Paul Dobrescu*

Studiile culturale britanice i problemele comunicrii. Contribuia lui Stuart Hall

Rezumat
Studiile culturale britanice reprezint o orientare cultural afirmat n anii 60 i 70 n Marea Britanie. Autorii care au activat n cadrul acestei orientri Richard Hoggart, Raymond Williams, Edward Thompson i Stuart Hall dezvolt o concepie cu certe elemente de originalitate att n ceea ce privete cultura, ct i comunicarea. De altfel, SCB se afl la originea studiilor culturale, aflate ntr-o impresionant expansiune pe mai toate continentele. Analiza se concentreaz cu deosebire pe creaia lui Stuart Hall, personalitate de prim mrime a acestei orientri. Din 1968 Hall preia conducerea Centrului de Studii Culturale Contemporane (pe care o deine pn n 1979), jucnd un rol crucial pentru definirea i instituionalizarea studiilor culturale. Activitatea lui Hall nu poate fi limitat doar la sfera academic. El a fost sufletul Centrului, a contribuit la deschiderea activitii acestei structuri ctre problemele momentului, de la problemele etnice i rasiale la cele feministe, de la cultura grupurilor dezavantajate la analiza sistematic i aplicat a mass media. Analiza urmrete s releve valoarea studiului Encoding/Decoding, care reprezint una dintre relizrile intelectuale majore ale lui Hall. Valoarea cu totul remarcabil a studiului amintit const n nelegerea mai complex a practicilor de decodificare, ceea ce conduce la conturarea unui alt statut pentru audien. Putem vorbi despre o putere special cu care autorul englez nvestete receptorul, care nu este obligat s accepte nelesurile codificate n text i s decodifice mesajele aa cum au fost ele codificate de ctre productor. Mai mult, el poate propune lecturi alternative ale aceluiai text. Ceea ce nseamn c nu avem de-a face cu o simpl decodificare, deci citire n cadrul codului dat, ci cu ceva mai complex, cu o construcie de neles din partea spectatorului. n fapt, Hall consider c ar exista trei poziii ipotetice pe care le-ar cunoate activitatea de decodificare: citirea preferat, decodificarea negociat i cea opus. De asemenea, Hall accentueaz legtura dintre mass media i reproducerea nelesurilor dominante, hegemonice, ca i rolul presei de a defini, prima, un eveniment, ceea ce i confer un avantaj enorm n dezbaterile din sfera public. Prin reprezentanii si cei mai autorizai, Williams i Hall, SCB relev caracterul activ al audienei, rezultat nu dintr-o dorin a autorilor, ci din poziia ei diferit, din interesele i valorile deosebite pe care poate s le aib audiena. Aici identificm poate contribuia cea mai important a SCB n interpretarea comunicrii. Audiena activ este achiziia teoretic cea mai important a acestui curent.

Abstract
British Cultural Studies represent a cultural movement that flourished in Great Britain in the 60s and 70s. The main authors belonging to that movement Richard Hoggart, Raymond Williams, Edward Thompson and Stuart Hall put forward an original perspective on communication and culture that triggered an unprecedented development of cultural studies all over the world. The article focuses on the contribution of Stuart Hall, given his prominent position inside this cultural movement. Between 1968 and 1979, Hall was the director of the Centre for Cultural Studies at the University of Birmingham, playing a crucial role in * Profesor universitar doctor, Facultatea de Comunicare i Relaii Publice, prorector SNSPA.

crystallizing and institutionalizing cultural studies. His contribution went beyond the scope of academic work. He was the main driving engine of the Centre, opened this institution to the study of pressing topics of the moment, such as ethnic and racial relations, gender issues, the culture of disadvantaged groups. He also opened the centre to the systematic and applied study of mass media. One of Halls key articles Encoding/Decoding is analyzed extensively in this paper. Its major contribution is the underpinning of the complex process of decoding, which throws special light on the audiences position. The British author grants the receiver a special power, underlining that s/he does not have to accept all the meanings as coded by the sender. Moreover, the receiver has the freedom to propose oppositional readings of the same text. Which means that we are not dealing with a simple process of decodification, a straightforward reading of a given text, but with a complex process of sense-making. Hall states that we can identify three hypothetical positions from which decoding of a discourse can be constructed: the dominant-hegemonic position, the negotiated position and the oppositional one. At the same time, he makes the explicit connection between mass media and the reproduction of the dominant-hegemonic meanings, emphasizing the power of mass media to be the first to define and frame an event, which lends them an incredible position in the public sphere. Halls ideas are representative for a larger area of concerns of British Cultural Studies related to the active audience, its values and interests, the politics of signification. Their theory of active audience is likely to remain their major contribution to the study of communication.

Alina Brgoanu*

Prolegomene la o posibil istorie a comunicrii (II)

Rezumat
Articolul de fa prezint tendinele majore care caracterizeaz dezbaterea contemporan n jurul istoriei comunicrii. Analiza acestor tendine demonstreaz faptul c preocuprile de a elabora istoria comunicrii au doar n aparen o miz istoric. Istoria este o rut ocolitoare prin care ajungem la problemele prezentului i mai ales la problemele legate de perspectiv. Cum ar trebui cercetat comunicarea? Care este borna ce marcheaz naterea studiului sistematic al comunicrii? Ce contribuii-cheie au fost lsate n afara istoriilor propuse pn acum? De ce diversele istorii au operat simplificri i reduceri, ignornd unele contribuii i amplificnd, pn la exces, altele? Este pregtit cercetarea istoric pentru o sintez de ansamblu, pentru elaborarea unei istorii cuprinztoare a domeniului? Sunt doar cteva dintre ntrebrile crora articolul caut s le ofere dezlegare. Efortul de elaborare a unei noi istorii a comunicrii trebuie nsoit de dou demersuri complementare. Primul depirea stadiului n care cercetarea comunicrii este frmiat ntre multiple subdomenii care nu comunic ntre ele: comunicare de mas, comunicare interpersonal, comunicare nonverbal, comunicare organizaional. Al doilea depirea statutului de disciplin care doar import din tiinele sociale nvecinate, cu o slab capacitate de a exporta idei, concepte, teorii. n plus, o nou sintez presupune o nou viziune, care s mbine perspectiva biografic (accentul asupra personalitilor) cu perspectiva intelectual (accentul asupra curentelor de idei). Acceptarea n perimetrul cercetrii comunicrii a tuturor ipotezelor explicative, a tuturor colilor i contribuiilor, simultan cu adoptarea unei atitudini reflexive cu privire la trecutul i potenialul de dezvoltare a disciplinei sunt precondiii pentru apariia unei sinteze autentice.

Abstract
The paper analyses the current trends in the study of communication history. It puts forward arguments in favor of the idea that the historical inquiry is a reflection and an extension of current debate and current interest around communication. Historical concerns focus around the current state of communication: whether it is a discipline or a sub-discipline, a science, a field or simply a sum of disconnected issues. History is a specific route to come to core problems such as: how should communication be studied, which are the milestones in communication research, what key theories and key authors have been left out of the institutional history of communication, what are the practical consequences of the research premises from which we start our inquiries. In the attempt to answer these questions, the article makes the point that the publication of a new history of communication that overcomes the shortcoming many fresh starts with no vigorous accumulation should be accompanied by two simultaneous endeavors. First, communication needs to unify its many disparate subfields: mass communication, interpersonal communication, organizational communication etc. Second, communication needs to strike a balance between the import and export of theories, concepts, and visions to and from * Lector universitar doctor, Facultatea de Comunicare i Relaii Publice, SNSPA.

neighboring disciplines. Until now, communication has been a net importer and only rarely has managed to export any theory or concept to a related discipline (e.g. diffusion theory has been adopted by economic theory). Finally, a genuine synthesis in the communication field should be willing to place equal focus on biographic approach the study of personalities and on intellectual approach the study of schools of thought, of larger intellectual and social trends.

Bogdan Teodorescu*

Chipul dumanului colectiv n Europa o scurt perspectiv istoric

Rezumat
Negativarea adversarului este o tem ntlnit n orice campanie electoral contemporan. Transformarea lui ntr-un duman, ntr-un pericol pentru comunitate, reprezint o metod care garanteaz succesul acestei teme. Astfel de tehnici nu sunt invenii ale epocii contemporane, ci sunt menionate nc din antichitate. Putem vorbi, n principal, de dou tipuri de duman colectiv: dumanul de tip militar i dumanul de tip ideologic. n construcia statalitii i a sistemului social, dumanul de tip militar nu a avut rolul de mobilizare a masei, ci de consolidare a imaginii liderului. Tipologia dumanului ideologic a fost dezvoltat n interiorul religiilor monoteiste i n statele totalitare, ajungndu-se la exacerbrile demonologice ale Evului Mediu i la holocausturile din secolul XX. Propaganda totalitar a cutat mereu dovezi ale existenei dumanului colectiv pentru a justifica necesitatea i justeea ideologiei aflat la putere, i a msurilor luate de ierarhie pentru a se autoconserva. n Rusia sovietic, Germania nazist i China maoist gsim dezvoltate chipuri complexe ale dumanului, care acopereau ntreaga societate. n secolul XXI ne confruntm ns cu un duman ideologic neinventat. Bin Laden este un duman real. n campania electoral din SUA 2004, construcia imagologic relizat de echipa lui Bush a nsemnat folosirea realitii lui Bin Laden i reamintirea periodic a evenimentelor din 11 septembrie 2001. Echipa lui Kerry a ncercat s fac din Bush un duman de tip imagologic pentru americani, o ameninare a modului de via. n condiii obinuite probabil c ar fi reuit. ns locul imaginii a fost luat de realitate. Iar realitatea, dup cum tim, bate ntotdeauna imaginea.

Abstract
Building a negative image for the opponent is a major theme of any contemporary electoral campaign. The method that guarantees the success of this theme is picturing the opponent as an enemy, as a danger for the society. This kind of technique is not an invention of the 20th century. They have been mentioned since ancient times. There are two major known types of collective enemy: the military type and the ideological type. In building the state and a social system, the military enemy had more the role of consolidating the image of the leader, rather than mobilizing the masses. The ideological enemy has been developed by monotheist religions and totalitarian regimes. From here to the exaggerated imagery of evil developed during the Middle Ages and to the 20th centurys holocausts was just one step. The totalitarian propaganda was always in search for proofs of the existence of a collective enemy in order to justify the necessity and rightness of the official ideology and the actions of the persons in power interested in preserving the official hierarchy. In the Soviet Union, in Germany during the Nazi regime and in China of Mao there have been developed complex images of the collective enemy spread through the whole society. In the 21st century there is another type of ideological enemy. A real one, not an invented one. Bin Laden is a real enemy. In the 2004 American electoral campaign, Bushs team used the image of Bin Ladens as enemy, based on his reality and on 9/11 events. Kerrys team has tried to picture Bush as the enemy for the Americans, that threatened the American way of life. Under normal circumstances, this strategy would have had chances to be a succesful one. But at that moment the reality was more powerful than the image. It always is. * Lector universitar doctor, Facultatea de Comunicare i Relaii Publice, SNSPA.

Camelia Beciu*

Alegerile 2004: calitatea deliberativ a emisiunilor electorale

Rezumat
n campania electoral 2004, grila electoral a posturilor de televiziune nu a prevzut dezbateri ntre candidaii la preedinie. Situaii asemntoare se regsesc i n campaniile precedente. Pornind de la aceste premise, studiul abordeaz problematica jurnalismului politic televizat n perioada campaniilor electorale. Pe baza unei analize comparative, se evideniaz modul n care a evoluat de la o campanie la alta (1996-2000) structura deliberativ a emisiunilor electorale la televiziunea public precum i la posturile de televiziune private. Rolul moderatorilor, rolul atribuit candidailor n cadrul emisiunilor, orientarea tematic i genul televizual al acestor emisiuni sunt variabilele n funcie de care este analizat dimensiunea deliberativ a emisunilor electorale. O atenie special este acordat reglementrilor juridice referitoare la mediatizarea candidailor la televiziuni. n ce msur cadrul juridic a influenat grila electoral i n mod special dimensiunea deliberativ a emisiunilor electorale? n cadrul unei analize semio-discursive, studiul conchide asupra caracterului formal al emisiunilor electorale axate mai mult asupra regulilor i probelor pe care candidaii trebuie s le ndeplineasc i mai puin asupra dialogului ntre candidai. Pe de alt parte, n campania din 2004 jurnalitii nii iniiaz dezbateri cu privire la calitatea deliberativ a comunicrii electorale. Instituirea comunicrii electorale ca problem public ar putea reprezenta, n timp, o premis n vederea rearticulrii cadrului juridic i mediatic al comunicrii electorale.

Abstract
During the 2004 electoral campaign, the TV channels electoral broadcasts did not envision debates among the candidates for the presidential office. Similar situations can be found in previous campaigns as well. Taking these elements as starting point, the study approaches the theme of political journalism maintained and broadcast during electoral campaigns. On the basis of a comparative analysis, the study emphasizes the way in which the structure of electoral shows debates, presented both on national television and on private TV channels, evolved from one campaign to another (19962000). The role of TV journalists, the role attributed to candidates during these specific electoral debates, the shows thematic drive, as well as their genre, are the variables according to which the canvassing dimension of the electoral programs is analyzed. Special attention is awarded to the juridical regulations pertaining to the media approaches of candidates on television. To what extent did the juridical framework influence electoral broadcasts and especially the canvassing dimension of the electoral shows? The study highlights on the formal character of electoral broadcasts that are more focused on rules and tests that candidates need to pass and less on the dialogue among them. On the other hand, the study underlines the fact that journalists themselves initiated debates with regard to the canvassing quality of electoral means of communication during the 2004 campaign. In time, the establishment of electoral means of communication as a public issue could represent a starting point that could prove to be useful to the reviving of the juridical and media frameworks of electoral communication. * Cercettor tiinific doctor, Institutul de Sociologie al Academiei Romne, Laboratorul Sociologia comunicrii i a spaiului public.

Radu Enache*

Relaii publice i meta-relaii publice n spaiul politic

Rezumat
Articolul pornete de la o funcie specific a relaiilor publice n domeniul politic, aceea de a scurtcircuita receptarea i nelegerea aciunii politice de ctre ceteni. Aceast funcie depinde de formalizarea sistemului politic, dar i de cultura civic a societii. n societile n tranziie, PR-ul politic are tendina s se substituie aciunii politice propriu-zise, genernd la rndul su un al doilea nivel de PR politic. Este ceea ce am denumit meta-relaii publice. O exemplificare a acestui fenomen este dat de interveniile preedintelui Traian Bsescu i reaciile liderilor coaliiei guvernamentale, n lunile ianuarie-martie 2005, n legtur cu alegerile anticipate.

Abstract
The paper underlines a specific function of public relations in politics, that of shortcutting the citizensreception and understanding of the political action. This function depends on the formalism of the political system but also on the civic culture (in Almond and Verbas meaning) of the considered society. In transition societies, political PR tend to exceed the real political action, thus generating a second level of political PR. That is what we define as meta-public relations. We briefly illustrated the phenomenon by president Traian Bsescus statements on anticipate elections and the comments of the governmental coalitions leaders (January-March 2005).

* Lector universitar doctorand, Facultatea de Comunicare i Relaii Publice, SNSPA.

Diana-Maria Cismaru*

Publicitatea electoral i etichetarea simbolic n campaniile pentru Primria Capitalei n 2000 i 2004

Rezumat
Dezbaterile prezideniale televizate reprezint unul dintre cele mai ateptate momente ale unei campanii electorale moderne. Ele satisfac dou cerine importante ale electoratului - informaie i divertisment votanii hotrnd care candidat e mai bun n funcie de prestaia avut din timpul dezbaterilor. Percepiile sunt mai importante dect realitatea care le-a generat. Prin urmare, candidaii cei mai buni n a crea senzaii i a influena percepii au cele mai mari anse de succes. Articolul prezint modul n care s-au desfurat dezbaterilor prezideniale televizate n timpul campaniei din SUA 2004, cum a fost estimat victoria candidailor i efectele pe care dezbaterile le-au avut asupra electoratului american. Potrivit studiilor sociologice, electoratul american i extrage circa 80% din informaiile despre domeniul politic prin intermediul televiziunii. Experiena alegerilor ncepnd cu anul primei dezbateri televizate (1960) indic faptul c alegerile au fost ctigate ntotdeauna de candidatul care a ctigat dezbaterile (sau pe cele mai multe dintre ele). n mod paradoxal, alegerile din 2004 au contrazis aceast teorie. George W. Bush a pierdut dou dezbateri televizate din trei, i cu toate astea a ctigat alegerile. Acest lucru a generat controverse privind efectele dezbaterilor, a impus reevaluarea teoriilor tradiionale i gsirea altora noi, care s surprind mai bine complexitatea noilor realiti electorale contemporane.

Abstract
Presidential televised debates are one of the most anticipated events of a modern electoral campaign. They satisfied two important electoral needs information and entertainment. The voters decide the best candidate by judging his or her performance during the debates. Perceptions are more important than the reality. Therefore, the candidates more skilled in creating sensations and influencing perceptions have the best chances to be elected. The article focuses on the 2004 American presidential debates and their effects on the electoral behavior. According to studies and statistics, American voters get the political information they need from TV. Starting with 1960, the year when broadcast the first presidential debate was broadcast in the US, the candidates who won the debates (or at least most of them) also won the elections. That didnt happen in 2004 elections. George W. Bush lost two debates out of three, but won the elections. This fact has generated controversies, the reevaluation of traditional theories and the search for new theories to explain better the complex realities of contemporary electoral processes.

* Lector universitar doctor, Facultatea de Comunicare i Relaii Publice, SNSPA.