acquis une forme linaire. Les limites du primtre de la localit se sont fortement tendues jusquen 1965 (le rythme daccroissement tait de 9 fois plus grand que celui entre les deux guerres) suite la croissance naturelle et des flux migratoires rural urbains. Du fait du rle politique administratif entre 1956-1968, quand la ville avait la fonction de ville de subordination rgionale, la ville est devenue un centre de polarisation du rayon ayant le mme nom. Mais la suite de la reforme territorial-administrative de 1968, lvolution de la ville a t ralentie par les investissements inquitables par rapport la ville de Vaslui, le nouveau chef-lieu. Ainsi, le primtre administratif de lhabitat a augment de 1074 ha 1456 ha. La dynamique spatiale de cette priode fut marque par la construction des grands ensembles de logement, destines au personnel ouvrier des entreprises de Brlad (Parc, Cetinei, Grleanu, Siret, Avram Iancu) et par la diffrentiation fonctionnelle de lespace urbain. La constitution de la plateforme industrielle au nord de la ville, sur lemplacement de dploiement des foires, a contribu lextension spatiale du territoire urbain et la constitution des flux de navette avec une population des habitats rurales des environs. Pour quilibrer le rapport de forces, la deuxime zone industrielle a t cre lextrmit sud, capable de concentrer la force de travail fminine. La ville sest dveloppe aussi par lemplacement de certains difices denseignement et de culture au sud-ouest de la ville (aujourdhui le Lyce Mihai Eminescu ) et de certaines units sanitaires (Lhpital denfants et la Polyclinique) aussi que certaines zones de dpt et de transport etc. Lextension des limites de lespace bti vers les parties les plus hautes de louest et du nord-ouest de la ville sest produite comme une consquence des inondations de 1969 et de 1972, qui ont affect les quartiers Gar et Podeni. Des parcelles ont t accordes aux habitants affects pour des logements familialles dans la zone Deal (21 ha) et uguiata (15 ha). Le poids des nouveaux logements btis entre 1950 et 1977 tait de 50%.
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b) Dans lintervalle 1977-1989 la surface habitable atteindra 756.000 m2, en 1989 et le nombre de logements a augment par rapport lanne 1977 environ 1,5 fois. Une caractristique de la politique dinvestissements de cette priode fut la construction de nouveaux grands ensembles qui ont chang laspect gnral de la ville. Au dbut de la priode, les constructions de la zone de nord de la ville avaient priorit, elles taient situes la proximit de la plateforme industrielle mais les quartiers dimmeubles ont commenc petit petit se dvelopper partout. Ainsi, au dbut des annes 80, le nombre dappartements a volu de 16,5 fois par rapport la priode 1935-1960 mais, malheureusement, une partie des constructions ntaient pas de bonne qualit. Aprs 1980 le rythme de construction ralentit, tout comme les investissements pour lindustrie, sauf dans la zone Gar et Lirei. Lvolution territoriale et urbaine de la ville a t stimule par lvolution dmographique et conomique ce qui a impos lapparition des nouvelles zones fonctionnelles en mme temps avec la spcialisation fonctionnelle de la zone intra-muros. Si les activits commerciales artisanales ont constitu initialement un facteur dterminant de lextension spatiale, pendant la priode entre les deux guerres et aprs la guerre, lvolution urbaine a t stimule par lorganisation et le dveloppement des zones fonctionnelles industrielles, commerciales, de transports, rsidentielles, etc. VII. Tendances dans lvolution territoriale de la ville aprs 1989 La priode aprs 1989, caractrise par des transformations radicales politiques, conomiques et sociales, a t marque dune rorientation des politiques damnagement de lespace urbain. La transition, marque par labsence des projets de reconversion des anciennes zones industrielles a influenc la dynamique dmographique (la diminution de la croissance naturelle et la modification des flux migratoires) et territoriale. Aprs 1990, un exode massif de la population sest dclanchet la population sest diminu de 4.628 personnes entre 1990 et 2006. Les investissements dans le domaine des constructions ont continu au dbut des annes 90, pour mettre fin la construction des immeubles conus antrieurement. Lextension des limites urbaines a t freine par la limitation des territoires trouvs dans ladministration de la ville. Contrairement aux tendances dvolution territoriale des autres villes du pays qui se sont rapidement dveloppes et souvent dune faon chaotique, en mme temps lapparition des nouvelles classes sociale, Brlad, lextension du territoire a t systmatis par concession de certaines parcelles des communes limitrophes : Zorleni et Perieni.
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Les nouveaux quartiers construits sont reprsents par les logements individuels, de type villa, en se dveloppant louest et au nord-ouest de la ville, o les conditions naturelles sont plus favorables par rapport aux terrains bas situs dans la plaine inondable. Mme dans cette zone, une partie de logements sont situs sur des terrains avec un degrs lev de risque pour les glissements de terrains (la zone Cotu Negru ou Complexe). La stagnation de lextension des limites urbaines a t influence par la stagnation suivie par la rgression lente de la population urbaine (suite la diminution de la croissance naturelle, dans les conditions de la rduction du niveau de vie) et leffet du dveloppement des flux migratoires exo dynamiques forms spcialement de la population disponible des grandes entreprises de la ville vers les zones rurales dorigine ou ltranger. On constate en mme temps un creusement des diffrentiations sociales de la population urbaine ce qui a augment le degrs de sgrgation spatiale comme le quartier construit dans les dernires annes, situ au sud-ouest de la ville, la zone Complexe, qui appartient la population avec des revenus substantiels. Labsence des projets rsidentiels a impos un accroissement de la rente foncire, ce qui ne correspond pas du tout aux revenus de la population locale.
Bibliographie : Antonovici, I. (1912) Documente brldene, Tipografia Neculai P. Peiu, Brlad, Apvloaiei, M., Lupu- Bratiloveanu, N. (1981) Mobilitatea forei de munc pe cile ferate din Moldova, Analele UAIC, Iai, Bcuanu, V. (si colab.) (1980) Podiul Moldovei. Natur, om, economie, Editura tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti, Ciurea, D.(1956) - Oraele i trgurile din Moldova n cadrul perioadei de descompunere a feudalismului, Editura Academiei R.P.R., Iai, Cucu, V. (1977) Sistematizarea localitilor i a teritoriului din Romnia, Ed. tiinific i enciclopedica, Bucureti, Ghibnescu, G. (1926) Vaslui-studii i documente, Iai, Negrui-Munteanu, Ecaterina (1992)-Date noi privind structura demografic a trgurilor i oraelor moldoveneti, nPopulaie i Societate, Cluj, Nimigeanu, V. Consideraii geografice asupra evoluiei sporului natural al populaiei Romniei n perioada 1948-1988, Poghirc, P. (1983) Podiul Brladului: caracterizare geografic uman i economic, Iai Rcanu-Gramaticu, Oltea (1998 i 2002) Istoria Brladului, Ed Sfera, Brlad, Ungureanu Al.(1980) Oraele din Moldova. Studiu de geografie economic, Ed. Academiei, Bucureti.
ANALELE TIINTIFICE ALE UNIVERSITII AL I. CUZA IAI Tom LIV, s. II c, Geografie 2008
NOTE
THE AIR TEMPERATURE REGIME IN BRLAD Viorel Rmboi Al. I. Cuza University, Iai Faculty of Geography and Geology, School for doctors degree
Rezumat: Regimul temperaturii aerului la Brlad. Analiza irului de date din perioada 1941-2007, de la Staia Meteorologic Brlad, judeul Vaslui, sugereaz c regimul termic are un trend ascendent. Tendina de nclzire este mai evident dac se compar valorile din ultimul deceniu cu ntregul ir de date, obinute timp de 66 de ani (1941-2007). Astfel, n ultimii zece ani, valoarea temperaturii medii anuale a aerului a depit valoarea medie multianual n opt cazuri. Anul 2007 este un an cu totul deosebit ntruct media termic a fost mai mare cu aproape 2C fa de media multianual iar majoritatea lunilor au depit valorile obinuite. n condiiile unui caracter neregulat al precipitaiilor acest regim termic favorizeaz instalarea prelungit a secetelor.
Key words: average air temperatures, extreme temperatures, global warming, drought. General conditions. The city of Brlad is located in the Moldovian Plateau at the crossing of the parallel line of 4614` Northern latitude with the meridian of 2742` Eastern longitude. Its territory is stretching mostly along the Valley of Brlad River which represents the limit between two major subunits, namely Tutova Rolling Hills and Falciu Hills. The total area of the city of Brlad amounts 1456 ha. The relief altitude within that city varies between 63 m along Brlad floodplain (the Podeni and Munteni residential districts) and 120 m in Tuguiata Hill and 150 m in Graveyard Hill. In the neighborhood the altitudes rises westward to 205 m in Crng Hill and eastward to 240 m in the Big Hill. The observations on the main weather elements and phenomena have been made at Weather Station in Brlad since the year of 1899. Between 18991941 the data recording was made intermittently, the station having many locations within the town. Since 1962 The Weather Station is found on a territory situated in the western side of the town, on Crng Hill at an altitude of 172 m. The air temperature represents the climatologic element directly and immediately influenced by the quantity of radiant energy received on the terrestrial surface having daily and yearly conditions similar to the intensity of solar radiation and to the soil temperature. Knowing the characteristics of the air temperature within or around a town represents a climatic and economic importance at the same time because some deviations from the average conditions can make a series of problems to some economic branches.
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In order to study the characteristics of the conditions of air temperature in Brlad there have used weather observations over the period 1941 - 2007. The analysis allowed us to establish that the multi-yearly average temperature in Brlad is of 9.8C. The deviations from the average temperature are considerable: the coldest year was 1942, when the yearly average temperature was of 8.0C and the hottest year was 2007 with an average temperature of 11.6C. Average and extreme air temperatures. The yearly and monthly regime of air temperature in Brlad shows an upward curve in the first part of the year with a maximum of 21.4C in July and a downward curve which comes down in January until -3.0C. For this part of the country the predominant Eastern air circulation is obvious because it causes continental characteristics to the thermal conditions. These characteristics can be easily observed if we compare Brlad with a place from the west part of the country. Thus, in the city of Arad, located at approximately the same latitude (of 4610`), the evolution of temperatures within a year is relatively different (figure 1). Whereas the hot season is almost the same, the cold season is milder. The thermal differences established, especially in the winter month, show how important are, in the eastern part, the cold masses of air of Siberian origin are in diminushing temperatures while in the west, the climatologic elements are influenced by the circulation of humid air from west and south-west, much milder from a thermal point of view.
25,0 20,0 Temperature C 15,0 10,0 5,0 0,0 -5,0 -10,0 Month Barlad Arad I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX X XI XII
Figure 1. Average monthly air temperature regime in Arad and Brlad over 1961-1972 The extreme values of monthly average temperatures underline the continental character of the climate. For example, the coldest month, January, recorded temperatures under -10C in 1942 (-11.5C) and 1963 (-10.4C) and the hottest month, July had temperatures exceeding 24C in 1946 (24.2C) and 2007 (25.6C). The absolute temperatures at the Weather Station in Brlad have recorder higher values than the monthly average temperatures. The highest maximum values were
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39.2C in July 2000; 39.3C in July 1946 and 39.9C (the absolute maximum) recorder on 22nd July 2007 and the lowest values were of 30.5C (the absolute minimum) recorded on 25th January 1942 and -24.2 recorded in January 1985. The yearly average thermal amplitude at Brlad is of 24.4C and the absolute thermal amplitude is of 70.4C. The average values of the monthly and yearly air temperatures at Brlad, and especiallythe extreme values show the excessive continental character of the climate. The same character results from the fact that during some winters (1941-1942; 19681969; 1984-1985), the negative values of the air were recorded more than four months and during some other years the average temperature exceeded 20C in May (2003) or in September (1994). The same excessive continental character results from the variations of temperature which appear at short intervals of time (24 hours) during all seasons, and especially in spring and autumn. For example, on 10th of October 1969 at 1 p.m. the air temperature at Brlad went up to 23C and at 1 a.m. on 11th of October 1969 it got down to 3C, thus resulting a temperature amplitude of 20C within 12 hours (Gugiuman I., Bican V., 1970). Recent thermal changes. The analysis of the series of data in the period from 1941 to 2007 has led us to the conclusion that the thermal conditions from the Weather Station at Brlad have an upward curve, especially in the last decade (1998-2007), an aspect which confirms the global warming invoked more seriously in the scientific circles and in mass-media. This thing is easily seen if we follow the curve of the evolution of the multi-yearly average temperature (figure 2) or the gliding average temperature on 10 years (figure 3).
14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0
Temperature C
19 41 19 45 19 49 19 53 19 57 19 61 19 65 19 69 19 73 19 77 19 81 19 85 19 89 19 93 19 97 20 01 20 05
Year Yearly average temperature
Figure 2 : Average yearly air temperature over 1941 2007
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It has also noticed been that the higher air temperate over the last two decades resulted in increasing the average temperature at Brlad from 9.6C during 1941-1987 to 9.8C over 1941-2007. For the same periods of time the absolute thermal amplitude has gone up from 69.8C (the value from the end of the year 1987) to 70.4C (at the end of
10,5 Temperature C 10 9,5 9 8,5 1948-1957 1958-1967 1968-1977 1978-1987 1988-1997 1998-2007 Period Average temperatures on 10 years
the year 2007) and the average amplitude has decreased from 24.7C over the period 1941 - 1987 to 24.4C as it is today. Figure 3. Gliding average temperatures on 10 years It has also been noticed out that the higher air temperate over the last two decades resulted in increasing the average temperature at Brlad from 9.6C during 1941-1987 to 9.8C over 1941-2007. For the same periods of time the absolute thermal amplitude has gone up from 69.8C (the value from the end of the year 1987) to 70.4C (at the end of the year 2007) and the average amplitude has decreased from 24.7C over the period 1941 - 1987 to 24.4C as it is today. The warming is more obvious if we compare the last decade with the entire data range (1941-2007). Thus, one can see that the average temperature has overcome the average yearly value in eight cases. Only two years can be considered as being normal from a thermal point of view: 1998 when the average temperature was of 9.8C and 2003 when it was of 9.7C. This situation is no longer found in any decades taken at random on the whole period since weather observations have been made. The warming is considerable during winter too: 2.1C, the average temperature for the winter 20062007 and 1.0C the average temperature for the winter 2000-2001, a situation which was rare in the past, only two winters had comparable values (1.2C in the winter 1947-1948 and 1.3C in the winter 1989-1990). This does not mean that the last decade was avoided by the cold waves of air (for example January 2006) but their presence is rare and their persistence is less lasting than other periods from the past. From the entire data range that we analyzed, the year 2007 is a very special year. The average temperature was almost 2C higher than the multi-yearly average and
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most of the months have overcome the usual values. For example, January was of 3.3C (the highest in the entire observation period have been made) while the multi-yearly average is of -3.0C. So is the average temperature of July of 25.6C (the hottest in the entire observation period have been made) and it has overcome the multi-yearly average which is of 21.4C (figure 4). The year 2007 is an exceptional year for other reasons: June had a record average temperature of 23.0 C and the summer of 2007 is the second place hottest (23.8C) after the summer of 1946 (24.4C). The high temperatures both in 2007 and also in 1946 were a consequence of the predominance of the anti-cyclone
30,0 Temperature C 20,0 10,0 0,0 -10,0 I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX X XI XII
Month 1941-2007 1998-2007 2007
regime above our country which generated a considerable deficit of humidity for this part of the country. Figure 4. Average air temperature in Brlad As for the rainfall amount the year 2007 does not reflect the droughty feature which characterized this region of the country. On the contrary, the amount of 629 mm/mp recorded at the end of the year shows that the year was even rainy in comparison to the multi-yearly average (492 mm/m2). In reality, the high temperatures and the lack of rainfall in the first part of the year have gone to a severe drought in June, July and August (the humidity index being below 0.5) and the considerable rainfalls from September to December changed the pluvial-metric characteristic of the year as a whole. Economically speaking, the year 2007 was ill-fated. The drought affected important areas with crops as a results of the humidity deficit, and during the massive rainfalls in September important loss of crops was recorded, a series of roads were covered with sedimentary materials produced by deluge and a series of houses built in the meadow areas were flooded (e.g. in Podeni, residential district in Brlad; in village of Criveti Tutova etc.). Conclusions. The air thermal regime in Brlad has an upward curve, the last decade being considerably warmer than other decades taken at random. Present day winters are warmer than the ones from the past even if they can present considerable
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temperatures drops for shorter periods of time. So are the summer characterized as being warmer, with maximum values exceeding more frequently 38C. Under the conditions of an irregular precipitation regime, this thermal condition encourages the installation of droughts. We can conclude that in the case of Brlads case, the moderately continental character of the climate lately presents nuances of excessiveness values more and obvious, whose economic negative consequences will certainly show up. References: Gugiuman I., Bican V., (1970) Contributions to the study of Brlad`s climate,St. An. of theUniv. Al.I.Cuza Iai Tom XIX; Rmboi V. et al (2007) Brlad`s guide, Opera Magna Publishing House, Iai; *** (1961-1972)- Whather year-books for the years 1961-1972; *** (1966) Romania`s climate; *** (1972-2007) Charts TM - 1M.
ANALELE TIINIFICE ALE UNIVERSITII AL.I.CUZA IAI Tom LIV, s.II, c. Geografie 2008
THE INFLUENCE OF RELIEF IN THE ORGANIZATION AND TERRITORIAL EVOLUTION OF THE BUILT SPACE IN LEPSA-GRESU DEPRESSION Sergiu Plecan PHD Univ.Al.I.Cuza, Geography Department
Rsum: Cet article est le rsultat dùne tude plus large, prcisment Le management des risques naturels et anthropiques de la dpression intra montagneuse Lepa-Greu du pays de Vrancea, tude commence de lànne 2004. Il est concern lìdentification des possibilits dèxtension territoriale de lèspace construit fonction du rapport favorabilit/restrictivitdu relief (lànalyse des pentes, des altitudes, de la fragmentation et de lòrientation des versants).
Keywords: Geographical information systems (GIS), favorability, risk, vulnerability, landscape The note is a result of a greater study, which is The management of natural and human risks from the Lepsa-Gresu intermountain depression in Vrancea, study begun in 2004. It targets the identification of the possibilities of territorial expansion of built space according to the relation between favorability and restriction of the relief (the analysis of slopes, altitudes, fragmentation and slope orientation). The methodology that was applied for the realization of this work consisted in the determination on site of the study zone, the observation on the field of different composing mechanisms of the environment system (abiotic, biotic, human modified), their interaction on this area, the consulting of materials referring to the specified area, which was realized in the first work stage done over a three year period (August 2004- June 2007). The second work stage consisted in using GIS for the analysis of some parameters through the professional program TNT MIPS (6.9); work stages consisted in: The realization of the numeric model of terrain (NMT) based on the topographic maps followed these next sub-stages: - topographic maps were scanned, then imported into the utilized GIS software (TNT. MIPS 6.9), after which they were georeferenciated in the Gauss-Kruger-27 coordinate system as an ellipsoid of reference the Krasovski 1938-1940 ellipsoid; - resulted files automatically formed a mosaic on the georeferenciation points in order to have a reunited topographic base into one single final file; - starting from this informational base a vectorial layer of level curves was realized which has the georeferential points transferred implicitly from the digital topographic support. The digitization of the level curves was realized using the ON SCREEN method. This was followed by the attributing of Z value to the level curves resulting a 3D vectorial layer.
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The next stage consisted in the realization the actual numerical model of the terrain through the Surface modeling operation which will be applied to the vector that contains the 3D curve levels. The interpolation method was used. After the result of the territorial numeric model of the terrain (NMT) practically followed the realization of thematic layers necessary for the studies in vector format as well as in raster format (the shade map, slope map, slope orientation map, depth fragmentation map, fragmentation density map, general favorability of the relief for constructions map), as well as superposing layers in raster and vector format for the realization of maps of geomorphologic risk or 3D representations of some rasters for a better visualization. The superposing of geomorphologic risks with favorability maps lead to the formation of a graphic image as well as conceptual of the zones that support or not built space expansions. The last stage consisted in the realization of layouts and printing them in TIFF format (at a 300 dpi resolution). The 3-rd work stage consisted in data interpretation obtained in graphic format corroborated with field data and from different offices to formulate the conclusions. Among the morphometric and morphographic parameters of the relief that influence the organization and evolution of built and constructible space the following are to be mentioned the slope, fragmentation(the depth of fragmentation, fragmentation density), altitude, slope orientation, all parameters receiving a classification with an equalization in favorability for constructions classes. We should mention that some parameters have a bigger influence over some areas from the analysis perimeter than the other factors, so as for some other analysis areas, the same parameter has a diminished contribution upon the exert influences over the constructed space or the constructible one. Quantification was put to the test on the basis of arithmetic, to diminish the evolution of these factors for the favorability of this area depending on the relief and not a sum, reduction or multiplication of these favorabilities. The addition, as a mathematical operation, has been applied only to establish the quality of the parameters. The subtraction has been used only for the depth of the fragmentation (H maximum and H minimum). As a result of the strong connections between the analyzed parameters, shown in the morphology of the analyzed area, we may graphically affirm that after the analysis of the general favorability of the relief and of each of its own parameter, that there is a graphical similitude and localization on the basis of the favorability class between the analyzed parameters and the general favorability of the relief. The result materializes through a first, second, or third class favorability of the relief parameters in the depression area, through glacis, dejection cone, or through landscape having a slope smaller than 6 degrees. The 4th, 5th and 6th class favorability concretizes only at higher altitudes, on the mount itself. The 7th and the 8th ones show clearly the restriction.
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Of course, these parameters corroborated with factors as soil, hydrography, clime and human modifications, change the natural general favorability for the constructed and constructible space through some various and significant risks, some of them resulted from some interactions between the natural factors, logically and cyclicallyand fromthe human modification having synergic tendencies which are not quantified yet. The eventual hazard can bring phenomena with negative impacts which are important over the inhabited space from this depression. In the analysis of these parameters which characterizes the relief, the character, the role and the spatial and temporal variation were taken into account. If a certain parameter is seen as restrictive for a certain activity, it can be seen in the same time as favorable for another activity (the slopes to 6 degrees are seen as favorable-big favorability- for constructions, the ones over 6 degrees, become progressively a restrictive factor; the depth of the fragmentation having high values can become an obstacle in locating the communication ways but it is seen favorable by the tourists eager after the morphological variation of the visual landscape. The individual analysis of the natural factors or of the man modified ones, of their parameters, could lead us to an image with a high error and that is why we tried to get a relief general favorability which can be correlated with the geology, with the slope processes and with the actual risks. If we try to analyze the parameters which characterize the relief and their favorability for the constructions to following it can be observed: 1. The slope: analyzing the map of the slope favorability for constructions in the specified area it results: - according to the construct favorability, the first 2 class favorabilityslopes, are the most wanted (the terraces of Putna, Lepsa, here and there on Strei and Lepsulet, where the terrace remains still stand on glacises, old dejection cones creating a maximum 6 degrees slope at the contact with terrace deposits) -the slope, as a restrictive factor, can be seen through the 4th and 5th class favorability where the construct realization needs a bigger financial and technical effort with ulterior risks (geomorphologic, hydrologic and human modified); the mount slope area which surrounds the depression -slopes being over 20 degrees, and belonging to the 6th class favorability are practically impossible to be exploited technically. -slopes belonging to the first two classes represent 5% of the area and the ones being over 20 degrees represent 31%; -there are slope enclaves belonging to the 1st and 2nd favorability class, good enough for construction, theoretically, but isolated, the main problem of the access ways being the restrictive factor as well as the areas which are impossible to be dealtwith, according to the forest district; -the location of some proper slopes for construction on sliding waves (the probability of their reactivation being very big) leads to an impossible rational use of these slopes (on Macrader south-east slope Gresu and Lepsa area situated on
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maximum 5 degrees slopes, on Fugitura, an old sliding area, stabilized through ulterior plantations on the superior water course of Strei, with diluvial deposits (Casin and Bucias Eocene layers with medium friability)
2. The altitude: analyzing the map of the slope favorability for constructions according to the altitude, it results: The proper zones for construction, in this area, are included in the first 2 favorability classes (450-650m). The other altitudinal favorability classes are not proper for construction because of their higher slopes which are inducted by some parameters which restrict the expansion of the constructed space. The 3rd favorability class presents certain areas, proper for constructions, the ones situated on glacises or accessible slopes with no sliding areas. In the case of this analysis, this parameter does not have a first rang importance but a secondary one. 3. The relief fragmentation. The analysis of this parameter must be done on the basis of two components: the depth of the fragmentation and the density of the fragmentation, which are subordinated to the slope as importance in locating of the constructed space and corroborated with some other parameters as slope and altitude lead to some construction restrictions and favorabilities
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3.1. The depth of the fragmentation. This morph metric element was taken into consideration according to the altitudinal report between the altitude of the inter river and the different hydrological organisms thalweg (from the rank 1 to 5-Strahler). The 1st and the 2nd class present the best favorability (0-100). As importance, again, this factor comes subordinated to the slope. There is an exception in Piatra Ciutei sector and Tisita Chei area where the fragmentation depth is higher, belonging to the 3rd, 4th and 5th class and to the 1st rank, as importance. There are abrupt sides in the morphology of this area, which give a great visual impact (tourist potential) but these can be dangerous because of the ground falls, solid courses as a result of a high slope and a big depth fragmentation. These ground falls, which are located on Piatra Ciutei south-east side, represent a high 1st degree risk factor for some constructions (approx 20 penthouses, secondary residences) upon the slope base glacis with south-east exposure. Although we meet important depth fragmentations on the north side of mount Tisaru (the 3rd and 4th favorability class-150-200m), the high degree of forestation does not allow a high risk level these slope active processes A constructed space territorial extension upon the sides or upon the superior river courses which adjoin the main collectors (Putna, Lepsa and Strei) becomes almost inaccessible if we corroborate it with the slope and with the existent slope processes. The explanation of this depth fragmentation disposal in the studied area relies in the geological configuration of this area (the highest depth fragmentation values belonging to 5th and 6th favorability class comes over the Tisaru and Strei senonian
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layers with a high friability marl, clay, bitumen layers and grit stone or over the Gresu Eocene facieses Casin, Tesaroide and Gresu layers). The 6th favorability class represents 14% while the first two favorability class represents 3% which means that the depth fragmentation turns to be a high restrictive factor.
3.2. The fragmentation density represents the distance between the major relief inflection points (thalweg and inter river); the analysis unit was a 1 Km long side square. The biggest values of the density fragmentation were registered at the confluence of the main torrential organisms in this area. The biggest fragmentation density (2.5 Km/Km) is located in 4 main areas: -the depression itself as a result of Putna river which acts like a collector; -the superior basin of - Gresu, Lepsa and Strei torrents. The fragmentation density does not have a 1st rank direct role in locating the constructions from Lepsa and Gresu, taking into consideration the fact that the biggest densities are found in the middle domain of those three hydrographical organisms that we already mentioned, correlating it with the new model of the rain fall regime installed over the territories of our country (multiple causes from the global warming, regional dynamic, new baric fields, grubbing, non uniform rain fall regime having a torrential character), can lead to high important flows with almost integral collections where the
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fragmentation density allowed it. The result might consist in freshets more or less important and so, having a hydrological big 1st rank. We may talk about the fragmentation density as being a 1st rank restrictive factor in these three domains from Gresu depression on the south slope of Macrader the fragmentation density, in here has the highest restrictive degree for the constructed space, the cause being, the localization having 2Km/Km density, on a old stabilized sliding, but which can lead to its activation thanks to some moistening indices having high human modified pressures. So, it results a 1st risk area, the main intensification factors being the fragmentation density strongly connected with the rain fall regime and their distribution in each season. Also in the zone of the southern slope of Macradeu, at the contact zone between terrace 2 and 1 of Putna river with the dejection cones and the mound created for DN 204 (see geomorphologic sketch), from the correlation of the fragmentation density with the area of landslides, with the moistening index, and rainfall regime, results a zone with a low favorability for constructions (favorability 5); In the rest of the analysis zone, the fragmentation density is subordinate as importance to other factors. The fragmentation density with the lowest favorability (favorability 5) represents only 0.4%, whereas the zones with favorability 1 represent 23.5% (it can be observed that these areas with favorability 1 are in the zones of upper hydrographic districts with a hydrographic network of class 1 and 2 Strahler), way out of the proximity area of built space, but with indirect influences spatially and temporally. 4. Slope orientation: with a special importance for understanding the evolution phenomenon of slope processes as well as the way of utilizing the terrain in order to limit at a minimum terrain degradation which have as an effect the exclusion from the agricultural circuit of vast terrain surfaces for different purposes an of course, for the tourist comfort index according to construction exposition. 40% represents the percent of class 1 favorability (eastern exposition, south-eastern, southern), 25% class 2 favorability. 35% of slopes have north-western exposition, north-eastern and northern; the slopes having this exposition, take the biggest quantities of rainfall. From the raster analysis of slope orientation and geomorphologic slope processes it can be observed that most of the slope processes are localized over the favorability 2 and 3 classes (north-east exposition, north and north-east). Form the superposition analysis of the two rasters results that expansion possibilities of built space are restricted by slope processes caused by lithology as well as slope orientation through amounts of rainfall taken. The map of slope orientation offers us information also of the duration of sunshine in certain areas of the depression, according to altitude and slope orientation. This correlation is necessary in the tourist analysis of favorability of tourist structures exposition and secondary residences based on the sunlight degree. On the whole, slope orientation is a parameter of class 2 subordinate to slope and altitude. From the superposition of the general favorability relief raster and that of slope processes it can be observed a substantial
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reduction of space with high natural favorability for constructions, therefore reduced possibilities of territorial expansion of built space on reduced risk zones.
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In conclusion, starting from the analysis of general favorability of relief it can be said that the greatest frequency of 1 and 2 favorability is localized in the depression (terraces and glacises), class 3 favorability occupy the glacises zone with bigger slopes and the zones at the bases of slopes and their inferior parts, and class 4-8 favorability are located in the middle and higher zones of slopes form the study area.
References:
Altrock U., Gunter S., Huning Sandra, Peters D., Spatial planning and urban developpement in the new EU member States,Ashgate edit. A. Zerger, Examining GIS decision utility for natural hazard risk modeling Gamache, N., Domom G., Jean Y. (2004), Pour une comprhension des espaces ruraux: reprsentations du paysage de territoires franais et qubcois, Cahiers dconomie et sociologie rurales, n 73. Groza O. (2005),Bazele teoretice ale planificarii territoriale, Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza, Iasi.
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Mihilescu, N.-t, Macovei, V. (1970),Valea Putnei, Ed. tiinific, Bucureti Palka J.E. (1995), Coming to grips with the concept of landscape, Landscape, Journal, vol. 14(1), Madison, Un. Wisconsin, pp. 63-73. Paulet J.-P. (2002), Les reprsentations mentales en gographie, Paris, Anthropos, p. 152. Marcu A. i colectivul de lucru (2002), Normativ privind principiile, exigenelei metodelecercetrii geotehniceaterenului de fundare, indicativ NP 074/2002, elaborat de Universitatea Tehnic de Construcii Bucureti (UTCB) Rougerie G., Beroutchachvili N. (1991). Gosystmes et paysages. Bilan et mthodes, Armand Colin, Coll. U , 302 p., Paris. Smith Keith, (1996), Environmental Hazards second edition, Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P Guth, P.L., (1995), Slope and aspect calculations on gridded digital elevation models: Examples from a geomorphometric toolbox for personal computers : Zeitschrift fur Geomorphologie N.F. Supplementband 101, pp.31-52 Tarboton, D. G., R. L. Bras, I. Rodriguez-Iturbe, (1992), A Physical Basis for Drainage Density, Geomorphology, 5(1/2): 59-76. *** Centre for GIS and Modelling, Department of Geomatics, The University of Melbourne, Parkville, Melbourne, Vic. 3010, Australia
PLANT DISTRIBUTION BY WATER GRADIENT N CARPATHIAN AND SUBCARPATHIAN SECTORS OFRMNICU SRAT HYDROGRAPHIC BASSIN Cristian Constantin STOLERIU Al. I. CuzaUniversity Iai, Faculty of Geography and Geology
Rezumat: Factorii ecologici (climatici, edafici) au un rol primar n geneza diferitelor ecosisteme. La nivel global, aceste ecosisteme sunt fenerate n principal de factorii climatici iar, reducnd scara, factorii edafici devin mai importani n personalizarea ecosistemelor. Pentru bazinul Rmnicului Srat factorii edafici, mai ales cantitatea de ap edafic, n corelaie cu umiditatea atmosferic, sunt responsabili de diversitatea floristic. Gradientul hidric a fost extras pentru fiecare specie, dup A.Popescu i V.Sanda (1998) care a constituit baza analizei statistice.
Key words: ecological group, ecological affinity, spatial distribution of phytocenosis, phytoecology. Introduction The organizing, the aggregation and the distribution of the plants communities are due to climatic factors correlate with geomorphologic factors (which generate mesoand microclimate). The ecological indicator character of plants have been studied by Al. Beldie (1951, 1960), Al. Beldie et C. Chiri (1955, 1967), H. Ellenberg (1974), K. J. Attila (1979), A. Popescu et V. Sanda (1998), using the systematic observing about the ecotopes of the phytocoenosis from Romania. In the Rmnicu Srat hydrographical basin it was identified 139 phytocoenosis (N. tefan, 1981), represented by forests, shrubs, pastures, meadows, anthropic meadows, hygrophilous and hydrophilous pasture. Situated to the curvature of the Romania Carpathian (fig. 1), the hydrographical basin of Rmnicu Srat is characterised by de foehnal and insolation influences, these phenomena induce warm biotopes, but the altitude and the edaphic substratum is diversifying the number of plants species. Materials and methods For vegetation from Rmnicu Srat basin was used the ecological index values which reflects the affinity of plants for water quantity (edaphic and atmospheric) calculated by A. Popescu and V. Sanda (1998). Thus, according to the floristic composition of the phytocoenosis, it was realised ecological spectrums which relieve types of indicator species groups of humidity degree. For each phytocoenosis was realised some ecological charts and ecological diagrams. Expedition in terrain sustain the laboratory works, but of these expedition was to inventory the humid and aquatic area where exists the specific plant species. The plant species summary was realised by N. tefan (1980). The ecological characters of stationary conditions are estimated by analysing the ecodiagrams U-T-R, which are
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realised based upon the affinity of plant species that belongs to phytocoenosis. Stationary conditions are represented in ecological diagrams realised for each phytocoenosis. In these ecological diagrams are figured the altitudinal interval where the phytocoenosis exist, the slope and the slope orientation.
Fig. 1 The localisation of the Rmnicu Srat hydrographical basin in Romania
Terrain expeditions suppose to validate the existing plants species which was identified by N. tefan (1980), and to map the distribution of phytocoenosis. For ecological analyse it was realised a G.I.S. system for Rmnicu Srat basin. This G.I.S. system includes the following maps with its database: digital elevation model map; slope map; aspect map; shading map; density of terrain fragmentation map; depth of terrain fragmentation map; soil map; land use map; hydrographical map; distribution of phytocoenosis map. The statistical calculus have been realised by querying the database attached to thematic map, the results are represented by the chart. For drawing the ecodiagrams, the Zlyomi B. (1964, 1966) and Csros Margareta (1967) method was chosen which suppose the following: -statistical calculus for UnRn (humidity soil reactivity couple with value index between 0-6 for humidity, respectively between 0-5 for soil reactivity), -percent calculus of species for affinity for temperature index (Tn with value index between 0-5) for each couple UnRn. The land use map it was realised using the photo-interpretation of satellite image (Landsat ETM+) concordant the Corrine Land Cover methodology. Results and discussion Analysing the ecological index represented by the humidity and the temperature for each couple of constitutive species of the phytocoenosis it revealing the stationary ecological conditions. The chart of phytocoenosis distributions according to affinity for humidity and
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temperature (fig. 2) is indicating a well representation of mesophilous and micro- mesotermic phytocoenosis. These are caused by the presence of mountain and high hills relief combining with the temperate area. The foehnal phenomena, which exist on the curvature of the Romanian Carpathian, is cause the presence of a meso-termophilous vegetation compose from submediteraneean, mediteraneean and mediteraneean-pontic species, localised especially in sheltered and warmly ecological places.
Fig. 2 The distribution of phytocoenosis according to affinity for humidity ant temperature for Rmnicu Srat basin
The altitudinal interval (1335 m) for hydrological basin studied, is influencing the distribution of phytocoenosis, thereby the degree of edaphical humidity and temperature is correlate with growing of the precipitations and lowering the temperature that are influenced by the altitude growing. Spatial fluctuating of these two climatic parameters is caused by the oceanic atmospherically masses, by the foenal phenomena induced by the movement west east of the atmospherically masses, and by presence of east, south-east and south-west slopes which permit the insolation phenomena (Bordei, 1979). The analyse of phytocoenosis about humidity affinity on altitude interval (fig. 3), emphasis the mesophilous and micro-mesotermic character for all the Rmnicu Srat basin, and the specificity for some altitude interval which remark the ecological mosaic character. Thus, the altitudinal interval between 75 700 m is characterised by the presence of the foehnal and isolation phenomena induced by the deviation to south-west of the northern atmospherically masses. The effects of these climatic manifestations determine the lowering of the humidity degree which permits the existence of xero-mesophilous phytocoenosis localised especially in glacis area. Phytogeographic, the species are originated from mediteraneean, submediteraneean and pontic area. The interval between 300 700 m, geomorphologic corresponds to Piedmont Glacis, External Hills and Dumitreti depression. The vegetation area for this altitudinal interval create a mesophilous background, but climatic phenomenon specific to this area, allowing configuration of resort-type xero-mesophilous particularly localized on the east, south-east, south and south-west slopes (Fig. 4). The emergence of xero-mesophilous resort-area on west and south slopes are due mainly to
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orientations of peaks in general on the NE-SW direction, allowing warm air to enter into valleys with geomorphologic index that have low values (low energy relief about. 50-100 m with a high share in Dumitreti depression). Not zone manifestation is developing associations, having the xero-mesophilous plant character on altitudinal ranges 800-900 and 1200-1300 m, as is the case association Hippophatum rhamnoides Borza 31 that develops on theunstable east and south east slopes of ecological resorts Vintileasca ( Depression subCarpathian "Between Rmnice", 815 meters) and Furu peak (1210 m). Zone vegetation area in terms of moisture present mesophilous character and holds supremacy percentage compared with other types of plant associations, allocating entirely ecoresorts with northern exposure. The junction the types of plant associations, according to humidity, altitude and the various exposure of the slope, presenting a strong manifestation in the altitudinal spread between 300-900 m. Thus, according to increase altitude, the ecotopes are claimed in different proportions of the following types of ecological associations plant: -mesohygrophilous plant associations, with an average of about presence 15%, located on detritic fine materials from the base of slopes, in particular on the southeastern, west and south-west exposions, -hygrophilous plant associations, with an average of about presence 17%, located on the riverbed wet alluvia of river Rmnicu Srat, -hydrophilous plant associations, with an average of about presence 9%, located in the lakes of sub-Carpathian Depression "Between Rmnice" (Lake de pe Plai, Lake Toporaul)
Fig. 3 The distribution of plant associations after the ecological index "humidity" on altitude interval for Rmnicu Srat basin
Statistical calculation of affiliation of plant species on plant associations upon temperature index reveals a predominantly micro-mesotermic character for Rmnicu Srat basin, mainly due to the existence of a mountain and sub-Carpathian relief, with a strong influence upon this climatic parameter, accompanied by foehnal processes which increase the temperature in the Curvature Carpathians area. Micro-mesotermic phytocoenosis composing the zone vegetation and is represented especially by the forests with great
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spatial extension Piceetum carpaticum, Piceeto - Fagetum carpaticum, Abieti - Fagetum, Fagetum carpaticum increases the area value from the Glacis area until mountain area. Moderate-termophilous plant taxons are located especially in the altitudinal spread 75-700 m (fig. 5), associated to Piedmont Glacis, hills and Dumitreti Depression. Biotic vegetative fund consists from mesotermic species, but in the external area of Vrancei Subcarpathian the zone vegetation is disturbed by moderate-termophilous species, which takes in particular the sunny oriented east and south-east slopes (Fig. 6).
Fig. 4 The distribution of plant associations after the ecological index "humidity" on slope exposure categories for the Rmnicu Srat basin
Fig.5 The distribution of plant associations after the ecological index temperature" on the for intervals altitude Rmnicu Srat basin
Analyzing the ecodiagrams for each plant associations existing in Rmnicu Srat basin (fig. 7) it emphasis their environmental behavior, thus, the degree of moisture is clearly reflected in the composition of the plant association. This clearly highlights the two extreme ecological phytocoenosis - xerophilous and the hygrophilous and hydrophilous: a)xerophilous phytocoenosis, weak - acid, (moderate) termophilous (fig. 8) are characterized by a large number of plant species with steppe and forest-steppe origin. Its
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develops in eastern extremity of the investigated river basin in Sub-Carpathian External Hills area and Piedmont Glacis of Rmnic, and it represent the extra-zone vegetation type. For example the extra-zone plant association Cotino - Quercetum pubescent is inserted into the Scumpie Hill on the eastern slope in the mesophilous and mesotermic area at approx. 455 m altitude. The eastern and southest origin of plant species (pontic, mediterranean, south-mediteranean, continental) represent the xerophilous facies of these kinds of plant associations (Quercetum pedunculiflorae, Cotino - Quercetum pubescentis, Festucetum valesiacae, Bothriochletum ischemic, Stipetum capillatae), and are composing by Cotinus coggygria, Cornus mas, Ajuga laxmanni, Fraxinus ornus, Quercus pubescens, Quercus virgiliana, Chrysopogon gryllus, Polygala major Inula germany, Stipe capilla, Botriochloa ischaemum, Festuca valesiaca, etc. This category includes also the antropophilous phytocoenosis composing by ruderale and segetal species plant like Dauco - Matricarietum inodorae, Amarantho - Chenopodietum albi, Cirsietum arvensis - lanceolata, Sisymbrio - Artemisietum absinthii, Junco - Menthetum longifoliae, Polygono - Amaranthetum crispi, etc.
Fig. 6 Distribution map of phytocoenosis in Rmnicu Srat hydrographic basin
b)hygro-hydrophilous azone phytocoenosis type weak acid and mesotermic (fig. 9) are well represented in the investigated river basin, they occupy the slopes affected by the geomorphological process, and the aluvial minor and major of Rmnicu Srat valley and its main tributaries, lakes of sub-Carpathian area, eutrophic swamp located on Culmea Furu. The floristic composition of these associations varying according to altitude, such plant associations are located in the
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mountainous area and have their microtermic elements adapted to cold climate, while plant associations located in far east area are characterized by the presence of a moderate termophilous species. The plant species who constitute these hygrohydrophilous phytocoenosis are Potamogeton natans, Callitriche cophocarpa, Lemna minor, Phragmites australis, Alisma Plantago - aquatica, Schoenoplectus tabernaemontani, Typha angustifolia, Carex acute, Eriophorum vaginatum, etc.
Fig. 7 The distribution of plant associations after the ecological index "temperature" on the exposure categories slope for the Rmnicu Srat basin
The correlative relation between climate and vegetation are highlighted by: -the atmospherically precipitations reflected on the humidity index (edaphic and air) and configuring two areas, first area compounded by mountain, Sub-Carpathian depression "Between Rmnice" and High Sub-Carpathian Hills with mesophilous character, and the second area superimposed over depression Dumitreti, Sub-Carpathian hills and external Piedmont Glacis which characterise by the xero-mesophilous domain. -the temperature, influenced by the foehnal phenomenon, permit to install moderate-termophilous vegetation in the eastern half ofVrancea Subcarpathian. Conclusions The phytocoenosis from the Rmnicu Srat river basin to subject to the spatial distribution laws, and generate the zone phytocoenosis, and local laws of importance highlighted by plant associations type like azone, intrazone, extrazone and anthropophilous. The existence within the river basin study of three major units of relief causes of altitudinal distribution, in sub-Carpathian area are focused 46.76% of the total plant associations, indicating a high spatial extension of the river basin in this sector. Hydro- and hygrophilous phytocoenosis are dominant in Carpathian area, due mainly to edaphic substrate. The presence of sarmatic marl deposit, the clays in bed alluvial of rivers, Eocene plateau fracture (Lake Vintileasca) and the landslides of the
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Subcarpathian maintain high edaphical moisture which is reflected in the existence of the hydro- and hygrophilous species.
Fig. 8 Xerophilous phytocoenosis, weak - acid, (moderate) termophilous ecodiagrame type
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The xerophilous phytocoenosis are located mainly in eastern part of Rmnicu Srat basin where there is a predominance of southern and eastern slopes exposition with insolation phenomena.
Fig. 9 Hygro-hydrophilous azone phytocoenosis, weak acid and mesotermic ecodiagame type
References Anghel Gh., Rvru M., Turcu Gh. Geobotanica, Ed. Ceres, Bucureti, 1971 Bogdan, Octavia Regionalization of climate risk phenomena in Romania, Revue Roumaine de Gographie, Romanian contributions to the XXVIIIth International Geographical Congress, The Hague 1996, Tome 40, Ed. Acad. Rom., p. 41-50, Bucureti, 1996 Clinescu R., AntonescuC., Bnrescu P., Botoeneanu L., Cote P., Decu V., Doni N., Negrea t., Plea C., Tlpeanu M. Biogeografia Romniei, Ed. tiinific, Bucureti, 1969
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Cristea, V., Gafta, D., Pedrotti, F., (2004) Fitosociologie, Ed. Presa Universitar Clujean, Cluj Napoca Ene M. Bazinul hidrografic Rmnicu Srat. Dinamica reliefului n sectoarele montan i subcarpatic, Ed. Universitar, Bucureti, 2004 Pedrotti F. Cartografia geobotanica, Pitagora Editrice, Bologna, 2004 Sanda V., Popescu A., Stancu Daniela Ileana Structura cenotic i caracterizarea ecologic a fitocenozelor din Romnia, Ed. Conphis, 2001 tefan N. Cercetarea florei i vegetaiei din bazinul superior i mijlociu al rului Rmnicu Srat, tez de doctorat, Univ. Al. I. Cuza, Facultatea de Biologie Geografie Geologie, Iai, 1980 tefan N., tefan P., Lupacu Gh. Influena rocilor evaporite asupra vegetaiei din zona Vrancei, Bul. Grdinii Botanice, Tomul 5, Ed. Univ. Al. I. Cuza, Iai, p. 165-169, 1995
tefan N. Fitocenologie i vegetaia Romniei, Ed. Univ. Al. I. Cuza, Iai, 2005
FLUJOS MIGRATORIOS DE RUMANIA A ESPAA: LO QUE LAS ESTADISTICAS RUMANAS NO SABEN14 Mercedes Gordo Mrquez, Juan Antonio Marquez Dominguez Universidad de Huelva (Espaa)
Rezumat : Fluxurile migratorii din Romnia spre Spania : ceea ce statisticile romneti ascund : Aceste note analizeaz modul n care s-a format o numeroas comunitate de imigrani romni n Spania, distribuia acestora i impactul politicii guvernului de a susine ntoarcerea lor n ar. Cu toate dificultile de a surprinde statistic amploarea fenomenului se poate afirma c raiunile care au condus la apariia acestei numeroase comuniti sunt mult mai complexe iar diversitatea sa implic o abordare difereniat
Key words : immigration, statistical information, Romania 1. Introduccin La crisis econmica y el notable deterioro de las condiciones de vida que dej tras de s la cada del comunismo y la transicin al capitalismo, empuj a buena parte de la poblacin rumana a probar suerte ms all de sus fronteras. Las cifras ofrecidas respecto al peso de estos flujos en general, y de la corriente hacia Espaa en particular, difieren notablemente en funcin de si quien suministra las estadsticas es el pas de origen o el de destino. Las fuentes rumanas sealan sorprendentemente que Espaa es slo un destino residual para sus emigrantes, mientras que las espaolas evidencian que Rumana se ha convertido en el principal foco emisor de los flujos que reciben. El presente artculo analiza esta corriente desde ambas perspectivas. Aborda sus causas, el perfil del emigrante rumano en Espaa, su distribucin geogrfica a lo largo del pas y su insercin laboral. 2. La emigracin rumana hacia Espaa segn las estadsticas del pas de origen La cada del muro de Berln el 9 de noviembre de 1989 inici una profunda transformacin social, econmica y poltica en Rumana, al igual que en el resto de los entonces pases comunistas de Europa Central y Oriental. La transicin del socialismo al capitalismo exigi la adopcin de reformas drsticas: privatizaciones, reestructuraciones empresariales, cambios en la legislacin y en las polticas fiscales y monetarias, en el mercado de trabajo, en los servicios pblicos (Viruela, R., 2003b: 188).
14
Este artculo recoge parte del trabajo realizado en la ejecucin del proyecto I+D Los contratos en origen de temporada como poltica de control de flujos migratorios en Espaa. Anlisis socioeconmico y regional de los pases participantes: el caso rumano. Dicho proyecto est siendo financiado por el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovacin espaol (Ref. SEJ2006-14945, 2006 2009). Agradecer a Francisco Jos Pazos Garca, miembro del grupo de investigacin de la Universidad de Huelva Instituto de Desarrollo Local (IDL), su colaboracin en la realizacin de la cartografa que figura en estas pginas.
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Pese a las esperanzas puestas en ellas, las duras condiciones de vida soportadas bajo el rgimen anterior no mejoraban. Por el contrario, los pases padecieron una grave crisis econmica. Muchas empresas, sobre todo en el sector industrial, con una tecnologa anticuada y con escasa liquidez para hacer nuevas inversiones, se vieron obligadas a cerrar sus puertas, ya que no eran competitivas en el mercado capitalista internacional. El desempleo se dispar y con ello el empobrecimiento de la poblacin, que se vio obligada a reducir sus niveles de consumo. La situacin se tornaba an ms dramtica por el fenmeno hiperinflacionista que se desencaden a raz de la liberalizacin de los precios. En el ao 1993 la tasa anual de crecimiento de los precios de consumo en Rumana alcanz el 256%, y aunque desde 1998 esta tendencia cambi de signo, en el ao 2000 an era del 45,7%, frente al 3,5% que en esa fecha tena Espaa (INS, 2007). Ante esta situacin, una parte de la poblacin opt por la emigracin como solucin. Tomando como referencia los datos ofrecidos por el Institutul Naional de Statistic (INS), el organismo oficial encargado de elaborar las estadsticas en Rumana, la emigracin internacional de los rumanos es la que se ofrece en la Tabla 1. En ella se puede observar cmo esta corriente se intensifica muy especialmente en 1990, donde se alcanza el mximo histrico de estos flujos para el perodo referenciado: 96.929 salidas. Ms adelante, y para el caso concreto de Espaa, se mostrar que estas cifras infravaloran notablemente la realidad.
Tabla 1: Emigracin internacional de Rumana con cambios de residencia permanente, por sexo (nmero de personas)
AO 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 HOMBRES 4.703 4.229 8.141 9.401 8.559 12.195 10.334 12.084 12.402 14.206 13.318 13.173 13.954 18.814 20.384 46.335 21.211 MUJERES 5.998 5.107 9.669 10.379 8.525 12.517 10.552 12.290 13.898 15.688 13.931 13.336 15.214 18.484 20.979 50.594 22.949 TOTAL 10.701 9.336 17.810 19.780 17.084 24.712 20.886 24.374 26.300 29.894 27.249 26.509 29.168 37.298 41.363 96.929 44.160 AO 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 Total HOMBRES 16.085 8.751 7.886 11.478 10.079 9.423 8.460 5.858 6.798 5.011 3.700 4.413 4.934 4.110 5.341 3.088 358.858 MUJERES 15.067 9.695 9.260 14.197 11.447 10.522 9.076 6.736 7.955 4.910 4.454 6.260 8.148 6.828 8.856 5.742 399.263 TOTAL 31.152 18.446 17.146 25.675 21.526 19.945 17.536 12.594 14.753 9.921 8.154 10.673 13.082 10.938 14.197 8.830 758.121
* Datos provisionales a mayo de 2008. Fuente: los datos de 1975 a 2005 se basan en INS, 2006; los datos de 2000 a 2006 proceden de INS, 2007; los datos de 2007 son de INS, 2008. Elaboracin: Gordo, M., 2008.
FLUJOS MIGRATORIAS DE RUMANIA A ESPANA
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Tabla 2: Emigracin internacional rumana por principales pases de destino (nmero de personas)
Pais de destino Australia Austria Canad Francia Alemania Grecia Israel Italia Espaa EE. UU. Suecia Hungra Otros Total Pais de destino Australia Austria Canad Francia Alemania Grecia Israel Italia Espaa EE. UU. Suecia Hungra Otros Total 19751979 329 2.109 1.333 1.300 41.455 608 8.278 1.483 ** 9.210 391 2.194 6.021 74.711 2001 79 167 2.483 463 854 105 279 1.486 616 1.876 51 680 782 9.921 1980-1984 1.326 2.564 3.084 2.365 73.593 1.364 7.195 1.551 ** 17.010 1.057 2.351 12.706 126.166 2002 58 293 1.437 233 1.305 60 106 1.317 172 1.356 42 903 872 8.154 1985-1989 2.320 6.711 4.411 2.228 75.951 1.767 7.434 1.577 ** 16.921 3.452 24.899 13.916 161.587 2003 45 326 1.444 338 1.938 64 164 1.993 186 2.012 50 984 1.129 10.673 1990-1994 1.665 13.923 8.595 6.097 113.689 1.240 2.950 5.279 ** 15.117 2.438 25.241 11.599 207.833 2004 84 491 1.445 436 2.707 97 85 2.603 162 2.049 62 1.553 1.308 13.082 19951999 838 6.151 10.311 6.304 27.553 1.229 2.177 8.833 ** 13.588 1.525 7.318 11.448 97.276 2005 78 421 1.220 343 2.196 114 64 2.731 139 1.679 29 1.013 911 10.938 20002004 409 1.547 9.327 2.279 9.020 654 1.067 9.541 ** 10.016 295 5.001 7.427 56.583 2006 125 581 1.655 529 3.110 134 128 3.393 330 1.982 37 900 1.293 14.197
2007* 83 313 1.787 372 1.902 72 57 1.401 138 1.535 ** 266 904 8.830
* Datos provisionales a mayo de 2008. ** La informacin no aparece desglosada, quedando incluida en el apartado Otros. Fuente: los datos quinquenales de 1975 a 2004 se han obtenido a partir de INS, 2006. La informacin anual de los aos 2001 a 2006 procede de INS, 2007; y la de 2007 de INS, 2008. Elaboracin: Gordo, M., 2008.
Dnde ha ido y va esta poblacin? Tradicionalmente el principal lugar de destino ha sido Alemania. Segn el INS (2006), ms de la mitad de los rumanos que salieron del pas entre 1975 y 1994 fueron a Alemania, concretamente el 53%. Estados Unidos, Austria y Canad tambin se han encontrado entre los pases preferidos por la emigracin rumana. No obstante, las mayores restricciones a la inmigracin adoptada por estos pases obligaron a poner los ojos en otros lugares. As, a partir de la dcada de 1990 Italia y Espaa han adquirido un nuevo protagonismo. Sin embargo, como se mostrar en el siguiente epgrafe en relacin con Espaa, los flujos hacia este pas no aparecen registrados en las estadsticas oficiales con el peso y notoriedad que efectivamente han tenido y tienen. En este sentido hay que comentar que slo en las
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ltimas estadsticas Espaa figura desglosado de manera independiente como destino, vinindose incluyendo en el genrico apartado de Otros. Adems, las cifras oficiales que se ofrecen ponen de manifiesto que los rumanos slo elegiran este pas de forma residual: entre los aos 2001 y 2007 nicamente 1.743 habran venido a Espaa, 330 en el ao 2006 y 138 en el 2007 (INS, 2007 y 2008). Al margen de estos nmeros brutos de salidas, el INS no ofrece otra informacin detallada por pases de destino. No obstante, s presenta datos respecto a la estructura de los flujos migratorios internacionales rumanos en su conjunto. stos resultan interesante ya que, adems del volumen, el perfil de los inmigrantes rumanos en Espaa tambin difiere ligeramente de este patrn general. El INS pone de manifiesto que los desplazamientos estn protagonizados por la poblacin femenina, que es la que aporta el mayor nmero de efectivos. Este comportamiento se ha intensificado muy especialmente desde el ao 2000, en gran medida debido a la mayor facilidad de las mujeres para encontrar un empleo en los pases de destino, sobretodo en el servicio domstico y en la restauracin. As, mientras que entre 1975 y 1999 los hombres venan representando entre el 47% y el Grfico 1: Emigracin rumana internacional permanente por sexo (% ) 49% del conjunto de las migraciones internacionales 60 rumanas, en el quinquenio 20002004 la cifra se reduca hasta el 40 44% (INS, 2006). Esta tendencia se viene consolidando en los 20 ltimos aos, pues en 2005 y 0 2006 las mujeres acaparaban el 1975-1980- 1985-1990-1995- 20002005 2006 2007 1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 62% de la emigracin internacional (INS, 2007), y en 49 48 47 44 38 38 35 Hombre 47 48 53 52 51 52 53 56 62 62 65 2007 el 65% (INS, 2008). Mujer
Fuente: los datos de 1975 a 2005 proceden de INS, 2006; los datos de 2000 a 2006 se basan en INS, 2007; los datos de 2007, que son provisionales, proceden de INS, 2008. Elaboracin: Gordo, M., 2008.
Por lo que se refiere a la edad, el INS refleja que las principales salidas son de personas en edad laboral, muy especialmente entre los 26 y 40 aos. Este tramo se viene consolidando con el paso del tiempo, pues si en el ao 2001 concentraba el 41% de las personas que emigraban fuera del pas, en 2003 ya supona el 51%, y en 2005 y 2006 alcanzaba el 58% (INS, 2006). 3. La inmigracin rumana en Espaa: cifras ofrecidas por el pas de destino En Espaa es el Instituto Nacional de Estadstica (INE) el organismo oficial encargado de elaborar las estadsticas del pas. Una de las fuentes principales de las que obtiene informacin es el Padrn Municipal, un registro administrativo en el que figuran las personas que residen de forma habitual en cada uno de los municipios, la unidad administrativa bsica del pas, el nivel local. De acuerdo con la normativa que regula
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dicho registro15, su formacin, mantenimiento, revisin y custodia corresponde al Ayuntamiento de cada localidad, obtenindose la Revisin del Padrn Municipal con referencia al 1 de enero de cada ao. Toda persona que resida en Espaa debe inscribirse en el Padrn del Municipio que resida habitualmente16, haciendo constar una serie de datos: nombre y apellidos, sexo, domicilio, nacionalidad, lugar y fecha de nacimiento y el nmero de identificacin personal. En la actualidad esta fuente es considerada el instrumento estadstico ms completo y actualizado para conocer las caractersticas personales de los residentes extranjeros, ya que no tiene en cuenta la situacin de regularidad del inmigrante (Gmez, J.; Pellicer, C. M. y Monllor, C. M., 2002: 106). Tabla 3: Emigracin internacional permanente rumana por grupo de edad
EDAD > 18 aos 18-25 aos 26-40 aos 41-50 aos 51-60 aos < 61 aos Total 2001 Total % 2.860 938 4.017 1.013 429 664 9.921 29 9 41 10 4 7 100 2002 Total % 1233 1029 3972 915 417 588 8.154 15 13 49 11 5 7 100 2003 Total % 1677 1426 5438 1159 449 524 10.673 16 13 51 11 4 5 100 2004 Total % 1417 1920 7174 1414 577 580 13.082 11 15 55 11 4 4 100 2005 Total % 765 1408 6359 1355 545 506 10.938 7 13 58 12 5 5 100 2006 Total % 963 1726 8198 1782 839 689 14.197 7 12 58 12 6 5 100
Fuente: INS, 2006. Elaboracin: Gordo, M., 2008.
Segn los resultados provisionales del Padrn a 1 de enero de 2008, los rumanos ocuparan la primera posicin entre los residentes de nacionalidad extranjera en Espaa, con un total de 728.967 efectivos (INE, 2008). Este dato viene a confirmar la denominada rumanizacin de los flujos migratorios internacionales que recibe el territorio espaol (Viruela, R., 2002). An siendo importantes la cifra, escandalosamente por encima de las ofrecidas por el INS (Tabla 2), subestiman el nmero real de los rumanos en Espaa. Esto es as porque si bien el Ayuntamiento est obligado a empadronar a los extranjeros que residan en su municipio, con independencia de la situacin administrativa del solicitante, este trmite es voluntario para los propios extranjeros, que son los que deben iniciar el procedimiento. La realidad evidencia que muchos no solicitan su inscripcin en el Padrn por desconocimiento y por no obtener un beneficio de ello (Defensor del Pueblo Andaluz, 2005). As, la Ley de Extranjera del
15
Ley 4/1996, de 10 de enero, por la que se modifica la Ley 7/1985, de 2 de abril, Reguladora de las Bases del Rgimen Local, en relacin con el Padrn municipal (BOE nm. 11, de 12 de febrero de 2006), y su desarrollo reglamentario, aprobado por el Real Decreto 2612/1996, de 20 de diciembre, por el que se modifica el Reglamento de Poblacin y Demarcacin Territorial de las Entidades Locales (BOE nm. 14, de 16 de enero de 1997). 16 Quien viva en varios municipios se debe inscribir nicamente en el que habite durante ms tiempo al cabo del ao.
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ao 200017 incentivaba el empadronamiento al supeditar la atribucin de una serie de derechos al haber realizado dicha inscripcin. Cualquier extranjero, aunque se encontrara en Espaa de forma irregular desde el punto de vista administrativo, podra acceder a las ayudas en materia de vivienda, tener asistencia jurdica gratuita o acceder a la sanidad en igualdad de condiciones que un ciudadano espaol. Sin embargo esto rpidamente fue modificado por la LO 8/200018, de forma que en la actualidad la sanidad es el nico derecho al que pueden acceder los extranjeros sin autorizacin de residencia simplemente por inscribirse en el Padrn.
Tabla 4: Rumanos en Espaa
A O DATOS DEL PADRON DE HABITANTES (a 1 de enero) (1) Total Rumanos extranjer Mujeres Hombre Total os s 978 1.437 2.893 12.264 26.254 58.517 92.826 144.05 0 189.47 6 249.06 1 337.16 8 1.280 1.710 3.516 19.377 41.025 78.830 115.13 4 173.31 6 217.68 3 277.95 8 391.79 9 2.258 3.147 6.410 31.641 67.279 137.34 7 207.96 0 317.36 6 407.15 9 527.01 9 728.96 7 637.085 748.954 923.879 1.370.6 57 1.977.9 46 2.664.1 68 3.034.3 26 3.730.6 10 4.144.1 66 4.519.5 54 5.220.5 77 DATOS DEL MINISTERIO DE TRABAJO E INMIGRACIN (a 31 de diciembre) (2) Total Rumanos extranjer Mujeres Hombre Total os s 1.495 2.240 4.012 8.728 12.178 20.798 34.260 84.447 92.642 267.32 7 S. d. 1.918 2.780 6.920 16.081 21.502 33.873 49.102 107.68 5 118.68 2 336.56 0 S. d. 3.543 5.082 10.983 24.856 33.705 54.688 83.372 192.13 4 211.32 5 603.88 9 S. d. 719.647 801.329 895.720 1.109.0 60 1.324.0 01 1.647.0 11 1.977.2 91 2.738.9 32 3.021.8 08 3.979.0 14 S. d.
1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
Nota: los datos que se ofrecen de 2008 son provisionales. Corresponden al avance del Padrn. El Ministerio an no puede disponer de la informacin para este ao, de ah que aparezca como S. d., sin datos. Fuente: INE, 2008 (1) y Ministerio de Trabajo e Inmigracin (MTIN), 2008 (2). Elaboracin: Gordo, M., 2008.
17 Fue aprobada mediante la Ley Orgnica (LO) 4/2000, de 11 de enero, sobre derechos y libertades de los extranjeros en Espaa y su integracin social (BOE de 12 de enero de 2000; correccin de errores en BOE de 24 de enero de 2000). En la actualidad sigue en vigor, aunque con diversas modificaciones. 18 LO 8/2000, de 22 de diciembre, de reforma de la LO 4/2000, de 11 de enero, sobre derechos y libertades de los extranjeros en Espaa y su integracin social (BOE de 23 de diciembre de 2000; correccin de errores en BOE de 23 de febrero de 2001).
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Segn los resultados provisionales del Padrn a 1 de enero de 2008, los rumanos ocuparan la primera posicin entre los residentes de nacionalidad extranjera en Espaa, con un total de 728.967 efectivos (INE, 2008). Este dato viene a confirmar la denominada rumanizacin de los flujos migratorios internacionales que recibe el territorio espaol (Viruela, R., 2002). An siendo importantes la cifra, escandalosamente por encima de las ofrecidas por el INS (Tabla 2), subestiman el nmero real de los rumanos en Espaa. Esto es as porque si bien el Ayuntamiento est obligado a empadronar a los extranjeros que residan en su municipio, con independencia de la situacin administrativa del solicitante, este trmite es voluntario para los propios extranjeros, que son los que deben iniciar el procedimiento. La realidad evidencia que muchos no solicitan su inscripcin en el Padrn por desconocimiento y por no obtener un beneficio de ello (Defensor del Pueblo Andaluz, 2005). As, la Ley de Extranjera del ao 200019 incentivaba el empadronamiento al supeditar la atribucin de una serie de derechos al haber realizado dicha inscripcin. Cualquier extranjero, aunque se encontrara en Espaa de forma irregular desde el punto de vista administrativo, podra acceder a las ayudas en materia de vivienda, tener asistencia jurdica gratuita o acceder a la sanidad en igualdad de condiciones que un ciudadano espaol. Sin embargo esto rpidamente fue modificado por la LO 8/200020, de forma que en la actualidad la sanidad es el nico derecho al que pueden acceder los extranjeros sin autorizacin de residencia simplemente por inscribirse en el Padrn. Adems de no obtener claras ventajas, el figurar en el Padrn es visto con temor por aqullos que no cumplen con los requisitos legales para estar en Espaa, ya sea porque han entrado de forma irregular, o porque han prolongado su permanencia en el pas ms all del perodo para el que haban sido autorizados. Tienen miedo a delatar su presencia. Estos temores no son fundados, pues la LO 14/200321 ha establecido que el INE ceda los datos del Padrn a la Administracin General del Estado competente en materia de extranjera, y ello sin consentimiento alguno de los interesados. La decisin ha sido muy polmica y ha recibido numerosas quejas. El propio Consejo General de la Abogaca Espaola (2004) considera que puede resultar inconstitucional. Sea como fuere, la medida ha provocado el desistimiento de numerosos inmigrantes a empadronarse e, incluso, a solicitar su baja en el Padrn. No slo los extranjeros en situacin de irregularidad administrativa dejan de inscribirse en el Padrn. Tambin lo hacen los que tienen su documentacin en regla.
19 Fue aprobada mediante la Ley Orgnica (LO) 4/2000, de 11 de enero, sobre derechos y libertades de los extranjeros en Espaa y su integracin social (BOE de 12 de enero de 2000; correccin de errores en BOE de 24 de enero de 2000). En la actualidad sigue en vigor, aunque con diversas modificaciones. 20 LO 8/2000, de 22 de diciembre, de reforma de la LO 4/2000, de 11 de enero, sobre derechos y libertades de los extranjeros en Espaa y su integracin social (BOE de 23 de diciembre de 2000; correccin de errores en BOE de 23 de febrero de 2001). 21 LO 14/2003, de 20 de noviembre, de Reforma de la LO 4/2000, de 11 de enero, sobre derechos y libertades de los extranjeros en Espaa y su integracin social, modificada por la LO 8/2000, de 22 de diciembre; de la Ley 7/1985, de 2 de abril, Reguladora de las Bases del Rgimen Local; de la Ley 30/1992, de 26 de noviembre, de Rgimen Jurdico de las Administraciones Pblicas y del Procedimiento Administrativo Comn; y de la Ley 3/1991, de 10 de enero, de Competencia Desleal (BOE nm. 279, de 21 de noviembre de 2003).
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Una de las razones de ello es la propia dificultad de acreditar un domicilio, pues es frecuente que los propietarios de las viviendas que tienen alquiladas se nieguen a hacerles un contrato legal para no tener que declarar esos ingresos extras. Adems, en no pocos Ayuntamientos se ha llevado una lnea padronal muy restrictiva respecto de los extranjeros no comunitarios, a quienes se han puesto trabas de todo tipo a la hora de resolver sus solicitudes de empadronamiento (Defensor del Pueblo Andaluz, 2005). En definitiva, hay personas extranjeras con las pertinentes autorizaciones para residir en el pas, y otras que no las tienen, que no figuran en el Padrn, por lo que las cifras que ofrece este registro infravaloran la poblacin extranjera que realmente se encuentran en Espaa. Junto al Padrn, otra fuente importante para conocer el nmero de rumanos en Espaa son los Anuarios Estadsticos de Inmigracin, cuya informacin es a 31 de diciembre. Venan siendo elaborados por el Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales (MTAS), actualmente rebautizado como Ministerio de Trabajo e Inmigracin (MTIN)22. El ltimo de estos anuarios ha sido publicado en 2008 con datos de 2007. Las cifras que ofrece son bastante fiables, pero se limitan a los extranjeros con autorizacin de residencia y trabajo en Espaa. Esto explica que sus valores sean inferiores a los ofrecidos por el INE (Tabla 4), ya que deja fuera a los que no tienen su documentacin en regla y trabajan en la economa sumergida. Subrayar tambin que aqullos que han adquirido la nacionalidad espaola tampoco aparecen en estas estadsticas. No obstante, y an con estas salvedades, a 31 de diciembre de 2007 habra 603.889 rumanos en Espaa con certificado de registro o tarjeta de residencia en vigor (MTIN, 2008), valor muy alejado del recogido en las estadsticas rumanas. La evolucin del nmero de rumanos en Espaa se puede apreciar que sigue una lnea constante de signo positivo. sta tiende a la verticalidad a partir del ao 2000, lo que se explica no slo por la llegada de nuevos efectivos, sino muy especialmente por la afloracin de la poblacin al haberse beneficiado de los procesos extraordinarios de regularizacin articulados por el Gobierno espaol. As, un nmero importante de rumanos han entrado en el pas sin reunir la documentacin exigida para ello en la Legislacin de Extranjera, o bien se han quedado una vez que caducaron los correspondientes permisos. A ello contribuy la decisin de la Unin Europea (UE) de suprimir la exigencia de visado a estos nacionales a partir de enero de 2002, lo que les facilit el libre cruce de fronteras comunitarias. En este sentido, el viaje turstico es sealado como el medio ms utilizado por la poblacin del Este en general para entrar legalmente en territorio espaol (Viruela, R., 2002). Una vez aqu, y gracias en parte a las ayudas de sus compatriotas, pasaban al mercado de trabajo informal, mantenindose invisibles hasta que podan legalizar su situacin administrativa. De esta forma, procesos de regularizacin como los de 2000-2001 y el ltimo de 2005 han permitido que esta poblacin sea visible en las estadsticas. Como ejemplo baste citar que de las 691.655 solicitudes que se presentaron al proceso de normalizacin documental de trabajadores extranjeros abierto en 2005, 118.546 eran de ciudadanos rumanos, el 17%. De ellas 100.128 obtuvieron una resolucin favorable, tambin el 17%. Estas cifras slo
22
www.mtin.es
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fueron superadas por Ecuador, con 140.020 solicitudes (20%) y 127.925 concesiones (22%), respectivamente23 (MTAS, 2007). El otro pico importante en la evolucin ascendente de los rumanos en Espaa es el registrado en el ao 2007, el cual est relacionado con el ingreso de Rumana en la UE el 1 de enero de ese ao. A partir de entonces los ciudadanos de este pas pueden entrar y residir libremente en cualquier Estado de la Unin. Aqullos que se encontraban en situacin irregular en Espaa dejan de estarlo, de forma que los 211.325 rumanos que figuraban en las estadsticas del MTIN a 31 de diciembre de 2006, prcticamente se triplicaron un ao ms tarde, situndose en los 603.889 (Tabla 4). Apuntar que el gobierno espaol ha hecho uso de la moratoria incluida en el Tratado de Adhesin, lo que implica que hasta enero de 2009 los rumanos podrn trabajar en este pas por cuenta ajena slo cuando obtengan las autorizaciones estipuladas por la Legislacin de Extranjera. En cambio, los que quieran trabajar por cuenta propia se benefician ya del Rgimen Comunitario, el cual los asemeja a los propios espaoles. Cabra preguntarse por qu los emigrantes rumanos eligen Espaa como destino. Los investigadores destacan varios factores: -las dificultades que encontraban en los pases a los que tradicionalmente emigraban (Viruela, R., 2002), como Alemania, Canad o Estados Unidos. Las facilidades para entrar en Espaa eran mayores y con relativa facilidad encontraban un empleo, aunque fuera en el sector informal, pues el rpido crecimiento que ha venido disfrutando la economa espaola generaba un alto nmero de puestos de trabajo. -el papel jugado por las redes sociales. En un estudio realizado en el ao 2000 en la ciudad de Castelln, una de las que ms rumanos recibe, se puso de manifiesto que tres de cada cuatro rumanos encuestados haban elegido este lugar porque ya contaban con amigos y familiares asentados all (Viruela, R., 2002). Otras encuestas realizadas en Valencia y Madrid obtienen los mismos resultados: un 60% elega Espaa porque tena a familiares y amigos aqu (Aparicio, R. y Tornos, A., 2005). Se considera que la presencia de compatriotas, sobre todo familiares, proporcionan soporte material y logstico al recin llegado (Viruela, R., 2002 y 2003a) que resulta fundamental a la hora de tener un alojamiento, encontrar trabajo e incluso de garantizarse el sustento vital. Dentro de las redes sociales se apunta tambin el destacado protagonismo de la comunidad adventista, por la ayuda que han prestado a los inmigrantes (Viruela, R., 2002 y 2003a). -la sustancial diferencia salarial respecto a su pas: salvo unos pocos, los rumanos han emigrado por motivos econmicos, atrados por la diferencia salarial (Viruela, R., 2002: 10). As, en el ao 2000 los ingresos medios anuales de un trabajador en Rumana eran de 1.732 euros, mientras que en Espaa ascendan a 17.432 euros, diez veces ms (INS, 2008). No obstante, teniendo en cuenta que los precios en destino tambin son ms caros, a
23
Los datos son a 11 de enero de 2007. En esos momentos an haba solicitudes en trmite derivadas de un recurso administrativo o judicial interpuesto contra la resolucin obtenida. A esa fecha Rumana contaba con 81 expedientes en esta situacin y Ecuador con 48 (MTAS, 2007).
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las condiciones salariales habra que aadir las expectativas de lograr una determinada meta profesional y unas condiciones de vida dignas (Viruela, R., 2003a: 200). -la similitud lingstica (Marcu, S., 2007). Se apunta que la emisin de telenovelas latinoamericanas en la televisin rumana, en versin original subtitulada, ha facilitado el proceso de aprendizaje del espaol (Viruela, R., 2002). -la imagen que tienen del pas y que construyen con la informacin que les suministran los propios emigrantes rumanos y los medios de comunicacin. En Rumana Espaa se ve como un pas donde es fcil entrar, residir y trabajar sin necesidad de documentos, aunque sea en trabajos marginales y donde, ms pronto o ms tarde, se puede legalizar la situacin aprovechando un proceso extraordinario de regularizacin (Viruela, R., 2002: 241). Este mismo autor destaca el papel de las nuevas tecnologas de la informacin y la comunicacin como vas para difundir la experiencia migratoria de manera inmediata (Viruela, R., 2007). -aunque no es un factor decisivo, el clima tambin es muy apreciado por personas que en su pas de origen tienen que soportar largos y rigurosos inviernos (Viruela, R., 2002: 243). La estructura por edades del colectivo rumano en Espaa pone de manifiesto que sus efectivos se concentran principalmente en el grupo de edad laboral, con valores superiores a los que presenta el conjunto de extranjeros. Esto se aprecia muy especialmente en los tramos de edad comprendidos entre los 20 y los 29 aos, pues mientras que la poblacin rumana de 20 a 24 aos supone el 16,15% y la de 25 a 29 aos el 19,90%, para el conjunto de los extranjeros estas cifras son Grfico 2: Edad de los rumanos en Espaa con documentacin de residencia en comparacin con el total de extranj eros (a 31 de diciembre de 2007) del 9,15% y del 14,63% respectivamente (MTIN, 100,00 2008). Por el contrario, los tramos de edad ms 80,00 jvenes y de edad ms 60,00 avanzada se encuentran 40,00 infrarrepresentados. Este 20,00 reparto se justifica por la juventud de este flujo 0,00 De 0 a De 16 a 65 aos migratorio hacia Espaa, donde la reagrupacin 12,66 83,35 3,99 Total extranjeros familiar tiene todava un 8,37 91,46 0,17 Rumanos reducido papel.
Fuente: MTIN, 2008. Elaboracin: Gordo, M., 2008.
Como se recordar, en el epgrafe anterior se seal que los flujos migratorios que parten desde Rumana estn protagonizados principalmente por mujeres, y que en los ltimos aos se observa una feminizacin de esta corriente (Grfico 1). Por el contrario, tanto los datos del Padrn como los ofrecidos por el MTIN constatan que los rumanos en Espaa son preferentemente hombres. Para 2007 los valores ofrecidos por
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estas fuentes fueron del 53% y 56% respectivamente. Subrayar tambin que el comportamiento de ambos registros muestra tendencias opuestas, ya que los valores en 1998 eran del 57% y del 54%. Dado que los datos del Padrn se acercan ms a la realidad es bastante probable que estos flujos vean aumentar el componente femenino.
En cuanto a la distribucin geogrfica de esta poblacin a lo largo del territorio espaol se puede afirmar que va a estar influida por las redes sociales y por las oportunidades de empleo, dado que es una emigracin de carcter predominantemente econmico (Viruela, R., 2002). El mayor dinamismo de las zonas litorales y de las grandes ciudades espaolas, con
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una oferta de trabajo mayor y ms diversificada, explican el actual reparto. La Comunidad de Madrid, en la cual se sita la capital del pas, acoge al 26% de los empadronados rumanos en 2008, un total de 189.001 personas. Las provincias valencianas, sobre todo Castelln, y las catalanas tambin son elegidas por un nmero importante de rumanos, al igual que la provincia de Zaragoza. Sin embargo, la competencia cada vez mayor en estas zonas est propiciando que progresivamente se incremente el nmero de rumanos que viven en el resto de regiones y zonas del interior.
Tabla 5: Rumanos en Espaa por provincia y Comunidad Autnoma, datos del Padrn (a 1 de enero)
Provincias / CC. AA. Almera Cdiz Crdoba Granada Huelva Jan Mlaga Sevilla Andaluca Huesca Teruel Zaragoza Aragn Asturias Baleares, Islas Palmas, Las Tenerife, Sta. Cruz de Canarias Cantabria Albacete Ciudad Real Cuenca Guadalajar a Toledo Castilla La Mancha vila Burgos Len Palencia Salamanca 1998 29 9 4 10 2 2 61 22 139 3 4 31 38 11 70 33 55 88 10 3 4 6 17 49 79 4 2 5 6 4 1999 40 11 7 9 6 12 71 26 182 3 7 50 60 12 82 39 35 74 9 4 1 9 19 65 98 2 8 8 5 4 2000 158 9 7 17 7 19 142 43 402 20 12 197 229 17 113 69 54 123 13 16 6 22 51 140 235 2 19 8 6 6 2001 1.103 34 11 154 38 76 242 111 1.769 141 150 2.338 2.629 38 310 136 125 261 51 149 318 263 219 1.387 2.336 19 124 17 11 25 2002 2.134 61 125 486 158 118 411 133 3.627 401 574 4.832 5.807 91 671 259 204 463 171 497 1.066 602 654 2.894 5.713 74 324 95 24 68 2003 4.038 124 378 1.172 546 274 925 322 7.779 985 1.525 9.095 11.605 317 1.414 478 386 864 477 1.163 2.937 1.618 1.627 6.241 13.586 186 860 257 52 265 2004 5.929 307 963 2.016 1.049 531 1.744 757 13.296 1.573 2.131 13.032 16.736 656 2.268 691 560 1.251 964 2.015 5.056 2.743 2.741 9.241 21.796 415 1.422 380 114 470 2005 10.822 814 2.197 3.705 2.351 1.126 3.429 1.682 26.126 2.569 2.967 19.109 24.645 1.202 3.618 1.157 918 2.075 1.603 3.498 8.161 5.209 4.412 13.414 34.694 721 2.551 562 219 723 2006 15.935 1.312 3.343 5.138 4.501 1.633 5.480 3.711 41.053 3.429 3.779 22.345 29.553 1.781 4.845 1.469 1.120 2.589 2.287 4.576 11.642 6.528 6.050 16.639 45.435 1.033 3.367 873 286 894 2007 18.562 1.923 4.186 6.835 6.243 2.027 7.571 5.147 52.494 4.405 5.053 31.632 41.090 2.733 7.025 2.085 1.547 3.632 2.926 5.442 14.320 9.079 8.954 22.887 60.682 1.679 4.052 1.215 369 1.022 2008* 24.382 2.819 6.807 10.475 10.824 3.520 11.207 9.084 79.118 6.352 6.634 43.822 56.808 5.272 10.289 3.114 2.242 5.356 5.116 8.098 20.943 12.723 13.076 30.579 85.419 2.985 6.882 1.881 671 1.703

Segovia Soria Valladolid Zamora Castilla y Len Barcelona Girona Lleida Tarragona Catalua Ceuta Alicante Castelln Valencia Cdad. Valenciana Badajoz Cceres Extremad ura Corua, A Lugo Ourense Pontevedra Galicia Cdad. de Madrid Melilla Murcia Navarra lava Guipzcoa Vizcaya Pas Vasco Rioja, La ESPAA 17 2.25 8 31 3.14 7 95 6.41 0 647 31.6 41 4 8 19 0 52 201 35 10 31 277 0 47 157 183 388 2 0 2 16 0 2 7 25 906 0 23 33 9 33 58 100 3 4 24 0 59 246 48 17 33 344 0 67 247 188 503 1 1 2 18 0 2 8 28 1.397 0 66 82 9 45 63 117 1 4 39 0 85 378 76 49 76 579 4 102 563 345 1.01 0 4 4 8 30 0 0 13 43 2.961 0 86 193 56 75 81 212 26 29 79 38 368 1.050 225 266 806 2.347 4 669 3.455 1.541 5.666 27 22 49 64 7 14 50 135 13.961 1 287 388 129 119 146 394 95 56 219 57 1.012 3.253 633 812 1.806 6.504 4 1.987 8.385 3.601 13.97 4 54 34 88 97 12 17 104 230 25.563 1 553 632 218 206 275 699 1.47 6 67.2 79 232 174 677 86 2.789 7.315 1.647 2.099 4.447 15.508 4 4.586 15.545 7.819 27.950 273 91 364 253 34 37 286 610 47.442 1 1.150 1.067 414 378 753 1.545 2.875 137.3 47 390 249 1.190 120 4.750 10.837 2.845 3.673 7.034 24.389 6 7.856 21.569 12.755 42.180 701 217 918 370 87 108 439 1.004 67.647 2 2.004 1.410 542 565 1.545 2.652 4.031 207.9 60 727 317 1.976 231 8.027 15.904 4.981 7.112 11.331 39.328 7 12.213 29.021 19.374 60.608 1.621 438 2.059 574 201 239 673 1.687 96.437 1 3.442 1.969 649 874 2.730 4.253 5.585 317.3 66 1.086 499 2.695 425 11.158 20.364 6.878 9.961 14.150 51.353 7 15.716 35.077 25.418 76.211 2.654 625 3.279 712 295 359 835 2.201 114.556 2 5.324 2.551 847 1.326 4.092 6.265 6.709 407.1 59 1.550 636 3.326 537
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2.542 1.129 5.419 1.026 24.238 31.757 12.233 17.845 26.064 87.899 8 30.072 51.947 45.731 127.750 6.260 1.532 7.792 1.565 1.141 711 1.760 5.177 189.001 8 11.486 5.111 1.608 3.569 7.660 12.83 7 10.28 2 728.9 67
14.386 23.000 9.043 12.519 18.972 63.534 8 21.686 41.860 32.102 95.648 3.435 896 4.331 944 474 455 1.070 2.943 148.906 2 7.526 3.089 1.104 1.872 5.739 8.715 7.349 527.0 19
Nota: los datos que se ofrecen de 2008 son provisionales. Corresponden al avance del Padrn. Fuente: INE, 2008. Elaboracin: Gordo, M., 2008.
Finalmente habra que hacer mencin a la dedicacin de estas personas, a su ocupacin profesional, ya que sta ha sido en muchos casos la principal razn del desplazamiento a Espaa. El 74% de los trabajadores rumanos en alta laboral en la Seguridad Social espaola a 11 de enero de 2007 se encontraban adscritos al Rgimen General, un total de 130.595 afiliados. Los grupos de cotizacin en los que destacaban eran el de peones (48.622 afiliados), oficiales de primera y segunda (41.254 afiliados) y
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oficiales de tercera (27.103 afiliados). Le segua en importancia el Rgimen Espacial de los Empleados de Hogar, con el 13% de los afiliados (23.636 trabajadores). El tercer escaln estaba conformado por el Rgimen Especial Agrario, al cual se encontraban afiliados 16.468 rumanos, el 9,4% (MTAS, 2008). Antes de dar por concluido este epgrafe hay que mencionar que junto a esta emigracin con vocacin de permanencia, al menos por varios aos, existen otros rumanos que se desplazan a Espaa con carcter temporal. Adems de los que llegan por motivos de estudios o tursticos, hay que destacar los que han venido a travs del contingente de temporada, sobre todo para recoger las cosechas de los agricultores. Esta corriente se ha visto favorecida por el Acuerdo entre el Reino de Espaa y Rumana relativo a la regulacin y ordenacin de los flujos migratorios laborales entre ambos Estados24, firmado en Madrid el 23 de enero de 2002. En base a ste y a lo establecido en la Legislacin de Extranjera, los trabajadores rumanos tienen prioridad a la hora de cubrir las ofertas de trabajo que se gestionen a travs del contingente25. Analizar esta va de acceso desborda los objetivos de este artculo, por lo que ser tratada en otro artculo. 4. Conclusiones Las estadsticas oficiales elaboradas por las instituciones rumanas vienen infravalorando la corriente migratoria que deja el pas en un intento de mejorar sus condiciones socioeconmicas. En el caso concreto del flujo que se dirige a Espaa esta subestimacin es escandalosa. Sealan que Espaa es slo un destino minoritario, elegido por un nmero muy pequeo de los emigrantes rumanos, 330 en el ao 2006 y 138 en 2007 (Tabla 2). Sin embargo, los registros realizados en Espaa contradicen totalmente esta versin. En este sentido el artculo ha tomado como referencia dos fuentes consideradas fiables: el Padrn Municipal de habitantes y los anuarios elaborados por el actual MTIN. En ambos casos los datos confirman que la poblacin rumana tiene una gran importancia dentro del conjunto de flujos migratorios que recibe el pas, y que dicha importancia se viene incrementando aceleradamente en los ltimos aos. Los procesos extraordinarios de regularizacin y la adhesin de Rumana a la UE han contribuido a ello. El resultado es una rumanizacin (Viruela, R., 2002) de la inmigracin que elige Espaa como destino. Segn el Padrn, en el ao 2008 los rumanos se han convertido en el principal colectivo extranjero en Espaa, con 728.967 efectivos, el 14% del total (Tabla 4). El MTIN tambin ofrece unas cifras importantes del nmero de rumanos que residen en el pas: 603.889 a 31 de diciembre de 2007, el 15% del total de extranjeros. La causa de este desajuste numrico se debe a que en este segundo caso slo se contabilizan los que cuentan con las autorizaciones exigidas por la legislacin espaola para poder residir en el pas de forma legal desde el punto de vista administrativo. Por otro lado hay que destacar que las fuentes espaolas tambin infravaloran la realidad de esta corriente inmigratoria, pues incluso los instrumentos estadsticos considerados ms fiables no
BOE nm. 289, de 3 de diciembre de 2002. Bulgaria, Colombia, Ecuador, Marruecos, Polonia, Repblica Dominicana y Senegal son otros pases con los que tambin se han suscrito estos acuerdos.
25 24
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consiguen contabilizar a toda la poblacin. Por ejemplo, miedos, desconocimiento y posibles consecuencias, lleva a parte de la poblacin extranjera a no querer figurar en los registros del Padrn. En cualquier caso, y partiendo de la base de que el nmero de rumanos que realmente vive en Espaa es an mayor, las cifras oficiales que se manejan no permiten calificar de residual este destino, como as testimonian las estadsticas oficiales de Rumana. Todo lo contrario. Varias son las razones que justifican la eleccin de Espaa por los emigrantes rumanos. Entre ellas tiene un lugar destacado el papel jugado por las redes sociales. Las dificultades para ir a otros pases, la notable diferencia salarial respecto a su pas, la similitud lingstica, la imagen que se tiene de Espaa e incluso cuestiones climatolgicas son otros de los motivos para explicar esta decisin. Por lo que se refiere al perfil de estos inmigrantes, se trata de una corriente joven, en edad de trabajar y en la que ligeramente destaca el componente masculino, pese a que las estadsticas en origen sealan que los flujos migratorios internacionales rumanos se estn feminizando. Su distribucin a lo largo del territorio espaol va a depender sobre todo de las oportunidades de empleo, y tambin de las redes sociales, concentrndose en el litoral y en grandes ciudades. En cuanto a su ocupacin, la construccin y el servicio domstico sern los que den empleo a un mayor nmero de personas, seguido de la agricultura. Las autoridades rumanas son conscientes de que sus registros dictan mucho de ser ciertos. Saben que la alternativa de la emigracin internacional ha sido elegida por un gran nmero de sus conciudadanos, los cuales no aparecen reflejados en las estadsticas. Ahora, con una economa que muestra un gran dinamismo y crea mucho empleo, esas bajas humanas se dejan sentir de manera especial. As, el gobierno rumano ha iniciado una campaa para promover el retorno voluntario de estas personas, cuestin que es analizada en otro artculo de esta misma publicacin26. 5. Referencias utilizadas
Aparicio, R. y Tornos, A. (2005): Las redes sociales de los inmigrantes extranjeros en Espaa. Un estudio sobre el terreno, Observatorio Permanente de la Inmigracin, Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales, Madrid. Gomez, J.; Pelicer, C. M. y Monllor, C. M. (2002): Familia e inmigracin en la Regin de Murcia. Una mirada a travs de la encuesta, en Papeles de Geografa, n 36, pp. 105-131. Marcu S. (2007): Dinmica y estructura migratoria laboral de rumanos: 1990-2006. Flujos de emigracin hacia Espaa, destino Madrid, Migraciones, 21, pp. 115-157. Viruela, R. (2002): La nueva corriente inmigratoria de Europa del Este, en Cuadernos de Geografa, n 72, pp. 231-258. ***Consejo General de la Abogacia Espanola (2004): Dictamen de la Subcomisin de Extranjera del Consejo General de la Abogaca Espaola acerca de la posible inconstitucionalidad de determinados artculos de la Ley Orgnica 14/2003, de 20 de noviembre, que reforma la Ley Orgnica 4/2000, de 11 de enero.
Se trata del artculo Volved a Rumana, por favor! La poltica de retorno del Gobierno rumano y sus implicaciones en los inmigrantes que se encuentran en Espaa, firmado por Mercedes Gordo Mrquez.
26
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***Defensor del pueblo andaluz (2005): Informe del Defensor del Pueblo Andaluz al Parlamento de Andaluca sobre la gestin realizada durante 2004, Defensor del Pueblo Andaluz, Sevilla. ***INE, (2008): Poblacin por nacionalidad, comunidades y provincias, sexo y ao, en Principales series de poblacin desde 1998, www.ine.es ***INS, (2006): Anuarul Demografic al Romniei 2006, Institutul Naional de Statistic de Romnia, Bucareti (Romnia). *** (2007): Anuarul Statistic al Romniei 2007, Institutul Naional de Statistic de Romnia, Bucareti (Romnia). *** (2008): Romania in Figures. Statistital Abstract, Institutul Naional de Statistic de Romnia, Bucareti (Romnia). ***MTAS, (2007): Anuario Estadstico de Inmigracin 2005, MTAS, Madrid (Espaa). *** (2008): Anuario Estadstico de Inmigracin 2006, MTAS, Madrid (Espaa). Versin corregida y actualizada a 26 de marzo de 2008. ***MTIN, (2008): Anuario Estadstico de Inmigracin 2007, extranjeros.mtin.es *** (2003a): La emigracin de la Europa poscomunista: su incidencia en el Pas Valenci, en Saitabi, n 53, pp. 187-214. *** (2003b): Transicin y migraciones en Europa Central y Oriental, en Migraciones, n 14, pp. 181-218. *** (2007): Migraciones y nuevas tecnologas de la informacin y la comunicacin: inmigrantes rumanos en Espaa, en Migraciones, n 21, pp. 259-290. *** (2008): Knowing Romania, Member of the European Union, Romanian Academy, Romanian Statistical Society, Romanian Institute of Statistics and National Foundation of Arts and Science, Bucareti (Romania).
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OCTAVIA BOGDAN, ION MARINIC : Hazarde meteo-climatice din zona temperat. Genez i vulnerabilitate cu aplicaii la Romnia, Edit. Lucian Blaga Sibiu, 2007, 422 p. Semnalm apariia acestui volum ( cu o prefa aparinnd primului autor i o postfa semnatde Prof. univ. Dr. ing. Mircea Podani, m.c. al Academiei de tiine Agricole i Silvice )ca un eveniment pentru literatura de specialitate autohton, care vine s completeze i s elucideze problematica att de complex privind hazardele i riscurile meteo-climatice din zona temperat, cu precdere pentru teritoriul Romniei. Prin coninutul sutiinific, lucrarea are un accentuat caracter de sintez asupra a tot ceeace se cunoate n domeniu, dar n acelai timp abordeaz i multe aspecte noi, prin studiile de caz asupra unor fenomene meteorologice i climatologice extreme, cu importante implicaii asupra degradrii mediului natural i antropic. n afara pledoariei asupra istoricului studierii, pe Glob i n Romnia, a fenomenelor climatice extreme cu caracter de hazard i risc, a terminologiei i clasificrii acestora, autorii analizeaz n detaliu ( p.46-200)factorii genetici ai hazardelor i riscurilor meteo-climatice (activitatea solar, circulaia general a atmosferei, caracteristicile structurii suprafeei active, impactul antropic ), cu toate consecinele duntoare pe care le-au avut, n timp, asupra mediului din Europa, inclusiv din Romnia. Abordarea tiinific a hazardelor/riscurilor meteo-climatice din zona temperat a Europei este aprofundat pentru spaiul romnesc ( cu poziie matematic-dinamic favorabil producerii unei mari varieti de hazarde i riscuri meteo-climatice ) cu recordurile meteo-climatice cu caracter de hazard privind : recordul temperaturilor negative, al temperaturilor pozitive, recordul celor mai timpurii i trzii brume, recordul secetelor, precipitaiilor excedentare, iernilor severe, iernilor calde i recordul primverilor timpurii. Vulnerabilitatea diferitelor teritorii ale Romniei, fa de hazardele i riscurile meteo-climatice, constituie o alt problem tratat de autori cu mult minuiozitate i care, n final, stabilesc, n funcie de multiplii factori deinfluen (poziia geografic pe continent i n interiorul rii, tipul de circulaie atmosferic, tipul de vreme, influenele climatice din exterior, caracteristicile
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geografice locale, n special, rolul de baraj orografic al Carpailor etc.) ariilecu diferite grade de vulnerabilitate la diverse tipuri de risc (fig.185-195), cum ar fi : arii vulnerabile la inversiunile de temperatur, nghe i brum, lapovi i zpad umed, chiciur, depuneri de ghea, viscol, vnturi tari, arii vulnerabile la intensitatea ploilor de var, grindin, la fenomenele de uscciune i secet etc., arii care trebuie cunoscute i luate n considerare, att de ctre specialitii din domeniu, ct mai ales, de practicienii care lucreaz n diferite ramuri ale economiei naionale, n vederea lurii unor decizii de diminuare a efectelor lor dezastroase. ncontinuare, n lucrare sunt prezentate pertinent o serie de probleme de interes global sau regional cum ar fi, de exemplu, cele care vizeaz gestionarea riscului de mediu, variabilitatea sistemului climatic, nclzirea global a climei i consecinele acesteia asupra tuturor geosferelor. n sfrit, lucrarea se ncheie cu opinii tiinifice ( emise de renumii savani pe plan internaional, dar si personal ) asupra schimbrilor climatice. n acest context, sunt prezentate dovezi ale schimbrilor climatice actuale, cauzele acestora, ct i soluiile tehnico-tiinifice pentru atenuarea nclzirii globale a climei (p.384). n ncheiere, apreciem c, prin noutatea problemelor tratate, semnalarea cauzelor i consecinelor riscurilor meteo-climatice asupra mediului, claritatea expunerii, bogia informaiei tiinifice i a materialului graficilustrativ (209 fig.), lucrarea este valoroas i util, att specialitilor din cele mai diferite domenii de activitate, ct i organismelor puterii de stat i, bineneles, tuturor celor care doresc s se documenteze asupra acestor aspecte climatice de importan practic major. Elena Erhan COSTACHE GHEORGHE RUSU: Resurse complementare ale pdurii din zona Neamului, Editura Academiei Romane, 2007, 232 pg. + plane color. Autorul, originar din zona Neamului, la care se refer, este absolvent al Facultii de Silvicultur i Exploatri forestiere din Braov i doctor n tiine. A cunoscut pdurea carpatin nc din copilrie, ptrunzandu-i secretele hoinrind pe poteci numai de el cunoscute i ndrgostindu-se de ea. Lucrarea este de o valoare tiinific autentic i nu se refer numai la aspectul din titlu. Ea este mult mai complex. Dup ce, n capitolul I, ne informeaz despre situaia valorificrii produselor complementare ale pdurii pe plan mondial, n capitolul II analizeaz funciile pdurii ca sistem complex,
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format din arbori, arbuti, subarbuti, plante ierbacee, faun - complex la randul ei - cu schimbul de materie i energie dintre ele (intern), pe de o parte i schimbul de materie i energie dintre ntregul sistem cu celelalte componente ale mediului, pe de alt parte. Pentru ca aceste raporturi s fie mai bine nelese, autorul consacr un capitol (IV) de 30 de pagini cadrului natural al judeului Neam. n acest capitol remarcm n mod deosebit maniera n care autorul a tiut s aleag, din domeniul vast al cadrului fizico-geografic, exact ceea ce era important i necesar din componente de baz ca geomorfologia, climatologia, hidrologia i mai ales pedologia, pentru a exprima cel mai clar, documentat i riguros tiinific, raporturile de interdependen a acestora din urm cu pdurea ca biotop. n capitolul urmtor (V) sunt analizate principalele tipuri de pduri din judeul Neam, care adpostesc, fiecare dintre ele, tipuri specifice de resurse vegetale subordonate i exploatabile. Cel mai vast capitol (126 p) este, dup cum era i normal, cel consacrat temei exprimat n titlul crii. Acest capitol ncepe cu prezentarea n detaliu a plantelor de la care se recolteaz fructe, flori, frunze, rdcini sau planta n ntregime. Este o descriere riguros tiinific, nsoit de fotografii pentru o mai bun recunoatere.Urmeaz apoi o descriere ampl a tehnologiilor folosite n recoltarea, tratarea prealabil pentru stabilizare, transportul i depozitarea temporar n vederea expedierii produselor ctre fabricile de prelucrare. Pentru fiecare dintre produsele recoltate sunt analizai parametrii fizico-chimici care determin valoarea lor alimentar sau terapeutic. n legtur cu aceasta menionm comunicarea unor date originale, care contribuie substantial la largirea cimpului de cunostie stiintifice din domeniu. Autorul a determinat n premier unele aspecte chimice ale produselor pdurii, prin analize proprii, efectuate n laboratoarele Direciei Silvice Neam, cum ar fi aciditatea titrabil, glucidele reductoare, acidul ascorbic, srurile minerale .a.. Acest subcapitol este completat cu numeroase tabele bogate n date cifrice cantitative i procentuale. Fructe foarte cunoscute tuturor i cutate pentru calitile lor ca cireele amare, zmeura, fragii, murele, afinele, mceele, ctina alb sunt prezentate sub aspectul lor alimentar i terapeutic, dar i cu indicaii asupra preparrii i consumului lor. Interesant ni se pare i subcapitolul privitor la sucurile de plante i consumul lor. Un loc aparte l ocup plantele medicinale. Autorul menioneaz peste 100 de specii de plante care se recolteaz de pe teritoriul judeului Neam i sunt apreciate de populaie, contribuind totodat la aprovizionarea cu materie prim a
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industriei farmaceutice. S nu uitm c la Piatra Neam au aprut, din timpuri de nceput ale acestei industrii, celebrele laboratoare Vorel, care au fost foarte apreciate de populaia rii. Numai puin atrgtor este capitolul referitor la ciupercile comestibile. Este inutil s insistm asupra acestei resurse, savurat de populaie, mai ales de cei sraci din zon, crora le este o resurs de baz pentru alimentaie, dar i surs de venit, comercializand o parte din ceea ce recolteaz. Tot atat de cutat pentru gust i valoare economic este mierea de albin. Arborii i celelelte plante ofer polenul ca materie prim. Albinele sunt cele ce o prelucreaz, iar omul o fur albinelor n folosul su. Lucrarea se ncheie cu un capitol privitor la aspectele economice ale valorificrii resurselor complementare ale pdurii din zona Neamului. Apreciem c aceast carte este foarte valoroas i intereseaz specialiti din domeniul biologiei, geografiei fizice i economice, tiinei mediului, economiei dar i nespecialitilor care iubesc pdurea i care doresc s o neleag mai bine. I Harjoab CTLINA ANCUA Studiulgeografic al disparitilor teritoriale din Banatul romnesc, Editura Mirton,Timioara 2008 (280 p., text pe CD, 35 tabele, 83 fig., 6 foto), bibliogr. (144 titluri) Cartea Doamnei Ctlina Ancua abordeaz o problem caracteristic spaiului geografic bnean diferenierea vizibil ntre cele trei componente naturale ale sud-vestului Romniei (cmpiile de subsiden, plane, umede i frecvent afectate de inundaii, Dealurile Vestice i depresiunile-golfuri, mai bine conturate morfologic, precum i cu o umanizare mai bogat i mai stabil, n fine aria montan, slab umanizat dar beneficiind de unele resurse minerale care au atras o industrializare timpurie). Aceste diferenieri le repet, la scar regional, pe cele de la scara naional Lucrarea de fa, recent susinut ca tez de doctorat, pune accentul pe dinamica structurilor uman-economice ale Banatului, n condiiile unei intervenii umane moderne mai rapide i mai generale dect n alte provincii ale Romniei dar i ale unei reorientri recente spre economia de pia, cu efecte mai profunde i mai vizibile, efect al proximitii n raport cu pieele vesteuropene i al calitii superioare a reelelor de ci de comunicaie din statele situate la vest de noi. Planul crii se distinge printr-o deosebit complexitate, lund n consideraie, dup ncadrarea n contextul teoretic mai larg, premisele naturale
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ale Banatului (varietatea reliefului, a climei i a solurilor, abundena resurselor de ap i de material lemnos), principalele pariculariti ale procesului de populare i parametrii populaiei, specificul dezvoltrii social-economice, principalele linii de dezvoltare din perioada actual, problematica ariilor favorizate i defavorizate, elementele cu capacitate de reechilibrare economic i contextul economic supraregional. Capitolele cele mai reuite i mai interesante sunt acelea care formeaz partea a treia (cuantificarea disparitilor intraregionale elementare) i partea a patra (asupra disparitilor intraregionale globale din perioada decenal 1992 2002), pri care se bazeaz pe valorificarea unui volum impresionant de informaii cantitative. Ultima parte a lucrrii se distinge ca un capitol metodologic-constructiv, n care se prezint, bine argumentate, principalele probleme aledezvoltrii regiunii n perspectiv, punndu-se, n acelai timp, accentul pe algoritmul studiilor geografice din perspectiva dezvoltrii intraregionale i ajungndu-se la un model teritorial al Banatului. n funcie de logica impus de subiect, unele analize (cum este aceea a funcionalitii industriale) depesc limitele geografice clasice ale Banatului i nainteaz, logic, n lungul axelor de penetraie a influenei urbane, pn n sudvestul Transilveniei i sudul Crianei. Doamna Ancua manifest o disponibilitate vdit pentru problematica actual i pentru metodologia de lucru modern, fapt care se vdete n atenia acordat calitii vieii, elaborrii de indicatori cantitativi personali, de hri mentale i modele teritoriale Autoarea ajunge n mod sistematic la concluzii logice i cu un cmp larg de aplicabilitate, lucrarea putnd fi luat ca exemplu de geografie uman modern. Cartea este redactat ntr-o manier clar i convingtoare, utiliznduse modalitile demonstrative cele mai adecvate, precum i argumente greu de combtut. Alexandru Ungureanu ALEXANDRU PCURAR Incursiune n memoria locurilor, Presa Universitar Clujean, Cluj, 2007 (232 p., 196 ilustraii, 1 hart hors-texte n culori), bibliografie (2l6 titluri) Alexandru Pcurar ne pune la dispoziie o lucrare interesant i instructiv de geografie istoric, realizat pe baza sintetizrii informaiei dintr-un numr impresionant de lucrri de specialitate. Ea se axeaz pe reconstituirea
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realitii spaiale, cu precdere din secolele XVII XX, i cu o nclinare special pentru Problema Oriental, care a implicat, evident, nu numai Principatele Romneti, ci i rile vecine, din Peninsula Balcanic i bazinul Mrii Negre Din tematica destul de variat a lucrrii, remarcm o sum de subiecte mult discutate, care se preteaz la o prezentare mai atractiv cercetrile fcute de primii specialiti i cltori occidentali n lumea nc puin cunoscut a Balcanilor, dezvoltarea vieii portuare pe litoralul Mrii Negre i n lungul Dunrii, obiceiurile i mbrcmintea populaiei locale, insolite pentru occidentali, arhitectura caselor, a lcaurilor de cult ortodoxe, a hanurilor i staiilor de pot etc. Specificul locurilor i al vremurilor se reflect sistematic n structura crii, pe de o parte dndu-i acesteiaun anumit farmec iar pe de alta asigurnd interesul unui cititor mai mult sau mai puin avizat. ntlnim, astfel, titluri de capitole i paragrafe ca Formarea entitilor statale balcanice, Creterea i descreterea Imperiului Otoman etc. Alegerea subiectelor exprim i preferina autorului pentru acele teme care au produs o serie larg de izvoare cartografice i imagini (gravuri etc.), permind geografilor i istoricilor moderni i contemporani realizarea, pe baza lor, a unor hri i planuri interpretativ-deductive, argumente fundamentale ale cercetrilor ntreprinse (de exemplu, Formarea nucleelor urbane n Depresiunea Prutului Mijlociu,Creterea n suprafa a Iailor i Cele dou pori de trecere dintre valea Siretului i Depresiunea Prutului Mijlociu, de Victor Tufescu, Repartiia imigranilor sezonieri bulgari n Romnia ntre 1927 i1931, de Ion Roca .a.). Publicarea unora din hrile i planurile originale, inacesibile marelui public (de exemplu, harta lui Fr. Von Weiss, din anul Pcii de la Adrianopol,1829, sau aceea a lui Viktor von Strank, din anul Congresului de la Berlin, 1878) este i o form de a le face cunoscute i utile. Nu putem, totui, s nu ne exprimm prerea de ru pentru faptul c unele hri i planuri, redesenate la preluarea din original, mai conin i scpri, greeli de localizare sau de toponimie, ca, de exemplu, Planul Iailor n secolul al XVII-lea sau mprirea admiistrativ a Moldovei la nceputul secolului al XVIII-lea. Cartea lui Alexandru Pcurar este un semnal gritor al revenirii geografilor romni la teme i probleme care i-au preocupat frecent n perioada de dinainte de cel de al doilea rzboi mondial dar care au fost prsite, sub imperiul unei ideologiei totalitare, n anii postbelici. Alexandru Ungureanu

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ANALELE TIINIFICE ALE UNIVERSITII AL.I.

CUZA DIN IAI (SERIE NOU)

Editura Universitii Alexandru Ioan Cuza Iai

11 19 25 41 49 59 69 77 91 109 117 131 145

cherchons la saisir pistmologiquement2 sous langle de la structure de la carte. Les

ALFRED KORZYBSKI ET LA PRAGMATIQUE DE LA CARTE

Comme limage dans limage, linfini.

ALFRED KORZYBSKI ET LA PRAGMATIQUE DE LA CARTE

ALFRED KORZYBSKI ET LA PRAGMATIQUE DE LA CARTE

RASTER COMPUTATION OF RELIEF Mihai Niculi, Iuliana Cornelia Niculi

MIHAI NICULI, IULIANA-CORNELIA NICULI

RASTER COMPUTATION OF RELIEF

MIHAI NICULI, IULIANA-CORNELIA NICULI

RASTER COMPUTATION OF RELIEF

Figure 5 : Raster computation of relief on SRTM DEM

MIHAI NICULI, IULIANA-CORNELIA NICULI

IOAN HRJOAB, CRISTIAN-VALERIU PATRICHE, ELENA ERHAN

ASPECTS IMPORTANTS VIS-A-VIS DE LA DISTRIBUTION DE LA

IOAN HRJOAB, CRISTIAN-VALERIU PATRICHE, ELENA ERHAN

ASPECTS IMPORTANTS VIS-A-VIS DE LA DISTRIBUTION DE LA

IOAN HRJOAB, CRISTIAN-VALERIU PATRICHE, ELENA ERHAN

ASPECTS IMPORTANTS VIS-A-VIS DE LA DISTRIBUTION DE LA

IOAN HRJOAB, CRISTIAN-VALERIU PATRICHE, ELENA ERHAN

ASPECTS IMPORTANTS VIS-A-VIS DE LA DISTRIBUTION DE LA

IOAN HRJOAB, CRISTIAN-VALERIU PATRICHE, ELENA ERHAN

ASPECTS IMPORTANTS VIS-A-VIS DE LA DISTRIBUTION DE LA

Tableau no. 3. Stations rpandues ouest-est dans la zone de plaine de lEurope

IOAN HRJOAB, CRISTIAN-VALERIU PATRICHE, ELENA ERHAN

ASPECTS IMPORTANTS VIS-A-VIS DE LA DISTRIBUTION DE LA

IOAN HRJOAB, CRISTIAN-VALERIU PATRICHE, ELENA ERHAN

ASPECTS IMPORTANTS VIS-A-VIS DE LA DISTRIBUTION DE LA

IOAN HRJOAB, CRISTIAN-VALERIU PATRICHE, ELENA ERHAN

ANALELE TIINTIFICE ALE UNIVERSITII AL I. CUZA IAI Tom L IV s. II c, Geografie 2008

LIVIU APOSTOL, SFC LUCIAN

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FOG PHENOMENON IN THE SIRET CORRIDOR

LIVIU APOSTOL, SFC LUCIAN

Average Absolute Average Absolute

Thermal amplitude Precipitations Specificmeteorological phenomena Persistence Frequency

4 days (1991, 1998) 20.8 %

8 days (1984) 28.3 %

12 days (1995) 29.9%

Tab.1 -Meteorological characteristics of the antyciclonic baric situations in Bacau

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FOG PHENOMENON IN THE SIRET CORRIDOR

8,0 6,0 4,0

2,0 0,0 I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX X XI XII

Fig. 3 Number of fog days in the Siret Corridor

LIVIU APOSTOL, SFC LUCIAN

Fig. 5 Hourly frequency of the fog phenomenon in Adjud

Fig. 6 Hourly frequency of the fog phenomenon in Bacu

Fig. 7 Hourly frequency of the fog phenomenon in Roman

Number of cases hourly multiannual average (1991-2002)

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FOG PHENOMENON IN THE SIRET CORRIDOR

Fig. 8 Duration of the fog phenomenon in the Siret Corridor

LIVIU APOSTOL, SFC LUCIAN

SYNOPTIC CONDITIONS FOR THE OCCURRENCE OF MONTHLY EXTREME

SYNOPTIC CONDITIONS FOR THE OCCURRENCE OF MONTHLY EXTREME

9,0 8,0 7,0 6,0 5,0 4,0 3,0 2,0 1,0

SYNOPTIC CONDITIONS FOR THE OCCURRENCE OF MONTHLY EXTREME

9,0 8,0 7,0 6,0 5,0 4,0 3,0 2,0 1,0

SYNOPTIC CONDITIONS FOR THE OCCURRENCE OF MONTHLY EXTREME

61 HUMAN SETLEMENTS IN MOLDAVIA REPRESENTED ON THE RUSSIAN MAP

63 HUMAN SETLEMENTS IN MOLDAVIA REPRESENTED ON THE RUSSIAN MAP

Figura 2 The density of rural settlements in Moldavia in 1828 - 1829