Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
• Medieval History
– ALEXANDRU MADGEARU – Dimitrie Cantemir on the RomanianBulgarian State of the Asen
Dynasty ................................................................................................................................................................................ 114
• Universal History
– DRAGOŞ ILINCA – From Mesopotamia to Iraq. Forgotten Episodes ........................................................... 118
– ELIEZER PALMOR – he Falklands War .............................................................................................................. 130
• Opinions
– ALEXANDRU VOICU – he Islamist Rebellion in Syria ................................................................................... 142
• Book Reviews
– Cristian Barna, România între prieteni şi duşmani, Editura Militară, Bucureşti, 2014
– ŞERBAN CIOCULESCU ................................................................................................................................................ 154
• Editorial News
– “Infosfera”, “Historia”, “Impact strategic”, “Balcanii şi Europa”, “Cer senin”, “Periscop” ................................. 157
• Scientiic Life
– CERASELA MOLDOVEANU – Round Table: Romanians at the Beginning of the “Great War”,
September 25, 2014, National Military Club, “Ştefan cel Mare” Hall....................................................................... 159
– ALEXANDRU MADGEARU – Second International Scientiic Symposium “Days of Justinian I”, Skopje,
1718 October, 2014 .......................................................................................................................................................... 161
– ALEXANDRU VOICU – From the Activity of the Institute for Political Studies of Defence and Military
History in 2014 .................................................................................................................................................................... 163
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B 00136/27.04.2015
Dossier: Romanian-Turkish Military Relations
during Modern and Contemporary Period
Foreword
he dossier we are presenting to our readers in this issue of the “Review of Military His-
tory” represents the result of the collaboration between Turkish and Romanian historians. In
April 2012, a delegation of the Turkish General Staf Military History and Strategic Studies
Directorate visited the Institute for Political Studies of Defence and Military History. On this
occasion, a program of cooperation between the specialists of the two Institutes was estab-
lished, one of its points being the publishing of a “dossier” on the relations between Turkish and
Romania through time.
We now have the honour to ofer the readers of the “Review of Military History” a viewpoint
on the rapports between the two countries during the 19th and 20th centuries through six valuable
studies, half signed by Turkish historians and the other half by Romanian historians.
he Turkish researchers tackle three essential moments in the history of Romanians, which
represented just as many stages in the Romanian state building. In his study, Togay Seçkin
Birbudak addresses the uniication of the two Romanian Principalities – Wallachia and Moldavia
– in 1859, an issue that drew the attention of the European powers in the context of the Crimean
War (1853-1856). In this process, the role of the Ottoman Empire, as suzerain of the two princi-
palities, was of utmost importance, the visit of Alexandru Ioan Cuza to Istanbul having a special
signiicance, as he managed to obtain from the sultan the full recognition of the uniication.
Özlem Demireğen analyzes another important moment – the Russian-Romanian-Ottoman
war of 1877-1878 and the process by which Romania gained its independence. It must be said
that, following this military conlict, the relations between the two countries steadily improved,
Romania and Turkey working closely in ensuring security in the Balkans in the late 19th century
and early 20th century.
Next, F. Rezzan Ünalp focuses on the activity of an emblematic personality for the Turkish-
Romanian rapports in the interwar period, namely Ambassador Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver.
he latter worked as a diplomat in Bucharest for 13 years (1931-1944), developing relations of
cooperation with the entire Romanian political spectrum. hus, he helped maintain the relations
between Turkey and Romania at a very high level, including in the Balkan Entente, an alliance
which functioned between 1934 and 1940 and which included, beside the two aforementioned
countries, both Yugoslavia and Greece.
On behalf of the Institute for Political Studies of Defence and Military History, the dossier
includes three more studies signed by Romanian researchers that complement the topics ap-
proached by their Turkish counterparts.
Sergiu Iosipescu analyzes the rapports between the two Romanian Principalities, Wallachia
and Moldavia, on one hand, and the Ottoman Empire, on the other hand, during the Crimean
War. While initially the two Romanian Principalities were occupied by Russia, a number of
Romanian leaders that played an important role in the Revolution of 1848, such as Gheorghe
Magheru, initiated projects aiming at organizing military detachments to ight alongside the
Ottoman army and its allies against the Russian troops.
Revista de istorie militară 1
Next, Petre Otu investigates the manner in which the Romanian historiography perceived the
personality and activity of Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the modern Turkish state. he author
distinguishes several stages in this historiographical demarche, concluding that Atatürk’s legen-
dary igure represented a topic intensely scrutinized by Romanian historians.
Finally, Cerasela Moldoveanu focuses on the role played during World War 2 by neutral
Turkey in assisting the eforts of the authorities in Bucharest, made between 1942-1944, to exit
the alliance with Germany and to join the Coalition of the United Nations. he negotiations were
held on several channels (Stockholm, Bern, Lisbon, Cairo, Italy, etc.), but “the Turkish channel”
had a special importance, being based on the very good relations between the two countries.
Overall, the “dossier” manages to review – with professionalism and rigorousness – some of
the most important moments in the history of the rapports between Romania and Turkey, two
countries with long-lasting ties that played a major role in the Balkans and on the entire Euro-
pean continent. his long and fruitful tradition is being continued today, when Romania and
Turkey, both members of NATO, are called to signiicantly contribute to the consolidation of the
alliance they belong to and to strengthen stability and cooperation in the Greater Black Sea Area
and in the Middle East.
We express our conviction that the studies included in this “dossier” will draw the attention
of both specialists and the larger public interested in the Romanian military history, in general,
and in the rapports between Romania and Turkey, in particular.
Also, I would like to express my gratitude to the Turkish General Staf Military History and
Strategic Studies Directorate for the fruitful cooperation until now and I would like to congratu-
late the authors of the respective studies.
abstract
his study examining the process of Wallachian and Moldavian uniication under one single
ruler, which had previously remained under the authority of the Ottoman State for many years,
the developments starting from the Crimean War and lasting between 1853-1856 are analyzed.
he 1856 Paris Peace Treaty, the subsequent diplomatic relations and the elections in paral-
lel with these relations led to the uniication of Wallachia and Moldavia. he enthronement
of Alexandru Ioan Cuza, the irst voivode of the united principalities, his visit to the Ottoman
capital afterwards in 1860 and the short-term outcomes of this visit represent the theme of this
study.
* Research Assistant. Gazi University, Gazi Faculty of Education, Department of History Education.
Revista de istorie militară 3
Friedrich Hohenzollern – Sigmaringen. hese in the face of Russia, gained two important al-
two igures probably had a special place in the lies such as Britain and France, and took the
Romanian history. Cuza can be deined as the indirect support of Austria. However, this war
leader unifying Wallachia and Moldavia, and came to a more signiicant place in the whole
Prince Carol as the leader enabling Romania to of Europe as of 1854.
gain its independence. Eventually, Russia, in the aftermath of mili-
This study will examine the election of tary struggles, could not obtain a success in the
Alexandru Ioan Cuza as the voivode and the face of this alliance, and the peace initiatives
following developments, together with Cuza’s as of the end of 1855 ended with the Congress
visit to Istanbul in the autumn of 1860. of Paris. Congress of Paris started its studies
oicially in the building of French Ministry of
1. 1853 – 1856 Crimean War and the Foreign Afairs with the participation of the Ot-
Question of uniication of Wallachia and toman State, England, France, Russia, Austria,
moldavia Prussia and Piedmont on 25 February 185610.
During these negotiations, France insisted on
Although the Crimean War, which started the uniication of Wallachia and Moldavia. he
between the Ottoman State and Russia in 1853 Ottoman State objected this idea, stating that
and ended in 1856, seemed to arise apparently Wallachia and Moldavia were separately gov-
from a conlict called he Question of Holy erned for a long period and they had diferent
Places1, it turned into a war in which the great cultures and traditions, and that Russia raised a
powers of Europe intervened. serious threat11. At the end of the negotiations,
With the outbreak of war, Wallachia and although France, Piedmont and Russia voted for
Moldavia went under Russian occupation. the uniication of Wallachia and Moldavia, this
he Russian army, which started action under decision could not be made due to the opposi-
the command of Prince Gorçakov on 3 July tion of the Ottoman State and Austria12.
1853, passed over the Prut River and occupied hanks to the Paris Treaty signed on 30
Moldavia2, and positioned a Russian force of March 1856, the Russian threat in Wallachia and
50.000 strength in Wallachia and Moldavia Moldavia ended for that time being. hrough
within a short period3. he voivodes in charge this treaty (Articles 20-27), European states be-
in both beylicates had to leave their country4. came the guarantors of these two beylicates that
On 4 October 1853, the Ottoman State declared were subject territories of the Ottoman State,
war on Russia oicially and military struggles and the continuation and revision of the autono-
started soon5. mous structures and privileges of Wallachia and
his time, the Ottoman State was not alone Moldavia were determined. Accordingly, it was
in its ight against Russia. Britain and France, decided that one council should be established
which were against Russia from the very begin- for each beylicate13.
ning of war, decided to make an alliance with he Austrian military units replacing the
the Ottoman State on 12 March 18546. hese Russian soldiers who had withdrawn from
two states declared war on Russia on 28 March Wallachia and Moldavia following the treaty
18547. On 14 June 1854, a treaty was signed be- signed approximately 10 months after the
tween Austria and the Ottoman State. hrough onset of the Crimean War started to evacuate
this treaty, it was decided that the Russian the region subsequent to the signing of Paris
soldiers in Wallachia and Moldavia would be Treaty; however, the cleaning of Wallachia and
taken out of those territories and Austria would Moldavia from foreign soldiers could only be
later establish a transitional administration in possible in March 185714.
the region until the end of the war8. he last In September 1856, the representatives of
state to participate in this alliance in Europe European states came to Istanbul for the ques-
against Russia was Piedmont. Another alliance tion of Wallachia and Moldavia. he participants
was also established between the Ottoman State in these negotiations were Talleyrand Prigor for
and Piedmont on 15th March 18559. With these France, Henry Bulwer for Britain, M. Basili
treaties, the Ottoman State escaped being alone for Russia, Baron Richthofen for Prussia and
4 Revista de istorie militară
M. Benzi for Piedmont15. In this commission, kaimakam on 24 August 1857, stating that the
the report on Memleketeyn [Twin Domains of Sublime Porte agreed with the signatory states
Wallachia and Moldavia] was discussed, which of Paris Treaty on the renewal of the Moldavian
was prepared by houvenel, French ambas- elections and ordered that necessary measures
sador to Istanbul, and it was decided that laws be completed for it21.
in both beylicates should be rearranged. his In the end, elections were re-held in Molda-
decision, which was approved by the Ottoman via on 19 September 1857 and Wallachia on 26
padishah in January 1857, was communicated September 1857. As a result of these elections,
to Bucharest and Iaşi through a irman16. he a great majority of the council membership was
commission, which ended its studies in Istanbul, won by the unionists22.
moved to Bucharest, and it continued studying Through a motion proposed by Mihail
until the spring of 185817. Kogalniceanu on 7 October 1857 in the Molda-
In addition to the developments in Istanbul, vian council, which convened after the elections,
this issue was also discussed among the states it was decided that Wallachia and Moldavia be
in Paris and a protocol of 30 articles on Memle- united under the name of “Romania”, a member
keteyn was signed between the Ottoman State of the European dynasty be appointed as its
and the European states on 11 February 185718. ruler and the sultanic rule be established. he
Although this protocol conirmed the rights of same motion was proposed in the Wallachian
the Ottoman State on Wallachia and Moldavia council on 8 October 1857 and adopted after
and the special status of these two beylicates, voting23.
it adopted their separate governance. This he Ottoman State reacted very strongly
protocol, which determined the principles for to this decision of Wallachian and Moldavian
the voivode election, also included judicial and councils. Upon this initiative, which was evalu-
inancial issues19. ated as contrary to the resolutions of the Paris
Treaty and the convening aim of the council,
2. he Invalidated elections of 1857 and the Sublime Porte decided for the closure of
the agreement of 19 august 1858 the Wallachian and Moldavian councils. Based
on Articles 23 and 24 of the Paris Treaty, the
Within a one-year period after the signing of written order given to the Moldavian and
Paris Treaty ending the Crimean War, the issue Wallachian kaimakams on the mentioned date
of Wallachia and Moldavia constituted one of stated that there was no more need for the
the signiicant items of the diplomatic agenda. Moldavian and Wallachian councils, which
As a result of the negotiations, elections could had been set up in order to represent the de-
be made in June 1857. hose opposing the unii- mands of people in Memleketeyn and help the
cation won the elections in Moldavia. However, European Commission. he written order also
this result led to many discussions. required that those councils should be closed
France, Russia, Prussia and Piedmont and the kaimakams follow the necessary proce-
objected this decision, claiming that those dures for it24. he irman ordering the closure
agreeing for uniication were not included in of the councils reached to Bucharest and Iaşi
the elections through the false lists prepared at the end of January 1858. Being translated,
by the kaimakam of Moldavia, and thus, the the irman was reported to the metropolitan
Ottoman State, together with Austria, worked bishops, monasteries and assemblies through
for such an outcome. he Sublime Porte, in the Wallachian and Moldavian kaimakams.
return, defended that the elections were held After the declaration of the decision, neither
properly20. in Wallachia nor in Moldavia was experienced
Especially as a result of the pressure of a negative incident25.
France, the Ottoman State had to decide for the In this period, the commission that consisted
renewal of the elections. Despite all its objec- of European oicial representatives in Bucharest
tions, the Ottoman State could not resist the also completed its studies and prepared its inal
pressure of the mentioned states any longer and report on 3 April 185826. hereupon, the repre-
sent a telegraph to the oice of the Moldavian sentatives of European states came together in
Revista de istorie militară 5
Paris and agreed upon a written agreement on election made in the Moldavian Assembly on 17
19 August 1858 as a result of the negotiations. January 1859, Alexandru Ioan Cuza was elected
In this text composed of 50 articles, the name as voivode. On 5 February 1859, the Wallachian
of Wallachia and Moldavia was deined as “Elak Assembly signed the same resolution29. his
ve Boğdan Emâreteyn-i Müctemiası” [United development was quite an unexpected one for
Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia]; their the Ottoman State. he news that the election
previous status and rights together with their was irst made in Moldavia and that Cuza was
liabilities to the Ottoman State were reiterated, elected as the voivode came to the Sublime
and detailed decisions were taken on issues such Porte. hereupon, it was decided that the eligi-
as the position of a voivode, and the duties and bility of Cuza as a voivode should be examined30.
authority of the assemblies to be formed27. However, before the completion of this process,
With this written agreement of 50 articles, the news of the resolution by the Wallachian
Memleketeyn territories continued to be ruled Assembly reached Istanbul. Ahmed Cevdet
under the Ottoman State; however, these two Pasha, one of the important statesmen of that
beylicates were almost restructured. This period, expressed that the Ottoman government
historical document, in which the names of expected totally diferent igures to be elected as
the beylicates were even changed, established voivode and the election of Cuza as the voivode
a new structure in Wallachia and Moldavia, was quite a surprise. However, Ahmed Cevdet
consisting of voivode, assembly and the central Pasha further stated, while the astonishment
commission. Although the concessions and caused by the news still persisted, the informa-
exemptions, which were previously granted to tion that the same person was also elected as the
Wallachia and Moldavia by the Ottoman pad- Wallachian voivode reached Istanbul31.
ishahs centuries ago, were accepted once again, Although the Ottoman State opposed those
this written agreement can be said to have given voivode elections and asserted that they were
the mentioned beylicates the chance to move in violation of the treaties, France recognized
more freely. Cuza as the common voivode of Wallachia and
As of the mentioned date, it is hard to Moldavia on 10 February 185932. Britain claimed
say that there was left a clear and continu- that those elections were against the existing
ous relation between the Ottoman State and treaties and took the side of the Ottoman State.
beylicates, except for the article stipulating for Still, it would not persist much in its decision33.
the payment of annual taxes. Although it was When the calendar showed April 1859, Cuza
decided that beylicates should be governed by was recognized as the prince of Wallachia and
separate voivodes and assemblies, a process Moldavia by all states except for the Ottoman
of institutional uniication was started. In any State and Austria34. In the end, the Ottoman
case, the developments in 1859 would lead to State, which could not resist the policies of
the ruling of Wallachia and Moldavia by a single great powers any longer, had to recognize Cuza
ruler; because the decisions made and the order as the voivode through a irman it issued on
envisioned on 19 August 1858 would be soon 24 September 185935. he irman pertaining
violated and a signiicant step would be taken to the appointment of Cuza as the voivode
for an independent Romania. was sent to Bucharest and Iaşi respectively36.
he decree sent to Cuza stated that, being an
3. he election of alexandru Ioan Cuza exceptional case peculiar to his term, he was
as Voivode appointed as the voivode of the two beylicates
upon the recommendations of European states.
he padishah’s irman necessitating the ful- he decree also required that he should comply
illment of required procedures after the signing with the articles of the written agreement dated
of the written agreement dated 19 August 1858 19 August 1858, cooperate with the Ottoman
was sent to Bucharest and Iaşi, and thus started government and adopt diferent governance
the process for the election of a voivode28. attitudes in two beylicates37.
he irst initiative in the voivode election Following a critical struggle, Wallachia and
process came from Moldavia. As a result of the Moldavia were united under a single ruler in
6 Revista de istorie militară
1859. Alexandru Ioan Cuza succeeded in mak- tourage drew near Galaţi, Kamil Bey, master
ing history as the irst ruler of the united prin- of ceremonies in the Foreign Ministry, and his
cipalities of Wallachia and Moldavia. Cuza, who team were ordered to set out by the steamboat
would continue his term until 1866, would make Beirut on 26 September 198043.
a visit to Istanbul one year after the Ottoman Having been received at the Port of Galaţi
State accepted his appointment to that position and brought to Istanbul with his 84-men en-
and, bearing the title of prince of the united tourage, Cuza Bey was put up at the Mirgün
territory of Wallachia and Moldavia, he would Palace; and Ali Efendi, one of the clerks of Im-
meet with the Ottoman padishah. perial Treasury, escorted him44. Following his
arrival in Istanbul, Prince Cuza was taken to
4. Istanbul Visit of alexandru Ioan Cuza the palace on 09 October 1860 and visited the
and the Romanian union Ottoman Sultan Abdulmedjid45. Sultan gave
Prince Cuza a Medjidi Order and a golden-
On the way of his journey towards Istanbul, hafted sword as a gift. Following his visit to
Alexandru Ioan Cuza, bey of Wallachia and Sultan, Prince Cuza attended a banquet ar-
Moldavia, reached Galaţi along with his entou- ranged in his honor at the residence of Grand
rage, and was received there by an Ottoman Vizier Ali Pasha. On October 10th, Cuza made
delegation. he Sublime Port had certainly interviews at the residences of Naval Com-
made necessary preparations for the visit of mander-in-Chief (Captain Pasha) and Minis-
Cuza. Above all, preparations had been made ter of War. On October 12th, he attended the
for the ceremonies to be performed on Cuza’s ceremony organized in his honor at the British
arrival in Istanbul38. According to the ceremo- Embassy. Having been invited to the Impe-
nial program, Cuza would be met by a boat; he rial heater at Dolmabahçe Palace on October
would be assigned an aide; he would be put up 13th, Prince Cuza attended the ceremonies or-
at the Mirgün Palace; an oicial from the pal- ganized at the French and Russian Embassies,
ace along with the Minister of Foreign Afairs respectively on October 15th and 16th. He vis-
would pay a welcoming visit to Cuza; and the ited the Sultan one more time on October 16th
grand vizier’s oice and the Ministry of Foreign for an oicial good-bye and left Istanbul the
Afairs would arrange a banquet in his honor. It following morning46.
was decided that Cuza would appear before the During this visit, Prince Cuza and his en-
Sultan the day following his arrival in Istanbul. tourage of 35 men were presented the Medjidi
After the palace visit, Cuza would be taken to Order of various grades47. It was decided that
the Sublime Port; he would there be met with the expenses of Prince Cuza during this visit
a military ceremony and visit the deputies; and would be covered by the Treasury48. he ex-
as a last activity of the ceremonial program, he penses of the bey of Wallachia and Moldavia
would be given another banquet39. during his Istanbul visit were registered in a
After the ceremonial program was decided book; 279.030 kurush were spent in total49.
upon, what remained to be done was to as- Concerning Cuza’s visit to Istanbul and
sign an escort and a boat for Cuza’s arrival in the Sultan, the renowned Romanian historian
Istanbul40. First, it was decided that the steam- Nicolae Iorga emphasizes the high ranks of
boat “Beirut” would be sent to meet Cuza and the authorities. According to Nicolae Iorga,
his entourage in Galaţi. However, due to the although Prince Cuza regarded and treated
few number of beds in “Beirut”, a second al- the Turks in his country as foreigners, and
ternative – the steamboat “Khaireddin” – was he rejected to visit the Ottoman grand vizier
proposed41. But later, as a result of the corre- traveling along the borders, he was met just
spondence with the Wallachian kapi kethudasi like an independent prince in Istanbul50.
[army chamberlain], it was decided that Cuza he irst important development in the af-
and some of his entourage would be hosted in termath of Cuza’s Istanbul visit was about the
the Beirut steamboat, and other passengers assemblies. In the diplomatic note he sent to
would be transported by mail steamer42. After the Ottoman State and other great states on
Istanbul was informed that Cuza and his en- May 01, 1861, the Romanian prince underlined
Revista de istorie militară 7
the diiculty of working with two diferent as- sion of the Ottoman State on the uniication
semblies and demanded the execution of a of Wallachian and Moldavian assemblies in the
single assembly system51. his request of Cuza late 1861 became the oicial foundation date
was approved by the Sublime Port after nearly of Romanian unity. For Romania, which grad-
7 months. In accordance with the oicial report ually loosened its ties with the Ottoman State
of the Meclisi Vükelâ [Council of Ministers] and accomplished the uniication in the end,
issued on December 02, 1861, the assemblies the full independence would only be possible
of Wallachia and Moldavia were united tem- during the 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War.
porarily52. On the same date, the central com-
mission in Focşani was decided to be dissolved
during Cuza’s term of oice as a voivode53. REFERENCES
On December 23, 1861, Prince Cuza issued
a decree and oicially declared that the unity A. Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives (BOA)
was ensured and Romanian nation was estab- Documents
lished54. Following the decision on the merger Sadâret Âmedî Kalemi Evrakı (A.} AMD):
of the assemblies, a joint assembly was opened 72/94; 74/87; 90/62.
and started its activities on February 05, 1862 Sadâret Âsâf î Mühimme Kalemi Belgeleri
in Bucharest. Barbu Catargiu was assigned as (A.} DVN. MHM): 31/34.
the head of the irst government established. Sadâret Mektubî Kalemi Nezâret ve De-
henceforth, the term “United Principalities” vâir Yazışmalarına Ait Belgeler (A.} AMD):
was replaced with the term “Romania” in the 324/52.
domestic correspondence55. Bucharest was de- İradeler Dahiliye (İ.DH.): 274/17189.
clared as the capital of this union56. İradeler Hariciye (İ.HR.): 134/6913;
135/6951; 135/6954; 139/7288-1; 151/8004;
Conclusion 152/8035; 161/8588; 161/8598; 161/8610;
As a result of 1853-1856 Crimean War and 164/8778; 164/8786; 164/8809; 165/8848;
the subsequent developments, the Wallachian 168/9031; 178/9805; 178/9830; 179/9848;
and Moldavian beylicates made important 179/9857; 179/9867; 183/10195; 184/10234;
progress on the way to uniication, despite 333/21409.
their dependency and tax liability towards the Hâriciye Nezâreti Mektubî Kalemi Belgeleri
Ottoman State. After the contentious elections (HR.MKT.): 182/39; 261/74; 262/61; 262/83;
in 1857, Wallachia and Moldavia were united 274/63; 279/70; 291/75; 305/74; 306/48; 311/6;
on paper with the agreement signed on August 348/24; 349/84; 352/76; 375/10.
19, 1858. However, this uniication was oicial-
ized during the term of Alexandru Ioan Cuza, B. Journals
the irst voivode of the united principalities. Cerîde-i Havâdis: No 1009; 1011.
Elected as the voivode of Moldavia in 1859 and Takvîm-i Vekâyi (T.V.): No 493; 506; 507;
then of Wallachia, Colonel Cuza had his new 552; 597; 600.
status approved irst by the Ottoman State in
1859. His visit to Istanbul in 1860 made an im- C. Resources Studied
portant contribution to the accomplishment of Ahmed Lûtf î Efendi; Vak’anüvîs Ahmed
this uniication process. Received and treated Lûtf î Efendi Tarihi, Vol.IX, Publisher Münir
in a high-level manner by the state authori- AKTEPE, Publications of Istanbul University
ties, Cuza continued an old tradition adopted Faculty of Letters, Faculty of Letters Printing
by the voivodes for a long time and showed House, Istanbul, 1984.
his loyalty to the Ottoman State through his ANDERSON, M.Smith; Doğu Sorunu,
Istanbul visit, and he managed to achieve the translated by İdil ESER, Yapi Kredi Publicati-
uniication of Romania by the decision of the ons, Istanbul, 2001.
Sublime Port the following year. ANDIÇ, Fuat – ANDIÇ, Süphan; Kırım
he opening of the joint assembly on Feb- Savaşı, Eren Publishing, Istanbul, 2002.
ruary 05, 1862 in accordance with the deci- BAYKAL, Bekir Sıtkı; “Makamat-ı Müba-
8 Revista de istorie militară
aPPendIx 1. election of alexander Ioan Cuza aPPendIx 2. assigning the steamboat beirut
as the Voivode of moldavia (İ.hR.164/8778) for Cuza, the Voivode of moldavia
and Wallachia (İ.hR.179/9848)
abstract
Minority uprisings and insurgencies in the Ottoman Empire, Russia’s expansion policy in the
Balkans, Romanian and Bulgarian demands for independence and the movement of Pan-Slavism
constitute the causes of the 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War. he Conference initiated by the
European states and held in Istanbul was proved to be futile and inconlusive because Russia
voiced its ambitions on the Ottoman territories and because this move necessitated the Otto-
mans to make many concessions. hus, an Ottoman-Russian War became inevitable. Although
the Ottoman Armies staged a successful defense in Pleven, with the Treaty of Berlin signed after
the War, Romania gained its independence, whereas the Ottoman Empire lost too much land
and its inluence in the Balkans to a great extent.
* History Specialist, Military History Branch/Military History Study Center (MHSC),Turkish General
Staf Military History Strategical Study and Inspection Department.
12 Revista de istorie militară
leader, saviour and protector of the Orthodox were taken by Russia, and panslavist organi-
world. It voiced various demands through its zations were established and expanded in
ambassadors in Istanbul under the pretext Romania and the other Balkan states.4
of safeguarding the rights of the Orthodox In the period of Sultan Abdulaziz, who as-
Christian citizens living in the Balkans under cended the throne in 1861, unrests continued
the control of the Ottoman Empire. among the Christian peoples of the Ottoman
he most fervent advocates of this policy Empire. During the irst years of his reign, the
were the “panslavists”, increasingly gaining Serbian people, who accepted themselves as a
inluence in Russia. he Pan-Slavism2 move- part of the Slavic nation, rebelled, demanding
ment bloomed under the guise of “salvaging autonomy.
Slav brothers sufering under the persecution Struggles for the throne in the Ottoman
of Turks, but its main purpose was to amalga- Empire, as well, fostered the Balkan nations’
mate all the Slavs under the rule of Russia and desire for independence. Sultan Abdulhamid
to capture Istanbul.3 On behalf of Pan-Slavism II, who ascended the throne in 1876, found
rooting in the Balkans, signiicant decisions himself in the middle of very big internal and
tential Ottoman-Russian war, it signed an alli- a tribe knowing how to struggle and ight has
ance agreement with Russia in order to achieve a signiicant impact on that.14 he Dacians are
independence. his agreement was approved known to be the irst inhabitants of Romania
by a majority vote of the Romanian Parliament in history. he Dacia Kingdom, destroyed by
on April 16, 1877. With this agreement, Russia the Roman Empire in 101 AD, was turned into
possessed the advantage of transiting its army a province of the Roman Empire and a large
through the Romanian territory and utilizing number of immigrants were settled there.
Romanian railways for this purpose.13 he Romanian principalities of Wallachia and
Moldavia entered Ottoman rule in 1512, but
Turkish-Romanian Relations always retained their state structures.15
Although it is among the Balkan states in Even though Wallachia and Moldavia, with
geographical sense, Romania is distinct with the name of “Memleketeyn” in the Ottoman
the other Balkan nations in historical and cul- sources, were in a diferent position as of sta-
tural sense. he fact that Romanians hail from tus, they were considered an inseparable inte-
Revista de istorie militară 15
he hird Pleven battle
(7 september 1877)
gral part of the Ottoman Empire. hat is, these By the end of the XVIII century and at the
principalities were under the domination of beginning of the XIX century, as well as the
the Ottoman sultan in spite of some privileges. other Balkan nations, among Romanians began
Romanian territory, during the Ottoman pe- a “cultural movement” under the leadership of
riod, preserved its traditional administration the students sent to Rome. hese students,
systems, but especially came under some ob- grown up with the ideal of Romanian nation-
ligations such as paying taxes.16 Wallachia and alism, had learned that they were “Roumain
Moldavia principalities were ruled by the gov- (Romanians)” due to their ties to Rome, and
ernors called “voivodes”, who were formerly wanted to base the notion of Romanian nation
chosen from among indigenous families, and, on the common roots with Rome.21 Romanian
from the XVIII century on, were appointed awakening had accelerated in the wake of the
from among Istanbul’s Phanariot Greek fami- French Revolution. he ideas of this Revolu-
lies by the Ottoman government.17 tion were brought to Romania by the students
After the Crimean War, Wallachia and Mol- who had travelled to western universities es-
davia’s tendency to separate from the Ottoman pecially in France. hese students, when they
Empire got stronger. hey gained autonomy returned to Romania, transformed Bucharest
with the Treaty of Paris, took this status under to “the Paris of the Balkans”.22
protection through the joint guarantee of the Prior to the 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian
Great Powers. After this Treaty, the Ottoman War, the Ottoman Empire’s relations with Ro-
Empire’s domination over Wallachia and Mol- mania continued within the scope of “aili-
davia began to change into that of a symbolic ated state” policy. Romania, which established
nature.18 As a result of all these developments, its national unity and advanced on the way of
the merger process has gained momentum in becoming an independent state, had acted in
Wallachia and Moldavia.19 In October 1857, accordance with this longing even in the pe-
the councils of the provinces of Wallachia and riod when it was subject to the Ottoman Em-
Moldavia declared that they merged under the pire. So much so that, Ottoman’s grand viziers’
name “Romania”.20 he European states’, espe- (prime ministers) direct correspondence with
cially Russia’s interventions in the Ottoman Wallachian and Moldavian voivodes was con-
Empire continued even after the conluence sidered as a tradition. Midhat Pasha’s compli-
of these two principalities under the name of ance with this tradition led to serious diplo-
Romania. matic controversy in Romania. According to
16 Revista de istorie militară
them, from now on, the mutual correspond- the state that might be the most reasonable ally
ence had to be carried out solely through the for its beneits.25
Ministries of Foreign Afairs and diplomatic
representatives. his attitude was only one of Pre-ottoman-Russian War
the decisive steps towards independence taken of 1877-1878
by Romania. Russia, which had previously reported that
On the other hand, Romania, as well, the rejection of the London Protocol could
followed a neutrality policy in the Serbia- be a reason for war, declared war against the
Montenegro and Bulgaria insurgencies in the Ottoman Empire on April 24, 1877, citing the
Balkans in the years 1875-1876. Romania’s at- situation as pretext. he 1877-1878 Ottoman-
tempts to impose this policy on the Ottoman Russian War, whose apparent reason was based
Empire as well as European states were impor- on the fact that the London Protocol was not
tant to demonstrate that it went a long way to accepted, however in reality, which was the
become an independent state having the right implementation of Russian policy-making to
to determine its foreign policy. expand Russian hegemony in the Balkans, thus
After it had become clear that Russia was targeting to reach out to the Mediterranean
gearing up for war, Romania declared on every Sea, led to a lot of military and political devel-
occasion its desire to ensure its political inde- opments.26
pendence without going to war while it was Russian armies mobilized, on the one
maintaining its neutrality policy. Despite all the hand, to advance in the direction of the Dan-
eforts of the Romanian State, European states ube River by crossing the border with Romania
abstained from giving guarantee that Romania and to pass beyond the border of the Ottoman
should or might remain neutral in the face of
Caucasus front on the other hand. For this pur-
an Ottoman-Russian war which could erupt
pose, at a great speed they undertook the neces-
in the future. he Romanian State, for a long
sary preparations for building small sea vessels
time, tried to stay away from signing an agree-
and equipment together with bridges and simi-
ment with Russia and/or the Ottoman Empire.
lar apparatus to cross the Danube River and the
However, with the fact that Russia began to
large plain.27 he bridge materials prepared in
take measures for war, what made the Roma-
advance were brought to Bucharest by railway.28
nian State concerned was whether the Russian
he Russians, who had begun to mobilize
armies would cross through the Romanian ter-
ritory and, if so, how this would happen. For six months before the declaration of war, put
this reason, in October of 1876, several meet- the railways under the administration of the
ings were held between Russia and Romania. military, collecting troops in the southern part
Despite the agreements reached with Rus- of their homeland. Too much food supply, par-
sia, Romania did not have the intention of wag- ticularly wheat and canned food were tendered
ing a war against the Ottoman Empire. Indeed, almost from every region of Russia, and in par-
on 4-16 April 1877, in the course of the signing ticular from Romania. hey appropriated and
of the Russian-Romanian Agreement, Foreign allotted all the Black Sea trade ships for mili-
Afairs Minister Mihail Kogălniceanu said that tary transportation.
“we, in no way, interpret this in a way that we As Russia was completing the military
will declare war against the Ottoman Empire.”23 preparations on the one hand, they continued
On the other hand, Russia needs the as- to make necessary attempts in the political
sistance of Romania in a war it would under- sphere on the other hand. With agreements
take against the Ottoman Empire. In this war, made with Austria, they ensured that Austria
Russia wanted to use Romania as an outpost took side with themselves.29 hey, shortly be-
against the Ottomans.24 Russian troops to at- fore the declaration of war, managed to sign an
tack the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans could agreement with Romania by political shrewd-
only pass through Romania. Russia, in return ness and adroitness. Moreover, they took pains
for that, reported that it would recognize the to be in good relations with the Romanian
independence of Romania. Romania pursued people all the time, for this operation would be
the purpose of making alliance in this war with conducted through Romania.
Revista de istorie militară 17
Grand Duke Nicholas Nikolaevich, ap- set up in Ruse and Varna locations. Müşir (Mar-
pointed as the Commander-in-Chief of the shal) Osman Pasha, under whose command was
Army collected against the Ottomans in the put a military force consisting of 25 infantry
Balkans, promulgated a declaration to the battalions, 12 cavalry divisions, 48 ield and 6
people of Romania so that he was welcomed mountain guns, was appointed as commander
in the territory of Romania, which his army of the Danube Western Army, the Headquar-
would enter. In this Declaration, it was assured ters of which was stationed in Vidin.34
that the Russian Army would not give any in- Even though the Ottoman Empire, af-
conveniences to the Romanian people in the ter completing the build-up, had previously
course of its passage through the Romanian thought of occupying some critical targets,
passing to Romania – now that Romania was
territory, that Romanians were able to get in-
a principality subject to the Ottoman Empire,
volved with their daily routines as they used to,
this move would not be a situation contrary to
that the prices of the goods purchased for the
the law of the state –, that course of action was
needs of the army from the Romanians would
abandoned later with the idea that the force to
be paid on time and that the goods and souls cross to the left side of the Danube would re-
of the Romanian people would not be violated duce the number of troops available and weak-
and infringed.30 en the defence operation.35
Romania’s cabinet decided to mobilize the
army after the Russian troops crossed the Ro- 1877-1878 ottoman-Russian War
manian border. Romania dedicated a 50.000- and Pleven defence
strong portion of its military to assist and sup- Russian forces, reaching the banks of the
port the Russian Army. he Romanians signed Danube, went beyond the Danube on 22 June,
the agreement which permitted the passage of 1877 without encountering any obstacles,
the Russian armies on condition that no hos- launching the river-crossing operation with
tile incidents took place during the passage.31 the 69th and 70th Regiments, which constitut-
Sultan Abdul Hamid II’s aide-de-camp, in ed the advance guards of the 14th Army Corps.
the telegram dated May 2, 1877, delineated the During this crossing, they used the Barboş
situation at the front by reporting that 100.000 bridge36, which was the only crossing point on
Russian soldiers entered Romanian territory the Siret River of the railway line connecting
so far, up to 20 freighters decked with a ball Russia to Romania.37
each were sailed on the Danube, Romania con- he Russian Forces Supreme Command, all
ducted a military parade in the honour of the of whose forces had landed on the right bank of
Russian Commander-in-Chief to announce its the Danube River until July 7, 1877, completed
alliance to the world and to show friendship the necessary preparations for the reconnais-
sance of Pleven and Lofca vicinities.38
and gathered his army in Bucharest.32
he Russian forces under the command of
As a result of talks held between Russia and
General Gurko, with an ofensive launched on
Romania on 22 May, 1877, it was settled that
July 19, 1877, seized Shipka Pass, which was
the Romanian army would occupy Kalafat and
one of the most signiicant ones in the Balkans.
the Olt river and withdraw completely to the hus, Shipka Pass, considered as a next impor-
right side of the Olt River, whereas the Russian tant natural defence line following the Danube
Army was invading the precincts between this River, was also lost.39
river and the Black Sea.33 Upon these developments, the Ottoman
In this period, the Ottoman Empire en- Military Assembly reconsidered the measures
deavoured to mobilize all the material and spir- taken against the Russians advancing along
itual opportunities in its hands against Russia. the Danube and reported that all the measures
Conscripts, animals and supplies being rapidly should be taken for the Russians to advance in
collected in Anatolia and hrace, 90 battalions the Balkans, since the transfer of troops from
were formed and dispatched to the Danube ba- Batumi and Sukhum could not be possible, as-
sin. hree corps being constituted in the basin signing Yenipazar, Soia and Nis Divisions un-
of the Danube, an army of 100,000 soldiers was der the command of Mehmet Ali Pasha.40
18 Revista de istorie militară
from Vidin To Pleven: stand for a long time49 and by taking the oppor-
he loss of Shipka further increased the tunity of Osman Pasha’s being fatigued. he
importance of Pleven. Pleven, at the junction ofensive, which was launched with artillery
of the main roads from Orhaniye (Botevgrad), ire at 08:45 AM on July 21, 1877, continued
Soia, Lofca (Lovech) and Bulgarani, had a po- developing in the direction of Griviçe. Since
sition of strategic importance. he Ottoman the Russian forces assaulted Pleven, the Pleven
Empire had to retain Pleven in order to hold District Governership demanded a large quan-
together its forces in Vidin, Ruse, Slistre, Varna tity of soldiers, artillery and ammunition to be
and Şumnu (Shumen).41 Upon the Russians’ brought from nearby centres.50 In the mean-
marching to the interior of Bulgaria after time, upon the counterattack conducted by
crossing the Danube, Osman Pasha, who was the battalions commanded by Osman Pasha,
commissioned to stay in Vidin, reported to the mutual bayonet ofensives occurred between
Shumen Military Headquarters by telegraph the two sides. his hand-to-hand combat con-
that staying there was of no advantage. He un- tinued on the northern slopes of Yanıkbayır
derlined the diiculty of an enveloping opera- for a few hours.51 Duplicate ofensive by the
tion from all sides to push away the Russians to Russian forces were repelled by the forces of
the other side of the Danube, but this proposal Osman Pasha without reaching a conclusion.52
of his did not receive a positive response. Osman Pasha reported this success by sending
herefore, Osman Pasha was forced to a telegram to Istanbul.53
make do with defending Vidin against the Rus- Although General Şuldner requested assist-
sians.42 After a number of Kazakh cavalry en- ance from the Commander of the 9th Corps,
tered Vidin on July 943, Osman Pasha was inal- he could not receive an airmative answer to
ly given the order to move from Vidin towards this request. hus, he decided to withdraw to
Pleven on the morning of July 14 at 11:00 am Bröşliniçe, 3 hours away from Pleven, so that
with his 25,000-strong Corps.44 the 1st Brigade could recover.54 he troops of
Although from Ulahiye, on the other side the 9th Russian Corps participating in the First
of the Danube, several sporadic gun ire was Battle of Pleven were forced to secure them-
opened onto the 16-km-long marching col- selves and withdraw 12 km away from Pleven
umn45 arriving in Arçar, due to the short range in order to recover themselves and to regain
of Romanian guns, shelling did not cause any power to combat.
Ottoman casualties. During the First Battle of Pleven some con-
Osman Pasha’s troops, performing a chal- licts arose between the Russians and Romani-
lenging trek from Vidin to Pleven by covering ans from political and military aspects. Many
191 km in 6 days,46 gave a short break after members of the Russian Government did not
entering Pleven and spent the night there by approve of the Romanian Army’s active partici-
setting up military camps on the banks of the pation in combat. Romania demanded its ar-
Gravic Stream in the northeast of Pleven. After my’s course of action to be determined, putting
Osman Pasha immediately had the fortiica- forward the possible threats exposed by the Ot-
tions built, trenches dug and large tree trunks toman Empire due to the fact that the Russian
put at some points, he positioned a large por- Army was utilizing the Romanian territory.
tion of the artillery behind the hastily dug earth he Russian Government gave the response
shelters.47 to this request that if it suited the political and
military interests of Romania, it would be free
he first and second battles of Pleven to go to war against the Ottoman Empire, but
he Russians, on July 20, 1877, tried to keep in that case, it should not expect assistance
the Ottoman forces under pressure with gun from Russia, if it was deemed appropriate that
ires by making some show of strength towards both armies would cooperate, the Romanian
Griviçe and Yanıkbayır hills.48 Army should operate under the command-in-
General Şuldner, 5th Russian Division Com- chief of the Russian Army.
mander, launched an assault by thinking that Although at irst Romanian Prince Charles
Pleven, as an open city, was not be able to with- had not found it appropriate to be commanded
Revista de istorie militară 19
by a foreign army, the Romanian Goverment, he Romanian Army Corps with its 3 in-
considering the subsequently developing con- fantry and 1 cavalry divisions and 1 engineer-
ditions and the privileges to be obtained, even- ing battalion gathered in the north of Pleven.
tually reached the decision that the Romanian his Romanian Corps under the command of
army should join the war, crossing the Danube. General Cernat lined up in posts from Bivotare
By actively participating in and winning the on the bank of the Vid River up to the north-
war, the Romanian Government considered it west of Gravic.
appropriate to be in an advantageous position Russian Czar Alexander II, as a gesture of
at the peace talks at the end of the war.55 good faith, temporarily put General Zotov’s
Immediately after the First Battle of Plev- Western Army Group under the command of
en, Osman Pasha, having the irst necessary Romanian Prince Charles for this ofensive. In
measures taken, had the trenches deepened this way, Prince Charles took the responsibility
and round-trip routes dug between the front of an army composed of three Russian corps
positions. Moreover, on the night of July 26 to and one Romanian corps. To review the inal
27, after the First Battle of Pleven, Lofça was preparations of the assault plan, Prince Charles
seized again with an ofensive.56 also participated in the meeting together with
he Russians, on July 30, 1877, began to Russian commanders at the Russian General
stage a three-pronged attack with the approach Headquarters on September 6, 1877. At the
to Pleven vicinity of some units of the 9th meeting attended by Grand Duke Nicholas
Army Corps, under the command of General Nikolaevich, Prince Charles opposed to the
Krudner and reinforced with some units of the general idea of all the commanders includ-
11th Army Corps.57 Undergoing a deinite de-
ing the Russian Chief of Staf to immediately
feat at the end of the battles, the Russians with-
commence the ofensive. Putting forward that
drew to Zictovi, 55-60 km away from Pleven.58
Osman Pasha was a very strong-willed com-
After the defeat of the Second Pleven Bat-
mander, he was entrenched in very well-craft-
tles, Russian Tsar Alexander II, Commander-
ed and well-prepared strong fortiications and
in-Chief, requested help by saying in a telegram
he would be able to inlict give massive casu-
sent to Prince of Romania Carol “Come to our
alties to the assaulting forces, Prince Charles
rescue. he Ottomans are obliterating us. he
cause of Christianity is being lost.”59 defended the idea that Pleven should be tightly
In the Second Battle of Pleven the Russian surrounded in the west as well in order to un-
forces was completely defeated. Until the Rus- dermine and weaken Osman Pasha’s strong
sian Supreme Military Command sent rein- fortiications by intercepting the supply routes
forcement forces from Romania and Russia, of the Ottoman Army. However, his viewpoint
the Russian forces remained in defence almost was not taken into considerations since Grand
everywhere. Duke Nicholas insisted on his own plan.60
In accordance with this plan, a three-
he hird battle of Pleven and Pleven pronged assault on Pleven was launched on
fortiications the morning of September 7, 1877. Romani-
For the third and last time to break the an Army took an active role in this ofensive,
Pleven defence of the Ottomans, the Russian but had to withdraw due to the casualties it
Command-in-Chief embarked on necessary underwent.61
preparations for the ofensive. First of all, they he battle, which had lasted six days non-
were compelled to collect the troops in a state stop until the morning of September 11, re-
of scatter between the Yantra and Lom Rivers. sulted in the defeat of the Russian Army. Os-
Prince Carol, commanding the Russian forces man Pasha’s biggest victory against the Rus-
gathered in front of Pleven, on September 4, sian Army was the hird Battle of Pleven. he
1877, gave the order to the troops belonging to Russians, forced to retreat in defeat, almost got
the Western Army Group to approach to the stuck in the Nicopolis-Rousse-Sipka triangle.62
vicinity of the Pleven defences. Grand Duke Osman Pasha, who achieved the third victory
Nicholas Nikolaevich moved his Headquarters in Pleven, was given the title “Ghazi (Veteran)”
to Radevince village on September 5, 1877. on September 21, 1877.63
20 Revista de istorie militară
Victory in Pleven was a turning point in the Approaching winter conditions and the
Ottoman-Russian War. Osman Pasha, the ar- Russian forces tightening the siege every pass-
chitect of victory gained in Pleven, defended ing day put the 40.000-strong Ottoman Army
Pleven in a method applied for the irst time in a stranded and adverse position. he scar-
in the world war history. he trenches master- city of supplies and ammunition was very se-
minded and designed by him were applied by vere.70 Especially food requirement reached to
the Turks for the irst time in war history. he utmost levels and that caused the Ottoman sol-
trenches dug into the soil were named “height diers to physically weaken every passing day.71
ditch”. Although the soldiers roamed through Even though the needs were tried to be sup-
the trenches, the enemy soldiers could not see plied72, there was meagre supply in the Pleven
their movements. he trenches were formed Encampment to suice only for 20 days.73
into two sets. he irst was called “step”, the Under these adverse circumstances, Grand
second “elbow”. A soldier taking the step and Duke Nikola Nikolayevic, Commander-in-
putting his right arm on the elbow was able Chief of the Russian Army, made a call for sur-
to ire on the enemy. While the soldiers were render to Osman Pasha.
covering themselves in the trenches, they were In this call, it was said “His grace the Mar-
able to stealthily carry ammunition.64 shal, I have the honour of reporting the follow-
At the same time by dumping the earth dug ing to your Excellency. he Ottoman troops in
from the trenches elsewhere, it was ensured to the vicinity were taken captive. he Russian
Army seized some Turkish positions and em-
hide places in the trenches, although trenches
placements. he Turkish units were besieged
appeared to be individual and horseshoe-
by the Russian Western Army reinforced with
shaped at irst glance, in fact the trenches were
a Russian corps comprised of Empire guards,
dug as interconnected underground.
sappers and miners. Your communication and
An Australian Charles S. Ryan, who had
transport lines were severed. From now on it
served as a surgeon in the army of Osman Pasha,
is beyond possibility any supply detachments
gave the following information on this issue:
get into Pleven.
“he fortiications were entered from the
For the sake of benevolence and humane-
rear. Sometimes one side of the fortiication ness and with the responsibility resting on you,
was left open as well. Although the infantry to prevent more bloodshed, I invite your Ex-
guards of the fortiication rested in the trench- cellency to stop your grand resistance and to
es outside the fortiications, fortiication artil- negotiate the conditions for surrender in a site
lery soldiers slept inside.”65 that you will determine.”74
Russian Czar Alexander II, realizing that Osman Pasha, who declined this invita-
they could not seize Plevna with assault trials, tion, decided on a sortie and sally operation
summoned a war council. his council reached in order to burst out the Russian siege on ac-
the decision that Pleven should be sieged all count of very severe supply shortage, medical
around with the participation of Romanian supply scarcity and starvation. On December
forces.66 Reports appeared in foreign press on 10, Osman Pasha divided his 40.000-strong
these rumours. In a report dispatched from the army into two equal parts. He charged the
Vienna Embassy to the Ottoman Foreign Min- irst 20.000-strong force with the duty of the
istry were included the news articles appearing Russian fortiications. According to Osman
in foreign newspapers covering the Ottoman- Pasha’s plan of operation, this force was to try
Russian War. A newspaper published in Bu- to break through the siege line and the other
charest stated that the siege of Pleven had to 20.000-strong force was to launch an ofen-
take place from three sides.67 sive two hours after the irst group had passed
he Russians totally severed the supply through the Russian siege.
routes connecting Pleven to Soia for the pur- Although Osman Pasha’s forces managed
pose of rendering a successful seige.68 he Rus- to approach the Russian positions, crossing
sian Army, holding all the retreat routes, occu- the Vid river, the Russians held the Pleven
pied Ayvarca, Orhaniye and Lofca districts.69 forces under artillery ire from the direction
Revista de istorie militară 21
of Dolni-Dubnic. he battle spread in a short be placed 5 km ahead of this line and there
time from the banks of the Vid River up to the would be a demilitarized zone between the
heart of Pleven. two Armies.82 However, Russia did not get by
Even though, at irst glance, this combat with this Armistice. At the end of the January
was made with a view to the breakthrough of of 1878, after occupying Edirne, they advanced
the siege, it devolved into a pitch battle later up to the fringes of Çatalca.83 hereupon, the
on.75 Although the Ottoman forces assaulted Ottoman Empire had to sign the Treaty of San
in great determination and perseverance, they Stefano with Russia on March 3, 1878.
fell into a diicult and disadvantageous posi- In accordance with this Treaty, Serbia and
tion in front of the Russian forces thanks to the Romania, in addition to land acquisition, ac-
Romanians joining the battle.76 Notwithstand- quired the status of independent kingdoms.
ing Osman Pasha’s forces achieved to break Some regions where the Albanians lived were
through two of the three siege loops, they left to Serbia. Montanegro acquired autonomy
completely lost their combat strength, getting as a small principality. In the region between
squeezed between the Russian and Romanian the Danube, the Black Sea and the Agean Sea,
forces advancing from all around. In the mean- covering Macedonia and Rumelia, a large Bul-
time, Osman Pasha, getting wounded, fell pris- garian Principality was going to be established.
oner of war.77 Bulgaria was to remain under the Russian oc-
Osman Pasha, who was the hero of the cupation for two years and to be actually ad-
Pleven Defence, which has still been men- ministered by a Russian commissar.84 As well
tioned with admiration and reverence by the as the Ottoman Empire recognized the inde-
Russians, was encountered in high esteem and pendence declaration of Romania, it paid some
respect though held captive. Czar Alexander war indemnity/compensation.85 On the other
II, being at the Russian Headquarters then, hand, owing to the establishment of Bulgarian
showed his esteem and respect to Osman Pa- Principality and its expansion up to the Agean
sha by way of returning his sword to him.78 Sea, the physical linkage between Istanbul and
the Rumelian territory of the Ottoman Empire
he end of the 1877-1878 was severed and the Ottoman Rumelian terri-
ottoman-Russian War tory was divided into two. he Ottoman Em-
he 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War, pire indirectly left its sovereignty on Bosnia-
starting simultaneously in two fronts with Rus- Herzegovina to Russia and Austria as well.86
sia’s assaulting from across Romania and the Russia’s attempting to solve the Eastern
Caucasus, ended with the defeat of the Otto- Problem on its own with the Treaty of San
man Empire owing to such reasons as the Otto- Stefano Treaty upset the European balance of
man forces spreading over a large area, the lack power established with the Paris Treaty. hanks
of communication among the Ottoman com- to this Treaty, Russia became a powerhouse to
manders, the conduct of the War from Istanbul, control the strategically signiicant Dardaneles
the shortage of equipment and ammunition, Straight and the Black Sea. Since this position
the incompetence and impotency of the Otto- went against the interests of Great Britain,
man Navy in the Black Sea and so forth.79 France and the Austrian-Hungarian Empire,
In compliance with the assault plan of the an international conference was decided to
Russian Command-in-Chief, which was de- convene in Berlin.
signed to cross over the Balkans, Philipe and Bismarck, who announced that he would
Edirne were occupied by the Russians.80 At this serve as an independent arbiter and under-
point, on January 31, 1878, the war was ended lined that they had no interest in the Eastern
with the Edirne Armistice signed with the Problem, did not ind it realistic that Russia,
Russians.81 which had lost the opportunity of invading Is-
According to the Armistice, the Otto- tanbul, would consent to making peace by way
man forces would withdraw to the Terkos- of a conference. He emphasized that the reso-
Küçükçekmece line, the Russian forces would lutions to be taken would only consist of a bal-
22 Revista de istorie militară
ance of power by saying to the Ottoman del- till it gained its independence. his property of
egation “if you think that the Conference will Wallachia and Moldavia, which determined its
convene for the beneit of Turkey, you will be own administrators, displayed diference with-
mistaken. If the Treaty of San Stefano did not in the state structure of the Ottoman Empire.
disturb the certain interest of Europe, it would he Ottoman-Russian War of 1877-1878
remain untouched.”87 can be evaluated as a way of expansion and de-
At the end of the Conference, the Berlin scending to the Mediterranean Sea as for Rus-
Treaty was signed on July 13, 1878.88 Articles sia and as a struggle for complete independ-
43 through 57 of this 64-article Treaty stipu- ence as for Romania. In the aftermath of this
lated that the independence of Romania would War, the Balkans completely changed, the Ot-
be recognized by the signing states, a large toman inluence in the region decreased and
portion of Bessarabia, which was annexed to Russian inluence increased.
Romania with the Paris Treaty, would be aban- he promises given by Russia at the onset
doned to Russia, Tulçi island and its district of the War that Romania would be endowed
Dobruca in the Danube basin would be left to with autonomy at the end of the War ensued
Romania.89 With the Berlin Treaty, while the that Romania, a principality subject to the Ot-
Balkan nations acquired their independence, toman Empire, took side with Russia.94
the Ottoman Empire lost two ifths of its lands Notwithstanding that fact, the Russians,
in Europe.90 aiming to throw of the Ottomans from the
With this Treaty, the validity of the articles Balkans and to conquer Istanbul, paused and
prognosticated in front of Pleven. he Pleven
of the Treaty of San Stefano as regards Roma-
Defence went into history as one of the most
nia was saved. In the process initiated by the
glorious defence wars in Ottoman history. he
Berlin Treaty, every unrest rising in the regions
successes staged by the Ottoman forces under
where the Christians lived gave the great pow-
the command of Osman Pasha and the defence
ers the opportunity of applying pressure on the
positions and fortiications prepared by the Ot-
Ottoman Empire and intervening in its inter-
toman troops in great devotion and persever-
nal afairs.91 ance delayed the progress of the enemy forces
for a long time. hese unexpected circumstanc-
Conclusion es marred the Russian plans and saved time for
Like many other issues arising as a result of the other European states to meddle through
the fact that the Ottoman Empire had phased diplomatic channels with Russia, which was
into the period of decline since the XVIII cen- aspiring to dominate the whole Balkans. In ad-
tury, the Turco-Romanian relations were grad- dition, the Pleven defence went into history as
ually and increasingly evaluated within the a defence war in which the trenches dug into
framework of international relations. In Walla- earth were used skilfully to set the example and
chia and Moldavia, which had remained under to blaze a trail for defence wars.
the rule of the Ottomans for centuries, from In the process leading to Romania’s inde-
the XIX century onwards the establishment pendence after the uniication of the Princi-
of a uniied national Romania was accelerated palities of Wallachia and Moldavia under the
with the inluence of Russia as well.92 name of Romania in 1857, Romania gained its
he nationalist movements initiated by independence with the Treaty of Berlin signed
the French Revolution took efect all over the on July 13, 1878. hereafter, Romania adopted
world in a short time. Consequently the Ot- a policy of keeping good relations with the
toman subjects such as Serbian, Bulgarian, Ottoman Empire.95
Greek, Romanian and Albanian nations start-
ed to establish autonomous and independent bIblIoGRaPhY
states on the basis of nationality.93
In fact, considering the whole of the Turk- archives
ish-Romanian relations, it is seen that Roma- he Archives of the Turkish General Staf
nia enjoyed an autonomous status even within Military History and Strategical Study (ATASE)
the period it remained under the Ottoman rule and Inspection Department.
Revista de istorie militară 23
Printed Works Mufassal Osmanlı Tarihi (Detailed Otto-
man History), Vol. VI, Güven Yayınevi (Güven
1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Harbi Harp Tarihi Printhouse), Istanbul, 1963.
Broşürü (he War History Brochure of the
1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War), Genelkur- SEDES, Halil; 1877-1878, Osmanlı-Rus ve
may Basımevi (he Turkish General Staf Rumen Savaşı (1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian
Printhouse), Ankara, 2000. and Romanian War), Vol. I, Askeri Matbaa
(Military Printing Press), Istanbul, 1936.
ARMAOĞLU, Fahir; Siyasi Tarih 1789-
1960 (Political History 1789-1960), Ayyıldız SEDES, Halil; 1877-1878, Osmanlı-Rus ve
Matbaası (Ayyıldız Printing Press), Ankara, Rumen Savaşı (1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian
1975. and Romanian War), Vol. II, Askeri Matbaa
(Military Printing Press), Istanbul, 1936.
ATAK, Sadık; Rusya Siyaseti ve Rusların
Yayılma Siyaseti (he Russia’s Policy and the SHAW, Stanford J.; Osmanlı İmparatorluğu
Russian Expansion Policy), Ankara, 1964. ve Modern Türkiye (History of the Ottoman
Empire and Modern Turkey), Traslated by
BAŞAR, Fahamettin; 100 Soruda Osmanlı Mehmet Harmancı, Vol. II, Doğuş Matbaası
Devleti Tarihi (he History of the Ottoman (Doğuş Printing Press), Istanbul,1983.
Empire in One Hundred Questions), Dünya
Yayınları (Dünya Publications), Istanbul, 1999. SLOANE, William M.; Bir Tarih Laboratuarı
HERBERT, F.W. Von; Plevne Müdafaası Balkanlar (he Balkans as a History Labora-
(he Pleven Defense), Translated by Nurettin tory), Translated by Sibel Özbudun, Süreç
Artam, Yüksel Yayınevi (Yüksel Printhouse), Yayınları (Süreç Publications), Istanbul, 1987.
Istanbul.
STANLEY, Francis; St. Petersburg’dan
HÜLÂGÜ, Metin; Gazi Osman Paşa (Gha- Plevne’ye Gazi Osman Paşa (Ghazi Osman
zi Osman Pasha), Boğaziçi Yayınları (Boğaziçi Pasha from St. Petersbourg to Pleven), Trans-
Publications), Istanbul, 1993. lated by Salih Cıngıllıoğlu, Proil Yayıncılık
(Proil Publication), Istanbul, 2007.
KOCABAŞ, Süleyman; Avrupa Türkiyesi’nin
Kaybı ve Balkanlarda Panislavizm (he Loss of SÜER, Hikmet; 1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus
the European Turkey and Panslavism in the Harbi Rumeli Cephesi (1877-1878 Ottoman-
Balkans), Vatan Yayınları (Vatan Publications), Russian War Rumelia Front), Genelkurmay
Istanbul, 1986. Basımevi (Turkish General Staf Printhouse),
Ankara, 1993.
KURAT, Akdes Nimet; Türkiye ve Rusya
(Turkey and Russia), Sevinç Matbaası (Sevinç ŞAPOLYO, Enver Behnan; Gazi Osman
Press), Ankara, 1990. Paşa ve Plevne Müdafaası (Ghazi Osman
Pasha and Pleven Defense), Türkiye Yayınevi
KUTLU, Sacit; Balkanlar ve Osmanlı (Turkiye Printhouse), Istanbul, 1959.
Devleti (he Balkans and he Ottoman Em-
pire), Bilgi Yayıncılık (Bilgi Publishing), Istan- TALAT, Mahmud; Plevne Müdafaası (he
bul, 2007. Pleven Defense), Kültür Yayınları (Kültür
Publications), Istanbul, 2008.
KUTUCUOĞLU, Zeki; Gazi Osman Paşa TANSEL, Selâhattin; 93 Seferi 1877 Har-
Plevne’de (Ghazi Osman Pasha in Pleven), binin Sebepleri (he 93 Expedition – he
Erkânı Umumiye Basımevi (Erkânı Umumiye Causes of 1877 War), Doğuş Matbaası (Doğuş
Printing Press), Ankara, 1957. Press), Ankara, 1943.
24 Revista de istorie militară
Tarihte Türk Rumen İlişkileri (Turco-Rume- tion. As a result of the endeavors of Russia trying to
nian Relations in History), Genelkurmay ATASE promulgate the ideal of Pan-Slavism by establishing
ve Denetleme Başkanlığı Yayınları (Publications clandestine associations and organizations, many
of the Turkish General Staf Military History, insurgencies and rebellions erupted in the Balkans.
Strategic Study and Inspection Department), Fahamettin Başar, 100 Soruda Osmanlı Devleti
Tarihi (he Ottoman Empire in One Hundred
Ankara, 2006.
Questions), Dünya Yayınları (Dünya Publications),
Istanbul, 1999, page 195.
TURAN, Oğuz; 1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus 3
Akdes Nimet Kurat, Türkiye ve Rusya (Turkey
Harbi (93 Harbi)(1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian and Russia), Sevinç Matbaası (Sevinç Printing
War), Harp Akademileri Basımevi (Military Press), Ankara, 1990, pages 74-75.
Colleges Printhouse), Istanbul, 1978. 4
Oğuz Turan, 1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Harbi
(93 Harbi)(1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War),
Türk Silahlı Kuvvetleri Tarihi Osmanlı Devri Harp Akademileri Basımevi (Military Colleges
1877-1878 Osmanlı Rus Harbi Kafkas Cephesi Printhouse), Istanbul, 1978, page 2.
Harekâtı (Turkish Armed Forces History, Ot- 5
Metin Hülâgü, Gazi Osman Paşa (Ghazi Osman
toman Era, 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War Pasha), Boğaziçi Yayınları (Boğaziçi Publications),
Caucasus Front Operation), Vol. II, Genelkur- Istanbul, 1993, page 43.
may Basımevi (General Staff Printhouse),
6
he loans the Ottoman Empire obtained for the
Ankara, 1985. Crimean War completely surpassed its budget. he
revenues of the state were not able to liquidate even
the interests of its debts. It was opted to manufac-
UÇAROL, Rifat; Gazi Ahmet Muhtar Paşa
ture cartridges from the lead covering the domes of
(Ghazi Osman Pasha), Filiz Kitabevi (Filiz mosques and medreses in Istanbul. Turan, page 6.
Bookstore), Istanbul, 1989. 7
Zeki Kutucuoğlu, Gazi Osman Paşa Plevne’de
(Ghazi Osman Pasha in Pleven), Erkânı Umumiye
UÇAROL, Rifat; Siyasi Tarih (Political His- Basımevi (Erkânı Umumiye Printing Press), Ankara,
tory), Ankara, 1979. 1957, pages 6-7.
8
In the Ottoman history, the Eastern Problem/
YALAZAN, Talat; Plevne Savunması (he Question started in the second half of the XVIII
Pleven Defense), Genelkurmay Basımevi century and it was given this name at the Vienna
(Turkish General Staf Printhouse), Ankara, Congress of 1815. In the XIX century, it was used of-
1997. ten by the western diplomats and statesmen. In the
beginning, it was handled to mean the protection
of the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire.
YÜCEBAŞ, Hilmi; Gazi Osman Paşa ve
However, later on, it was used for the sharing of the
Plevne (Ghazi Osman Pasha and Pleven), Kenan
Ottoman territory. In the XX century, it meant to
Matbaası (Kenan Printing Press), Istanbul,
wholly share the Ottoman Empire. Başar, page 194.
1943. 9
Hülâgü, pages 54-55.
10
Enver Behnan Şapolyo, Gazi Osman Paşa ve
Plevne Müdafaası (Ghazi Osman Pasha and Pleven
noTe Defense), Türkiye Yayınevi (Türkiye Printhouse),
1
Sacit Kutlu, Balkanlar ve Osmanlı Devleti (he Istanbul, 1959, pages 51-52.
Balkans and the Ottoman Empire), Bilgi Yayıncılık 11
hereupon, the Ottoman Empire expressed
(Bilgi Publishing), Istanbul, 2007, page 45. its content by returning to the Hungarians the 35-
2
he movement of Pan-Slavism, which means volume book collection coniscated from the library
the uniication of the nations hailing from Slav race, of Hungarian King Matyas Korvinos and kept at the
has come to existence with Russia’s wishing to sup- Ottoman Royal Treasury. Sultan Abdülhamid II in
port all the Orthodox Christians and to unite them person ensured these books to be delivered to Aus-
under its own domination. Asserting that Orthodox trian Emperor Franz Joseph by being taken to Vien-
Christians in the Balkans were Slavic, in the sec- na by his aide-camp Tahsin Bey. ibid, pages 55-56.
ond half of the XIX. century when the Ottoman 12
Kutlu, page 108.
Empire began to decline, Russia began to put forth 13
Hikmet Süer, 1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Harbi
that they should be assembled under its administra- Rumeli Cephesi (1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War
Revista de istorie militară 25
Rumelia Front), Genelkurmay Basımevi (Turkish mobile hospitals on the Krakovi-Lemberg-Cernoviç
General Staf Printhouse), Ankara, 1993, page 13. main railway and the Volozisk-Brodi highway. Halil
14
Tarihte Türk-Rumen İlişkileri (Turco-Ru- Sedes, 1877-1878, Osmanlı-Rus ve Rumen Savaşı
menian Relations in History), Genelkurmay ATASE (1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian and Romanian War),
ve Denetleme Başkanlığı Yayınları (Publications Askeri Matbaa (Military Printing Press), Vol. II,
of the Turkish General Staf Military History and Istanbul, 1936 page 3.
Strategic Study and Inspection Department), 30
Şapolyo, pages 58-59.
Ankara, 2006, page 88. 31
William M. Sloane, Bir Tarih Laboratuarı
15
Süleyman Kocabaş, Avrupa Türkiyesi’nin Balkanlar (he Balkans as a Historical Labratory),
Kaybı ve Balkanlarda Panislavizm (he Loss of the
Translated by Sibel Özbudun, Süreç Yayınları (Süreç
European Turkey and Panslavism in the Balkans),
Publications), Istanbul, 1987, page 104.
Vatan Yayınları (Vatan Publications), Istanbul, 1986,
page 154.
32
Süer, page 87.
16
Tarihte Türk-Rumen İlişkileri (Turco-Rume-
33
Tarihte Türk Rumen İlişkileri (Turco-
nian Relations in History), page 89. Romanian Relations in History), page 117.
17
Rifat Uçarol, Siyasi Tarih (Political History),
34
Hülâgü, page 55.
Ankara, 1979, page 164.
35
Sedes, Vol. II, page 15.
18
Tarihte Türk Rumen İlişkileri (Turco- 36
If the 246-metre-long bridge connecting
Rumenian Relations in History), page 105. Russia to Romania had been destroyed beforehand,
19
Uçarol, page 165. the crossing of the Russian Army could have been
20
Fahir Armaoğlu, Siyasi Tarih 1789-1960 delayed at least two months. Turan, page 21.
(Political History 1789-1960), Ayyıldız Matbaası 37
ATASE Başkanlığı Arşivi (Archives of Military
(Ayyıldız Printing Press), Ankara, 1975, pages 153- History and Strategical Study Division); Koleksiyon
154. (Collection): Osmanlı Rus Harbi (he Ottoman-
21
Stanford J. Shaw, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu ve Russian War), Kutu (Case): 9, Gömlek (Portfolio): 8,
Modern Türkiye (History of the Ottoman Empire Belge (Document) 8-1., Şapolyo, pages 63-65.
and Modern Turkey), Traslated by Mehmet 38
Süer, page 114.
Harmancı, Vol. II, Doğuş Matbaası (Doğuş Printing 39
Tarihte Türk Rumen İlişkileri (Turco-
Press), Istanbul,1983, page 181.
22
Kocabaş, pages 158-159. Romanian Relations in History), page 118.
23
Tarihte Türk Rumen İlişkileri (Turco-Rume-
40
ATASE Başkanlığı Arşivi (Archives of Military
nian Relations in History), pages 111-115. History and Strategical Study Division); Koleksiyon
24
Selâhattin Tansel, 93 Seferi 1877 Harbinin (Collection): Osmanlı Rus Harbi (he Ottoman-
Sebepleri (he 93 Expedition – he Causes of 1877 Russian War), Kutu (Case): 5, Gömlek (Portfolio):
War), Doğuş Matbaası (Doğuş Printing Press), 88, Belge (Document) 88-1.
Ankara, 1943, page 6. 41
Hülâgü, pages 76-77.
25
Halil Sedes, 1877-1878, Osmanlı-Rus ve 42
ibid, pages 58-59.
Rumen Savaşı (1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian and 43
Talat Yalazan, Plevne Savunması (Pleven
Romanian War), Askeri Matbaa (Military Printing Defense), Genelkurmay Basımevi (Turkish General
Press), Vol.I, Istanbul, 1935, page 38. Staf Printhouse), Ankara, 1997, page 2.
26
Türk Silahlı Kuvvetleri Tarihi Osmanlı Devri 44
Hülâgü, page 74.
1877-1878 Osmanlı Rus Harbi Kafkas Cephesi 45
Turan, page 28.
Harekâtı (Turkish Armed Forces History, Ottoman 46
1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Harbi Harp Tarihi
Era, 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War Caucasus
Broşürü (he War History Brochure of the 1877-
Front Operation), Vol. II, Genelkurmay Basımevi
1878 Ottoman-Russian War), Genelkurmay
(General Staf Printhouse), Ankara, 1985, page 7,
Kurat, page 82. Basımevi (Turkish General Staf Printhouse),
27
ATASE Başkanlığı Arşivi (Archives of Military Ankara, 2000, page 31.
History and Strategical Study Division (MHSS);
47
Hülâgü, page 75.
Koleksiyon (Collection): Osmanlı Rus Harbi (he
48
Yalazan, page 10.
Ottoman-Russian War), Kutu (Case):17, Gömlek
49
1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Harbi Harp Tarihi
(Portfolio):120, Belge (Document):120-1, Süer, pag- Broşürü (he War History Brochure of the 1877-
es 63-64. 1878 Ottoman-Russian War), page 31.
28
İbid, page 84. 50
ATASE Başkanlığı Arşivi (Archives of Military
29
In accordance with the Agreement signed History and Strategical Study Division); Koleksiyon
with Austria, the Russians were permitted to build (Collection): Osmanlı Rus Harbi (he Ottoman-
26 Revista de istorie militară
Russian War), Kutu (Case): 32, Gömlek (Portfolio): 70
ATASE Başkanlığı Arşivi (Archives of Military
113, Belge (Document): 113-1. History and Strategical Study Division); Koleksiyon
51
Yalazan, page 11. (Collection): Osmanlı Rus Harbi (he Ottoman-
52
Mufassal Osmanlı Tarihi (Detailed Ottoman Russian War), Kutu (Case): 21, Gömlek (Portfolio):
History), Vol. VI, Güven Yayınevi (Güven 6, Belge (Document): 6-1.
Printhouse), Istanbul, 1963, page 3310. 71
Mahmud Talat, Plevne Müdafaası (he Pleven
53
ATASE Başkanlığı Arşivi (Archives of Military Defence), Kültür Yayınları (Kültür Publications),
History and Strategical Study Division); Koleksiyon Istanbul, 2008, page 176.
(Collection): Osmanlı Rus Harbi (he Ottoman- 72
ATASE Başkanlığı Arşivi (Archives of Military
Russian War), Kutu (Case): 10, Gömlek (Portfolio): History and Strategical Study Division); Koleksiyon
41, Belge (Document): 41-1. (Collection): Osmanlı-Rus Harbi (he Ottoman-
54
Süer, page 167. Russian War), Kutu (Case): 21, Gömlek (Portfolio):
55
ibid, pages 170-171. 61, Belge (Document): 61-1.
56
Yalazan, pages 13-14. 73
ATASE Başkanlığı Arşivi (Archives of Military
57
On the morning of Tuesday, July 30, 1877 History and Strategical Study Division); Koleksiyon
at 01.30 hours, as in the First Pleven Battle, the (Collection): Osmanlı-Rus Harbi (he Ottoman-
Russians appeared from the northeast and from Russian War), Kutu (Case): 21, Gömlek (Portfolio):
the right side of the combat line said to be par- 61, Belge (Document): 61-3.
allel to the Danube. hereupon, gun ires were 74
F.W. Von Herbert, Plevne Müdafaası (he
initiated from the Gravic gun emplacement. he Pleven Defence), Translated by Nurettin Artam,
artillery combat lasted for a few hours. he thick Yüksel Yayınevi (Yüksel Print House), Istanbul,
smoke rising from the subsequent infantry com- pages 234-235.
bat blotted the sky and darkened the battleield. 75
Talat, page 206.
ibid, pages 16-21. 76
Tarihte Türk Rumen İlişkileri (he Turco-
58
1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Harbi Harp Tarihi Romanian Relations in History), page 120.
Broşürü (he War History Brochure of the 1877- 77
Süer, pages 485-486.
1878 Ottoman-Russian War), page 33. 78
Kurat, page 84.
59
Mufassal Osmanlı Tarihi (Detailed Ottoman 79
Başar, pages 196-197.
History), page 3311. 80
Sadık Atak, Rusya Siyaseti ve Rusların
60
Süer, pages 359-364. Yayılma Siyaseti (he Russian Policy and the Russian
61
Francis Stanley, St. Petersburg’dan Plevne’ye Expansion Policy), Ankara, 1964, pages 9-10.
Gazi Osman Paşa (Ghazi Osman Pasha from 81
Tarihte Türk Rumen İlişkileri (he Turco-
St Petersburg to Pleven), Translated by Salih Romanian Relations in History), page 120.
Cıngıllıoğlu, Proil Yayıncılık (Proil Publication), 82
Uçarol, page 260.
Istanbul, 2007, pages 110-111. 83
Armaoğlu, page 268.
62
Hülâgü, pages 162-163. 84
Kutlu, page 113.
63
his title was bestowed upon Osman Pasha 85
Shaw, page 236.
as a reward of the hird Pleven Victory. he high 86
Rifat Uçarol, Gazi Ahmet Muhtar Paşa
ranking oicers and soldiers were also honored (Ghazi Ahmet Muhtar Pasha), Filiz Kitabevi (Filiz
with the good regards of the Ottoman Sultan. Bookstore), Istanbul, 1989, page 119.
Mufassal Osmanlı Tarihi (Detailed Ottoman 87
Kutlu, page 117.
History), page 3312, Yalazan, page 82. 88
1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Harbi Harp Tarihi
64
Şapolyo, page 101. Broşürü (he War History Brochure of the 1877-
65
Hülâgü, pages 140-141. 1878 Ottoman-Russian War), page 59.
66
Süer, page 452. 89
Mufassal Osmanlı Tarihi (Detailed Ottoman
67
ATASE Başkanlığı Arşivi (Archives of Military History), pages 3335-3336.
History and Strategical Study Division); Koleksiyon 90
Turan, page 52.
(Collection): Osmanlı Rus Harbi (he Ottoman- 91
Kutlu, page 536.
Russian War), Kutu (Case): 17, Gömlek (Portfolio): 92
Tarihte Türk Rumen İlişkileri (he Turco-
180, Belge (Document): 180-1. Romanian Relations in History), page 98.
68
Süer, page 454. 93
Başar, page 205.
69
ATASE Başkanlığı Arşivi (Archives of Military 94
Hilmi Yücebaş, Gazi Osman Paşa ve Plevne
History and Strategical Study Division); Koleksiyon (Ghazi Osman Pasha and Pleven), Kenan Matbaası
(Collection): Osmanlı Rus Harbi (he Ottoman- (Kenan Printing Press), Istanbul, 1943, pages 73-75.
Russian War), Kutu (Case): 24, Gömlek (Portfolio): 95
Tarihte Türk Rumen İlişkileri (he Turco-
75, Belge (Document): 75-1. Romanian Relations in History), page 123.
Revista de istorie militară 27
Dossier: Romanian-Turkish Military Relations
during Modern and Contemporary Period
abstract
he foundations of the Turkish foreign policy in the 1920s were based on the principles of “real-
ism, protection of independence, modernization, paciism, and adherence to law”, which were set by
the founder of the Turkish Republic Mustafa Kemal ATATÜRK depending on his in-depth knowl-
edge of national and perception of general history. hese principles guiding the Turkish foreign
policy aroused deep interest within the Romanian political and diplomatic milieus of the time.
ATATÜRK ascribed a special signiicance to regional cooperation and tried to develop bilat-
eral relations with the Balkan states. Within this framework, he appointed Hamdullah Suphi
Tanrıöver, one of the most distinguished statesmen and intellectuals of those times, as the Am-
bassador to Romania in 1931. Tanrıöver, who was appointed as an Ambassador to Bucharest,
gained the conidence and sympathy of the Romanian political circles through his high merits.
He undertook important endeavors especially for the continuation of the cultural ties between
the Gagavuz Turks and Turkey and exerted eforts for the safeguarding of Turkish-Romanian
friendship.
his article embraces the life history of Ambassador Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver, who served
as the ambassador in Bucharest from 1931 to 1944, and his endeavors for the conservation and
perfection of the Turkish-Romanian friendship.
Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver was born at Hamdullah Suphi – who was to become
the Suphi Pasha Mansion in Aksaray, İstanbul, the thirty-eighth Minister of Turkish Educa-
in 1885. His grandfather, Abdurrahman Sami tion, and the second Minister of Education of
Pasha (1795-1878), was the irst Minister of the Republican Era owing to his exceptional
Education of the Turkish education history. education in science and arts – was brought
His father was the well-known scholar and a up in a mansion where the most notable fu-
statesman, and the sixth Minister of Turkish ture promising scholars, intellectuals, poets,
Education Abdullatif Suphi Pasha (1818-1886); and statesmen were taught and trained. As his
his mother was the Caucasian Ulfet Hanim. grandfather Abdurrahman Sami Pasha was the
* Dr. Air Force Ins.Col., Head, Division of Military History, TGS Department of ATASE.
28 Revista de istorie militară
irst, his father Suphi Pasha the sixth, and his
brother-in-law, one of the well-known com-
posers of the times, Vizier Mehmet Yusuf Ziya
Pasha, the twenty-second Minister of Educa-
tion, Hamdullah Suphi Bey was generally re-
ferred to as the “Minister of National Educa-
tion by blood.” Ghazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha, in
his speech on the occasion of Hamdullah Bey’s
second appointment as the Minister of Edu-
cation on March 4, 1925, said “Hamdullah is
Minister of Education by birth.”1
Hamdullah Suphi completed his primary
education at the Kisikli, Altunizadeh, and
Numune-yi Terakki schools; he completed
his secondary school education at the Lycée
de Galatasaray as a boarding student upon
the decree issued by Sultan Abdulhamid II.
Having had graduated in 1904, he took a posi-
tion as trainee at the Department of Transla-
tion, Tobacco Monopoly Central Administra-
tion, in 1905.2 Speaking of Hamdullah Suphi of hamdullah suphi Tanrıöver
the times, Abdülhak Şinasi Hisar says:
He was dedicated to searching, appreciat-
ing and encouraging all the competent young to his spirit. Having taken up journalism, with
hearts in his homeland; he felt the thirst for the power of the pen he had been holding since
instilling an ideal spirit in them, and feeling his school years he persuades people to write in
of fondness for himself in return. He learned line with his ideas. His life as a teacher further
fervent patriotism, personal dignity, courage, helped him improve his might in oration that
self-denial, and altruism from Namık Kemal. is even more inluential than writing. He per-
He was a person deeply moved by his famil- ceived the lack of the notion of nationalism as
ial righteousness. Moreover, he, under the in- one of the most important defects of the nation;
luence of the good manners he was taught, is resuscitating national traditions gloriied the
highly conscious of the fact that maintaining former virtues.3
nobility is the greatest accomplishment in life. Hamdullah Suphi Bey, who was only 24
He has an innate need and capacity for toiling when he was appointed as a lecturer to the uni-
and exertion. He is yearning to furnish his tone versity, achieved a great success by giving par-
of voice with a mature style to encourage and ticular importance to Turkish and Islamic arts
voice his nation’s feelings. He is longing to deal in his lectures and studies thereby in instilling
with his nation’s education. He is not a library- an appreciation and creating a spirit of national
ridden scholar; he is a true intellectual owing art. His teaching of Arab, Persian, and Indian
his accumulation of knowledge to his environ- arts within the framework of Islamic Civiliza-
ment, life and experiences. He is a poet reciting tion; and especially his taking his students to
his native land pleasantly even in poetry, that the mosques, mausoleums, small mosques,
is but a lyric expression of the spirit. He is the public fountains, aqueducts, bridges, inns,
one who is moved by an ardent feeling of resist- soup-kitchens, and caravanserais found in the
ance against autocracy. He displays courage in diferent districts of Istanbul brought liveliness
the face of danger. He has a high sense of beauty and aroused deep interest in his lectures hence
of life and knows how to credit it. He always he gained popularity and respect among uni-
careful and takes great pains in relecting him- versity students. Meanwhile, he also started
self on to people around him. here is an ener- lecturing both at the Naval School and Con-
getic and vigorous, and an eternally joyous side servatoire. Nevertheless, his greatest service
Revista de istorie militară 29
and role were to emerge within the organiza- Suphi, following the declaration of the repub-
tions of the Türk Ocağı [Turkish Hearth]4 and lic, was the irst person to feel the need for the
Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA). founding of a university in Ankara, and was the
Hamdullah Suphi was elected as a mem- one who sow its seeds within the body of the
ber of the propagandizing committee, set up Turkish Hearth.
by the Governorship of Edirne in 1913, deter- As there was a severe lack of cadres to un-
mined to keep hrace and Edirne under the dertake the afairs of the state in the irst days of
sovereignty of Ottoman State and to voice the the Turkish National War of Independence the
Bulgarian atrocities committed during the Bul- representatives were appointed to the adminis-
garian occupation. In 1917, he was married to trative posts, ranging from General Director to
Ayşe Saide Hanim, daughter of Isfendiyaroğlu Undersecretary, at the ministries keeping their
Ahmet Muhtar Bey. rights as the members of the TGNA. Hamdul-
When he got married, Hamdullah Suphi lah Suphi Bey, who joined the Turkish National
had been a lecturer at the Naval School at War of Independence as Antalya Representa-
Heybeliada, Istanbul. he Minister of Navy, tive, was appointed as the General Director of
Cemal Pasha, who had always appreciated his Press and Communications on June 7, 1920.
eforts and who knew the İsfendiyaroğlu Fam- Mustafa Kemal, being the leader of the
ily very closely, sent the newly wed couple to National Struggle, founded the Anatolian
Germany for two months. However, as all the Agency on April 6, 1920, in order to undertake
routes of transportation were blocked due to the tasks of receiving and distributing of the
the First World War, the couple had to stay news, and to systematize the performance of
eleven months in Germany. hey eventually domestic and foreign propagandas, which he
took a ship, Akdeniz, from Hamburg to Turkey deemed as the most crucial aspect of the Na-
in May 1919. Hamdullah Suphi Bey delivered tional Struggle as of the earliest days. TGNA,
his irst ardent speech while passing from the opened on 23 April, 1920, decided to set up the
Çanakkale Strait. General Directorate of Press and Communica-
he days Hamdullah Suphi returned home tions embracing the Press Directorate and the
witnessed the occupations in the country Anatolian Agency. he General Directorate,
starting with the Greek occupation of İzmir, ailiated to the Board of Executive Repre-
May 15, 1919. To protest the occupations in sentatives, was founded upon a law passed by
Anatolia, he held fervent meetings all over Is- the TGNA on June 7, 1920; Hamdullah Suphi
tanbul. His zealous speeches in the meetings Bey was appointed as the General Director of
led him to take his due place among other in- Press and Communications on the same day,
tellectual patriots like Halide Edip (Adıvar), and maintained this position until August 19,
Dr. Riza Nur, and the poet Mehmet Emin Bey, 1920.
who had not joined the movement in Anatolia Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver, who was the
by then. Hamdullah Suphi’s reopening of the second Minister of Education of the Turkish
Turkish Hearth, which was one of the irst as- Republic, and the thirty-eighth Minister of
sociations closed down by the British, within the Turkish Education, undertook impor-
the organization of National Instruction and tant tasks in both terms. he acceptance of
Education Center a week after, the passionate the poem Mehmet Akif had written as the
speeches he made at Sultanahmet meetings, Turkish National Anthem on March 12, 1921,
the dauntless inauguration speech5 he made by the TGNA, was realized with his zealous
at the Ottoman Parliament in 1920 as Antalya endeavor.6
representative did not leave him any chance of
survival in the British occupied Istanbul. hamdullah suphi bey’s
Informing Mustafa Kemal Pasha on the ambassadorship at bucharest
closing of Turkish Hearth with a telegraph,
Hamdullah Suphi crossed over to Ankara and It is evident that the foundations of the
organized the spreading of Turkish Hearth not Turkish foreign policy in the 1920s, when the
only in Ankara but all over Anatolia. Hamdullah Turkish Republic was founded, were based on
30 Revista de istorie militară
the principles of “realism, protection of inde- Dobrudja, hence, began using Latin alphabet
pendence, modernization, paciism, and ad- in their curriculum. In line with the reforms
herence to law.” ATATÜRK, ascribing a spe- initiated by ATATÜRK in Türkiye, the clothing
cial signiicance to regional cooperation and of the school children of Turkish-Tartar com-
developing of bilateral relations with the Bal- munity was modernized. Furthermore, Ham-
kan states appointed one of the most distin- dullah Bey persuaded the Romanian Ministry
guished statesmen and intellectuals of the era, of Education to implement courses on Turkish
Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver, as the Ambassa- History in addition to core courses like Gen-
dor to Romania in 1931. Tanrıöver, who was eral History and Romanian History.
appointed as an Ambassador to Bucharest, Ambassador Tanrıöver not only won the
winning the conidence and sympathy of hearts, afection, and sympathies of the Ro-
the Romanian political circles with his deep manian palace and government but a deep
knowledge of history, culture, and eloquence, credence of the Romanian people at large. Ro-
undertook important endeavors ranging from manian government was more than accommo-
the safeguarding of Turkish-Romanian friend- dating to Hamdullah Bey’s close dealings with
ship to the continuation of the cultural ties be- the Romanian subject Muslim and Christian
tween the Gagavus Turks and Türkiye. Turkish peoples.11
Hamdullah Suphi Bey was irst appointed University of Bucharest conferred him
to Bucharest in 1931 as “the Exceptional Del- an Honorary Doctor of Philosophy degree;
egate and Intermediary Envoy”7; he was pro- Marshal Antonescu, the Romanian Prime
moted to Ambassador in June 28, 1939, and Minister of the time in his letter to the Presi-
submitted his Letter of Credence to the King dent of the University of Bucharest spoke of
of Romania on July 8, 1939.8 Tanrıöver as “a guide of his nation and an in-
Commencing his mission in Romania, tellectual warrior.”12
Hamdullah Suphi Bey became interested in Turkish-Romanian relations that were
the Turkish minority, the Gagavuz9 and con- ceased on August 20, 1916, during the First
ducted studies in the towns and villages of World War, were revived as of June 20, 1922.13
Dobrudja and Basarabia. He irst sent 30-40 he revival did not only relect itself on bilat-
young Gagavuz, who had not lost their mother eral declarations of good will and principles
language, to Türkiye to receive middle and but on irmly established economic relations.
higher education.10 As Romania realized eighty percent of its for-
he only institution of higher educa- eign trade over international waters, she close-
tion in Dobrudja, during Hamdullah Suphi ly followed the developments at the Lausanne
Tanrıöver’s Ambassadorship in Bucharest, was Peace Talks. Moreover, she advocated the
the Muslim Seminary at the town of Medjidié Turkish proposal on the principle of free pas-
near Babadagh. Hamdullah Bey had talks with sage through the Turkish Straits, and strongly
the lecturers and the students and examined supported Türkiye’s struggle for the abolishing
their curriculum and training programs. He, of the capitulations.14
applying to the Romanian Ministry of Educa- A “Friendship, Non-aggression, Umpirage,
tion, convinced them to institute schools ofer- and Reconciliation Treaty,” to which Hamdullah
ing education in Turkish in twenty-six Gagavuz Suphi Bey made great contributions, improv-
towns and villages. Moreover, he had the Min- ing the air of friendship was signed between the
istry of Education appoint teachers from the parties on October 17, 1933.15 hese relations
Dobrudja Turks and the graduates of Medjidié also contributed to Tanrıöver’s eforts in creat-
Muslim Seminary. hus, at the primary and ing a big Turkish cemetery in Bucharest.16
secondary schools found in Constanta, Tulcea, here are three Turkish martyrs’ cemeter-
Sislistra, and Pazardzhik, as well as at the ies, where the Turkish soldiers fallen martyrs
Medjidié Muslim Seminary, courses ofering on the Romanian Front during the First World
Turkish and Turkish Literature were launched War are buried in Romania. hese martyrs’
by bringing books written in Latin alpha- cemeteries are found in Bucharest, Brăila,
bet from Türkiye. All the Turkish schools in and in Slobozia. hey were found in compli-
Revista de istorie militară 31
ance with the Lausanne Treaty Article: 126, ian and Turkish units; as well as launching of
and in accordance with the protocol signed an attack on Dobrudja and hence occupying
between the Turkish and Romanian govern- the Walachia Plateau. Consequently, with the
ment on September 18, 1930. he protocol forces gathered to march over Bucharest the
stipulated the preservation of the cemeteries Romanian Army would be enveloped.
of the both sides where soldiers killed in ac- Bulgarian border troops commencing
tion, and/or those who died under captivity – an attack on September 2, 1916, seized the
as of August 27, 1916 – were buried. During Tutrakan Castle on September 6, and stopped
Hamdullah Suphi’s Ambassadorship to Bucha- Russo-Romanian counter-attacks. While the
rest all the Turkish martyrs, aside from those operation was developing, 6th Turkish Corps
who were buried in Slobozia, were transferred formed upon the orders of Supreme Military
to the martyrs’ cemeteries found in Gencagha, Command dated July 20, 1916, and by bringing
Bucharest, and in Brăila as of September 1930. various divisions, regiments, and battalions to-
hese cemeteries were opened to public visits gether in Edirne was ready to be deployed at
as of 1958.17 Dobrudja.
According to the operation plans devised Units ailiated to the 6th Corps, to lend
against Romania in July 1916 it was suggested support to the 6th Bulgarian Army, crossed the
that the Germans and the Austrian units were Danube through the Tutrakan-Ruse line, in
to draw the Romanian Army by realizing a the evening of September 30-October 1, and
demonstration attack in the north thereby al- engaged with the Russo-Romanian forces. 6th
lowing the Bulgarian Army to launch an attack Turkish Corps realized important achieve-
on Dobrudja and conquer the Tutrakan and Sil- ments. he total number of losses for the 6th
istra castles. Meanwhile, the Bulgarian forces Corps was 11.600. he bodies of those Turkish
concentrated in the Nikopol were to cross the martyrs buried singly or in groups, are found
Danube from south to north and march over in the Turkish Martyrs’ Cemeteries mentioned
to Bucharest. Moreover, this operation was to above.18
be backed up by Austrian Danube Fleet. Fur- Türkiye, during the First World War, to
thermore, an Ottoman Force to be gathered in realize the German proposals sent corps to
the environs of Edirne was to lend its support Macedonia and Galicia upon the orders of the
to 3rd Bulgarian Army. Ministry of War Enver Pasha. As the situations
Having thus had curbed the Romanian the Turkish Army fought on the other fronts
advance in Transylvania, German General started to change dramatically Enver Pasha,
Headquarters was aiming at realizing the thinking that it would be best to withdraw the
deinite result on the Carpati Mountains; but forces from the Balkans, sent a message to Ger-
this end necessitated the reinforcement of the man Marshall Hindenburg and therewith stat-
German and Austrian forces with the Bulgar- ed his urgent need for those troops in taking
Baghdad from the English. However, the reply Nicolae Titulescu, the Romanian Minister of
he received from General Ludendorf was not Foreign Afairs, and Tevik Rüştü Aras, Turkish
negatory at all. Of the two Turkish divisions Minister of Foreign Afairs. Hamdullah Suphi
(15th and 25th Divisions] at the Romanian front Bey playing a signiicant role in establishing
one returned home in December 1917, and the cordial relationships between the Romanian
other could only return by April 1918.19 and Turkish diplomats as well, at times, was
First World War ended with the defeat of the invited to the Romanian Palace by the Mother
Central Powers (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Queen Elena.23
Ottoman State, and Bulgaria) in November Death of ATATÜRK, 1938, and the devel-
1918. he Ottoman State, upon the stipula- opments brought along with the beginning of
tions of the Moudhros Ceaseire Agreement a new world war could not even deteriorate the
signed, took its place in the pages of history.20
atmosphere of friendship set between Turkish
Following the Turkish War of Independ-
and Romanian peoples. National interests
ence launched under the leadership of Mustafa
of the era made the continuation of relations
Kemal against the occupations in Anatolia, and
mandatory. Turkish-Romanian diplomatic ties
the subsequent proclamation of the Turkish
continued until 1944 within the framework of
Republic, Turkish-Romanian relations started
friendship Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver estab-
to develop within a new framework. In the
era prior to the Second World War, Mustafa lished with some of the inluential members of
Kemal ATATÜRK and Nicolae Titulescu21, a the Romanian Government.
Romanian diplomat, worked zealously to for- Hitler, during the Second World War, hav-
mulate an alliance among the Balkan states. ing learned the Soviet Government’s proposals
Titulescu, in a speech he made at a Balkan Pact made in the November 25, 1940 Memoran-
meeting held in 1935, speaking of Mustafa Ke- dum, on December 18, 1940, ordered the Ger-
mal ATATÜRK said: man Supreme Command Council to execute
Mustafa Kemal’s unrivaled work aroused the Russian War [Operation Barbarossa] plan.
deep interest and acclaim in every corner of the However, he, deciding irst to secure the south-
world. Mustafa Kemal is an intellectual who re- ern lank prior to the execution of the plan had
juvenated the Turkish nation, and who by sav- the German Army march into Romania in the
ing his peoples from the pangs of reactionism beginning of 1941. Developing circumstances
encouraged them towards the ever-higher levels initiated some signiicant changes in the rela-
of civilization. he stability ATATÜRK created tions established between Türkiye and Roma-
is the absolute proof to the magniicence and nia as of the end of the First World War.24
endurance of the work.22 One of the major measures the General Ion
Hamdullah Suphi Bey played an important Antonescu25 Government, that came to power
role in establishment of close ties between on September 4, 1940, took in foreign rela-
Revista de istorie militară 33
tions was the invalidation of the Balkan Pact, 1941; and reached Turkish territory by June.
which it declared to be out of date. Changes in General Ion Antonescu, taking the develop-
the Romanian foreign policy and the collaps- ments for granted tried to draw Türkiye into
ing of the Balkan Pact, for Hamdullah Suphi war on the side of the Axis Powers; to this end
Tanrıöver, would never hinder the everlasting he invited Turkish Ambassador to Bucharest
friendship ties established between Türkiye Tanrıöver to his oice.
and Romania. It was needles to say that this When Tanrıöver said, “Who could have
friendship would develop further under difer- thought that the German Army would swarm
ent states of afairs.26 and occupy Greece and the islands in the Medi-
he newly established Romanian Govern- terranean Archipelago close to Anatolian shores
ment, ruled by Ion Antonescu, upon Hitler’s in such a short time?”.Ion Antonescu respond-
demands, by resorting to certain diplomatic ed by claiming, “Romania and Türkiye should
maneuvers tried to draw Türkiye on the side of establish close cooperation with Germany, this
the Axis Powers. One of the irst attempts was is the only way we can protect our mutual in-
the ceasing of the transportation between the terests in the region.”
Romanian and Turkish ports. Upon the devel- Tanrıöver confronting such a pressure re-
opments, Turkish Ambassador to Bucharest, plied declaring, “Turkish Government has no
Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver, requested an ap- intention of taking an action against Germany.
pointment with Ion Antonescu; the meeting Should the German Army ever attacks Türkiye
was realized on February 15, 1941. During the our government is ready and resolved as ever to
meeting, Ambassador Tanrıöver demanded defend our national borders. Our government is
the invalidation of the decision concerning the determined to do so; a Turk’s word has always
ceasing of transportation between Romanian been, is, and will be a word of honor, no one
and Turkish ports by asserting that the meas- should question whatever he is resolved to do.”27
ures taken would have an impeding efect on As is relected in such talks, some of the
the economies of the both nations; and further results drawn from the documents pertaining
added that the security of the Romanian ships Turkish Republic’s Ambassador to Bucharest,
would be guaranteed by the Turkish Govern- Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver’s diplomatic con-
ment. tacts with the Romanian statesmen between
Ion Antonescu claiming that the English the years 1940-1943 are as follows:
set up several air bases on the Turkish soil said, Türkiye was compelled by Germany, Italy,
“We are not supposed to carry the fuel the en- and Romania to abandon her non-military pol-
emy planes need for bombarding our territory itics and take sides with the Axis Powers; the
are we?” He, further elaborating on the issue intensity and the harshness of these pressures
claimed that the British Fleet would sail into yielded in time to more formal levels depend-
the Black Sea and destroy the Romanian Fleet, ing on the developments at the fronts. At the
and added that “Türkiye might engage in a war diplomatic talks held between the sides, ex-
against Germany; but, such an attempt would change of information on the national security
bring an enormous cost on Türkiye, and the of both countries was generally conducted on
Soviet Government may decide to open a sec- the basis of friendship.28
ond front on the Caucasus.” Tanrıöver’s reply to Ambassador Hamdullah Suphi, in the talks
such a threat is highly signiicant: “Türkiye has he held with the Romanian vice Prime Min-
no intention of declaring war on Germany un- ister and Minister of Foreign Afairs Mihail
less she is confronted with an attack; however, Antonescu on June 2, 1942, and on August 4,
should this ever to happen, no one should ever 1942, declared that “Türkiye is determined to
doubt that she will defend herself.” keep her non-military politics;” adding that
Military developments in the Balkans in “Türkiye is resolved to maintain her non-mil-
April-June 1941 reached such an extent that itary politics despite the changes that might
they threatened Türkiye’s national borders and occur as a result of German advancement in
national security. German divisions launched the Caucasus.” Tanrıöver, in his meeting with
attacks on Yugoslavia and Greece on April 6, the Romanian vice Prime Minister and Min-
34 Revista de istorie militară
ister of Foreign Afairs Mihail Antonescu on DAĞISTAN, Adil; “Hamdullah Suphi’nin
June 23, 1943, pronounced that the Turkish Romanya Büyükelçiliği ve Gagavuz Türkleri”,
nation had deep sympathies towards the Ro- Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, Issue 54,
manian nation, that both nations were bound Ankara, Kasım 2002.
to each other with common interests, and that EKREM, Mehmet Ali; “Atatürk ve Roma-
the Turkish government was giving utmost im- nya Kamuoyu”, I.Milletlerarası Türkoloji Kon-
portance to the Romanian people’s cause as if gresi Bildirileri, Vo:I, İstanbul, 1979.
it were his. Hamdullah Suphi never made any ................................; “Hamdullah Suphi
concessions on the non-military policies of the Tanrıöver’in İkinci Dünya Savaşı Yıllarında
Turkish Government.29 Bükreş’teki Diplomatik Faaliyetleri”, XI.Türk
Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver retired from Tarih Kongresi-5-9 Eylül 1990, Ankara, 1994.
the Turkish Embassy in Romania on December ................................; “İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nda
5, 1944. On returning Türkiye he took his place Türk-Rumen İlişkileri: Almanya’nın Antones-
at the TGNA as a deputy; having had dedicat- cu Hükümeti Aracılığı İle Türkiye Üzerine
ed his life to Turkishness and Turkism died on Baskıları”, X.Türk Tarih Kongresi 22-26 Eylül
June 10, 1966, in Istanbul.30 Rather than be- 1986, Vol.VI, Ankara, 1994.
ing respected as a poet and a man of letters, KARPAT, Kemal; Balkanlarda Osmanlı
Hamdullah Suphi is highly respected for his Mirası ve Milliyetçilik, Timaş Publications,
eloquence and rhetorical skills. Although he İstanbul, 2012.
entered the Turkish literary scene as a poet and KUSHNER, David; Türk Milliyetçiliğinin
critic, he found his due place within the cadres Doğuşu, Kervan Publications, İstanbul,1979.
of National Literary Movement and in Turkish SOYSAL, İsmail; Türkiye’nin Siyasi
Hearth. He is one of the ardent proponents of Andlaşmaları, Vol.I, Türk Tarih Kurumu Pub-
Turkism movement initiated by Ziya Gökalp, lications, Ankara, 1983.
Mehmet Emin Yurdakul, and Müftüoğlu Ah- ŞİMŞİR, Bilal N; Atatürk ve Yabancı Devlet
met Hikmet; he only seconds to Ömer Naci in Başkanları, Türk Tarih Kurumu Publications,
the Turkish World as a national orator. Ankara, 2001.
Turkish Republic’s Ambassador to Bu- Tarihte Türk-Rumen İlişkileri, Gnkur.
charest, Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver, of the ATASE Bşk.lığı Yayınları, Ankara, 2006.
ATATÜRK’s era31, who returned home with TEK, Müide Ferid; “Hamdullah Suphi Bey”,
invaluable services, owing to his idealist char- Türk Yurdu, Vol.6, Issue 2, Şubat 1967.
acter had served within the framework of TEVETOĞLU; Fethi; Hamdullah Subhi
Turkish Foreign Policy whose bases were set by Tanrıöver, Kültür Bakanlığı Publications,
ATATÜRK; and spent great efort for the ever- Ankara,1985.
developing Turkish-Romanian friendship at all ÜLKÜSAL, Müstecip; “Hamdullah Suphi
levels of higher governmental echelons. Tanrıöver ve Dobruca Türkleri”, Emel Journal,
Issue 35, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü
RefeRenCes Publications, Ankara, 1966.
ARAL, Hamid; Dışişleri Bakanlığı 1967
Yıllığı, Ankara, 1968.
ARASLI, Altan; Avrupa’da Türk İzleri, Vol.I, noTe
Kültür Bakanlığı Publications, 2001. 1
TEVETOĞLU, Fethi; Hamdullah Suphi
AYBARS, Ergün; Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tanrıöver, Ankara, Kültür Bakanlığı, 1985, pp. 14-15.
Tarihi, Cilt I, Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi Publica-
2
TEVETOĞLU, p. 27, 41.
tions, Ankara, 1995.
3
TEVETOĞLU, p. 73.
Hamdullah Suphi, took up a position at the Deed
Birinci Dünya Harbi’nde Türk Harbi Rom-
Oice in 1907; he began his teaching career the fol-
anya Cephesi, Cilt:VII, Gnkur. Harp Tarihi lowing year at the Haghia Sophia High School by lec-
Dairesi Publications, Ankara, 1967. turing on Rhetorical Skills, History of Civilization,
CIAHIR, Nicolae; Atatürk Döneminde and giving French lessons. Hamdullah Suphi who
Türkiye-Romanya İlişkileri, translated by worked as an interpreter at the Istanbul Municipal-
Çağlar ENNELİ, Türkler, Vol.16, 2002. ity in 1909, was appointed to the Istanbul Teachers’
Revista de istorie militară 35
School in 1910, and to the Istanbul University Fac- 6
TEVETOĞLU, pp. 137, 157-159
ulty of Letters as a lecturer in 1913. Having received 7
ŞİMŞİR, Bilal N; Atatürk ve Yabancı Devlet
his professorship he began giving courses on Turk- Başkanları, Vol. IV, Ankara, TTK Publications,
ish Literature and Pedagogy. Applying to the Minis- 2001, p. 36.
try of Education he instigated the establishment of 8
ARAL, Hamid; Dışişleri Bakanlığı 1967 Yıllığı
Department of History of Turkish and Islamic Fine [Ministry of Foreign Afairs Almanac 1967], Ankara,
Arts; changing the curriculum, set by his predeces- 1968, p. 849.
sor Halid Ziya Uşaklıgil, that was based on the stud- 9
KARPAT,Kemal; Balkanlarda Osmanlı Mirası
ies of Eugène Véro’s book dedicated to the analyses ve Milliyetçilik [Ottoman Heritage and Nationalism
of aesthetics and ine arts: L’Esthétique. Hamdullah in the Balkans], İstanbul, Timaş, 2012, pp. 305-306,
Suphi dedicating his all his energy to the lecturing 315.
in this newly founded discipline, handed the course he Gagavus are the Turkish speaking Orthodox
devoted to the development of good manners over Christians who are known to be still living in the
to İsmail Hakkı Baltacıoğlu, who he believed would regions of Varna, Balchik, Russia, Basarabia, South-
teach better than himself. ern Kazakhstan, Frunze, Tashkent, Fergana, Akty-
4
Towards the end of the Sultan Abdülhamid II ubinsk, and in Semipalatinsk. he Gagavuz irst set-
reign, Turkish intellectuals – among whom were tled in the western coastline of the Black Sea, mainly
Şemseddin Sami, Necib Asım, Veled Çelebi, Me- in the Varna region, and lived there until the end of
hmet Emin Yurdakul – formed a cultural Turkish the nineteenth century. Upon the invitation of the
nationalist intellectual circle. Following the decla- Russian Tsar, most of the Gagavuz moved to settle
ration of II. Constitutional Monarchy the activities in the region known as Basarabia (today Moldavia),
of the group were made public; however, with the north of the Danube River. Some of those new set-
increasing of freedom the intellectuals having di- tlers later moved to the inners sections of Russia. It
verse opinions prevented the group from taking up is a well known fact that most of the Soviet Gaga-
its former status. In December 1908, Turkish Asso- vuz people had still been preserving their languages
ciation, to undertake studies on all Turkish peoples’ and traditions in the 1960s. he Gagavuz, who were
history and culture, was founded with the eforts the Seljuk Turks ailiated to İzzettin Keykaus, ac-
of Yusuf Akçura; nevertheless, association’s being cepted the Christian faith between 1318 and 1320.
open only to the intellectuals and its profound in- It is claimed that the Gagavuz yielding before some
terest in language reform did not bring the expected external pressures accepted the Christian Orthodox
support from the society at large. It was replaced by faith in the 14th Century and became ailiated to the
the Turkish Hearth in 1912; the aim of this group Istanbul Romaic Patriarchate. Hence, some inlu-
was to improve the national education, as well as to ences of the Christian religious practices made their
promote Turkish peoples’ economic and social sta- way into the Gagavuz customs and folklore. For ex-
tuses. ample, while the names were Christianized family
KUSHNER, David; Türk Milliyetçiliğinin names remained their Turkish characteristics. In
Doğuşu [Birth of Turkish Nationalism]. Kervan Yay., other words, irst names, indicators of the Islamic
İstanbul, 1979, pp. 153-154. faith, were cast aside but the family names denoting
he short lived Turkish Association, Turkish Fa- the ethnic and linguistic origins were left intact. Al-
therland League, and the Turkish Learning Society though some of the customs and beliefs were adapt-
that were founded after the Second Constitutional ed to Christian terminology they are in fact mostly
Monarchy, and their publications like Turkish As- of the Turkish customs and beliefs.
sociation, Turkish Fatherland and Learning Journal, 10
KARPAT, pp. 305-312.
their founders, administrators and writers were in Evaluation of the historical data pertaining to
fact to set the bases for the Turkish Hearth and its the earliest settlements of the Gagavuz the theo-
publication the Turkish Fatherland. TEVETOĞLU, ries suggesting that they moved from Anatolia and
p. 102. those claiming that they took northern route to
5
In the speech he made at the Ottoman Parlia- their present homeland intersect at one point; that
ment he said, “You are not a National Assembly. You is there were Turkish peoples in Rumelia even be-
do not have an army, or money, or a government. If fore the Ottomans moved in. he irst historian to
you could only and possibly declare that you are sup- propound the Anatolian origins of the Gagavuz,
porting the National Movement that started in Ana- and their being the followers of Izzettin Keykaus
tolia as the representative of last hope of freedom you (1238-1278) was the well known Bulgarian his-
can become a National Assembly. Or else, the irst torian G.D. Balascev. He published his indings in
English corporal to peep through that door has the Soia, 1939. he publication, embracing the preface
power to and will take you to any prison he likes.” written by George I. Bratianu, was translated into
36 Revista de istorie militară
Romanian with the eforts of Hamdullah Suphi ertheless, Oğuzname [Oghuz Chronicles] and the
Tanrıöver, the Bucharest Ambassador of the time. Selçukname [Seljuk Chronicles] reveal that Izzettin
Balascev only took Seyyid Lokman’s Oghuz Chroni- having had involved in a plot against the Emperor
cles as his reference. In other words, Balascev did in 1264 was imprisoned at the Enos castle. Later an
not analyze Yazıcıoğlu Ali’s Seljuk Chronicles, in army composed of Tartars, Bulgars, and of Seljuk
fact forms the source of Seyyid Lokman’s work, cov- Turks (better known as the Oghuz) took Izzet-
ers the history of the Seljuk Turks migrating from tin from the castle and handed him over to Bereke
Anatolia to the Balkans between 1281 and 1420s. Khan in Crimea. Soon the Turks who had settled
Yazıcıoğlu Ali’s work gives additional information in Dobrudja immigrated to Crimea to be with the
on the groups migrating from the south to Do- highly respected Izzettin. His son, Melik Constan-
brudja as of 1281. Despite not making use of this tin, and one of his daughters took Christian faith.
invaluable work Balascev did not only gave concrete Paul Wittek who made an in-depth analysis of Balas-
theory on the origins of Gagavuz by complement- cev’s thesis under the light of Yazıcıoğlu Ali’s Seljuk
ing Seyyid Lokman’s work with Georgius Pachym- Chronicles, covering the events between 1281 and
eres’s de Michaele et Androniko Palaeologis Libri 1420, brought signiicant indings to light. His stud-
Tredecem and Nikepheros Gregoras’s Byzantina ies propound that following İzzettin Keykaus’s death
Historia, but also propounded that the name Gaga- in Crimea, 1278, his uncle Sarı Saltuk, gathered the
vuz was derived from the very name of Keykavus. Oghuz, who had followed İzzettin from Anatolia to
Balascev, asserted that the Seljuks moving with Crimea, the migrants, and re-settled them in Do-
İzzettin Keykavuz pronounced the letter “k” as “g” brudja around 1280-90. His indings also revealed
and therefore the name “Gagavuz” should have that Sarı Saltuk died some twenty years later, around
been pronounced as “Kakavuz” [Keykavus]. Wittek, 1300, in Babadagh. hus, we learn how Sarı Saltuk,
who clariied the origins of the Gagavuz, aside from about whom Seyyit Lokman in his Oghuz Chronicles
simple variations, is of the same opinion with Balas- said had moved to Crimea, came back to Dobrudja,
cev. Prof. Dr. Kemal Karpat, states that Hamdullah and was buried in Babadagh. he Seljuk Turks (the
Suphi Tanrıöver, who had a profound interest in Oghuz), who had emigrated to Dobrudja in 1263
the Gagavuz was asked to put all his notes on the under the leadership of Saltuk Baba (Saltuk Dede
Basarabian Gagavuz together, and to complete his or Sarı Saltuk) from Anatolia during the reign of
studies on the history and folklore of the Gagavuz. İzzettin Keykaus and re-settled in Dobrudja in the
Karpat, further claims that Tanrıöver had managed 1280s, irst met with the Ottoman Army, advanc-
to publish a 200-page book by bringing the limited ing under the command of Yaksi Bey, hundred years
number of materials that were available in his hand. later, in 1388 and joined them. Recent studies con-
Observing the bases of the theories put forward we ducted on the Gagavuz seem to acknowledge this
learn that Seljuk Sultan Izzettin Keykaus II., not be- very fact.
ing able to resist the Mongol pressures and inally 11
TEVETOĞLU, pp. 206-208.
following his defeat in a war against the Mongols 12
TEK, Müide Ferid; “Hamdullah Suphi Bey.”
he sailed from Antalya to Istanbul and took shelter Türk Yurdu [Turkish Fatherland], February 1967,
in his maternal uncle Byzantine Emperor Michaele Vol. 6, Issue. 2, p. 2.
Palaeologis VIII, whose empire had recently been 13
CIAHIR, Nicolae; Atatürk Döneminde Türki-
freed from the Latins. Having lived in Istanbul for a ye-Romanya İlişkileri [Turkish-Romanian Relations
while, Izzettin Keykaus asked his uncle for a land to During Atatürk Era],Trans. Çağlar Enneli,“Türkler”,
rule, I order to fulill his nephew’s request Palaeol- Vol. 16, (2002), p. 655.
ogis VIII gave him the Dobrudja region. he emper- Diplomatic Turkish-Romanian Relations had
or by giving those lands to Seljuk Turks was in fact ceased during the First World War. Turkish Re-
intending to form a means of pressure and thus se- public’s irst Ambassador to Bucharest, Cevat Bey,
cure his lands against the Bulgarian state of Trnova. was appointed in March 1924; likewise, Romania
Izzettin Keykaus after having received the lands he appointed M.Georges Filality as an Ambassador to
was given sent a message to his paternal uncle Sarı Ankara. ŞİMŞİR, pp. 5-8.
Saltuk, who was living around Iznik then, and ena- 14
Tarihte Türk-Rumen İlişkileri [Turkish-Roma-
bled settling of 20.000 Seljuki Turks in Dobrudja (a nian Relations in History], Ankara, Gnkur. ATASE,
rich coal region), in Kavarna, and Balchik regions in 2006, p. 145.
1263. Meanwhile, Sarı Saltuk himself settled in Ba- 15
SOYSAL, İsmail; Türkiye’nin Siyasi
badagh in the north of Dobrudja. As it is uncertain Andlaşmaları [Political Treaties Türkiye Signed],
that Izzettin Keykaus settled in Dobrudja, it is gen- Vol, I, (1920-1945), Ankara,TTK, 1983, p. 437.
erally accepted that he preferred to stay in Istanbul 16
DAĞISTAN, Adil; “Hamdullah Suphi’nin
in pursuit of regaining his throne in Konya. Nev- Romanya Büyükelçiliği ve Gagavuz Türkleri”
Revista de istorie militară 37
[“Hamdullah Suphi’s Ambassadorship to Roma- Bükreş’teki Diplomatik Faliyetleri” [Hamdullah
nia and the Gagavuz Turks”], Atatürk Araştırma Suphi Tanrıöver’s Diplomatic Mission in Romania
Merkezi Dergisi [Journal of Atatürk Research Cent- During the Second World War], XI. Türk Tarih Kon-
er], İssue 54, Ankara, Kasım, 2002. p. 820. gresi [Proceedings of XI. Turkish History Congress],
17
ARASLI, Altan; Avrupa’da Türk İzleri [Turkish September 5-9, 1990, Vol. VI, Ankara, 1994, pp.
Traces in Europe], Vol. I, Ankara, Kültür Bakanlığı 2516-2517.
[Ministry of Culture], 2001, p. 300. he article taking place in the footnote was writ-
18
Birinci Dünya Harbi’nde Türk Harbi [Turkish ten under the light of the documents obtained from
War During the First World War], Vol. VII, Roma- Romanian Foreign Ministry Archives, (File: 71, Tur-
nian Front., Ankara, TGS Depratent of War History, key, 1939-1943; File: 61-63).
1967, pp. 27-31, 95. 28
Tarihte Türk-Rumen İlişkileri, pp. 159-160.
19
Tarihte Türk-Rumen İlişkileri, p. 138. 29
EKREM, Mehmet Ali; “İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nda
20
AYBARS, Ergün; Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi Türk-Rumen İlişkileri” [Turkish-Romanian Rela-
[History of the Turkish Republic], Vol. I, Ankara, tions during the Second World War], p. 3117.
Dokuz Eylul University, 1995, p. 151. 30
TEVETOĞLU, p. 214.
21
Nicolae, TITULESCU; (1882-1941), He served 31
ŞİMŞİR, pp. XVII-XVIII.
as the Romanian Minister of Foreign Afairs during ATATURK had a long and close friendship with
the years 1927-1928 and 1931-1936. the Romanian King Carol II, who personally in-
22
EKREM, Mehmet Ali; “Atatürk ve Romanya formed ATATURK that he was “declared, by his fa-
Kamuoyu” [“Ataturk and the Romanian Public Opin- ther King Ferdinand I, as his successor and the King
ion”], I. Milletlerarası Türkoloji Kongresi Bildirileri of Romania” in 1930. ATATURK having congratulat-
[Proceedings of the Ist International Congress of ed him through a note he sent to Turkish Republic’s
Turcology], Vol. I, İstanbul, 1979, p. 38.
Ambassador to Bucharest, sent him an oicial let-
23
ÜLKÜSAL, Müstecip; “Hamdullah Suphi
ter. heir friendship and close ties continued in the
Tanrıöver ve Dobruca Türkleri” [Hamdullah Suphi
following years as well. Turkish Ambassador to Bu-
Tanrıöver and the Dobrudja Turks], Emel Journal,
charest, Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver, presented his
Issue 35, 1966, p. 36.
Letter of Credence to the Romanian King “with the
24
EKREM, Mehmet Ali; “Hamdullah Su-
special greetings” of ATATURK, on June 27, 1931.
phi Tanrıöver’in İkinci Dünya Savaşı Yıllarında
King Carol II, coming to Istanbul, in June 1938, on
Bükreş’teki Diplomatik Faliyetleri” [Hamdullah
board the royal yacht “Luceafarul” was welcomed by
Suphi Tanrıöver’s Diplomatic Mission in Romania
the Prime Minister Celal Bayar and the Minister of
During the Second World War], XI. Türk Tarih
Foreign Afairs, Tevik Rüştü Aras, of the coast of
Kongresi [Proceedings of XI. Turkish History Con-
Büyükdere, to hold a meeting with ATATURK. he
gress], September 5-9, 1990. Vol. VI, Ankara, 1994,
p. 2516. meeting was held on board the Savarona on June
he article taking place in the footnote was writ- 19. In the talks, Romanian King’s honoring Istanbul
ten under the light of the documents obtained from from time to time and his being entertained at the
Romanian Foreign Ministry Archives, (File: 71, Tur- Florya Atatürk’s Pavilion was accepted. King Carol
key, 1939-1943; File: 61-63). II, who visited Istanbul again in August 1938 could
25
General Ion Antonescu acted as the Chief of not meet ATATURK but was entertained at the
Romanian Council of Ministers in the 1940-1944 Atatürk’s Pavilion. On his departure the Romanian
period. Being an ally of Germany he declared war King sent ATATURK a note of gratitude. ATAT-
on the Soviet Union. He was toppled on August 23, URK’s death three months after the King’s visit was
1944, imprisoned, and executed in 1946. met with great sorrow in Romania. he day ATAT-
26
EKREM, Mehmet Ali; “İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nda URK was buried; a mourning ceremony was de-
Türk-Rumen İlişkileri: Almanya’nın Antonescu clared in Romania. Romania sent an oicial delega-
Hükümeti Aracılığı ile Türkiye Üzerine Baskıları” tion headed by one of the ministers, a military unit,
[“Turkish-Romanian Relations During the Second and a battleship. Romanian Minister of Air, General
World War: German Pressure on Türkiye hrough Paul Teodoresco, represented the King Carol II at
the Antonescu Government”], X. Türk Tarih Kon- the funeral ceremony. he Romanian delegation as-
gresi [Proceedings of X. Turkish History Congress], sisted by a Romanian military squad took part in the
September 22-26, 1986, Vol. VI, Ankara, 1994, ceremony held in Ankara. he Romanian torpedo
p. 3112. boat “Maria Regina” accompanied the “Yavuz” bat-
27
EKREM, Mehmet Ali; “Hamdullah Suphi tleship that carried ATATURK’s body from Istanbul
Tanrıöver’in İkinci Dünya Savaşı Yıllarında to Izmit.
38 Revista de istorie militară
Dossier: Romanian-Turkish Military Relations
during Modern and Contemporary Period
abstract
he Crimean War represented a deining moment in the history of the Romanian Principalities,
while its outcome paved the way to their subsequent uniication. he paper below analyzes the
course of the war from a Romanian perspective, as revealed by the diplomatic documents from
that time.
Keywords: Romanian Principalities, Crimean War, Ottoman Empire, Russian Empire, France,
Britain
On June 26, 1853, a manifest of Tsar of the last Russian-Ottoman war – the one of
Nicholas I announced Europe that, in the face 1828-1829 –, the occupation of the Danubian
of Porte’s refusal to accept the Russian demands Principalities constituted a direct and immedi-
for a Russian protectorate over the Christians ate threat on Constantinople, on the Straits, in
from the Ottoman Empire, he “arrived at the face of which, just like in 1849, the maritime
decision to advance our armies in the Danu- powers could not remain passive.
bian Principalities”. After assiduous diplomatic At that time, the old Ottoman ahidnâmes
negotiations, on October 4, 1853, the Porte – or “capitulations” – for the Danubian
demanded Russia to evacuate the Principali- Principalities (Moldavia and Walachia), dat-
ties in ifteen days, the refusal to do so being ing back from the 15th and 16th centuries, had
considered a casus belli. become obsolete not only because of their age,
hus, the Romanian Principalities garnered but also because of the major change in the
the entire attention of the diplomacies of the international balance of forces in the Black Sea,
major powers, their situation determining the the latter due to the political and military rise of
maritime policy of the maritime powers in Russia and its territorial conquests. hrough a
Eastern Mediterranean and soon enough in the tenacious efort, military and diplomatic, Russia
Black Sea. From a strategic and even geopolitical had managed to replace the old link between
point of view, especially given the experience the Romanian Principalities and the Porte with
* Senior researcher, Institute for Political Studies of Defence and Military History.
Revista de istorie militară 39
in accordance to the conditions of the joint
Russian-Ottoman occupation that ensued fol-
lowing the defeat of the Revolution of 1848.
he end of the joint occupation, on May 10,
1851, allowed Prince Barbu Dimitrie Ştirbei and
Prince Grigore Al. Ghyka to speed up the de-
velopment of Wallachia and Moldavia. his was
also visible in the military ield and the reports
sent by the French general consul to Bucharest,
Eugène Poujade, updated on a regular basis
Emperor Napoléon III and his government on
the evolution of the Romanian Principalities.
In early 1852, the armed forces were estimat-
ed at “16.444 bayonets in Wallachia: /…/ 4.937
regular line troops with two artillery batteries of
six pieces each, gendarmes, all mounted – 4.659;
border guards – 6.848; all perfectly armed and
emperor napoléon III
equipped /…/”. he recently established military
school (1850) also drew youth to the military
the provisions of its own peace treaties with ield, despite the reduced number of available
the Ottoman Empire, starting with the Treaty positions. In October 1852, the French general
of Kutchuk Kaynardji (July 21, 1774) and end- consul signaled that “Russia stopped taking an
ing with the Treaty of Adrianople (September 14, interest in the Principalities and watching over
1829), going as far as obtaining the protectorate their progress, it now considers that everything
that is done here is against it, prompting its
over them, as a preparation for their complete
representative to see with great dissatisfaction
annexation. At the same time, since 1806, the
the importance granted by the Prince to the
military occupation of the Principalities had
development of the army and of infantry, the
become the familiar prelude to Russia’s wars
reviews, the patriotic allocutions with military
against the Ottoman Empire. his premise had
overtones that he holds during his various
taken shape almost ineluctably in the face of
European diplomacy during the dispute for the
Holy Sepulchre, which constituted the prelude
to the Crimean War1.
Immediately after the Russian occupation of
the Principalities, the French ambassador to the
Sublime Porte, La Cour, presented to his British
colleague in Constantinople, Lord Stratford
of Redclife, the opinion of the Cabinet from
the Tuileries, or maybe just that of emperor
Napoléon III, which envisioned their future
independence and the immediate abrogation,
due to the Russian occupation, of any treaties
referring to them2.
In what the Romanian Principalities were
concerned, the most recent agreement between
the Russian and Ottoman empires, namely
the Treaty of Baltá Liman (May 1, 1849), ma-
terialized through the appointment of Prince
Barbu Ştirbei in Wallachia and Prince Grigore lord stratford of Redclif
Alexandru Ghyka in Moldavia, who governed
40 Revista de istorie militară
inspections”. he mountain and water borders Ministry of Foreign Afairs, Edouard houvenel,
began to be seriously guarded since 1851. he relayed it to London, for the British cabinet.
training of troops improved in the Principalities, After all, it represented a remarkable prediction
Moldova requesting from Munich manuals of regarding the international developments from
training, war applications and bridge building. the coming years.
he territorial troops were trained for the front During July 1853, the Romanian Principali-
service, just like the line troops. In December ties were once again subjected to a new Russian
1852, the same French general consul reported occupation (the fourth in the 19th century).
that Prince Ştirbei elevated Wallachia’s armed Prince – and General – Mikhail Gorchakov
forces “at an respectable level /…/ today they commanded the 4th infantry corps and partially
are able to maneuver coherently and precisely”, the 5th corps (81.540 soldiers, 5.741 auxiliary
concluding that “Romanians are good soldiers troops, 1.646 oicers, out of whom 201 gen-
and horsemen; they quickly prove military al- eral staf oicers, and 196 cannons). At the
lure; with good oicers, their regiments would Danube, the Ottoman army commanded by
command respect; those from the Austrian Omer Pasha numbered about 145.000 soldiers.
army ofer a clue on what the Moldo-Valachians While the Ottoman commander drew to his
are capable if they are well led or enrolled in an army numerous former Polish and Hungarian
army with military spirit”3. revolutionaries, Prince Gorchakov counted on
Following a conversation with Prince Ştirbei Romanian troops, evaluated at 11.702 soldiers.
regarding an article published on December 11, Because of the international ambiguity, of
1852, in “Gazette d’Augsbourg”, according to Russian and also of British and French hesita-
which the Porte considered Wallachia’s army tions to engage in an armed confrontation, for
as a contingent of the Russian army, Eugene a while the situation in the Principalities re-
Poujade reproduced the Prince’s response, mained marked by confusion. he Princes and
who said that he preferred absolute silence their governments remained on positions and
regarding the progresses made in the country so did the foreign diplomats accredited in the
and army; the complete purging of the Russian capitals and in the important cities. hrough the
oicers had just ended three months before. general consul in Bucharest, Eugène Poujade,
he conversation was revealing for the new and his colleagues from Iaşi and Galaţi, the
evolution and new spirit gaining traction in the Emperor Napoléon III and his government
Principalities. were kept updated not only about the general
herefore, the declaration made by Prince evolution, but also about the troop movement
Ştirbei to the diplomatic representative of the and the military operations from the Lower
Emperor regarding the news of an imminent Danube and Dobrudja.
Russian occupation – which already caused herefore, on July 4, 1853, the French vice-
despair in the Principalities – may seem stun- consul Castaing reported from Iaşi the passing
ning: “But this occupation can become crushing of the Prut River a day earlier – on July 8, that
for the country, it can span for many years. It is –, through Sculeni, of 10.000 infantry soldiers
is a calamity that France and Britain should under the command of General Dannenberg.
help us free from. Why don’t their leets enter While their camping had been prepared in the
Bosporus? Once arrived here, the two maritime villages close to the capital, the Russian troops
powers will say to Russia: when you will leave reached Iaşi during the night, on a heavy rain
the Principalities, we shall leave Bosporus. and after a one day march through hot weather,
Or even the Porte would have the chance to prompting them to enter by force in the homes
declare the independence of the Principalities of locals, where they aggressively demanded
under Europe’s guarantee and the ambassadors food. Other troops had previously passed the
of France and Britain should suggest this idea. Prut River through Leova, on July 2, so in a
he situation has never been more opportune”. short span of time there were in the Principality
Being perfectly aware of the signiicance of the 44.000 Russian soldiers, equipped with heavy
declaration made by the Romanian Prince, the and light artillery, with a transport leet and
Director of Foreign Afairs from the French an ambulance service. From July 8 onwards,
Revista de istorie militară 41
the Russian invasion encompassed the other
Romanian principality, Wallachia.
he detailed data on the composition of the
Russian occupation army had been immediately
conveyed to the French consulate by the ruling
prince, Ghrigore Alexandru Ghyka. he igures
provided were rather precise, as his government
dealt with the Russian requests for all sorts of
provisions, for the improvement of the road
from Reni to Galaţi, for the creation of a boat
service on the Danube, for the establishing
of a hospital with 450 beds in Focşani. While
Russian requisitions also targeted individuals,
those imposed on the government were im-
mediately communicated to the French consul
in Iaşi4.
he Russian diplomacy soon abandoned
the good manners: on June 22 / July 4, 1853,
Grigore alexandru Ghyka, Prince of moldavia
the ambassador to London, baron Brünnow, (1849-1853, 1854-1856)
wrote to count Nesselrode: “he presence of
the British squadron to Tenedos did not pre-
vent the occupation by our troops of Iaşi and British parliament, government and newspa-
Bucharest. his fact puts an end to the talks, pers. I have nothing else to add to this argument,
Russia obtaining a decisive victory, despite the which is the best and the strongest of them all”.
On October 9, 1853, sultan Abdul Medjid I
sent an ultimatum to the tsar, demanding the
latter to evacuate what he called “the imperial
territory”, and, following the Russian refusal, he
declared war on October 16. Facing the injunc-
tion of the Porte, the Romanian princes Grigore
Alexandru Ghyka of Moldavia and Barbu Ştirbei
of Wallachia retreated to Vienna, where an at-
tempt to ind a diplomatic solution to the crisis
was going on5.
After the death of General Schielder, hit by Saint-Arnaud wrote to the minister of war in
a grenade (June 13), Prince Gorchakov, faced Paris that he cannot understand the causes of
with the orders of Prince Paskevich, canceled the Russian withdrawal from the Principalities:
the assault of Silistra and lifted the siege after they must have taken place either under the
June 20. he Tsar, just like Paskevich, had in- pressure of the allied landing in Varna, either
formation that Austria might enter the war on because of the advance of the Austrian occu-
July 1st, something that determined the orders of pation troops. He also mentioned a potential
withdrawal, irst from Silistra. he Tsar favored political decision of the Tsar to spare Austria in
a concentration of troops in Ploieşti in order to order to have its support when signing peace.
counter the Austrians, while the other forces Once with the gradual concentration of the
could have been evacuated to Izmail. Also, news allied armies in Varna, the action of the Polish
was circulating regarding the landing of one exile also intensiied, hoping to exploit the war
British and two French divisions in Varna. for the liberation of Poland and even of Ukraine.
In the Ottoman Empire, the exponent of these
he Russian withdrawal, which started im-
ideas was the former insurgent from 1831,
mediately, ended with heavy losses in the battles
Michał Czajkowsk, who had become Sadyk
from Giurgiu (June 23-25). he covering of the
Pasha, the commander of the Cossack detach-
withdrawal was then done in Frăţeşti.
ment from the army of Omer Pasha.
In early June, in a letter sent to Gorchakov,
Regarding the restoration of Poland, the
Tsar Nicholas I pondered to resist the Austrians position of Emperor Napoléon III was am-
on the Siret River. he Tsar doubted the allied biguous, as it could have endangered the ties
troops were able to intervene against Gorcha- with Austria and Prussia, thus prolonging the
kov’s army: “more likely, they would save their war. Regardless, through negotiations with
eforts for the landing in Crimea or in Anapa”. the Austrian ambassador to the Porte, Brück,
At the end of August, the remaining Russian the participation of Poles and Hungarians was
troops evacuated Dobrudja, crossing to Izmail. accepted only at the Caucasian frontier of the
he evacuation of the Romanian Principalities Ottoman Empire.
represented a terrible blow dealt to the public In early July, the instructions sent by the
opinion in Russia, especially to the Pan-Slavist Ministries of War from Paris and London to
circles and even more so to the Tsar Nicholas I. the commanders of the French and British ar-
For the critics of the regime, it also represented mies from the East demanded them to refrain
the defeat in the war with the allies. entering Dobrudja and chasing the Russians
On June 29, 1854, after receiving a report on beyond Danube in order to keep all the efec-
the Russian works at Silistra, now abandoned, tives and resources for an imminent expedition
and information from the Austrian ambas- in Crimea and for the siege of Sevastopol. his
sador to Constantinople, Brück, Marshal de “capital” action could only have been given up
Revista de istorie militară 51
in case of a large and proved disproportion of of the French Army of the Orient the Russian
forces. It was stipulated that a Turkish army disposition in Silistra, Omer Pasha added: “he
corps led by allied oicers to take Perekop in Wallachian soldier who gave me the informa-
order to cut of the isthmus or to execute a tion, in which I trust, stated that in their army
diversion in Circassia; occupying Anapa and [Russians – S.I. note] “une grande demoralisa-
Sukhumi Kale, “the only points that Russia tion aussi bien parmi les oiciere que parmi
kept on this littoral”. Lord Raglan was also im- les soldats, et que les généreux parmi les quels
mediately told about “the interdiction to expose règne un désacord complet, critiquent récip-
his army to the destructive action of the fever roquement et hautement les actes les uns des
in Moldavia”. autres”.
Observing the received orders, Marshal de he siege of Silistra ended after 42 days,
Saint-Arnaud demanded a maritime recon- causing numerous deaths and casualties, the
naissance on the Northern and Eastern shores, Romanian oicer mentioning the foot contu-
based on which he made the plan for a simulta- sion of Marshal Paskevich, whom he had seen
neous landing in Sevastopol, Anapa and Lupiak in Călăraşi. Two young British engineering
Kale, the latter also to support the rebellion of captains, Butler and Bellard, together with
Shamil. their fellow countryman Nasmith, had ei-
ciently contributed to the defense of Silistra, in
* which the irst died heroically.
By the end of the month, the Ottoman
On June 1st, 1854, the information gathered Generalissimo had already sent three irregular
showed that the gradual withdrawal of the Rus- cavalry regiments to chase a Russian division,
sian army from the Danube continued, while two to Rasova and the third to Karasu.
maintaining an important number of troops in According to the information collected by
Călăraşi and Giurgiu. In fact, the withdrawal of the British captain Simmons from the Royal
such an army – together with its storehouses, Engineers, among others from a Romanian of-
equipment and hospitals, would have required icers that had deserted from Bucharest on the
10.000 carriages, but the Romanian Principali- symbolic date of June 11 – the date in which
ties were exhausted after one year of occupa- the 1848 Revolution broke out in Wallachia –,
tion. he Russian morale was very low, deser- who had arrived to Şumla through Vidin, the
tions taking place despite the terrifying pun- Russian storehouses had been evacuated to
ishments. In Oltenia, Ottoman troops were Buzău and in Bucharest there were no more
seen as liberators and severe orders had been than 4.000 Romanian soldiers and as many
given that all requisitions had to be paid. Ac- Russians, constantly rotated. he last remain-
cording to the latest news sent by informants ing troops in Oltenia were preparing to leave
from Moldavia, Russian troops were prepar- Slatina. he British captain did not fail to men-
ing a defense line on the Siret River in order tion the role in the siege of the brigade led by
to operate even against the Austrians and were Bikram Pasha (British General Cannon), who,
hastily fortifying Focșani in order to make it an by maneuvering in the Deliorman forest, had
important strategic point. threatened the rear of the Russian disposition
In the midst of these feverish preparations around Silistra.
and hardships in Varna, in the night of June 27 he news regarding the lifting of the siege
to 28, 1854, the troops defending Silistra were of Silistra by the Russians led to an incredibly
informed that one of the Russians divisions fast reaction from the British government. On
had left its positions on the Danube with 2.000 June 29, the instructions sent to Lord Raglan
carriages and was heading to Brăila. formally prohibited him to enter Dobrudja or
According to the report by a Romanian of- to chase the enemy beyond the Danube, the
icer who had left Bucharest eight days prior British government claiming that nothing is
to join the allies, the storehouses, the artillery “more necessary than an expedition in Crimea
and the Russian hospitals had been evacuated and the siege of Sevastopol”. An ottoman corps
to Focşani. After presenting to the commander led by British oicers was about to occupy the
52 Revista de istorie militară
Perekop isthmus, which was a mission of out- Cought between a long term political per-
most importance and which potentially may spective and the recommendation regarding
have required supplementary forces. A naval the immediate military operations, Marshal
expedition was supposed to block the strait of Vaillant, who considered as insuiciently clear
Yeni-Kale in order to intercept the reinforce- the intentions of the Russians, kept postpon-
ments sent by the Russians to Crimea. In case ing, favoring to keep Varna as the base of op-
the expedition to Crimea seemed impossible erations.
to the two commanders, then they had to oc- Eventually, the decision regarding the ac-
cupy Anapa and Sukhumi, the last remaining tion plan for future operations largely depend-
Russian position in Circassia, and an Ottoman ed on the military action of Austria, which had
army corps had to land on the Eastern shore an army of 100.000 men in Transylvania, with
and join Shamil’s forces, going for Tilis. he the same number preparing in Bukovina and a
Ottoman army from Asia, from the pashaliks reserve of 30.000.
of Trebizond, Erzurum and Kars, reorganized herefore, July 1854 represented a moment
by Kurshid Pasha (General Guyon) – who en- of crisis for the Eastern war and the solution
joyed the trust of he British government –, was had to be found, irst and foremost, by the
expected to act in a convergent manner. French supreme commander. He was pressured
In agreement with the Franco-British alli- by the Emperor Napoléon III, who wanted vic-
ance, the minister of Foreign Afairs, Drouyn tory over the Russians by attacking their siege
de Lhuys, conveyed these instructions to his forces from Silistra in order to throw them in
colleague from the Ministry of War, Marshal the Danube, then to create a French military
Vaillant, but, in order to elaborate the mis-
presence in the Romanian Principalities in
sions of the Army of the Orient, also commu-
order to counter the impact of the Austrian
nicated a second letter, drawn up according to
occupation, thus paving the way for a dura-
the orders of the Emperor for the Marshal de
ble French inluence. On the other hand, un-
Saint-Arnaud.
der the conditions of the alliance with Britain,
his second letter, from the French foreign
Marshal de Saint-Arnaud had to prepare the
minister to the ambassador to London, Count
expedition to Crimea or on the Eastern shore
Walewski, dated July 6, 1854, began with the
announcement that the Austrian ambassador of the Black Sea in order to liquidate the Rus-
to Paris supposedly made regarding the im- sian military presence. he strategic decision
minent entry of the troops of Franz Joseph in taking was hampered by the serious situation
Wallachia and their desire for military coop- of the French expeditionary forces, who were
eration. Count Walewski had to communicate hardly hit by the terrible cholera epidemic, by
to Lord Clarendon that Austria had to be as- the shortage of landing equipment and, last but
sured that it would not be left alone in the war not least, by the lack of information regarding
with Russia and that it would receive reinforce- the enemy.
ments from the allied troops in the needed On July 10, the report of the Oice of
proportion. Military Intelligence signaled the crossing
Obviously, the idea contradicted the in- of the Danube through Giurgiu of the Otto-
structions sent by the British government to man division under the command of Has-
Lord Raglan and sought to exploit the ties of the san Pasha: “he inhabitants of Giurgiu wel-
major maritime powers with Austria and the comed Turkish troops and ensured them that
necessity to use it against Russia. he essence everywhere people are very content with the
of Napoléon III’s thinking could be seen at the Ottoman troops, who left in the towns only
end of the correspondence between Drouyn small detachments that commit no crimes and
de Lhuys and Marshal Vaillant, which airmed do not interfere in the administration of the
France’s long term interest to be present in country”13. In the crossing of the Danube and
the Principalities, so that French, British and the action of repelling the Russian troops, the
Ottoman forces to be alongside the Austrians recognition went to Bikram Pasha (General
in a part of their territory: “he Emperor wants Cannon) and his corps. General Soimanov, the
it dearly”12 [original emphasis]. commander of the Russian 10th Devision, had
Revista de istorie militară 53
set the remaining storehouses on ire and had In addition to these considerations, of
withdrawn in the direction of Focşani. which General Canrobert was well aware,
In Călăraşi, too, almost half of the Rus- there was Napoléon III’s urging to not to miss
sian forces that had participated to the siege of the opportunity to throw the Russians in the
Silistra were now on their way to Brăila. Danube and to establish the French lag as
In Dobrudja, the 7th Infantry Division close as possible to the Romanian Principali-
(General Ushakov), from the Osten-Sacken ties or even inside them.
corps, occupied the fortiications of Măcin and In Marshal de Saint-Arnaud’s view, there
Isaccea – both restored after being taken over was also the possibility to hasten the with-
from the Ottomans – and three regiments of drawal of the Russian army from the Romanian
Cossacks had their outposts on the line com- Principalities through French military pressure
prising Hârşova, the South of the Babadag for- at the mouths of Danube, something that cor-
est, Gaugagia (“Kaukadie”) and Karaharman. responded to the Emperor’s express wish.
In the Babadag forest, the locals were used by In the same day when Marshal de Saint-
Russians to cut trees in order to use them for Arnaud decided to organize the expedition in
fortifying Silistra. he withdrawing Russian Dobrudja, the French minister of war, Marshal
troops had attracted a part of the Bulgar- Vaillant, addressed a long letter to the former,
ian population (8.000 people, 2.000 carriages) in which he recommended him to keep Varna
from the pashalik of Silistra in order to settle as a base and to observe Austria’s decision
them in Bessarabia. while watching Russians’ movements.
Simultaneously with the naval reconnais- In taking a decision, Marshal de Saint-
sance (Admirals Bruat and Lyons) of the theat- Arnaud now had to also take into considera-
er of operations from Crimea and Sevastopol tion the instructions of Emperor Franz Joseph
– Generals Canrobert and Sir George Brown, in order to observe the Convention of Bojadji
Colonels Trochu and Lebeuf –, Marshal de Köy. he sovereign from Vienna demanded the
Saint-Arnaud decided by mid-July 1854 an withdrawal of all allied troops from the Prin-
expedition to Dobrudja. On the other hand, cipalities, claiming that only Austria had the
after the Russians had abandoned the siege of right to occupy them14.
Silistra, units of the Russian army had been sig- he wish of the French emperor to put
naled in Northern Dobrudja. At the same time, the lag of his country in the Principalities
as the British papers had published detailed proved completely justiied in order to counter
news regarding the imminent allied expedition Austria’s aims. In addition, Napoléon III con-
in Crimea and against Sevastopol, Marshal de tinued to skillfully manipulate the Court from
Saint-Arnaud considered necessary to create Vienna, which oscillated between the annexa-
the diversion in Dobrudja. tion of the Principalities and the fear for its
At the same time, in his negotiations with possessions in Italy.
Omer Pasha, the military commander of the Moreover, through a Franco-British-
future Austrian occupation troops demanded Ottoman agreement, in the autumn of 1854,
an exclusive zone in Oltenia to the River Olt, Princes Grigore Ghyka and Barbu Ştirbei were
then in Western Wallachia to Bucharest, some- reappointed in order to counter the efects of
thing that revealed the scale of the projects of the Austrian occupation and their reigns pro-
the Cabinet from Vienna. he annexation of longed until the summer of 1856, after the end
Oltenia represented only a fraction of these of the Crimean War.
projects, derived from the previous occupa- In mid July, after he established his head-
tion of 1718-1739. quarters in Rustchuk, Omer Pasha managed
At the same time, the Russian army contin- to consolidate the bridgehead on the left bank
ued its “embarrassing” withdrawal to Iaşi, with from Slobozia Giurgiului, the Russian troops
a line of defense on Siret River. Regardless, the (about 15.000 soldiers) being fortiied on the
intention of Omer Pasha was to establish his heights from Frăţeşti, dominating Giurgiu.
headquarters at Rustchuk. Another 18-20 thousands Russians could still
54 Revista de istorie militară
be found in Călăraşi and several more thou- the blunt refusal of the artillery commander,
sands in Olteniţa. captain Filipescu, who enjoyed the irm sup-
port of his troops. It is also worth mentioning
* that Filipescu had been trained in Aleski, in the
guberniya of Chersonesus, and that his troops
he French expedition in Dobrudja took had received their instruction at the model
place between July 21 and August 9, 185415. Be- regiment from Petersburg.
yond the tragedy of the huge loss of lives, caused he shift of the allied theatre of war to
by the cholera epidemic, it did represent the irst Crimea did not mean the abandoning of the
time since 1812-1814 that French and Russians Lower Danube of the Romanian lands. he
were pitted against each other, even if this only importance of Küstendje (Constanţa) on the
happened at the level of vanguards. But what no Dobrudjan shore of the Black Sea, at just 60
one seemed to notice was the coincidence be- km from the Danube, and also the situation
tween the advance of the French troops until 40 of the mouths of the river, blocked with sand
km from Babadag and 100 km from the mari- and controlled by Russian troops, forced the
time Danube, the Russian frontier and Bessara- high allied command to begin the construc-
bia, and the sudden withdrawal from Wallachia tion of a road between the Black Sea port and
ordered by Prince Mikhail Gorchakov. he ex- the “Romanian village” of Rasova. According
amination of the map with the theater of mili- to the report by the military intendance dep-
tary operations from the Romanian Principali- uty Blondeau, the plan was drawn in 1855 by
ties and Dobrudja reveals this remarkable co- French road and bridges engineers Lalanne
incidence and the true, yet ignored value of the and J. Michel, with the help of Romanian to-
expedition and sacriice of the French troops in pographers, and, by February 1856, the 63 kil-
the Ponto-Danubian isthmus. ometer long dirt road was inalized, with wells
As a result, on August 8, 1854, the Russian at every ten kilometers. he road, as well the
ambassador to Vienna and future chancellor port facilities from Costanţa and Rasova, im-
Gorchakov announced the oicial decision proved the supply of the allied armies from the
of Tsar Nicholas I to evacuate the Romanian Principalities and Northern Bulgaria16. With
Principalities. he withdrawal of the Russian this occasion, it was also envisioned a railroad
troops from Iaşi caused one of the most im- between the Danube and Constanţa and po-
portant manifestations of Romanian nation- tentially a canal and, regardless, the future ris-
alism, which is even more notable as it took ing of the port of Küstendje.
place in such exceptional circumstances.
On August 18, 1854, wanting to attract *
in their withdrawal the Moldavian army and
threatening it with the use of force, the Rus- In a letter sent by Lord Stratford to his wife
sian headquarters and units were faced with on April 16, 1854, he presented his project,
any advantage gained by Russia through the mission of the contracting powers, which was
Treaty of Kuciuk Kaynardji (1774). to go to Bucharest, with the ad-hoc assemblies
On March 1st, the Prince of Moldavia also (divans), composed in such a manner to repre-
submitted to the Congress of Paris the petition sent as precisely as possible the interests of all
of some members of the clergy, nobility and the social classes; a convention signed in Paris
corporations, the uniication of the Principali- was to establish the inal organization, consti-
ties being seen as the fulillment of the histori- tuted through a Hatti-i Sherif (articles 23-25).
cal and European mission of the Romanians A separate article (number 26) was entirely
from the mouths of Danube. devoted to the “national armed forces” of the
Principalities, who had the double mission to
* maintain the internal order and to guard the
he Treaty of Paris, signed on March 30, borders. In order to repel a foreign aggression,
1856, dedicated articles 20 to 27 to the Romani- extraordinary defense measures could be taken,
an Principalities. Regarding their international
with the agreement of the Porte.
status, it enshrined their privileges and immuni-
he new border of Bessarabia21 started from
ties, under the suzerainty of the Porte and the
the Cotu Morii, on Prut River, and went down
collective guarantee of the contracting parties.
on Ialpug to the Black Sea, one kilometer east
An exclusive protection, as well as a particular
from Burnazul Lake (article 20): “the territory
right of interference in their internal afairs was
excluded (article 22). he Porte committed itself ceded by Russia will be annexed to the Princi-
to maintain their administration independent pality of Moldavia” (article 21).
and national, to preserve the freedom of reli- Indirectly, through the neutralization of the
gion, the legislation of commerce and navigation Black Sea, according to article 11, the Principali-
(article 23). In case of internal unrest, the Porte ties were prohibited from having military ports.
had to agree with the other powers the measures he creation of the European Commission of
needed to restore order, no armed intervention the Danube (article 26) removed the mouths of
being able to take place without the agreement the river from the authority of the Principality
of the signatories (article 26). he legislative of Moldavia, which, according to the article 21
reorganization of the Principalities was to be of the Treaty, was the beneiciary of the territory
done in accordance with the indings of a com- ceded by Russia.
58 Revista de istorie militară
he treaty reorganized the rapports between 6
Sergiu Iosipescu, op.cit.
the Ottoman Empire and the Romanian Princi- 7
V. Paul Barbu, Acţiuni sociale şi antiţariste în
palities according to the tradition that gradually timpul Războiului Crimeei, în „Analele Olteniei”, 12,
developed in the 17th and 18th centuries from
1997, p. 51-62.
the “capitulations” obtained by the Romanian 8
For his action after 1848, see Anastasie Iordache,
princes from the Ottoman sultans.
In the general scheme of things, the Danube Ion Ghica – organizator al emigraţiei române din
Principalities occupied a central role, being Imperiul ottoman după înăbuşirea revoluţiei de la
closely accompanied by the status of the Black 1848, în „Revista istorică”, V, 5-6 (1994), p. 537-550.
Sea and of the mouths of Danube, all of them, 9
See also Nicolae Isar, Generalul Gheorghe
in fact, interdependent. he oicial picture of Magheru şi proiectele revoluţionare din exil. Trei
the Congress has in the background the bust scrisori ale lui Alexandru Christoi adresate lui
of Emperor Napoléon III – the overseer of Christian Tell, în „Revista istorică”, V, 5-6 (1994),
the entire transformation of 1853-1856. For
p. 407-421.
France, the Treaty of Paris of 1856 meant, irst 10
Sergiu Iosipescu, op.cit.
and foremost, the abolishing of the provisions
of the Peace of Vienna of 1815. Secondly, it also
11
Ibidem.
represented the French commitment to renewal
12
Ibidem.
by establishing a Romanian state on the Lower 13
Ibidem.
Danube. he Crimean War thus became the 14
Regarding the aims of the Austrian policy and
War for Romanian unity. occupation, see Leonid Boicu, Austria şi Principa-
tele Române în vremea Războiului Crimeei (1853-
1856), Bucharest, 1972.
noTe 15
See also Cristina Marinescu, Prezenţa franceză
1
On this confrontation, see Alain Gouttman, La
Guerre de Crimée 1853-1856, Paris, 2006; Orlando în Dobrogea în timpul Războiului Crimeei, în „Cele
Figes, Crimea. he Last Crusade, Penguin Books, Trei Crişuri”, 7, 1-2 (1996), p. 8.
2010; on the Russian point of view, see the mono- 16
Tudor Mateescu, Date noi despre contribuţia
graph by E.V. Tarle, La Guerre de Crimée, t. I-II, Mo- românească la construirea şoselei Rasova-Constanţa,
scou, 1943-1944 which is yet irreplaceable. in „Revista Istorică”, 8, 9-10 (1997), p. 879-884.
2
Report sent to the Foreign Oice in June 1853, 17
Stanley Lane-Pole, op.cit., p. 346.
in Stanley Lane-Poole, he Life of the Right Honura-
ble Stratford Canning, viscount Stratford de Red-
18
Lord Stratford to Lord Clarendon, in Stanley
clife, vol. II, London, 1888, p. 283. Lane-Poole, op. cit., p. 437.
3
Sergiu Iosipescu, Nouveaux documents fran- 19
Ibidem.
çais relatifs à l’histoire militaire des Roumains (in 20
Ibidem, p. 445.
process of publication). 21
V. Vitalie Văratic, Trasarea noului hotar în
4
Ibidem.
5
N. Iorga, Istoria românilor, vol. IX, ed. Gh. sudul Basarabiei şi lichidarea aşezărilor căzăceşti
Cliveti, M. Cojocaru, Cr. Ploscaru, Bucureşti, din preajma Dunării, în „Revista Istorică”, 6, 5-6
2010, p. 162-163. (1995), p. 509-527.
abstract
he study analyzes the manner in which the Romanian historiography relected the person-
ality and activity of Kemal Atatürk, the founder of modern Turkey. According to our investiga-
tions, these historiographical demarches conducted by Romanian historians can be divided into
a number of stages.
he irst such stage occurred during the lifetime of the Turkish leader and, for the most part,
coincided with the period between the two world wars. Given the very good relations between
Romania and the new Turkish state, the Romanian public opinion was particularly interested
in the phenomena and processes initiated and coordinated by Mustafa Kemal, who was trans-
forming a centuries-old empire from its foundations. In its turn, the Romanian historiography
attempted to provide a coherent perspective on the transformations taking place in Turkey and
on the person behind these. his is the period in which the irst monographs and solid studies
regarding Atatürk’s activity started to be published, such as the one authored by Petre Ghiaţă.
he second stage coincided with World War 2, when the two countries had a diferent status
– Turkey remained neutral, while Romania was irst Germany’s ally, then a de facto member of
the Coalition of the United Nations. During this period, there was no groundbreaking work, the
research remaining at the same parameters as in the previous years.
After World War 2, for nearly a quarter of a century, the Romanian historiography largely
ignored the topics of Romanian-Turkish relations and the personality of Kemal Atatürk
In the early 1970s, given the improvement in the Romanian-Turkish relations, the personality
of the founder of modern Turkey returned to the attention of Romanian historiography, the most
important moment being the centennial of his birth.
After 1989, the historiographical interest remained at a high level, the Romanian historians
analyzing various aspects of Atatürk’s work in papers, studies and doctoral theses.
Keywords: Kemal Atatürk, Petre Ghiaţă, N. Iorga, Mihail Guboglu, Mihai Maxim
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk is, without a doubt, sands of volumes and also in tens of thousands
one of the great personalities of the 20th centu- of papers and articles published in Turkey and
ry. Founder of modern Turkey and exceptional elsewhere.
military strategist, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was Such an outstanding personality also caught
dedicated a huge bibliography, his life and ac- the attention of Romanian historiography
tivity being analyzed in hundreds and thou- from early on. he present paper will succinct-
* Deputy Director, Instistute for Political Studies of Defence and Military History.
60 Revista de istorie militară
ly present the manner in which the Romanian sides, opting for conditioned neutrality. he
historians portrayed the leader from Ankara, Romanian authorities repeatedly declared,
alongside their main indings, assessments and both in public and in private, that Romania
nuances. Because of the limited space, the pic- would remain neutral in the Balkan conlict as
ture sketched by the Romanian specialists will long as the status quo in the area remained un-
not be exhaustive, but we are conident it man- changed. However, if the latter happened, the
ages to depict the main directions in the life Romanian state reserved the right to change its
and activity of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. political stance. As this eventually occurred, in
the form of the attack perpetrated by Bulgaria
sinuosities in the Romanian-ottoman against its former allies, Romania did enter the
relations at the end of the 19th century and war, its army crossing to the south of Danube
beginning of the 20th century in early July 19131.
he relations between Romanians and Romania’s intervention put an end to the
Ottomans were inluenced by the diferent conlict, the Peace Congress taking place
status of their political-territorial formations. in Bucharest. he peace treaty signed in
he Ottoman Empire, stretching across three Romania’s capital (July 28 / August 10, 1913)
continents, was one of the major powers of the created a balance of power in the Balkan re-
world over a span of several hundreds years, gion, both Romania and the Ottoman Empire
while the Romanians lived in much smaller working together to achieve it.
states – Moldavia, Wallachia, Transylva- During World War 1, Romania and the
nia. Following the expansion of the Ottoman Ottoman Empire acted in opposite sides, large
Empire to South-Eastern and Central Europe, Ottoman units deployed north of Danube
the three Romanian states gradually fell – for ighting against Romanian ones in 1916-1917.
varying periods – under its suzerainty.
After 1859, when the modern Romanian Romanian-Turkish relations under the
state was established, the latter still remained sign of cooperation and mutual understand-
under Ottoman suzerainty, but, in accordance ing
with the provisions of the Treaty of Paris of At the end of World War I, the Ottoman
1856, which ended the Crimean War (1853- Empire was confronted with an extraordinary
1856), it also entered under the collective guar- situation, the Armistice of Mudros (October
antee of the seven major European powers. 30, 1918), according to Turkish historiography,
Two decades later, in the context of the marking the starting point of its disintegra-
rekindling of the “Eastern question”, Romania tion. his hastened the formation of the Turk-
won its independence, its newly created army ish nation and the establishment of a Turkish
ighting alongside Russian army against the national state, General Mustafa Kemal playing
Ottomans (1877-1878). Its independence was an outstanding role in this process.
recognized through the Treaty of Berlin (July he events are known all too well and we
1/12, 1878) and was ratiied by the European shall not go into detail. What is worth keeping
powers, including the Ottoman Empire. in mind, however, is that the relations between
At the end of the 19th century and begin- Romania and the Ottoman Empire resumed
ning of the 20th century, the relations between on November 15, 1919, the Romanian govern-
the Romanian state, which was led since 1866 ment sending an envoy to the government in
by King Carol I from the German dynasty of Istanbul. During the Paris Peace Conference,
Hohenzollern and which became kingdom in Romania made eforts to participate to the
1881, and the former suzerain were very good, talks regarding the future treaty with the Otto-
the two countries collaborating in a number man Empire. Following these demarches, dur-
of ields, including maintaining the balance of ing San Remo conference (April 19-28, 1920),
power in the Balkans. the Supreme Council admitted Romania to be
During the First Balkan War (1912-1913), represented in the International Straits Com-
the Romanian kingdom rejected the ofers of mission in the Black Sea. On August 10, 1920,
cooperation received from both belligerent Romania – through Nicolae Titulescu and
Revista de istorie militară 61
Dimitrie I. Ghica – signed the Treaty of Sèvres Romania also supported Turkey’s de-
with the Ottoman Empire, but, as it is well marche to change the status of the Black Sea
known, it never entered into force. Straits at the Montreux Conference and asked
Regarding the “kemalist revolution” and its support in strengthening the Balkan Pact in
the Greco-Turkish War, Romania chose not to order to transform it into a more efective in-
get involved, despite Britain’s requests to sup- strument of security. In the context of the ten-
port Greece. When asked to deploy an expe- sions in the international system in the period
ditionary corps in the Straits in order to block 1838-1939, King Carol II made a private visit
the Turks, prime minister Ion I. C. Brătianu to Turkey, on June 18-20, 1938, where he met
responded that the Romanian government did high ranking Turkish oicials. While President
not have ships. Had Great Britain provided the Atatürk initially conveyed to the Romanian
ships, Romania would have considered send- King that he would be unable to receive him5,
ing troops. he Romanian proposal remained the two eventually met on the yacht “Savarona”
unanswered. on Sunday, June 19. his is how King Carol II
Romania’s conduct during this major re- described him: “A man of average height (the
gional crisis represented the foundation of Nordics would say small), with an energetic
an atmosphere of cooperation with the new look, a nose like a potato, blue eyes, piercing
Turkish regime2. his Romanian-Turkish look, he makes a good impression, but an even
closeness became especially visible during the better one when he talks. He is clear, energetic
Conference of Lausanne (November 20, 1922 and precise in words and actions”6.
– July 24, 1923), which discussed the peace he two heads of state assessed the interna-
treaty and the status of the Black Sea Straits3. tional situation and the state of bilateral relations
Subsequently, the cooperation between and found each other to be “in complete agree-
the two countries extended, the most impor- ment on every issue”. President Atatürk reiter-
tant moments being the Balkan conferences of ated the need to strengthen the ties within the
1930-1933 and the establishment of the Balkan Balkan Pact, including from a military perspec-
Pact (February 9, 1934)4. tive, and to attract Bulgaria in this organization.
At the same time, he pointed out that Turkey
was very content with the Romanian-Polish al-
liance, which, in the view of the Romanian King,
represented an important premise for the crea-
tion of a security belt comprising the Baltic Un-
ion, the Black Sea and the Balkans. King Carol
also mentioned the very good rapports between
Turkey and the Soviet Union, something that
represented an opportunity for Bucharest to
improve its relation with Moscow.
Carol II’s impressions regarding the per-
sonality of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk stand out,
as he enjoyed enormous authority among his
compatriots: “Everything he orders is sacro-
sanct, but what he orders is well thought out
and debated. He takes a decision only after the
matter has been long debated and after hear-
ing all the opinions he saw it, but, once the
decision is taken, regardless of its nature, it
is no longer discussed, but executed without
hesitation”7.
King Carol had the impression that the
meeting invigorated the Turkish leader, ob-
mustafa Kemal atatürk taining his promise to visit Constanţa in 1938
62 Revista de istorie militară
or 1939. However, the two never met again, tinuous. Next to politicians, diplomats, jour-
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk dying on November nalists, this low of information also drew the
10, 1938. attention of historians from early on, who at-
Despite this, Turkey continued to represent tempted to discern, in the multitude of facts,
an important partner for Romania. On August events, initiatives, some of them out of the or-
11, 1939, three weeks before the beginning of dinary, the nature, the direction and their con-
World War 2, King Carol II met in Istanbul sequences. In this process, a special place was
Atatürk’s successor, İsmet İnönü, where they given to the personality of Mustafa Kemal, the
analyzed the ongoing international crisis and man who transformed under the very eyes of
the possibility of joint actions in the ield of his contemporaries an imperial structure that
foreign policy. Concretely, in case of a poten- had endured hundreds of years.
tial aggression, the two countries decided to In addition to the articles printed by the
defend themselves and to request the rapid in- daily newspapers, studies gradually started
tervention of both Paris and London, to jointly to be dedicated to the founder of modern
persuade Belgrade to strengthen Yugoslavia’s Turkey. A irst such attempt belonged to h.
position in the Balkan Pact, to establish per- Martinescu-Asău, who placed Mustafa Kemal
manent consultations between the two govern- alongside Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, the Bolshevik
ments, to strengthen the ties with Poland etc. leader, and Benito Mussolini, the head of the
he Romanian King also showed his interest fascist movement that had seized power in
in the mediation of the Turkish government in Italy (1922)9.
order to reach an agreement between Romania he study reviewed the life and activity of
and the Soviet Union, the goal being the sign- the leader of the kemalist revolution, marking
ing of a non-aggression pact which would have the main milestones. It detailed the environ-
included the mutual recognition of the border ment in which Mustafa Kemal was born and
between the two states8. grew up, his military career with the ups and
In conclusion, at the end of the interwar downs during the military confrontations with
period, the Romanian-Turkish relations had Italy (1911-1912), the Balkan wars (1912-1913)
reached a high level of cooperation and mutual and World War 1 (1914-1918). It granted spe-
understanding, despite – as one can expect – cial importance to the events from the irst
the divergent interests and the diferent per- post-war years, a period of exponential air-
spectives on various international issues. At mation for Mustafa Kemal, marking the begin-
this point, it must be said that this intensity in ning of his enduring reforms. “His work, the
the bilateral relations largely resulted from the author notes, will soon provide a rather curious
activity of the founder of the modern Turskish sociological analysis for historians and sociol-
state, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. ogists. And perhaps it will serve as an exam-
ple to the countries that indulge in their own
he Grey Wolf social malaise, declaring themselves powerless
he outstanding personality of General in the face of reaction or throwing the word
Mustafa Kemal, the victories he obtained on impossible when talking about the attempts to
the battleields of the Great War and especial- escape the collective disease. he peoples are
ly in the period 1920-1922, his deep reforms animated by the power of example and formed
which imprinted a new course to the Turkish by imitation”10.
society and state, all were watched by the Ro- h. Martinescu-Asău summarized the
manian political and cultural elite – and by great reforms launched by Mustafa Kemal: the
the public opinion, as well – with great atten- abolishment of the caliphate, the proclama-
tion. he low of news and information, of re- tion of the republic, the introduction of Latin
ports, analyses etc. about what was happening alphabet, the introduction of surnames, the
in Turkey, about the revolutionary ideas and emancipation of women etc. All these revolu-
the measures taken with tenacity by Mustafa tions prompted his contemporaries to call him
Kemal that were shaking the very foundations Ghazi (meaning Victor). He concluded: “Kemal
of centuries-old customs, was ample and con- is the most representative igure among the re-
Revista de istorie militară 63
formists. He broke the centuries-old trajectory common people, who constituted the founda-
of a race in order to tailor it after his views”11. tion of the community.
In a similar fashion, Mihail Manoilescu, Like many of his contemporaries, professor
Romanian economist and politician, has too Manoilescu asked himself “what would remain
placed Atatürk in the company of Mussolini of him and of his work [author’s emphasis]”?
and also of Adolf Hitler12. During a scientiic A representative of a relatively small country,
conference held in Brăila, a port on the Danube, Mustafa Kemal was not destined to propose
the author stressed that the 19th century did models for the humanity, but will remain, in
not represent an auspicious period for per- author’s view, one of Turkey’s outstanding
sonalities, as most statesmen he knew usually personalities, who ofered his country “victory
sowed anxiety rather than enthusiasm, the ex- and the foundation of a splendid reconstruc-
amples in the universal history being Bismarck tion [author’s emphasis]”15.
and Cavour and, in the Romanian history, Ion Writer Felix Aderca has too dedicated to
C. Brătianu. Paradoxically, not even the “Great Mustafa Kemal Atatürk a short, but profound
War” created epic and legendary igures. After study16. First, he did not agree with the idea
the war, national heroes were few: “Piłsudski in circulated at that time that Mustafa Kemal
Poland; Masaryk in Czechoslovakia; Kemal in usurped the power of the Sultan, taking the lat-
Turkey; Averescu in Romania”13. ter’s place as the president of the republic. By
Mihail Manoilescu considered that Mustafa the time he became the leader of the Turkish
Kemal was little known in Romania, this being nation, he no longer had whom to usurp, as
the reason why he dedicated him most of his the Ottoman Empire had practically ceased to
conference. In his opinion, Kemal’s work was exist17. From this perspective, Mustafa Kemal
based on three elements: Turkish mindset, fa- was the founder of the country, Turkey being
talist in nature; the empire organized to con- his and only his creation, against all the dis-
quer, but unable to keep what it had conquered; sent, at home or abroad18.
the situation of the country, on the brink of Secondly, the Turkish leader could not be
collapse, following its adventure in World War likened to an ordinary dictator, such as Stalin,
1. At the same time, he espoused a number of Mussolini, Hitler, Salazar etc. He did not take
immutable principles, never abandoning his over power, as he “did not have what to take
beliefs. he irst was his faith in his own peo- over”. He created the power – his power –
ple, the fact that, for him, the word “impossi- from almost nothing. “Mussolini, Stalin, Hitler,
ble” never existed. his faith was accompanied wrote Aderca, climbed from the street to the
by two seemingly contradictory elements, ide- top of political power in three well-deined
alism and practical sense, his personal motto states, with precise and safe borders, with ar-
emphasizing the importance of taking action. mies well equipped, with normally functioning
he second principle aimed at bringing Turkey budgets and with the recognition of the vast
back to its true national path, a view that set majority of their people, craving for a whip”19.
him completely apart from his rival, Enver Bey. Aderca too praised Mustafa Kemal’s excel-
“Turkey for Turks”, this was the basis of his re- lent military skills, in whom he saw a hero, not
forms. As professor Manoilescu asserted, “had only for his actions as a staf oicer, but also
he envisioned for the new state to subjugate for his spiritual strength, given the obstacles
other peoples, all sympathy in Europe would and the hurdles that he constantly had to over-
have been lost”14. come.
he third principle in Kemal’s state policy Writing his study in 1934, when Turkey’s
was the faith in the power emanating from transformation was at its peak, Felix Aderca
the masses, or, if we use the modern term, in was not convinced of its viability. In fact, the
the public opinion. He was close to his people, motto of his study consisted in the words of
whom he knew how to mobilize not only with the Marquess of Salisbury: “To change Turkey
words, although he was an excellent orator, but means to kill it”. He concluded that “We do not
also with his modest living. An exponent of the believe in Turkey’s «modernization», as we
masses, he helped and showed respect for the do not believe that millenary traditions that
64 Revista de istorie militară
entered the very fabric of life can be changed sequently brought obvious advantages. He had
by force, much like Anatolia’s longitude or the same conduct in the conlicts with France
the heat of sun. We do believe, however, in and Britain over the Mosul area and the Sanjak
Mustafa Kemal. His advent, with his persona of Alexandretta and also during the confer-
deined by precision and accuracy, idealism ences of Lausanne and Montreux. he attitude
and energy, all in a Turkey from folk tales, is of Mustafa Kemal towards Greece is one more
a miracle. What he realized with the available example of his political talent. Diamandi’s
human material, which he frantically modeled, conclusion is very categorical: “Mustafa Kemal
is another miracle”20. can rightly be considered the most important
he irst biography of Mustafa Kemal in statesman of this moment”25.
Romanian language that met academic stand- he most important Romanian historian,
ards was the one written by Professor Gheorghe N. Iorga, also praised the reforms conducted
Dragoş from Cluj Napoca, printed in 193521. by Mustafa Kemal, considering him one of the
he study was drafted on the information most interesting and dynamic personalities of
available at that time and comprised a presen- the interwar period. he obituary he wrote at
tation of the life and reforms of Kemal Atatürk, the death of the Turkish leader is very reveal-
which greatly impressed his contemporaries. ing in this respect. Under the title “A founder
Another study in which the personality of of a country – Atatürk”, Iorga managed to out-
Atatürk was presented in more detail belonged line with his characteristic genius Atatürk’s
to Sterie Diamandi22. In over one hundred personality and extraordinarily dynamic ac-
pages, Diamandi depicted all the aspects of the tivity. “His force despite all the hardships, his
life and activity of the Turkish leader, insisting incessant energy that could not be humanly
on the special qualities he exhibited from an opposed, his giant spirit who liked to wrestle
early age. he author made extensive refer- anything hostile, they were all eventually sub-
ences to the prewar situation of the Ottoman
Empire, stressing that the latter was the “sick
man of Europe” and its demise looked certain.
“Turkey’s resurrection seems a crazy thought,
a chimera. However, against all expectations
and to the astonishment of the world, Turkey
comes back to life and, unbelievably, it steps
with determination, conidence and at a fast
pace towards progress. he man who performs
this miracle: Mustafa Kemal”23.
he “miracle” the author spoke about was
based on exceptional reforms, which presup-
posed overcoming huge diiculties; it would
not have been possible without Mustafa Kemal’s
truly outstanding will and tenacity. According
to the author, what these reforms did, essen-
tially, was to impose the western model over
Turkish society, something that prompted a
number of specialists from Western Europe to
express doubts regarding the viability of such
an option24.
Sterie Diamandi praised not only the mili-
tary qualities of the Turkish leader, but also
his extraordinary political sense. hus, after
defeating the Greeks, he wisely chose not to
launch hostilities against Britain, preferring to
make a deal with the latter, something that sub-
Revista de istorie militară 65
jected to the ruthless law of life that no one has sis], but a genius he was not”, arguing that the
ever escaped from”26. introduction of the western model in Turkish
he historian was impressed with Mustafa society, which was so diferent to that of Eu-
Kemal’s outstanding determination to reform ropeans, did not represent the best option.
Turkish society, but not without overlook- Argentoianu concluded that future historians,
ing his military qualities: “A soldier by calling who would be less impressed with Kemal’s
and by profession, he remained that way de- willpower, would be less enthusiastic when
spite his entry into politics and despite being judging the work of the victorious General
an avid reader, an avidness he demonstrated in who destroyed the Caliphate and an Empire,
just about anything he wanted to learn, and he but put nothing instead”29.
saw nothing else but the target, towards which Another work of reference over the life and
there was only one direct path, which had to activity of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was writ-
be followed no matter what, even in a less than ten by Petre Ghiaţă, a Romanian politician,
kind manner, if necessary )”27. Reviewing brief- and was published in 1939, after the death
ly Atatürk’s initiatives, the historian pondered, of the Turkish leader30. he author had met
like all his contemporaries, whether the work Mustafa Kemal in 1935, during the reunion of
of the Turkish leader would outlast him28. the representatives of the Balkan Pact, as he
Constantin Argentoianu, another prestig- was a member of the Romanian delegation, led
ious personality of the political life in the in- by Nicolae Titulescu. he speech held by the
terwar period, author of invaluable memoirs Turkish president on the same occasion im-
covering over half a century, had other opin- pressed the Romanian politician and the ideas
ions on the work of Atatürk. On November 11, presented then were subsequently inserted in
1938, he wrote that Mustafa Kemal “displayed the book31.
an unprecedented willpower [author’s empha- Its title – “he Grey Wolf ” – reminded of
an old legend, recorded by a Chinese chronicle
from the 7th century, which claimed that the
ancestors of Asian Turks were annihilated in
a war, the only survivor being a boy who was
later adopted and nurtured by a female wolf.
he legend has it that later on the female wolf
became his wife and gave birth to ten sons,
from whom the Turkish people – T’u-chüe –
derived. In battle, they carried a lag with the
golden head of a wolf. By virtue of this legend,
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was given by his com-
patriots the name of “Grey Wolf ”, thus being
reborn the image of the legendary Genghis
Khan (1162-1227), the blue wolf, who took a
white deer as his consort, together giving birth
to the Turkish people (the blue wolf symboliz-
ing cosmic light and the white deer the earth).
In the words of Professor Petre Ghiaţă,
“What we aimed at was to write the very irst
complete study regarding the contemporary
Turkish phenomenon [author’s emphasis], to
mirror accurately the unfolding of the events
and to outline the decisive role that Ghazi
Kemal Atatürk played in the evolution of the
movement”32. his demarche was based on a
rich documentation, Romanian and foreign,
on author’s recollections and on a series of
66 Revista de istorie militară
documents from the Ministry of Foreign Af- besides nationalism, such as: statism, republi-
fairs. he book is structured into ive large canism, democratization, laicism, revolution-
chapters, which comprise the sequences of the arism. hese were not simply copied from the
life and activity of Mustafa Kemal: early life; West, but adapted to the realities of Turkish
the hero of Gallipoli; the founder of modern society.
Turkey; general philosophy; doctrine. Among In another study, Petre Ghiaţă analyzed an
the topics discussed extensively in the study, interesting phenomenon in the universal his-
one should mention Mustafa Kemal’s mili- tory, namely the talent in the art of governing,
tary exploits in World War 1 and the conlict reaching the conclusion that it has been very
that ensued with Greece, the latter backed by rarely inherited. To back his idea, he came
Britain, which was won, irst and foremost, with a list of names from the universal history,
thanks to his genius. such as: O. Cromwell, Marshall Hindenburg,
he largest chapter was dedicated to the Emperor Napoleon, Georges Clemenceau and
great reforms after 1923, which changed the others. Among those named, there was also
very foundations of the Turkish society, this Mustafa Kemal, “the son of a modest title-deed
representing the basis on which the modern clerk working for the Ottoman administration
Turkish state – or the Republic – was created. in Salonica”35.
A number of topics are analyzed, such as: the he study signed by Petre Ghiaţă repre-
abolition of the sultanate; the creation of the sented the irst monograph about Atatürk
People’s Party; the abolition of the caliphate; published in Romania in the interwar period.
the elimination of the fez; the suppression of In a sense, it synthesized the preoccupations
religious congregations; the emancipation of of the Romanian historiography with regard
women; the introduction of Latin alphabet; to Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and his extensive
the rediscovery of Turkism; the nationalization reforms. he Romanian historians from the
of language; the Turkization of names etc. he interwar period were his contemporaries and
author’s conclusion is unambiguous: “Asian in were impressed by his qualities in driving
appearance, wild in temperament, pure-bred the reforms, even if their views on the latter
general, politician of genius, a hero in the real varied.
meaning of the word – Atatürk remains the We should also emphasize that the
most original and brilliant contemporary po- Romanian also readers had at their disposal
litical personality”33. a number of translations of works dedicated
Petre Ghiaţă’s relections on the social phi- to Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, among which we
losophy of the leader of the kemalist revolution mention the one signed by Mikusch Dagobert,
are also full of substance. He considered that entitled “Ghazi Mustafa Kemal”, and “he Grey
Mustafa Kemal’s doctrine was based on his Wolf ”, signed by Amstrong and translated by
unshakable faith in the qualities of his people, Alice Ionescu36.
being at the same time realistic and pragmatic. Some historians from the interwar period
“His modest attire, glowing only through the chose to place Atatürk among the authoritar-
expression of a igure that has become legen- ian leaders on the irmament of the interna-
dary worldwide, reveals an individual without tional political stage of that time, but not with-
prejudices, despising expensive pomp and the out highlighting, at the same time, the major
boredom of protocol. hroughout history, to diferences between them. he Romanian his-
some extent, perhaps only Cromwell achieved torians were almost unanimous in recognizing
such harmony between spirit and appearance Atatürk’s major contribution in the paciication
when manifesting in front of his peers, in all of the Balkans and in the consolidation of the
circumstances”34. relations between Romania and Turkey, which
As for his doctrine, it was nationalistic, but at that time were deemed excellent.
kemalist nationalism, while defending the pri-
macy of Turkish interests, was not intolerant Rediscovering atatürk
or aggressive. His doctrine, as Petre Ghiaţă Following World War 2, Romania and
concluded, also contained a series of elements Turkey took on separate paths. he balance of
Revista de istorie militară 67
forces and the arrangements among the major [“Collection of speeches and discourses”],
powers of the Coalition of the United Nations published in Moscow the previous year40. he
practically placed Romania and other coun- volume was a synthesis of the three tomes pub-
tries from Central and Southeast Europe in the lished in Turkey in 1949-1950 by the Institute
Soviet sphere of inluence. “he Iron Curtain” of History of the Turkish Revolution. In this
– a term coined by Winston Churchill –, the synthesis, the Soviet historian gathered the
bipolar confrontation between the United most signiicant speeches and interventions of
States of America and the Soviet Union, the the Turkish leader, enabling the reader to un-
“Cold War”, all have isolated Romania from its derstand the situation of the Ottoman Empire
traditional allies, including Turkey. In the post- immediately before, during and after World
war period, the two countries belonged to dif- War 1, as well as the importance of the kemal-
ferent political and military alliances. In 1952, ist revolution.
Turkey joined NATO and, three years later, in he review written by Al. Vianu highlight-
1955, Romania entered the Warsaw Pact. ed the decisive role played by Mustafa Kemal
he bilateral relations decreased consider- in creating a new destiny for Turkey and the
ably, Bucharest and Ankara being compelled to role of latter on the international stage, includ-
comply with the logic of their respective po- ing by supporting regional initiatives, such as
litical blocs, something that negatively afected the Balkan Pact. he reviewer concluded that
scientiic exchanges, including those in the “the volume comprising select speeches of
ield of historiography. Kemal Atatürk constitutes a valuable contribu-
hey were resumed gradually, as the re- tion in understanding Turkey’s contemporary
gime in Bucharest was distancing itself from history”41.
the Soviet Union – or the “Big Brother”, as In the 1960s, the Romanian historiogra-
Romanians used to call it privately37. Since the phy manifested an increased interest over
mid 1960s, Romania multiplied its ties with Romania’s foreign policy during the interwar
the Western countries, including those from period, the personality of Nicolae Titulescu,
to opposite bloc – NATO –, and began to par- the Romanian foreign minister in the peri-
tially reevaluate its previous historiography. ods of 1927-1928 and 1932-1936, being often
Among these measures, it is worth mentioning evoked. At this point, it is worth mentioning
the re-establishing in 1963 of the Institute of the publishing of two volumes of speeches and
Southeast European Studies, founded initially diplomatic documents comprising many ref-
by Nicolae Iorga in 191438. After it was reestab- erences to the personality of Mustafa Kemal
lished, the newly created institute functioned Atatürk42.
under the leadership of Professor Mihail Berza, his was the context in which the irst ma-
the latter playing a role in boosting the research jor postwar synthesis dedicated to the Turkish
on the history of the Balkans, including the re- leader was published, the author being the ori-
lations between Romanians and Turks. entalist Mehmet Ali Ekrem, then researcher
his was the context in which the per- at the “N. Iorga” Institute in Bucharest43. he
sonality of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk started volume had 254 pages and was based, as the
to draw again the attention of the Romanian author himself asserted, on the most recent
historians. Turkish documentary sources and specialty
In 1963, the magazine “Lumea” [“he studies published in Turkish and in other lan-
World”] published an article entitled “25 Years guages44. Its aim was to ofer a clearer and more
since the Death of Atatürk”, which presented realistic image over the life and activity of the
his life and work39. founder of the Republic of Turkey, attempting
Four years later, in the fourth issue of the to present him – both to the casual readers and
magazine “Studii Revistă de Istorie” [“Stud- to the Romanian specialists – in all aspects of
ies. Review of History”], under the segment his work.
“Reviews”, Alexandru Vianu analyzed the vol- he author accomplished his goal, analyz-
ume coordinated by the Soviet historian A.F. ing in the irst three chapters the early years
Müller, entitled: Izbrannîe reci i vîstuplenie and the education of Mustafa Kemal and the
68 Revista de istorie militară
situation of the Ottoman Empire in the second
half of the 19th century. his is the period in
which Mustafa Kemall airmed himself as the
chief of staf of the revolutionary army which
deposed Abdul Hamid II (1909), roamed the
empire, either as a banished person, either
with secret or oicial missions, and traveled
through Europe for various purposes, includ-
ing to take care of his health.
During World War 1, Mustafa Kemal’s rep-
utation grew following his contribution in the
victory from the Dardanelles over the leet of
troops of the Entente and the battles from the
Caucasus and the Middle East.
Chapters four and ive were devoted to the
period 1918-1923, which propelled General
Mustafa Kemal as an outstanding political and
military leader, the battle of Sakarya (1921)
bringing him the title of Marshal and “ghazi”
(“victor”), just as his years in school brought
him the name of Kemal (“perfection”).
In the next two chapters, six and seven,
Mehmet Ali Ekrem focused on Atatürk’s re-
forms, analyzing the measures taken by the
kemalist regime in the political, economic, so-
cial, cultural and spiritual ields, thus creating hree decades after Petre Ghiaţă’s work, the
a completely new state. Also, the author did Romanian historiography was enriched with a
not elude the political and social turmoil dur- new study, which brought once more into the
ing the introduction of the major reforms. attention of the Romanian public opinion the
he eighth chapter was devoted to the many-sided personality of Mustafa Kemal,
foreign policy of the kemalist regime, placed who, once with the adoption of surnames, was
under Atatürk’s well-known motto: “Peace at named by his fellow countrymen as Atatürk
home, peace in the world”. his is the context in (Father of the Turks)46.
which eforts were made towards the creation We should also add that, in 1974, the
of the Balkan Pact and in which the friendly same author published in the “Revista de Is-
relations between Turkey and Romania were torie” [“Review of History”] the study entitled
strengthened, as highlighted, among others, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in the Romanian Pub-
by the Montreux Convention (1936), which lic Opinion (Mustafa Kemal Atatürk în opinia
amended the regime of the Black Sea Straits. publică românească)47. he article summarized
he inal chapter – the ninth – was devoted the manner in which the Romanian political
to Atatürk’s place in history, the author conclud- leaders, the intellectual elite and the public
ing that he was one of the great statesmen of the opinion perceived Turkey’s profound transfor-
contemporary period, who “destroyed the idols mation under the reforms initiated by Mustafa
of the past, tore apart the dark fabric of igno- Kemal. It reproduced fragments from articles
rance, fatalism and indolence, facilitated the ad- published in the major newspapers of that time,
vent of the light of human progress on his coun- such as “Universul”, “Dimineaţa”, “Adevărul”, in
try’s soil, the light which was then discovered by Romanian publications in Turkish language
a youth thirsty for culture, ideals and work, and (“Türk Birligi”, “Hak sőz”), as well as assess-
who succeeded, thanks to his eforts, to create a ments by important Romanian igures, such as
new country: the Republic of Turkey”45. N. Iorga and N. Titulescu.
Revista de istorie militară 69
In the mid 1970s, on the anniversary of half Turkish Historical Society50. he Turkish del-
a century since the proclamation of the Repub- egation was composed of Prof. Dr. Bekir Sitki
lic of Turkey, Petre Ghiaţă published, in 1975, Beykal, vice-president of the Turkish Histori-
a new edition of his work from 193948. Under cal Society and member of the Department of
a diferent title, “Atatürk”, it did not bring new Modern History of the University of Ankara,
information, but it did have the merit of main- Dr. Afet Inan, the adopted daughter of Mus-
taining the interest alive with regard to the tafa Kemal Atatürk, Prof. Dr. Bahadir Alkim,
personality of the founder of the Republic of Prof. Dr. Semavi Eyice and Prof. Dr. Tayyib
Turkey and to highlight the constantly good Gőkbilgin. he reunion was also attended by
rapports between Turkey and Romania. the Turkish ambassador to Bucharest, Nahit
In fact, in the 1970s, although Romania and Ozgur, accompanied by members of the dip-
Turkey belonged to antagonistic political and lomatic staf.
military alliances, the bilateral ties were strong, During the symposium, which addressed a
something that created the proper framework multitude of interesting topics, the personal-
for the intensiication of scientiic coopera- ity of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was given special
tion between Romanian and Turkish special- attention. For instance, Eliza Campus high-
ists in the ield of historiography. his is also lighted the contribution of the Turkish leader
the context in which the Romanian historiog- in the development of the cooperation ties in
raphy started to be increasingly interested in the Balkans, relations that culminated with
the personality and activity of Mustafa Kemal the creation of the Balkan Pact on February 9,
Atatürk. 1934. She also pointed out that Atatürk’s for-
On October 20-21, 1977, a symposium eign policy was consistent with the principle
took place in Ankara, under the auspices of “Peace at home, peace in the world”, which was
the Turkish Historical Society, dedicated to widely circulated internationally.
the centenary of Romania’s independence. At his turn, Prof. Baykal talked about the
he Romanian delegation was led by Ştefan importance of the study entitled “he History
Ştefănescu, the director of the “N. Iorga” In- of the Ottoman Empire” [“Istoria Imperiu-
stitute of History, while the Turkish delegation lui ottoman”], by the great historian N. Iorga,
was headed by Professor Enver Ziya Karal, which, in his view, represented a milestone for
the president of the Turkish Historical Soci- the manner in which the Romanian histori-
ety. he papers presented by the Romanian ography perceived the history of the Turkish
and Turkish historians analyzed various as- people. Moreover, postwar historiography had
pects, such as: the manner in which the Ro- the duty to elaborate a new and genuine histo-
manian historiography relected the history ry of the Ottoman Empire, as the one by Iorga,
of the Ottoman Empire; the inluence of the written in German and still not translated to
Ottoman art over the architecture and art in Romanian at that moment, has profusely ful-
the Romanian Principalities; the Romanian- illed its role.
Ottoman and Romanian-Turkish rapports in he 1970s also brought new contribu-
modern and contemporary history, following tions by Romanian historians to the study of
the War of Independence of 1877-1878. he Romania’s foreign relations during the inter-
debates highlighted the fact that, in the inter- war period, which constituted one more oc-
war period, thanks to the openness promoted casion to highlight the contribution of the
by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the relations be- Turkish leader to the development of coop-
tween the two countries reached a high level, eration among Balkan states. In 1971, Cristian
which was also maintained, in fact, during Popişteanu published the study Romania
World War 249. and the Balkan Pact (România şi Antanta
In the following year, on May 25-28, 1978, Balcanică)51, in which he highlighted Atatürk’s
a new bilateral reunion took place in Bucha- contribution to its creation.
rest, gathering historians from both countries, Also in 1971, he published the irst volume
organized by the Academy of Social and Po- in a series of three, entitled Topics in Romania’s
litical Science, the “N. Iorga” Institute and the Foreign Policy (1919-1939) [Probleme de
70 Revista de istorie militară
politică externă a României (1919-1939)], in concluded that the kemalist nationalism had
which the Romanian-Turkish relations enjoyed nothing in common with aggressiveness and
special attention. Robert Deutsch elaborated intolerance, being open to international coop-
the study Romania’s Position at Montreux eration while observing the primacy of Turkish
(Poziţia României la Montreux), in which he interests58.
emphasized Atatürk’s role in the amendment During the same year, the volume entitled
of the provisions of the Treaty of Lausanne he Airmation of National, Independent and
towards the reinstatement of Turkey’s owner- Unitary States in Southeast Europe (1821-1923)
ship on the Straits and Romania’s support in [Airmarea statelor naţionale independente
this regard52. unitare din centrul şi sud-estul Europei (1821-
In 1972, Eliza Campus, in line with her ear- 1923)] was published, analyzing the develop-
lier research, published the monograph he ments in ten countries. he study devoted to
Balkan Pact (Înţelegerea Balcanică), in which Turkey was written by Ion Calafeteanu, one of
she analyzed in detail Atatürk’s role in the un- the coordinators of the volume59. he kemal-
folding of the Balkan conferences and in the ist revolution was given the largest space, the
creation of the regional alliance53. essential role of its leader being particularly
he military aspects of the Balkan Pact were emphasized.
analyzed by Mihail E. Ionescu in two inluential In the following year, Constantin Iordan-
studies in Romanian historiography, published Sima published an article in the “Revue des
in the collection “Pages from the Military His- Études Sud-Est Européeenes” containing the
tory of the Romanian People” [“File de istorie thoughts of a Romanian diplomat on the vic-
militară a poporului roman”], in 1973, and in
tory of the kemalist revolution60. he respec-
the “Revista de Istorie” [“Review of History”],
tive diplomat was G.G. Ionescu, the Romanian
in 197454.
consul to Salonica, who, in the period between
Another important editorial event was the
April 12, 1922 and March 3, 1923, sent ifteen
publishing of Mustafa Ali Mehmed’s volume,
letters to his old friend and former minister to
History of the Turks [Istoria turcilor], in 197655.
Athens, diplomat Nicolae Filodor61. Being pri-
he eighth chapter was dedicated to the end of
vate, this correspondence did not observe the
the Ottoman Empire, while the conclusion to
canons of diplomatic language, the opinions
the birth of a new nation. In this closing part,
the author analyzed the life of Mustafa Kemal, expressed by the Romanian diplomat being
as well as his activity in the reformation of the rather frank. he topics were diverse, start-
Turkish state and society. In his words, “he ing with the developments on the battleield
fundamental principles of kemalism resided and ending with the regional implications of
in the Six Arrows: Devletçilik (statism), Cum- the Greco-Turkish conlict. Also, the author
huriyetçilik (republicanism), Ihtilâlçilik (re- reproduced fragments from the speeches of
formism), Miliyetçilik (nationalism), Lâikçilik Mustafa Kemal and had words of praise for his
(Laicism) and Halkçilik (populism). Formu- energetic activity.
lated and enforced during the life of Mustafa In 1980, several studies were published,
Kemal Atatürk, who remained president of the dedicated to the Romanian-Turkish relations
Republic of Turkey until his death, these prin- in the interwar period, in which the personali-
ciples continue to constitute today the founda- ty of Atatürk and his reforms were given a cen-
tions of modern Turkey”56. tral place. Eliza Campus published the mono-
In 1979, Anca Ghiaţă published in “Revue graph Moments in Romania’s Foreign Policy
des Études Sud-Est Européeenes” a study on 1913-1947 (Din politica externă a României
the kemalist concept on nation and modern 1913-1947)62, the interwar period being de-
state57. he author found that the kemalist voted almost half from the total of 600 pages.
revolution put and end to the ideology that he contribution of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
was interpreting historical phenomena on the was mentioned in two signiicant moments for
basis of religion, replacing it with a national the status of the Straits – the conferences from
conception, modern in spirit. Yet, the author Lausanne and Montreux63.
Revista de istorie militară 71
At his turn, Ion Calafeteanu published Ottoman Empire from late 19th century to the
the study Romanian Diplomacy in South- early 20th century. In his opinion, the “revolu-
east Europe (March 1938 – March 1940) tion of Young Turks” (1908-1909) complicated
[Diplomaţia românească în sud-estul Europei the situation of the Ottoman state instead of
(martie 1938 – martie 1940)], which empha- simplifying it. he entry into World War 1, de-
sized Romania’s and Turkey’s role in the con- cided by the triumvirate comprising the Grand
text of the outbreak of World War 2, Atatürk’s Vizier, Talaat Pasha and Enver Pasha, proved
political program being continued by president fatal to the Empire. he Armistice of Mudros
İsmet İnönü64. (October 30, 1918) and the Treaty of Sèvres
(August 10, 1920) represented the inal stages
he centennial of atatürk’s birth of its collapse.
he anniversary of one hundred years since Reviewing the life of Mustafa Kemal, prof.
the birth of Atatürk, celebrated by UNESCO, Guboglu highlighted his qualities as a military
was marked by Romania with a series of ac- commander, statesman and reformer. hey al-
tivities designed to bring the personality of the lowed a vast action of reformation, which trans-
Turkish leader ever more vigorously in the at- formed the very foundations of the Turkish so-
tention of the Romanian public opinion65. ciety and state. he author also emphasized the
On March 28, 1981, the Association of contribution of Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver,
Oriental Studies organized a symposium dedi- who was the diplomatic envoy to Bucharest of
cated to this event, during which university republican Turkey for almost 15 years.
lecturer Mihail Guboglu presented the paper Another paper was signed by Mihai Max-
entitled he Personality of Mustafa Kemal im, a younger turkologist, lecturer at the Fac-
Atatürk [Personalitatea lui Mustafa Kemal ulty of History-Philosophy of the University
Atatürk]. he author, a renowned Romanian of Bucharest. His study was entitled Atatürk
turkologist, presented the evolution of the and Historical Research [Ataturk şi cercetările
istorice] and focused on the contribution of
the Turkish leader in the reformation of his-
torical education, museums and archives from
Turkey.
he third paper was he Image of Atatürk in
Literature [Imaginea lui Ataturk în literatură],
presented by university lecturer Yusuf Nevzat
from the Department of Oriental Languages
of the Faculty of Foreign Languages from the
University of Bucharest. Nevzat identiied two
major periods in which the Turkish literature
evoked the personality of Mustafa Kemal. In
the irst phase, after 1915, patriotic poetry
relected his military activity in the context
on his contribution during World War 1 and
the ensuing war of independence. he second
phase began after 1935, when literary works
were dedicated entirely for him, his personal-
ity and activity being highly praised.
Another scientiic reunion was organized
on May 19, 1981, by the Association of In-
ternational Law and International Relations
(A.D.I.R.I.) and the UNESCO National
Commission. he proceedings were led by Pro-
fessor Emil Condurachi, the general secretary
of the International Association of Southeast
72 Revista de istorie militară
European Studies. He stressed the historical he series of manifestations dedicated to
importance of the major reforms undertaken the centennial of Atatürk’s birth continued
by Musfata Kemal and the perseverance and with the symposium held in Constanţa on June
energy demonstrated by the Turkish leader 6, 1981, organized by the Society of Historical
in applying them. Several papers were pre- Sciences from Romania. Several presentations
sented, the irst belonging to Professor Ismail highlighted various aspects from the activity of
Arar, former minister of culture of Turkey. He Mustafa Kemal. For instance, Professor Mihail
analyzed Kemal Atatürk’s Concept on History Guboglu analyzed Kemal Atatürk’s Place in
and the Manner in which the History of Tur- World History according to International and
key is Relected in Universal Historiography. Turkish Research [Locul lui Kemal Atatürk în
Although, strictly speaking, Atatürk was not istoria lumii după cercetări străine şi turceşti],
a philosopher, he did practice philosophi- while university lecturer Nicolae Ciachir
cal relection, especially when having to deal from the Faculty of History-Philosophy of the
with the practical demands of state building. University of Bucharest presented the paper
Contrary to the religious precepts encourag- Atatürk in Romanian Archives [Atatürk în
ing passivity and discouragement, the Turkish arhivele româneşti].
leader called for disciplined and meticulous he local perspective on the Turkish leader
work of every citizen. Rationalist and positiv- could be found in the presentations held by pro-
ist, Atatürk appreciated the role of science, fessors Murat Actuan (Atatürk, as Seen by the
which he considered the best guide in life. Dobrudjan Ibrahim Temo [Atatürk văzut de do-
he second presentation, Atatürk – brogeanul Ibrahim Temo]) and Ekrem Melibay
Reformer of Turkey [Atatürk – reformator al (he Dobrudjan Press on Kemal Atatürk [Presa
Turciei] was held by Grigore Geamănu, former dobrogeană despre Kemal Atatürk]), both from
ambassador to Ankara. Professor Geamănu the Museum of History from Constanţa.
focused on the reforms in the legislative ield, he manner in which Turkish literature re-
which helped establish a laic republic, nation- lected the personality of Atatürk represented
al, populist and revolutionary. the subject of the presentations held by Mamun
University lecturer Mihai Maxim pre- Negret from the “George Călinescu” Institute
sented the paper Atatürk and the Beginnings of Literary History (Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in
of Modern Turkish Historiography [Atatürk şi Turkish Poetry [Mustafa Kemal Atatürk în lir-
începuturile istoriograiei turceşti moderne], ica turcă]) and Valeriu Veliman from the State
concluding that, through his activity and di- Archives in Bucharest (he War of National
rectives, a new historiographical school was Liberation 1918-1923 in the Contemporary
created in Turkey. Turkish Novel [Războiul de eliberare naţională
Mustafa Ali Mehmed, from the Institute 1918-1923 în romanul turc contemporan]).
of Southeast European Studies in Bucharest, Atatürk’s merits in the military ield were
presented the study Atatürk – hinker and evoked by researchers Mihail E. Ionescu and
Humanist [Atatürk – gânditor şi umanist], Sergiu Iosipescu from the Center of Histori-
stressing that the actions and the principles cal Studies and Research and Military he-
promoted by the Turking leader played a major ory (Topics in the Turkish-Kemalist Military
role in the success of the reforms that helped History [Probleme ale istoriei militare turco-
create modern Turkey. kemaliste]), while Anca Ghiaţă from the Insti-
Cristian Popişteanu, the editor in chief of tute of Southeast European Studies analyzed
“Magazin Istoric” [“Historical Magazine”], the contribution of the Turkish leader to the
presented he Romanian-Turkish Relations in emancipation of women (he Kemalist Con-
the Time of Atatürk [Relaţiile româno-turce în cep on the Emancipation of Women [Concepţia
epoca lui Atatürk], in which he made an inter- kemalistă despre emanciparea femeii]). he
esting parallel between Atatürk and Titulescu, topics of foreign policy were analyzed in the
both having played an important role in the papers presented by Mehmet Ali Ekrem, from
establishing of excellent bilateral rapports dur- the Romanian Television, author of the syn-
ing the interwar period. thesis he Principles and the Methods of the
Revista de istorie militară 73
Foreign Policy Promoted by Atatürk [Prin- these documents also revealed the dimensions
cipiile şi metodele politicii externe promovate and the directions of actions in the foreign
de Atatürk] and Tahsin Gemil from the State policy of the Republic of Turkey, including the
Archives in Bucharest (Romanian-Turkish Re- upward trend of the relations with Romania.
lations in the Memoirs of Hamdullah Suphi In the year of the centennial of Atatürk’s
Tanrıöver [Relaţiile româno-turce în memoriile birth, Mihail Guboglu published two studies
lui Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver]. in which he summarized the main coordinates
he centennial of Atatürk’s birth was of the activity of the Turkish leader, especially
marked not only through scientiic mani- the radical transformations he initiated in the
festations, but also through studies and ar- Turkish society that resulted in the creation of
ticles published in the main history maga- a new political-territorial entity with a modern
zines. Some of these publications also hosted structure69.
a number of studies presented at the various In its irst issue from 1982, “Revue des
reunions that took place in 1981. hus, under Études Sud-Est Européeenes” published a dos-
the title he Centennial of Kemal Atatürk’s sier dedicated to the centennial of Atatürk,
Birth [Centenarul naşterii lui Kemal Atatürk], comprising ive studies, three by Turkish re-
“Revue Revue Roumaine d’Histoire” published searchers and two by Romanians70.
two important studies. he irst was signed Mustafa Ali Mehmet analyzed the politi-
by Eliza Campus and analyzed the relations cal thinking of the founder of modern Turkey,
between kemalist Turkey and Romania dur- identifying a number of fundamental princi-
ing the interwar period66. he author, who was ples: liberty and independence for states and
well acquainted with Romania’s international individuals; the deinition of revolution and
relations in the interwar period, reviewed the reforms through the characteristics of Turkish-
main moments in the Romanian-Turkish rela- Islamic society, something that presupposed a
tions, emphasizing the special contribution of irm stance in promoting the transformations,
Mustafa Kemal to their development. he con- as well as the continuity of this process; the ra-
clusion was that the development of relations tio between force and justice, the latter being of
with Romania represented one of Atatürk’s paramount importance; the relation between
priorities. state’s internal and foreign policies, both being
he second study was signed by Mehmet intimately connected; the relation between indi-
Ali Ekrem, who focused on the relation be- vidual and society, national-international, par-
tween Atatürk’s internal reforms and his for- ticular-general, Atatürk considering that every
eign policy67. he author concluded that there individual had to be preoccupied with his/her
was an indestructible link between Atatürk’s own future; the interdependence between indi-
internal reforms and his directions in foreign vidual/nation and humanity; the need for world
policy, the Turkish leader being a great defend- peace; the obsolete nature of pan-Slavism and
er of peace and sovereignty of every state. pan-Turanism, both having a profound ideo-
A study with new elements was published logical character. he author concluded that
by Nicolae Ciachir in “Revista de Istorie” Atatürk’s philosophical and social-political con-
[“Review of History”] in June 198168. he au- siderations were deeply humanistic in nature.
thor examined the main Romanian archives, At his turn, Constantin Iordan-Smia ana-
namely the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign lyzed the diicult issue of Mosul, an object of
Afairs and the State Archives, reviewing the dispute between Britain and Turkey. he is-
information and assessments regarding the sue was brought before the League of Nations,
activity of the Turkish leader sent by Roma- which, in December 1925, gave a verdict unfavo-
nian diplomats. he diplomatic reports sent by rable to Turkey. Immediately after, the authori-
the Romanian envoys from Turkey and from ties from Ankara signed a treaty with the Soviet
other European capitals highlighted the speed Union, something that represented a means to
and depth of the reforms initiated by Mustafa pressure British diplomacy. Eventually, Britain
Kemal, which were changing the very founda- and Turkey engaged in direct talks, which re-
tions of the Turkish society. At the same time, sulted in the agreement of June 5, 1926, Mosul
74 Revista de istorie militară
ceasing to be a litigious issue between Britain Romanian historiography in the postwar
and republican Turkey. he resolution of this period, published the study he Romanian-
conlict by compromise demonstrated, in au- Turkish Relations between the Two World Wars
thor’s view, Atatürk’s qualities as a statesman. [Relaţiile româno-turce între cele două războaie
In conclusion, the centennial of Atatürk’s mondiale]73. Knowledgeable in both Romanian
birth, an event included in the calendar of and Turkish historiography, the author made
UNESCO, was marked in Romania through a precise radiography of the rapports between
a series of scientiic manifestations and stud- the two countries in a variety of ields: polit-
ies published in the main specialty magazines. ical-diplomatic, economic, cultural-scientiic,
hey had the merit of having brought once military, etc., highlighting both the points of
again into the attention of the Romanian pub- convergence, in fact quite many, but also some
lic opinion the personality of the founder of of the divergences which appeared along the
modern Turkey and to have deepened the re- way. In this context, the author analyzed the
search over his life and activity. major role played by Atatürk in the develop-
Until 1989, the year when the communist ment of these relations, the partnership with
regime in Romania collapsed, there were no Romania being of major importance for repub-
more distinct articles and studies on Mustafa lican Turkey. An expression of these good rap-
Kemal Atatürk. However, his personality was ports was also the Treaty of Friendship, Non-
evoked by a number of historians within stud- Aggression, Arbitrage and Conciliation, signed
ies about international relations, Romania’s by Romania and Turkey on October 17, 1933.
foreign policy and the Romanian-Turkish re- Another important contribution in the re-
lations in the interwar period. For instance, search of the life and activity of Mustafa Kemal
Eliza Campus published the volume Small and Atatürk happened in the academia. In 2011, at
Medium-Sized States from Central and South- the University of Oradea, Aurel Mircea Romo-
east Europe in International Relations [State cia, under the scientiic supervision of Prof. Dr.
mici şi mijlocii din centrul şi sud-estul Europei Viorel Faur, presented the doctoral thesis enti-
în relaţiile internaţionale], in which she evoked
tled he Biography and Activity of Kemal Mus-
Romania’s and Turkey’s roles in maintaining
tafa Atatürk, the Founder of Modern Turkey
regional stability, highlighting Atatürk’s expo-
[Biograia şi activitatea lui Kemal Mustafa
nential contribution in this regard71.
Ataturk, fondatorul Turciei moderne]74. he
thesis had over 300 pages and was divided into
mustafa Kemal atatürk in the Romanian
historiography after 1989 four chapters: the life and activity of Mustafa
After 1989, Romanian historiography Kemal Atatürk as relected by historiography;
considerably widened its area of research, his biography; his activity towards the creation
reevaluated its principles and directions and of the modern state of Turkey; the personality
multiplied its relations of cooperation with of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk as seen by poster-
similar structures from other countries, espe- ity. It also comprised abbreviations, foreword,
cially with those from the Euro-Atlantic space, conclusions, bibliography, the chronology of
Romania joining NATO in 2004 and the Euro- the main events in Atatürk’s life, his main re-
pean Union in 2007. forms and their chronology, the six kemalist
he analysis of the Romanian foreign policy principles, the views of the Turkish leader on
between the two world wars, including in the economy and foreign policy, glossary, a pho-
Balkan area, remained an important ield of netic guide for Turkish language and a number
research, the number of published articles and of annexes.
studies being relatively high. Consequently, During the same year, 2011, under the aegis
given the limited available space of this study, of the Ministry of Foreign Afairs in Bucharest,
such an analysis is very diicult and cannot be the irst volume of documents was published
undertaken72. regarding the bilateral relations in the period
We shall mention only several contribu- 1923-193875. he volume had a dense intro-
tions, the ones we consider most signiicant ductory study, in Romanian and English, and
for our topic. contained 197 documents – telegrams, re-
In 1993, Mehmet Ali Ekrem, the author ports, diplomatic letters and notes – selected
of the only monograph about Atatürk in the from the Historical Archive of the Ministry
Revista de istorie militară 75
of Foreign Afairs. It also included a list with tafa Kemal Atatürk drew the attention of the
the heads of the two diplomatic mission and Romanian historiography from very early on.
27 photographs, facsimiles and maps, accom- Until now, according to our research, he was
panied by explicative notes. he reproduced devoted four monographs and over 20 studies
documents contained information and assess- and articles published in the main Romanian
ments about the personality of Atatürk and specialty magazines, which analyzed various
about his essential contribution to the thor- aspects from his extraordinary biography and
ough transformation of the Turkish society. activity, as he succeeded to create the modern
In 2014, Ionuţ Cojocaru published an analy- state of Turkey in less than two decades. he
sis entitled Romania and Turkey. Important authors of these volumes and studies were
Actors in the System of International Relations important personalities of Romanian histo-
during the Interwar Period (1918-1940) [Româ- riography and public life – N. Iorga, Mihail
nia şi Turcia. Actori importanţi în sistemul de Manoilescu, Petre Ghiață, Emil Condurachi,
relaţii internaţionale interbelice (1918-1940)]76. Eliza Campus, Mihail Guboglu, Mihai Maxim
he study, originally a doctoral thesis at the Uni- and others. Furthermore, numerous other
versity of Bucharest, was based on a vast bibli- studies, especially those focusing on inter-
ography, the author being a Turkish speaker. national relations in the interwar period, de-
he thesis followed Romania’s and Turkey’s voted parts to the life and activity of Atatürk
eforts, individual or collective, in defending or assessed his personality. Also, the press
and promoting their interests during the inter- published, over the years, hundreds of articles
war period. It also detailed the positions and which contained news and analyses on the ini-
attitudes of the two countries during the con- tiatives of the Turkish leader, on the traits of
ferences of Lausanne and Montreux, which set
his personality and on his legacy.
the status of the Black Sea Straits, the individual
he second conclusion highlights the sinu-
or joint security initiatives in the Balkans, and
ous course in which the Romanian historiog-
Romania’s geopolitical and geostrategic posi-
raphy relected the igure of Mustafa Kemal
tion, diferent to that of Turkey, on the eve and
Atatürk. During the interwar period, there
immediately after the outbreak of World War 2.
was a strong interest in what was happening in
he author made ample references to the
Turkey, which was undergoing a transforma-
initiatives and measures taken by General
Mustafa Kemal, designed to irstly ensure the tion from empire to republic, the process being
victory of the revolution and then to speed up envisaged and materialized by a tremendously
the materialization of his profound reforms. imposing personality. Atatürk undoubtedly at-
He is one of the central characters of the study, tracted the interest of his contemporaries from
the author highlighting the contribution of Romania, especially since he had been little
the Turkish leader in every sequence of the known to Romanian public opinion. As a con-
study. As a result of the eforts made by both sequence, the publications from that period
Romania and Turkey, the relations between were full of information about him and about
the two countries during the interwar period the revolutionary measures he undertook. At
followed a steady upward course in the politi- its turn, the Romanian historiography reacted
cal, economic, cultural and military ields. to this public interest and, consequently, a
Consequently, Romania and Turkey con- number of studies were dedicated to the per-
tributed to the stabilization of the situation in sonality of the Turkish leader.
the Balkan Peninsula, the latter ceasing to be After World War 2, amid the onset of the
the “the powder keg of Europe”, as in previous bipolar confrontation and of the instaura-
times77. tion by force of the communist regime in
Romania by the Soviet Union, the two coun-
Conclusions tries found themselves in opposite camps. he
After highlighting the main Romanian con- consequence was a diminished interest of the
tributions published during the 20th century Romanian historiography in the analysis of the
and in the irst years of the 21st century, some relations with Turkey, one of Romania’s tradi-
inal relections are deinitely necessary. he tional partners, something that lasted over a
irst observation is that the personality of Mus- quarter of a century.
76 Revista de istorie militară
In the early 1960s, however, the regime 1935; Titu Maiorescu, România, războaiele bal-
in Bucharest reevaluated, to some extent, its canice şi Cadrilaterul, ed. Stelian Neagoe, Editura
rapports with the Soviet Union, rejecting the Machiavelli, Bucharest, 1995; Anastasie Iordache,
interference of the latter in its internal afairs. Criza politică din România şi războaiele balcan-
Consequently, Romania engaged in a rap- ice 1911-1913, Editura Paideea, Bucureşti, 1998;
prochement with the Western countries – and Gheorghe Zbuchea, România şi războaiele balcan-
with Turkey, as well –, the relations becoming ice. 1912-1913. Pagini de istorie sud-est europeană,
increasingly better. Editura Albatros, Bucharest, 1999; Daniela Buşă,
In this context, the personality of Mustafa Modiicări politico-teritoriale în sud-estul Europei
între Congresul de la Berlin şi primul război mondi-
Kemal Atatürk became once again a subject of
al (1878-1914), Editura Paideea, Bucharest, 2003;
research for Romanian historiography, espe-
Mihai Macuc, România, Balcanii şi Europa, vol. I-II,
cially since his tremendous activity for the af- Editura ANI, Bucureşti, 2009 etc.
irmation of Turkish nation could have served 2
For details, see Ministry of Foreign Afairs,
as a model for Nicolae Ceaușescu, the leader România-Turcia. Relaţii diplomatice, vol. 1 1923-
in Bucharest proclaiming himself a “hero” of 1938, ed. Dumitru Preda, Cavallioti, Bucharest, 2011.
the struggle for Romanians’ independence to- 3
Regarding Romania’s position at the Conference
wards the Soviet hegemon. But, beyond the of Lausanne, see: Mircea N. Popa, Nicolae Daşcovici,
calculations of the politicians, the Romanian Marea Neagră şi regimul Strâmtorilor, Iaşi, 1937;
historians analyzed with seriousness and pro- Poziţia României faţă de Turcia la Conferinţa de
fessionalism the personality of Mustafa Kemal la Lausanne şi în anii imediat următori, Analele
Atatürk, the articles and studies published in Universităţii Bucureşti, istorie, XVII, 1968, p.141-
that particular postwar period maintaining 154; Paul Gogeanu, Strâmtorile Mării Negre de-a
their value over the years. lungul Strâmtorilor, Editura Politică, Bucureşti,
he peak of this scientiic interest was 1966; Iulian Cârţână, România şi problema
reached during the anniversary of the centen- Strâmtorilor, Editura Ştiinţiică, Bucharest, 1974;
nial of Atatürk’s birth, in 1981, manifestation in- Gh. N. Cazan, Problemele Orientului Apropiat de
scribed in the UNESCO calendar. It coincided la războiul mondial la Conferinţa de pace de la
Lausanne, in „Relaţii internaţionale în perioada
with a remarkable historiographical event host-
interbelică”, Editura Politică, Bucharest, 1980; Eliza
ed by Romania – the 15th International Con-
Campus, State mici şi mijlocii din centrul şi sud-estul
gress of History, which took place on August
Europei în relaţiile internaţionale. Prima jumătate
10-17, 1980. a secolului al XX-lea, Editura Politică, Bucharest,
After this date, the personality of Atatürk 1988, p. 114-118; I.G. Duca, Memorii, volumul IV,
was conined to historiographical penumbra, Războiul (1917-1919), ed. Stelian Neagoe, Editura
being mentioned only in the syntheses pub- Machiavelli, Bucharest, 1994, p. 261-315; Petre
lished in this period. his situation lasted until Otu, Marea Neagră în relaţiile internaţionale din
the second decade of the 21st century, when perioada interbelică, in “Marea Neagră de la lacul
the interest in the life and activity of Mustafa bizantin la provocările secolului XXI”, ed. Major
Kemal Atatürk was once again revived. General (ret.) dr. Mihail E. Ionescu, Editura Militară,
Bucharest, 2006, p. 248-279 etc.
noTe 4
Cristian Popişteanu, România şi Antanta
1
Regarding Romania’s situation in 1912-1913, Balcanică, Editura Politică, Bucharest, 1971; Eliza
see, among others, Corvin Petrescu, Istoricul cam- Campus, Înţelegerea Balcanică, Editura Academiei
paniei militare din anul 1913, Imprimeria “Jockey Republicii Socialiste România, Bucharest, 1972;
Club”, Bucharest, 1914; G. A. Dabija, Războiul Alexandru Oşca, Gheorghe Nicolescu, Tratate,
bulgaro-turc din anii 1912-1913, Bucharest, 1914; convenţii militare şi protocoale secrete (1934-1939),
Lieutenant colonel C. Şerbescu, Observaţiuni şi Editura Valahia, 1998.
învăţăminte culese din războaiele balcanice (1912- 5
Regarding the illness of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
1913) din punct de vedere politic, strategic şi tac- from the Romanian perspective, see Ministry of For-
tic. Diverse, cu 11 crochiuri în culori afară din eign Afairs, România-Turcia. Relaţii diplomatice,
text, pentru oiţeri activi şi de rezervă din toate vol. 1 1923-1938, ....., p. 323, 330-331.
armele, Tipograia „Buciumul Român” Spiridon 6
Carol II, Între datorie şi pasiune. Însemnări
Gheorghiu, Galaţi, 1914; Colonel George Garoies- zilnice, vol. I (1904 -1939), eds. Marcel-Dumitru
cu, Războaiele Balcanice 1912-1913, Editura Cen- Ciucă and Narcis Dorin, Editura Silex, Bucharest,
trului de Instrucţie al Infanteriei, Sfântu Gheorghe, 1995, p. 262.
Revista de istorie militară 77
7
Ibidem, p. 264. 34
Ibidem, p. 196-197.
8
Ibidem, p. 395-399. 35
Petre Ghiaţă, Valori conducătoare, Editura
9
h. Martinescu-Asău, Lenin, Benito Mussolini, Ideia, Bucureşti, 1941, p. 57-58.
Mustafa Kemal, Universitatea “Alcalay”, Bucharest, 36
(D.V.) Mikusch, Gazi Mustafa Kemal 1880-
1934 (Biblioteca pentru toţi). his volume was 1938. Între Asia şi Europa, Craiova, 344 pages (col-
bringing together the previous studies by the author. lection “Istoria romanţată”); H.C. Amstrong, Lupul
See also Idem, Lenin, B. Mussolini, Mustafa Kemal cenuşiu [Kemal Ataturk], Biograie, translated by
(articles), Editura Sensul Modern, undated. Alice Ionescu, Editura Vatra, Bucharest, 1943.
10
Ibidem, p. 105. 37
For this very complex matter, see Ioan Scurtu,
11
Ibidem, p. 133. România – retragerea trupelor sovietice (1958),
12
Mihail Manoilescu, Mussolini, Hitler, Kemal Arhivele Naţionale Române, Editura Didactică şi
(conferinţă), Brăila, 1934. he conference was held Pedagogică, Bucharest, 1996; Alexandru Oşca,
in October 1933 and inaugurated the ifth round of Vasile Popa, România, o fereastră în Cortina de
conferences organized by “Analele Brăilei”, a review ier. Declaraţia de independenţă din aprilie 1964,
of local studies. Editura Vrantop, Focşani, 1997; Petre Otu, Gheorghe
13
Ibidem, p. 3. Vartic, Mihai Macuc (coord.), On Both Sides of the
14
Ibidem, p. 8. Iron Curtain, Military Publishing House, Bucharest,
15
Ibidem, p. 9. 2001; Dennis Deletant and Mihail E. Ionescu, Ro-
16
Felix Aderca, Oameni excepţionali, Editura mania and the Warsaw Pact, 1955-1989. Selected
“Vremea”, Bucharest, 1934. he part dedicated to Documents, Bucharest, Paideia, 2004; Florian
the Turkish leader was entitled “Mustafa Kemal or Banu and Liviu Ţăranu, Aprilie 1964 – „Primăvara
Turkey without Fez”. de la Bucureşti”. Cum s-a adoptat “ Declaraţia de
17
Ibidem, p. 151-152. Independenţă a României?”, Editura Enciclopedică,
18
Ibidem, p. 153. Bucharest, 2004; Constantin Olteanu, Alesandru
19
Ibidem. Duţu, România. 36 de ani în Pactul de la Varşovia,
20
Ibidem, p. 161. Editura Niculescu, Bucharest, 2014.
21
Dr. Gheorghe Dragoş, Kemal Ataturk. Omul, 38
his had been closed down in 1948, together
opera, Cluj, 1935. with the Institute of Balkan Studies and Research,
22
Sterie Diamandi, Galeria dictatorilor: Pilsud- founded in 1937 by Victor Papacostea.
sky, Atatürk, Salazar, Hitler, Bucharest, 1938. 39
“Lumea”, November 3, 1963.
23
Ibidem, p. 95. 40
Al. Vianu, Kemal Atatürk, Izbrannîe reci i
24
Ibidem, p. 173-174 vîstuplenie, Moscow, 1966, 469 pages in “Studii
25
Ibidem, p. 189. Revistă de Istorie” no. 4/1967, p. 807-811.
26
N. Iorga, Oameni care au fost, volume 4, 41
Ibidem, p. 811.
Fundaţia pentru Literatură şi Artă, “Regele Carol I”, 42
Nicolae Titulescu, Documente diplomatice,
Bucharest, 1939, p. 279. Editura Politică, Bucharest, 1967; Idem, Discur-
27
Ibidem. suri, foreword and annotations by Robert Deutsch,
28
Ibidem, p. 280. Bucharest, Editura Ştiinţiică, 1967.
29
Constantin Argetoianu, Însemnări zilnice,, volu- 43
Enciclopedia Istoriograiei Româneşti,
mul 5 (1 iulie-31 decembrie 1938), ed. Stelian Neagoe, coordinator Ştefan Ştefănescu, Editura Ştiinţiică şi
Editura Machiavelli, Bucharest, 2002, p. 210. Enciclopedică, Bucharest, 1978, p. 216.
30
Petre Ghiaţă, Lupul cenuşiu, Viaţa furtunoasă 44
Mehmet Ali Ekrem, Ataturk, făuritorul Turciei
a ghaziului Kemal Ataturk, 1st edition, Editura Ideea, moderne, Editura Politică, Bucharest, 1969, p.5.
Bucharest, 1939. A second edition appeared shortly 45
Ibidem, p. 230.
after, being published in the same year (1939). 46
he study was given a positive review by
31
he author wanted the study to be published Mustafa Ali Mehmed in “Studies. Review of History”
in 1940 in Turkish and Hungarian. According to our (“Studii. Revistă de Istorie”), no. 4/1970, p.836-838.
information, this objective did not materialize, one 47
Mehmet Ali Ekrem, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
of the causes being the events from the summer of în opinia publică românească, „Revista de Istorie”,
1940, Romania’s integrity being severely afected no. 4/1974, p. 597-604.
by the annexation of a number of Romanian prov- 48
Petre Ghiaţă, Atatürk, Editura Enciclopedică
inces by the Soviet Union (Bessarabia and Northern Română, Bucharest, 1975. he imprint mentioned
Bukovina), Hungary (North-Eastern Transylvania) that the volume was printed in 9 390 copies.
and Bulgaria (Southern Dobrudja). 49
Paul Cernovodeanu, Le symposium d’histoire
32
Petre Ghiaţă, op. cit. p. 2. roumano-turk d’Ankara, in “Revue Roumaine
33
Ibidem, p. 180. d’Histoire”, XVIII, 2, 1978, p. 359-360.
78 Revista de istorie militară
50
Mihai Maxim, Simpozionul româno-turc de is- de Kemal Atatürk, “Revue Roumaine d’Histoire”, 3,
torie, „Revista de Istorie”, no. 10/1978, p. 1877-1878. 1981, p. 435-454.
See also Cristina Feneşan, Das rumänisch-türkische 68
Nicolae Ciachir, Informaţii din arhivele
Symposium (25-26 mai 1978), “Revue Roumaine româneşti despre Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, “Revista
d’Histoire”, no. 4, 1978, p. 789-790. de Istorie”, no. 6/1981, p.1135-1148.
51
Cristian Popişteanu, România şi Antanta
69
Mihail Guboglu, Kemal Atatürk, (1881-
Balcanică, Editura Politică, Bucharest, 1971. 1938) – fondatorul Republicii Turcia, “Revista
52
Probleme de politică externă a României 1919- Comisiei Române pentru UNESCO”, 23, no. 3, 1981;
1939. Culegere de studii, vol. I, Editura Militară, Idem, Moustapha Kemal Ataturk (1881-1938) - il-
Bucharest, 1971. he study by Robert Deutsch can lustre personnalité de l’histoire turque, „Analele
be found at pages 219-258. Universităţii Bucureşti”, istorie, 30, 1981.
53
Eliza Campus, Înţelegerea Balcanică, Ed-
70
he two studies by the Romanian research-
itura Academiei Republicii Socialiste România, ers are: Mustafa Ali Mehmet, Mustafa Kemal
Bucharest, 1972. Atatürk - penseur et humaniste, “Revue des Études
54
Mihail E. Ionescu, Preliminariile încheierii Sud-Est Européeenes”, p. 52-59 and Constantin
convenţiilor militare balcanice (1934-1936), în Iordan-Sima, Pétrol et diplomatie: la Turquie kémal-
„File de istorie militară a poporului român”, no.1, iste, l’Angleterre impériale et le problème de Mossoul,
1973, p.143-160; Idem, Încheierea alianţei militare Ibidem, p. 67-83. he researchers from Turkey pub-
balcanice tripartite (1936), în „Studii. Revista de lished three articles: Ismail Arar, La place d’Ataturk
Istorie”, no.2, 1974, p.63-75. parmi les grants courants de l’histoire, Ibidem, p. 41-
55
Mustafa Ali Mehmed, Istoria turcilor, Editura 51; Coşkun Ûçok, Atatürk-Der erőfner eines neunen
Ştiinţiică şi Enciclopedică, Bucharest, 1976. zeitalters in den islamichen ländern, p. 61-65; Hamit
56
Ibidem, p. 371-372. Z. Koşay, Presentation to Ataturk, Ibidem, p. 85-92.
57
Anca Ghiaţă, La Nation et l’État moderne 71
Eliza Campus, State mici şi mijlocii din centrul
dans la conception Kémaliste, “Revue des Études şi sud-estul Europei în relaţiile internaţionale. Pri-
Sud-Est Européeenes”, tome 17, 4, 1979, p. 777-798. ma jumătate a secolului al XX-lea, Editura Politică,
58
Ibidem, p. 795. Bucharest, 1988, p. 116, 168, 266-267. Among oth-
59
Ion Calafeteanu, Turcia în „Airmarea state- er things, the author highlights the importance of
lor naţionale independente unitare din centrul şi the meeting between Carol II and Mustafa Kemal
sud-estul Europei (1821-1923)”, Editura Academiei Atatürk in June 1938.
Republicii Socialşiste România, Bucharest, 1979, 72
From the long list of contributions, we men-
p. 228-257. tion: Alexandru Oşca, Gheorghe Niculescu, Tratate,
60
Constantin Iordan-Sima, Un diplomate rou- convenţii şi protocoale secrete (1934-1939), Piteşti,
main sur la victoire de la révolution Kémaliste, 1994; Mihai Retegan, În balanţa forţelor. Alianţe
“Revue des Études Sud-Est Européeenes”, tome 18, militare româneşti interbelice, Bucureşti, 1997.
3,1980, p. 425-435. 73
Mehmet Ali Ekrem, Relaţiile româno-turce
61
At that moment, Nicolae Filodor was the sec- între cele două războaie mondiale (1918-1944),
retary general of the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Editura Ştiinţiică, Bucharest, 1993.
Afairs, later on being appointed plenipotenti- 74
Aurel-Mircea Romocia, Biograia şi activi-
ary minister to Prague (19124-1928) and Belgrade tatea lui Kemal Mustafa Ataturk, fondatorul Turciei
(1928-1931). moderne, University of Oradea, 2010 (scientiic co-
62
Eliza Campus, Din politica externă a României ordinator Viorel Faur). he thesis was presented
1913-1947, Editura Politică, Bucharest, 1980. on January 22, 2011, the commission of referents
63
Ibidem, p.239-240, 343. comprising Prof. Mihai Maxim from the Univer-
64
Vezi Ion Calafeteanu, Diplomaţia românească sity of Bucharest, lecturer Virgil Ţârău from the
în sud-estul Europei (martie 1938 – martie 1940), “Babeş-Bolyai” University of Cluj-Napoca and Prof.
Bucharest, 1980. Ion Zainea from the University of Oradea (www.uo-
65
For details, Mihai Maxim, Comemorarea cen- radea.ro, accessed on November 3, 2014).
tenarului Ataturk în România, „Revista de Istorie”, 75
Ministerul Afacerilor Externe, România-
no 10/1981, p. 1958-1963. Turcia.Relaţii diplomatice, vol. 1 1923-1938, ed.
66
Eliza Campus, Les relations entre la Turquie Dumitru Preda, forewod by Alexandru Ghişa and
kémaliste et la Roumanie entre les deux guerres Dumitru Preda, Cavallioti, Bucharest, 2011.
mondiales, “Revue Roumaine d’Histoire”, 3, 1981, 76
Ionuţ Cojocaru, România-Turcia. Actori
p. 411-434. importanţi în sistemul de relaţii interbelice (1918-
67
Mehmet Ali Ekrem, Considérations sur les 1940), Editura Cetatea de Scaun, Târgovişte, 2014.
réformes intérieures et sur la politique étrangère 77
Ibidem, p. 219.
Revista de istorie militară 79
Dossier: Romanian-Turkish Military Relations
during Modern and Contemporary Period
CeRasela moldoVeanu *
abstract
Romania’s attempts to get out of the alliance with the Axis powers passed, also, through
the Turkish channel – Bucharest-Ankara-Istanbul. his diplomatic channel proved particular-
ly useful, through the mediation of Romanian diplomats, namely minister Cretzianu and col.
Teodorescu, Romania’s military attaché.
he two Romanian oicials were consulted both by the democratic opposition, led by I. Maniu,
and by Mihai Antonescu, on behalf of the Ion Antonescu government. Western governments and
allied intelligence services took note through telegrams, messages, information of great impor-
tance, by means of two Romanian diplomats, to all eforts made by the democratic opposition
and Romanian government to quit the alliance. his diplomatic channel was also an efective
military and political barometer, for both Romania and Turkey and the Allied States, a focal
point of the Romanian state interests with those of Great Powers
hese attempts have been facilitated by the neutrality status Turkey maintained during the
war, and by her maneuvers between the two belligerent camps.
Keywords: Turkish channel, Alexandru Cretzianu, World War 2, diplomacy, allies, demo-
cratic opposition
The military successes of the United Na- essary. hey took into account the decrease of
tions coalition during the year 1942 and es- the support provided to the Reich and even to
pecially the defeat sufered by the Wehrmacht stop its continuation.
and the Romanian army at Stalingrad (No- On this basis, the Antonescu regime refused
vember 1942 / February 1943) changed the re- to send more troop contingents on the Eastern
lations between the two belligerent coalitions front, and made step by step retreats of the units
and made improbable the victory of Germany. still dislocated in Russia. In the same time start-
In these circumstances, the Romanian political ed the probing negotiations, especially with the
class (the power and the opposition) became Western powers of the United Nations coalition,
aware of that a major political change was nec- through diferent communication channels.
dImensIunea PsIho-CoGnITIVă
a leadeRshIPuluI GeRman ŞI TenTaţIa
exPansIunII exTRa-euRoPene
abstract
* Cercetător ştiinţiic gr. II, Institutul pentru Studii Politice de Apărare şi Istorie Militară.
** Cercetător, Centrul de Studii Est Europene şi Asiatice.
Revista de istorie militară 93
Izbucnirea Primului Război Mondial a in- rilor majore ale sistemului internaţional de
strumentalizat în direcţie ideologică şi tactica state la începutul secolului XX, la fel de bine
potenţialul societăţii transnaţionale. Pe de-o putem să ne axăm pe trăsăturile esenţiale ale
parte, marile puteri europene au căutat să ca- forţelor armate (compoziţie, structură, planuri
paciteze acele mişcări iredentiste sau de eli- strategice), ale societăţii industrializate asoci-
berare care puteau submina frontul intern al ate naţiunilor moderne, să urmărim relaţiile
adversarului; pe de cealaltă reprezentanţii miş- dintre liderii politici şi cei militari (angrenajul
cărilor respective au proitat de mâna întinsă birocraţiilor statale), ori - de ce nu - o istorie a
de una sau alta din puterile europene pentru a doctrinelor şi curentelor de idei ce dominau în
grăbi disoluţia imperiilor coloniale şi plecarea epocă (naţionalism, socialism, liberalism etc.).
stăpânilor albi. Saga lui Lawrence al Arabiei Însă nu cred că trebuie să omitem a acorda
sau Wilhelm Wasmuss redau atât eforturile atenţie şi aspectelor psiho-cognitive ale lea-
britanice de a folosi triburile arabe contra mu- dership-ului marilor puteri, deoarece ordinele
ribundului Imperiu Otoman cât şi, invers, pe de pregătire a armatelor, mobilizare şi atac nu
acelea ale Berlinului de a provoca haos în inte- l-au dat nişte entităţi abstracte numite state
riorul Rajului Britanic. ci, în primul rând nişte indivizi istorici, uşor
Argumentul studiului de faţă este acela că de identiicat, alaţi temporar la conducerea
istoria Primului Război Mondial nu trebuie ci- afacerilor politice în ţările respective. Există
tită doar în cheie statocentrică, actorii non-sta- o responsabilitate individuală a liderilor, care
tali iind deosebit de importanţi pentru dinami- inalmente nu se pot ascunde la ininit în spa-
ca balanţei de puteri şi hotărârile luate de elitele tele statelor pe care le-au administrat sau păs-
statale. Acestea iind spuse, studiul va supli- torit, în diverse moduri, exact la fel cum şi în
menta perspectiva ştiinţelor politice cu aceea a cazurile de genocid judecate de curţi naţionale
psihologiei. Prima parte va i dedicată trecerii sau internaţionale se insistă pe imposibilitatea
în reviste a mai multor teorii şi scheme psiho- logică şi faptică de a culpabiliza state în locul
cognitive şi interpretării acestora în contextul indivizilor. În studiul de faţă, contribuţia lui
acţiunilor celor mai importanţi actori de pe Şerban F. Cioculescu se va axa pe înţelegerea
scena mondială. a doua parte se va concentra elementelor psiho-cognitive cele mai impor-
pe componenta non-statală şi va zăbovi asupra tante ce l-au caracterizat pe Kaizerul Wilhelm
modului în care pasiunea elitelor politico-inte- al-II-lea, dar şi pe unii dintre miniştrii şi con-
lectuale germane pentru Orient a determinat silierii săi. Vom folosi literatura istorică bazată
susţinerea unor reţele de revoluţionari ce pro- pe arhive dar şi pe mărturii directe din epocă,
miteau subminarea antantei anglo-americane. şi în acelaşi timp, pe elementele teoretice fur-
nizate de psihologia politică.
I. Ştiinţe politice şi psihologie. Liderul politic, ie că este vorba de un stat
spre o sinteză operaţională democratic, ie că vorbim de un stat dictato-
rial sau chiar totalitar, este în permanenţă
Multitudinea de analize dedicate Primului atent la situaţia internaţională, încercând să
Război Mondial constituie un element beneic evalueze mediul de securitate, mai precis spus
pentru cititorul dornic să reconstituie cauzele potenţialii adversari şi aliaţii. El îşi formează
profunde şi contextul în care a avut loc acea aşa-numita „percepţie a ameninţării” (threat
„fatidică” înlănţuire de evenimente ce a condus perception), bazată pe factori precum cultura
la marea conlagraţie, prima de o asemenea de securitate, lecţiile geopolitice învăţate, an-
anvergură din istoria lumii. În general, adepţii turajul dar şi psihologia individuală şi de grup.
iecărei discipline sunt convinşi că metoda lor Anxietatea liderului politic derivă din faptul
de analiză are avantajele cele mai consistente, că mediul strategic în care statul îşi desfăşoară
de aceea, în general, interdisciplinaritatea nu „viaţa” este marcat de incertitudine – nu cu-
este la mare căutare sau oricum nu în main- noaşte decât în mod aproximativ capabilităţile
stream-ul expertizei de proil.3 şi intenţiile adversarilor reali sau presupuşi,
Desigur, putem înţelege declanşarea răz- nu poate anticipa exact nici comportamentul
boiului prin luarea în considerare a trăsătu- aliaţilor. În plus, politicianul nu are acces la in-
94 Revista de istorie militară
formaţia directă, ci ea îi este iltrată de către cepe direct mediul operaţional, fapt ce con-
consilieri, anturaj, serviciile de informaţii etc. trazice paradigma realistă a actorului raţional
Astfel, de iecare dată când liderul politic şi omniscient! Decidenţii supremi în stat pot
trebuie să evalueze o situaţie, şi să ia o deci- ajunge să ie complet „ecranaţi” faţă de realita-
zie, el se va confrunta cu distorsiuni cognitive te, trăind într-un fel de univers paralel!
mai mult sau mai puţin grave, dar în orice caz În ceea ce priveşte percepţia asupra adver-
decizia sa nu va mai i una pur raţională în sen- sarului, intervin şi unele mecanisme simpli-
sul dat de autorii curentului neorealist în RI. icatoare şi auto-liniştitoare precum „funda-
Calculul pur raţional al costurilor (riscurilor) mental attribution error theory”. Astfel, acţiu-
şi beneiciilor nu poate i decât unul imperfect nile agresive ale unui actor judecat drept ostil
deoarece lumea este în plină schimbare, se sunt considerate ca izvorând din „ostilitatea”
produc procese non-lineare ale evoluţiei (de intrinsecă, naturală a adversarului, în timp ce
tip „turbulenţe” – James Rosenau), mediul de eventuale acţiuni de reconciliere din partea
securitate este extrem de complex, pe de altă acestuia sunt percepute ca un efect al puterii
parte accesul la informaţie al decidentului e şi nivelului de intimidare (deterrence) ale ac-
unul incomplet, trunchiat, cu limitări inerente torului iniţial, aşadar un semn de slăbiciune
poziţiei sale. Astfel distorsiunile cognitive pot şi teamă, nu de deschidere şi dialog.11 Acţiu-
inluenţa la modul semniicativ percepţia psi- nile celuilalt nu au nici o semniicaţie în sine,
hologică a ameninţărilor. Există aşa-numitele ele au nevoie de interpretare, de o citire într-o
„cognitive biases”4, procese de deviere cauzate anumită grilă. Psihologia socială oferă instru-
de complexitatea mediului şi densitatea infor- mentele teoretice necesare unei bune explica-
maţiei care intră în reţea)5, dar şi „motivated ţii a comportamentului decidenţilor în situaţii
biases”6 – legate de emoţii, de percepţii bazice de criză. Confruntat cu adversari care iniţiază
(frică, dorinţă, vinovăţie etc.) politici dure de tip cursa înarmărilor, alianţe
Decidentul sau cel care percepe o situaţie agresive pe lanc, ameninţări verbale etc, de-
de securitate, în mod inconştient caută să ie cidenţii din statul ţintă vor tinde să pună acest
coerent cu propriul său sistem de credinţe şi de comportament pe seama unei ostilităţi profun-
valori, cu ceea ce nathan leites a numit pri- de, native, carcaterului rău, ignorând adesea
mul „codul operaţional”.7 În acest fel, se produ- factorii legaţi de feed-back-ul generat de pro-
ce o deviere majoră faţă de modelul actorului priul nivel de ameninţare – ajungem la faimo-
raţional oferit de teoriile rational choice şi de sul mecanism al dilemei securităţii. După cum
neorealism-neoliberalim din RI. Confruntat arată levy şi hompson în volumul lor „Ca-
cu informaţii multiple şi care se pot contrazi- uzele războiului”, se ajunge frecvent la „subes-
ce, decidentul le va selecta inconştient pe cele timarea efectelor dilemei securităţii”, adică nu
care îi conirmă puntul de vedere, credinţele, consideră că adversarul judecă exact ca el şi
opiniile şi le va elimina pe celelalte. Astfel, va interpretează greşit acţiuni defensive ca iind
avea loc o iltrare a informaţiilor, un proces de ofensive şi periculoase.12 Factorii situaţionali
selecţie care va elimina din start sau pe parcurs sunt cei care explică dilema securităţii, nu cei
informaţiile ce contrazic valorile şi credinţele dispoziţionali.
pre-existente ale acelui decident – „premature Aşadar decidentul trebuie să discearnă în-
cognitive closure”.8 harold şi margaret spro- tre adversari reali, potenţiali şi imaginari şi,
ut au dezvoltat teoria „psycho milieu”, mediul de asemenea, trebuie să decidă ce nivel de risc
internaţional şi operaţional, în felul în care acceptă (risk propensity). Uneori adversarul
decidentul îl percepe, şi care îi inluenţează este perceput ca iind unul centralizat, unitar,
comportamentul (‘the environment as percei- agresiv intrinsec, fără a ţine cont de existenţa
ved by the decision-maker & upon which he/she unor birocraţii (cu care decidentul negociază
bases his/her reaction’).9 Dar avem şi „mediul politicile adoptate) şi a unei negocieri intra-
operaţional”, adică ceea ceea ce există în reali- statale în acel stat.
tate (‘the true environment in which the chosen Sistemul de credinţe şi valori este cel mai
policy is executed’).10 Între cele două elemente greu de schimbat după cum arată psihologii,
există o distanţă, deoarece decidentul nu per- deoarece întregul eşafodaj al personalităţii in-
Revista de istorie militară 95
dividului se bazează pe acesta. Persoanele cu Britanie prin programul lui Tirpitz de înarma-
o anumită vârstă şi statut înalt se schimbă ex- re navală, să o atragă într-o alianţă, apoi s-ar
trem de greu.13 Decidentul trebuie să adapteze i mulţumit şi cu neutralitatea britanicilor. Dar
propriile credinţe şi convingeri informaţiilor tot Wilhelm cochetase anterior cu ideea unei
primite, să înveţe lecţii (din istorie) şi să se alianţe cu Franţa şi Rusia contra Marii Britanii,
adapteze, în felul de a inţelege riscurile şi ad- în ideea rivalităţilor pentru colonii. Wilhelm a
versarii, aliaţii, partenerii. ameninţat adesea, sugerând modiicarea gra-
Nu doar psihologia decidentului contea- niţelor Belgiei, Franţei, ba chiar tentative de
ză, din care poate că o parte e ereditară, alta a ataca par surprise SUA, neluate in seamă de
modelată de evenimentele copilariei, ci şi Statul Major german. Totuşi acelaşi Wilhelm
„lecţiile trecutului”, învăţarea din analogii cu i-a cerut in toiul crizei lui Helmuth von Moltke
evenimente din viaţa personală sau din cea să pregătească armata pentru un război doar
colectivă.14 Gândirea analogică permite înţe- contra Rusiei, iind refuzat de acesta pe mo-
legerea rapidă a unor situaţii complexe, dar tiv că nerespectarea planului german de luptă
aduce şi riscul analogiilor forţate, adevărate avea să dezorganizeze grav efortul militar, iind
self-fuliling prophecies în cazuri extreme. În aşadar necesar atacul întâi asupra Franţei, via
1914, decidenţii germani puteau face analogii Belgia şi Luxemburg. Moltke avea să mărturi-
cu campaniile napoleoniene cu un secol mai sească soţiei faptul că s-a simţit umilit de re-
vechi, cu războiul Crimeei, cu războiul franco- marca împăratului (care l-a comparat defavo-
prusian sau cu cel ruso-japonez. rabil cu mult mai faimosul său unchi), iindu-i
Percepţia este în parte predeterminată. „distrusă” auto-încrederea. Unii experţi arată
Există o tendinţă a decidenţilor de a percepe că marina militară germană, impulsionată de
ceea ce îşi doresc să vadă, aşa numitul wishful leadership-ul viguros al lui Tirpitz, devenise
thinking – în numele coerenţei cognitive, ei un fel de stat în stat lucrând in izolare chiar
ajung să ignore astfel informaţia care contrazice faţă de armata de uscat, planiicând o bătălie
propriile lor aşteptări şi să considere probabi- decisivă cu britanicii şi evident căutând acces
litatea succesului ca iind crescută, aşadar vor privilegiat la clasa politică.16
tinde să îşi asume riscuri mai mari. Apare cre- În ce priveşte nivelul de risc acceptat de
dinţa sau iluzia că se pot controla evenimentele, către decidenţii germani, el decurge din psiho-
că factorul accidental este diminuat şi controla- logia acestora, din cultura strategică şi din ide-
bil inalmente.15 În mintea decidentului se for- ologia naţionalistă care îi anima. Acceptarea
mează un lanţ cauză-efect bazat pe probabili- riscului e legată atât de psihologia decidentului
tăţi iar supra-optimismul generează tendinţa de cât şi de percepţia asupra situaţiei respective.
a acţiona curajos, de a asuma riscuri mai mari Psihologii americano-israelieni daniel Kah-
şi a anticipa o victorie, in timp ce pesimismul neman şi amos Tversky au propus în anii ‘70
generează prudenţă, risc scăzut, aşadar funcţi- ai secolului trecut modelul „prospect theory”
onează mecanismul descurajării. Dacă Wilhelm (în cadrul disciplinei „cognitive science”) al
II şi miniştrii săi ar i fost pesimişti în ce priveş- asumării raţionale a riscului, şi au arătat că
te rezultatul unei bătălii cu Rusia, şi-ar i asu- orice actor social stabileşte un punct-reper şi
mat riscuri mai mici, de pildă ar i oprit cumva în funcţie de acesta percepe o situaţie ca iind
mobilizarea armatei germane, cerând imperativ de pierdere sau de câştig.17 În plan psihologic,
Austro-Ungariei să nu solicite condiţii atât de tendinţa oamenilor e de regulă de a evita pier-
drastice în ultimatumul dat Serbiei. derea, paguba, tendinţă mai puternică decât
De ce nu s-a aşteptat totuşi Germania să dorinţa de a câştiga. Identiicarea punctului de
intervină Marea Britanie în război, de partea referinţă este denumită „framing” – valorile şi
Franţei si Rusiei, odată cu violarea neutralităţii credinţele individului, dar şi lecţiile învăţate în
Belgiei? Pe de-o parte deoarece Kaiserul spera trecut, îl ajută să selecteze o anumită opţiune.
şi îşi dorea ca britanicii să rămână neutri, pe de Psihologii au demonstrat că după ce un indi-
altă parte deoarece spera ca nivelul de putere vid sau un grup au suferit o pierdere, vor risca
atins de Reich să producă descurajare asupra ulterior mai mult spre a anula pierderea şi a
britanicilor. Încercase să intimideze Marea reface situaţia iniţială – aşadar decidenţii vor
96 Revista de istorie militară
i risk-taking în situaţie de evitare a pierderii ajunge la concluzia că de vină pentru declan-
sau recuperare a pagubei şi risk-avoiding în şarea războiului a fost credinţa în supremaţia
situaţii când ar putea cîştiga ceva – după cum ofensivei, anume ideea că victoria e relativ uşor
arată Levy şi hompson „liderii politici au ten- de obţinut pentru cel ce atacă primul, prin sur-
dinţa să îşi asume mai multe riscuri spre a îşi prindere. Nu doar Germania ci si Rusia, Franţa
menţine poziţiile internaţionale, reputaţia şi şi Austro-Ungaria credeau că avantajul e de
sprijinul politic intern impotriva potenţialelor partea celui ce atacă primul! Aşadar teoria
pierderi, decât o fac spre a îşi consolida poziţi- ofensivei şi defensivei („ofense-defense the-
ile. E mai probabil să lupte spre a evita pierde- ory”) conţine elementul „trigger” ce a transfor-
rile, decât să obţină câştiguri.”18 mat criza în conlict21, dar desigur cauzele pro-
În cazul Germaniei, se ştie că Wilhelm II funde sunt cele cunoscute: naţionalism exacer-
nutrea temerea ca ascensiunea militară şi eco- bat, credinţa în beneiciile morale şi biologice
nomică a Rusiei să nu o transforme într-un ale războiului pentru naţiuni (a se vedea cartea
inamic imposibil de înfrânt la orizontul anilor generalului german Von Bernhardi – „Ger-
1918-1920, odată cu avansul industrializării şi mania şi următorul război”), motivul „social
sporul demograic. Germania ştia că avea he- imperial” (teama kaiserului şi apropiaţilor săi
gemonia terestră în 1914, nu dorea să o piar- de agitaţia socialistă) precum şi personalitatea
dă in faţa alianţei franco-ruse (Franţa oferea haotic-agresivă a lui Wilhelm. Cercuri ale in-
capitalurile şi know how-ul industrial, Rusia telligentsiei naţionaliste din Germania denun-
aducea în alianţă milioane de soldaţi, gata de ţau pericolul jugului slav (barbariei slave), iar
sacriicat şi construia căi ferate strategice cu în Rusia panslaviştii denunţau germanismul
banii francezi).19 Germania dorea să spargă în- imperialist, spiritul teuton nefast – aşadar se
cercuirea strategică („complex de încercuire” – dezvoltaseră curente xenofobe populare, cu
cf. David Stevenson), „anaconda” franco-ru- tentă chiar rasistă22, grefate pe fundalul darwi-
să, care o sufoca strategic în timp ce rivalitatea nismului social din geopolitica vremii!
economică cu Imperiul Britanic şi SUA o su- Din acest punct de vedere, percepţia ger-
foca economic. Se ştie că Stephen Van Evera, mană ar i fost de apărare a poziţiei hegemo-
profesor la Massachussets Institute of Techno- nice continentale bazată pe industrie, capital
logy-MIT, a analizat cauzele WWI pornind de uman şi tehnologie militară, dar implicit şi a
la «cultul ofensivei» şi balanţa (teoria) ofensi- rasei germanice. Şcoala neorealistă actuală
vă-defensivă. face distincţia între actorii „lacomi” (cu moti-
Practic Germania dar şi Austro-Ungaria, ve de tip „greedy”) şi cei „defensivi”, satisfăcuţi
pretinde Van Evera, s-au temut că dacă nu va- („security seeking”).23 Charles Glaser a furnizat
loriică rapid o fereastră de oportunitate, ulte- un model de analiză a comportamentelor ba-
rior se vor găsi în situaţie de vulnerabilitate şi zat pe informaţii, capabilităţi, intenţii atribuite
risc de infrângere militară. Exista credinţa că celorlalţi dar intenţiile sunt tot o problemă de
aceste state „trebuie să crească sau să moară”, percepţie şi de „lessons learned”, ca şi una de
fără o cale de mijloc, practic un darwinism ge- pasiuni colective (naţionale). Dacă Rusia nu ar
opolitic accentuat. Iar statele majore din Ru- i fost percepută la Berlin ca un adversar for-
sia şi Germania aveau strategii militare bazate midabil, care practic permitea Franţei să re-
doar pe ofensivă (fără opţiuni defensive), în ziste cu succes unei confruntări cu Germania,
perspectiva războiului pe două fronturi – „ear- poate că dorinţa Rusiei de a obţine strâmtorile
ly ofensive in all directions”.20 Teama de a pier- turceşti nu ar i provocat o reacţie de opozi-
de aliatul major a inluenţat Franţa şi Marea ţie atât de clară. Până cu un deceniu inainte de
Britanie faţă de Rusia, iar în cazul Germaniei Primul Război Mondial, Franţa apărea ca ad-
teama de o umilire a Austro-Ungariei în faţa versarul cel mai probabil al Germaniei iar Ber-
Rusiei, urmată de agitaţie etnică internă şi im- linul tolerase destul de bine elanurile expansi-
plozie. Germania a atacat Belgia (după un ulti- oniste ruseşti spre zona strâmtorilor pontice.
matum respins de Bruxelles), nu a dat nici un De precizat, totuşi, că un cunoscut expert în
avertisment anterior clar, de aceea nu a putut i studii strategice, Dale Copeland, consideră
descurajată, mai ales de Marea Britanie. Evera că, de fapt, cancelarul german şi asociaţii săi
Revista de istorie militară 97
au preferat un război generalizat, major, unuia putem considera că o analiză raţională ar i
localizat sau unei negocieri paşnice, aşa încât arătat că riscul de catastrofă naţională nu era
«au folosit criza spre a manipula celelalte state, atât de crescut – Germania se putea dezvolta
inclusiv Austria, spre război.» El respinge ar- armonios şi fără o expansiune spre Est, pu-
gumentul atribuit lui lui Fritz Fischer, anume tea deveni cea mai mare putere industrială şi
că liderii germani au căutat războiul mai ales comercială a Europei, putea evita războiul cu
ca să se apere de agitaţia socialistă internă, Rusia şi putea gradual să se decupleze strate-
arătând că, dacă ar i fost astfel, era mai logic gic de Austro- Ungaria. Incercuirea strategică
să evite un război cu consecinţe imprevizibile! pe care o percepea Germania putea i depăşită
De asemenea respinge argumentele istoricilor prin alt fel de politici, mai puţin agresive, prin
Egmont Zechlin şi Dietrich Edermann, anume metode graduale de detensionare.
că Germania a dorit un război localizat în Bal- Robert Jervis, profesor la Universitatea Co-
cani, în sprijinul Vienei.24 lumbia, airma în faimosul său volum despre
Foarte util este şi modelul „polieuristic”, percepţiile eronate în politica internaţională
folosit de alex mintz şi nehemia Geva, care că trebuie căutate cauzele unor războaie atât
arată că decidentul alat în situaţie de criză, la nivelul decidentului (al percepţiei) cât şi la
parcurge un proces mental în două etape – nivelurile naţional, birocratic şi internaţional,
elimină din start alternativele de acţiune ce dar că alegerea nivelului de analiză are profun-
implică un cost politic intern prea mare, apoi de implicaţii morale.26
evaluează raţional opţiunile rămase şi o ale- Factori esenţiali în declanşarea războiului
ge pe aceea care aduce cea mai mare utilitate precum alianţele extrem de rigide, teama reci-
scontată. De pildă Wilhelm II nu putea cere procă a marilor puteri, planiicarea prea rigidă
Austro-Ungariei să nu ia nici un fel de mă- a strategiilor militare, naţionalismul exacerbat
sură contra Serbiei deoarece ştia că agitaţia şi grevat pe un ilon darwinist, se bazează cel
naţionalistă risca să surpe imperiul aliat. Nici puţin parţial şi pe factorii psiho-cognitivi. nu
nu o putea lăsa pe mâna Rusiei, deoarece ar i se poate spune că decidenţii supremi pre-
rămas fără principalul aliat în caz de conlict cum Wilhelm II sau nicolae II ar i fost cu
ulterior cu Rusia şi Franţa. Germania a ajuns adevărat prizonierii unor birocraţii politi-
sa interpreteze ofensiv acordul cu Austro-Un- co-militare, astfel încât să nu poată evita i-
garia din 1879, care avusese o natură defensivă nalmente războiul, cu toate că în Germania
prin excelenţă – un cec în alb dat A.-U. pentru militarii şi-au impus planurile strategice în
atacarea Serbiei. Aşadar Wilhelm a exclus din faţa Kaiserului, proitând probabil de pani-
start aceste scenarii dintre posibilele opţiuni. ca şi confuzia acestuia. Dorinţa lor de a nu îşi
Evitarea cu orice preţ a războiului ar i gene- aliena popoarele, de a corespunde aşteptărilor
rat pierderea capitalului politic intern – poate acestora în plan ideologic (naţionalismul), de a
chiar revoluţie socialistă, schimbare de regim salva dinastiile, au condus la compromisul cu
etc. Teoria polieuristică nu contrazice teoriile birocraţiile tehnice ale statelor respective (şi
actorului raţional postulate de neorealişti şi cu forţele politice interne în cazul german) şi
neoliberali, ci le rainează prin recurs la grilele la acceptarea escaladării crizei spre război. Se
psiho-cognitive, conirmate experimental pe poate argumenta că psihologia liderilor e cea
grupuri de voluntari.25 care a precipitat declanşarea războiului în au-
gust 1914 dar că factorii structurali, sistemici,
Orice teorie a războiului trebuie să com- de tipul bipolarităţii şi a cursei înarmărilor, ar
bine factorii alati la cele trei nivele de bază: i dus oricum la război mai devreme sau mai
sistemic, statal şi substatal (K. Waltz). La nivel târziu. Factorul regim politic inluenţează şi el
sistemic, este adevărat că în 1914, se tindea că- agresivitate externă a unui stat – se ştie că de-
tre o forma de bipolaritate astfel că distribuţia mocraţiile consolidate în general păstrează pa-
capabilităţilor şi diicultatea de a calcula exact cea dintre ele, pe când regimurile dictatoriale
potenţialul de putere al iecărei tabere a gene- sunt mai înclinate spre atac, cele mai instabile
rat incertitudine, teama de a i depăşit, încon- regimuri iind cele în tranziţie. Un asemenea
jurat, de a pierde aliaţii-cheie. Dar retrospectiv regim îşi pune amprenta şi asupra felului în
98 Revista de istorie militară
care decidentul percepe realitatea – de pildă Ţarul revine şi sugerează o conferinţă de ar-
teama lui de a nu pierde puterea si chiar viaţa bitraj la Haga, aşadar o soluţie instituţională. El
(în regimuri revoluţionare) în caz că are o poli- explică măsurile militare de pregătire ca o re-
tică externă non-asertivă. acţie la acţiunile A-U de pregătire a campaniei
Faimoasele telegrame dintre cei doi îm- contra Serbiei, aşadar Germania nu ar i avut
păraţi (şi veri) Nicolae II şi Wilhelm II relevă nici un motiv de teamă. E clar că pentru Ger-
atât îngrijorările legate de mobilizarea armatei mania, mobilizarea Rusiei înseamnă război, iar
celuilalt (manevre prea rapide, percepute ca în acest caz Wilhelm nu poate ignora viziunea
agresive, teama de atac preemptiv şi de a i sur- strategică a Statului Major General, bazată pe
prins) cât şi divergenţa în percepţii: în timp ce Planul Schliefen-Moltke (nu război pe două
Nicolae se arată scandalizat de politicile repre- fronturi simultan, dar în mod succesiv). Prac-
sive la adresa naţionalităţilor ale Austro-Unga- tic Wilhelm aruncă întreaga povară a deciziei
riei, Wilhelm era foarte tulburat de naţionalis- – pace sau război – pe umerii lui Nicolae, ca şi
mul agresiv al Serbiei şi credea că e necesară o cum nu ar i înţeles că şi Statul Major rus avea
pedepsire sau reprimare a acestuia, spre a salva planuri aproape la fel de rigide de mobilizare
imperiul aliat. În telegrama din 29 iulie, Ţarul iar Nicolae nu putea opri singur mobilizarea
airmă că: „I foresee that very soon I shall be fără a se compromite.
overwhelmed by the pressure forced upon me Intervine celebra dilemă a securităţii men-
and be forced to take extreme measures which ţionate mereu de şcoala (neo)realistă: capa-
will lead to war.”27 Kaiserul spune că „he un- bilităţi versus intenţii, apoi mecanismul de
scrupulous agitation that has been going on in spirală a ostilităţii. Wilhelm nu se poate baza
Serbia for years has resulted in the outrageous pe vorbele împăciuitoare ale lui Nicolae şi vi-
crime, to which Archduke Francis Ferdinand ceversa, din moment ce aparatele decizionale
fell a victim. he spirit that led Serbians to ale celor două state s-au identiicat reciproc ca
murder their own king and his wife still domi- adversari potenţiali. Informaţiile despre pre-
nates the country.” Se manifestă şi empatia faţă gătirea armatei ruse sunt interpretate de către
de situaţia internă diicilă a Romanovilor: „On Kaiser ca iind ofensive prin deiniţie, nicide-
the other hand, I fully understand how diicult cum defensive: „I now receive authentic news
it is for you and your Government to face the of serious preparations for war on my Eastern
drift of your public opinion” – şi promisiunea frontier.” Rezultă că devenise extrem de greu, la
de a pune presiune asupra Austro Ungariei nivel doctrinar şi perceptiv, să se deosebească
spre a nu escalada criza. manevrele defensive de cele ofensive. În mod
Kaiserul punea accent pe judecarea corec- normal, un stat „raţional”, care nu doreşte să
tă şi urgentă a celor care au comis crima con- escaladeze o criză, va face mai uşor concesii al-
tra lui Franz Ferdinand, pe când Ţarul insista tui stat dacă îl consideră a i pro-status quo sau
pe necesitatea de a prezerva pacea. Wilhelm chiar un revizionist regional (de nivel inferior).
airma că Austria nu doreşte expansiune teri- Jervis atrage atenţia că acele concesii făcute în
torială în dauna Serbiei ci acţionează defensiv, speranţa greşită că celălalt e un actor status
legitim. Contrar teoriei că Germania a crezut quo sunt extrem de probabil să ie interpreta-
într-un război scurt şi victorios, Kaiserul din te eronat, „dacă celălalt nu înţelege că politica
contră vede la orizont o catastrofă, sugerând statului e bazată pe o imagine falsă”.28 Un stat
Rusiei non-acţiunea (cu efecte beneice, în opi- care devine prea conciliator, sau renunţă vo-
nia sa, pentru ambele state, Rusia si Germa- luntar la înarmare, fără să primească în com-
nia): „I therefore suggest that it would be quite pensaţie ceva similar de la adversarul său, va
possible for Russia to remain a spectator of the i perceput de acesta ca iind slab, ceea ce va
austro-serbian conlict without involving Euro- tenta agresiunea (lipsa efectului de deterrence).
pe in the most horrible war she ever witnessed.” A nu îţi apăra activ aliatul în caz de criză cu un
În caz contrar, airmă că nu îşi poate îndeplini adversar poate conduce acel adversar să creadă
sarcina de mediator („jeopardize my position că dacă provoacă o altă criză similară, din nou
as mediator”) în conlict, iar Austro-Ungaria îi statul ţintă va i pasiv şi inalmente işi va pierde
va scăpa de sub control. acel aliat.
Revista de istorie militară 99
Oricum, din telegrame se observă că ne spune Clark, dorea să ie stăpânul absolut
Wilhelm consideră că nu el va purta reponsa- al politicii externe şi militare germane. „I am
bilitatea pentru război deoarece a făcut tot ce a the Foreign Oice” a airma el, iar „ţara mea
putut spre a-l evita: „In my endeavours to ma- trebuie să mă urmeze oriunde merg”. Trecea
intain the peace of the world I have gone to the peste autoritatea miniştrilor săi, le submina ju-
utmost limit possible.” Măsurile militare ruse risdicţia, expunea puncte de vedere personale,
sunt văzute ca nejustiicate deoarece nimeni neavizate de miniştrii de resort. De pildă, în
nu o ameninţă: „Nobody is threatening the ho- discuţia cu ambasadorul SUA la ambasada din
nour or power of Russia – Rusia, zice el, are Berlin, cu ocazia unui dineu, a ajuns să spună
timp să aştepte rezultatul medierii intreprinse ca Germania are deja 60 milioane locuitori si
de Kaiser.” Planul schliefen-moltke făcea ar avea nevoie de teritorii de la Franţa, aşa că
imposibil pentru Germania să nu mobili- aceasta ar trebui rugată să îşi mute graniţa mai
zeze dacă Rusia începea prima mobilizarea, la Vest!30 Sau îl anunţa pe regele Belgiei Leo-
deoarece risca să nu mai aibă timp să scoată pold, în 1904, că va modiica graniţele Frantei
franţa din război înainte de a infrunta ar- aşa încât Belgia să primească şi ea un teritoriu
matele ruseşti. (si coroana Burgundiei pentru Leopold), cu
E tipicul mecanism de dilemă a securităţii condiţia să i se alăture la război. În caz contrar,
între doi actori revizionişti (greedy states) care Germania avea să procedeze strategic, trecand
în retorica oicială se consideră state pro-status cu forţele sale prin Belgia spre Franţa. aceste
quo, satisfăcute. E şi o fugă de responsabilitate planuri, spune Clark, plecau de la premiza
evidentă. legal, ambii ar i putut opri mobi- că Germania avea să ie cea atacată şi se va
lizarea armatelor şi evita războiul, dar cu apăra!31 Aşadar o psihologie defensivă, obsesia
riscuri personale asumate la nivel crescut. citadelei asediate!
decidentul suprem german se temea atât de De asemenea, a anunţat entuziasmat că
Rusia în plan extern cât şi de agitaţia soci- va oferi colonilor germani teritorii în Brazi-
aliştilor în plan intern, acceptând astfel un lia (Noua Germanie – Neudeutschland), apoi
atac devansat, care să permită un succes mi- Mesopotamia, apoi o bucată din China de Est
litar şi politic totodată. (eventual în alianţă cu Japonia) sau o parte din
Ambii lideri vorbesc mereu de prietenie, în- America Latină! Dorea ca armata germană să
credere, ajutor, simpatie, declară că nu doresc invadeze Puerto Rico, Cuba şi New York şi să
defel război, dar prezintă măsurile de mobili- atace prin surprindere SUA dinspre Atlantic.
zare militare ca iind absolut logice, legitime, Miniştrii germani au ajuns sa ia decizii majore
neameninţătoare pentru un actor statu-quo. excluzându-l pe Kaiser – neprelungirea trata-
Problema e că la nivel perceptiv, acel status tului de reasigurare cu Rusia din 1890 de pildă.
quo văzut de Germania şi de Rusia nu e acelaşi! Corespondenţa cu politicieni străini îi era cen-
Kaiserul spune că înţelege de ce Nicolae trebu- zurată, controlată, spre a se evita gafele majo-
ie să mobilizeze armata (i se spusese anterior re. Vorbea nu ca un rege ci ca „un adolescent
de către ţar că e „tehnic imposibil” să oprească hiper-excitat”. Însă cand o criză devenea peri-
mobilizarea). Se acuză la inal de lipsa de co- culoasă, brusc Wilhelm devenea prudent şi se
municare, de transparenţă, şi de garanţii, astfel retrăgea, evitând tonul agresiv şi escaladarea!
că mobilizarea militară e văzută ca o necesitate Disputa dintre Kaiser şi cancelarul Bethmann
la care nici un lider raţional nu poate renunţa. Holweg pe marginea unor rapoarte diploma-
Telegramele, asa cum arată Cristopher Clark, tice despre agresivitatea marii Britanii în plan
nu relectau opinii private, secrete, ci puncte- naval e un bun exemplu în ce priveşte deose-
le de vedere ale birocraţiilor politico-militare birile perceptive: memorandumul lui Wilhelm
ale celor două imperii! E vorba de telegrame Widenmann (ataşatul naval german la Londra)
diplomatice, atent supravegheate şi formulate din 1911, care arăta că Marea Britanie în timpul
de personalul diplomatic din cele două mi- crizei din Agadir mobilizase toată lota contra
nistere de externe, astfel că monarhii erau de Germaniei vs. raportul Metternich (ambasa-
fapt „transmiţătorii mai degrabă decât cei ce dorul german la Londra) care spunea că deşi
generau semnalele trimise reciproc”.29 Kaiserul, englezii se pregătiseră de război, acest lucru
100 Revista de istorie militară
nu implica agresivitate totală ci doar precauţie. investiţiile (irmele achiziţionate) se vor amor-
Kaiserul furios a scris pe marginea raportului tiza în cele din urmă sau, eventualele pierderi
Metternich că de fapt era total greşit şi Widen- nu vor i foarte importante.35 Teoria hibrisului
mann era cel ce avea dreptate! Însă, Bethmann se poate aplica cu succes şi în politica interna-
cerea o politică de destindere la sugestia am- ţională pentru a explica de ce mari puteri (regi-
basadorului Metternich.32 Betmann avea şi el o onale sau globale) intervin în state mici, slabe,
teorie a Germaniei care risca pierderea statului convinse că le pot înfrânge, iar când situaţia pe
de mare putere prin inacţiune, un fel de auto- teren devine diicilă sunt dispuse să cheltuias-
castrare, sau selbstentmannung, dacă nu spri- că resurse exorbitante pentru a nu se face de
jinea dubla monarhie în caz de necesitate.33 ruşine în faţa opiniei publice. Exemplele sunt
numeroase, în epoca modernă nu este nevo-
Exerciţiile de interdisciplinaritate făcute în ie să enumerăm decât intervenţiile franceză şi
americană din Vietnam sau sovietică şi ameri-
tare → aceea că se fundamentează pe modelul
sfera relaţiilor internaţionale au totuşi o limi-
cană şi Afganistan.36
statocentric. Diferitele teorii şi modele expli-
cative prezente aici conţin implicit prezum- Modelul Strategico-subversiv concentric
ţia unui sistem internaţional westphalic, ele (SSC)
vorbindu-ne prea puţin despre relaţiile dintre După ce am prezentat şi adus exemple pri-
instituţiile şi elitele guvernamentale şi actorii vitoare la teoriile de psihologie politică de mai
non-statali, aşa precum sunt cei ce vor i pre- sus, vom avansa un model explicativ pentru
zenţi în studiul nostru. comportamentul strategic al Germaniei atât
Ştiinţa economică ne poate i de ajutor în- faţă de actorii statali rivali cât şi faţă de cei
tr-un mod mult mai fertil decât a prezentat-o non-statali, pe care îl vom numi modelul stra-
neorealismul waltzian. Potenţialul său provine tegic – subversiv concentric:
din faptul că, spre deosebire de domeniul rela- atunci când un stat este încercuit de ad-
ţiilor internaţionale care presupune că unităţi- versari mai slabi decât el luaţi individual,
le sistemice sunt în general durabile, aici irme- dar mai puternici decât el luaţi împreună,
le, principalii actori sunt extrem de volatili şi statul în cauză va utiliza o dublă măsură
trec prin schimbări continue şi vizibile, atât în pentru a sparge încercuirea: a) va încerca să
interiorul lor cât şi în ceea ce priveşte relaţiile sperie sau să înfrângă adversarii convenţio-
dintre ele, unde fuziunile, achiziţiile ori fali- nali prin intervenţii preemtive şi b) va căuta
mentele sunt la ordinea zilei. Una din direcţiile alianţa cu acei actori non-statali care pot
preferate de studiu în ultimii ani, mai ales în submina frontul intern al adversarilor săi.
contextul crizei din 2008, a fost acela al hibri- 1) primul cerc era acela al luptei armate
sului corporat, mai ales la nivelul directorilor directe cu adversarul: în câmpiile Flandrei cu
marilor companii (CEO) sau speculanţilor la Anglia, Franţa, America şi coloniile supuse
bursă.34 Asemenea oamenilor politici în situ- acestora; pe frontul răsăritean cu Rusia ţaristă,
aţii de criză sau militarilor în război, jucătorii România, forţele expediţionare ale puterilor
economici trebuie adesea să ia decizii bazate occidentale;
pe informaţii insuiciente, consecinţele iind 2) al doilea cerc este acela al manevrelor
dramatice. Hybrisul tinde să se manifeste cu subversive menite a submina coerenţa internă
precădere în situaţia marilor irme înclinate să
facă fuziuni sau să achiziţioneze irme cu mult
mai mici. Conştiente de forţa lor precum şi de
diferenţa de mărime între cel care achiziţio-
nează şi cel achiziţionat, irmele fac investiţii
care nu sunt întotdeauna înţelepte. Richard
Roll explică într-un articol din 1986 cum ma-
nagementul jucătorilor importanţi de pe pia-
ţă se poate infecta de hibris şi face calcule în
condiţii de informare insuicientă în ideea că
Revista de istorie militară 101
a adversarilor. Astfel, marele state major ger- centristă, colonială. Traducerile unui Abraham
man împreuna cu instituţii gen Auswartiges Hiacynthe Anquetil Dupperon (1731-1805) şi
Amt au stipendiat diferite mişcări iredentiste William Jones (1746-1794) aduc vechile texte
sau naţionaliste ce puteau tulbura atenţia ad- sacre (Vede, Upanişade) ilozoilor europeni
versarilor american şi britanic: în ceea ce pri- permiţând conluenţa spirituală a celor două
vea SUA, Berlinul a încercat să capaciteze pe lumi. De la acel moment, gânditori romantici
mexicanii care visau să recapete Texasul şi Ca- germani integrează ilozoiile indiene pro-
lifornia; în ceea ce îi privea pe britanici s-a în- priilor căutări teoretice şi programului poli-
cercat capacitatea unor mişcări gen Sin Feinn tic naţionalist. Hegel, Arthur Schopenhauer,
sau organizaţia indiană Ghadar creată la San Schlegel, Herder, Novalis, Nietzsche sau Paul
Francisco dar cu ramiicaţii în Asia de Sud / Deussen au văzut în budism şi hinduism alter-
Sud-Est, Singapore şi Japonia. native la creştinism sau completări la acesta. În
Modelul ssc nu însumează toate teoriile cazul unora dintre ei, indo-ilia suferă repetate
listate anterior dar are puncte comune cu o se- schimbări în cadrul biograiei intelectuale: dacă
rie dintre ele. Astfel poate i foarte bine grefat iniţial Asia de Sud reprezintă sediul umanităţii
pe noţiunile de cod operaţional al lui Nathan primare, a rasei ariene din care se originează
Leites şi psycho milieu-ul soţilor Sprout; pe cu precădere germanicitatea, ulterior, aceeaşi
ideea complexului de încercuirea a lui Steven- regiune decade şi nu mai este privită decât ca
son, ca şi pe aceea tematica atacului preemtiv/ un loc al barbariei şi înapoierii din care nu mai
preventiv a lui Stephen Van Evera. poate evolua decât adoptând creştinismul.38
Exerciţiile teoretice a fost predatate şi su-
II. Germanii şi orientalismul plimentate de altele practice, numeroşi pastori
de origine germană mergând în India pentru a
Lipsit de unitatea politică necesară creării răspândi mesajul Evangheliilor: heinrich Roth
unui imperiu colonial, spaţiul german a mani- (1620-1668); Johannes ernestus hanxle-
festat veleităţi cosmopolite încă din Renaştere. den, cunoscut şi ca Arnos Padiri (1681-1732);
Savanţi, comercianţi şi mercenari au îmbrăţişat bartholomaeus ziegenbalg (1682-1719) –
noile descoperiri geograice la nivelul destinu- probabil primul misionar protestant german
lui individual. Aşadar, cartograii germani s-au pe tărâmul Gangelor; Carl Gottlieb Pfander
dovedit printre cei mai proliici europeni, tipă- (1803-1868); ferdinand Kittel (1832-1903);
rind, editând şi traducând numeroase opere de hermann Gundert (1814-1893); herman
călătorie, realizând hărţi sau având un aport francke (1870-1930). Eforturile lor s-a inalizat
substanţial la progresul cosmograiei. Extinde- şi prin scrierea de opere valoroase în domeniul
rea orizontului geograic a fost făcut posibil şi lingvisticii. Aşadar Ziegenbalg a scris o grama-
graţie a numeroşi aventurieri care au slujit în tică a limbii tamile publicate la Halle în 1716;
armatele statelor străine neuitând să lase me- Kittel , cunoscător al limbilor sanscrită, kanna-
morii valoroase (este vorba despre iguri pre- da şi tulu ne-a lăsat un dicţionar englez-kan-
cum balthasar sprenger care descrie o călă- nada publicat în 1893, precum şi o gramatică a
torie efectuată de portughezi în India (1509); aceleaşi limbi scrisă într-un manual de engleză;
ulrich schmidel care călătoreşte în Rio de la Gundert, bunicul lui Hermann Hesse, a studiat
Plata- 1567, sau de aventura venezueleană a lui limba malayam, trecând cunoştinţele dobândi-
Philipp von hutten şi nicolas federman din te într-un dicţionar bilingv malayam-englez.39
1550 şi, respectiv, 1557).37 Chiar dacă realismul admite necesitatea
De o importanţă deosebită este pasiunea, unui stat puternic şi legitim în vederea susţine-
dacă nu chiar ixitatea unor cercuri intelectuale rii unei politici externe inluente, el ne vorbeşte
germane pentru lumea Asiei de Sud. Începând prea puternic despre mecanismele domestice
cu ultima parte a secolului XVIII, India nu mai prin care guvernele îşi extrag resursele materi-
redată doar prin intermediul călătoriilor spora- ale şi morale din cadrul societăţilor pe care le
dice îmbrăcate în limbaj superstiţios, ci devine păstoresc.40 Studiile postructuraliste aduc aici
partea veritabilă a unui program de cercetare plusvaloare argumentând, în manieră foucaul-
serios, chiar dacă organizat în manieră euro- diană, că naşterea statului industrial modern
102 Revista de istorie militară
îngemănează cunoaşterea şi puterea pentru a 1. Wilhelm Wassmuss (1880-1931) în Per-
produce actul de guvernare. (Politicul are ne- sia (1915)
voie de ştiinţă şi expertiză pentru a acţiona în 2. oskar von niedermeyer (1885-1948) în
cunoştinţă de cauză, iar ştiinţa se pune în sluj- Afganistan (1914-1916)
ba politicului, administrativului pentru a in- 3. franz von Papen (1879-1969) în Statele
luenţa societatea şi a obţine diferite favoruri). Unite (1914-1915)45
Aşadar, secolul XIX şi mai ales XX cunoaşte o Dovadă a importanţei pe care nemţii au
puternică simfonie uneori până la sinonimare ataşau factorului musulman în schema lor
între oamenii de stat şi savanţi. Mai mult decât strategico-subverivă este tabăra Halbmondla-
atât, domenii precum geograia şi antropolo- ger (Tabără Semilunii) din Zossen, lângă Ber-
gia s-au îmbibat de darwinismul social speci- lin- misiunea acesteia era de a colecta prizoni-
ic epocii legitimând imperialismul (vezi mai erii de război musulmani ce luptau în rândurile
sus). Trece dincolo de scopurile studiului actu- Antantei pentru a-i converti scopurilor germa-
al o exegeză pe această direcţie, suicient este ne şi a-i transforma în vector propagandistic
a aminti frenezia expoziţiilor internaţionale pentru confraţii lor de credinţă.46
(exposition universelle, Weltausstellung), ve-
ritabile ˝panteonuri ale noii Rome unde [bur- II.2. diaspora indiană globală
ghezia] venerează, cu mândrie, zeii creaţi de ea
Ingineriile sociale produse de stăpânirea
însăşi˝, după spusele lui Karl Marx.41
britanică au favorizat consolidarea unei di-
Orientoiliei exersate de către civili/ insti-
aspore indiene de alonjă globală. Deja la sfâr-
tuţiile civile i s-a suprapus aceea a aparatului
şitul secolului XIX, întregi grupuri de origine
militar. Pentru a putea avea cunoştinţe cât mai
sud-asiatică puteau i găsiţi în Asia de Sud-Est,
temeinice asupra potenţialului statelor vecine,
la Singapore, în Japonia, Franţa, Marea Bri-
mai ales a celorlalte membre ale concertului
marilor puteri, oiţerii prusaci au fost trimişi tanie, Canada şi Statele Unite. Spre exemplu,
în numeroase puncte geograice. Războiul Ci- recensământul din Burma, în 1931, dădea pre-
vil din SUA, spectacol de magnitudine a erei zenţi 583.000 indieni.47 În Singapore numărul
naţional-industriale şi repetiţie pentru ceea ce imigranţilor indieni a crescut de la doar 132 în
putea i o nouă încleştare europeană (cum de 1821 la 11.501 în 1871 pentru a trece de borna
altfel se va dovezi şi încleştarea franco-prusacă de 28.000 în 1911 şi 50.000 în 1931.48
din 1870), a determinat numeroase state-ma- În Lumea Nouă numărul sud-asiaticilor se
jore să-şi trimită oiţerii pentru a învăţa din ridica la 2.050, conform recensământului din
lecţia americană.42 Unul dintre aceştia, Justus 1900, dar este greu de spus câţi dintre aceştia
scheibert (1831-1903) a stat timp de şapte erau rezidenţi pe termen lung şi câţi în trece-
luni în preajma lui Robert E.Lee, iind mar- re.49 Lucrurile aveau să se întâmple în perioada
torul bătăliilor de la Chancellorsville, Brandy antemergătoare Primului Război când numai
Station şi Gettysburg.43 Alte nume, încă mai în California s-au aşezat 10.000 de sikhşi. Tabe-
ilustre, asemenea lui helmuth von moltke, lul de mai jos descrie statistic variaţia luxului
au fost detaşate în Imperiul Otoman, pentru a migrator al cetăţenilor de sorginte sud-asiatică
efectua misiuni de recunoaştere.44 pe teritoriul Statelor Unite50:
Dacă astfel de detalii rămân încă în decor, Cei mai mulţi dintre ei erau oameni simpli
cu mult mai cunoscute sunt: proiectul căii fe- în căutarea unei vieţi mai bune, dar şi tineri
rate Berlin-Baghdad, veritabilă infrastructură a intelectuali, savanţi şi, deosebit de important,
Mitteloostpolitikului german şi vizita efectua- revoluţionari.
tă în toamna anului 1898 de Kaiser la Damasc,
Ierusalim şi Constantinopol. Aşadar, elitele
diplomatico-militare ale Reichului sperau în
stârnirea unui veritabil Jihad care să galvanize-
ze energiile musulmanilor împotriva britani-
cilor. Încă din primezele zile ale conlagraţiei,
mai multe expediţii vor porni dinspre capitala
germană spre diferite destinaţii exotice:
Revista de istorie militară 103
Protoistoria Partidului Ghadar, în bună Ghosh ( cunoscut mai degrabă ca Sri
măsură corelată comunităţii sikh, începe odată Aurobindo-reformator social, ilozof şi mis-
cu Răscoală Şipailor/Sepoilor din 1857. Eveni- tic) şi fratelui său barindra Kumar au instituit
mentul a avut intensitatea şi semniicaţia unui anushilan samiti (Societatea pentru Acul-
răzbi naţional de independenţă demonstrân- turaţie). Lor se va adăuga Margaret Noble,
du-le britanicilor fragilitatea stăpânirii lor pe ştiută prin pseudonimul sora nivedita- o an-
subcontinent. Pentru a preveni repetarea unor glo-irlandeză fascinată de Orient şi adeptă a
crize asemănătoare, autorităţile londoneze au lui Swami Vivekananda şi a prinţului anarhist
abstract
Cantemir was the irst Romanian historian who wrote about the Romanian-Bulgarian state
established after the rebellion against the Byzantine domination, in 1185. His main source was
the history of Niketas Choniates, the most important for the irst two decades of the state, but he
ignored other indispensable sources like Georgios Akropolites or Jefrey of Villehardouin. Large
fragments from the book of the Byzantine historian and stateman were translated by Cantemir
in his uninished history of the Romanians. Even if he made a major fault identifying Ioniţă
(Kaloian) with Ivanko, Cantemir achieved a valuable work. he history of the Romanian-Bulga-
rian state was seen as a part of the general history of the Romanians.
Între operele lui Dimitrie Cantemir, Hroni- pie a lucrării lui Cantemir. A urmat modelul
cul vechimii romano-moldo-vlahilor este cea acesteia, dar folosind şi alte izvoare2.
care relectă în cea mai mare măsură erudiţia Pe lângă demonstrarea originii romane şi
sa. Dacă ar i fost publicată la vremea ei, evo- a continuităţii românilor în Dacia, unul din-
luţia ştiinţei istorice româneşti ar i fost alta. tre meritele acestei opere neterminate este in-
Lucrarea a fost redactată între 1719 şi 17231, şi troducerea pentru prima oară în istoriograia
se pare că urma să ie o istorie generală a româ- românească a unor informaţii despre ramura
nilor, până în vremea sa. Cantemir a folosit un sud-dunăreană a românilor. Cantemir i-a cu-
mare număr de surse romane şi bizantine, dar noscut poate chiar personal pe unii dintre
şi opere ale istoricilor medievali şi renascen- aceşti cuţovlahi, cum erau porecliţi de greci,
tişti din Italia, Polonia şi Ungaria (lista autori- iindcă a trăit atât de mult timp în Imperiul
lor este dată la începutul cărţii, din păcate fără Otoman. În acel mediu a alat denumirea re-
precizarea ediţiilor). În mare parte, Hronicul... spectivă3. În orice caz, Cantemir a cunoscut şi
este un fel de istorie a Imperiului Bizantin, aşa informaţiile consemnate de Laonicos Chalco-
cum va i şi Hronica Românilor a lui Gheorghe condil, care a remarcat identitatea dintre vlahii
Şincai. De fapt, Şincai a avut la dispoziţie o co- sudici şi românii nordici („neamul care locu-
* Cercetător ştiinţiic gr. I, Institutul pentru Studii Politice de Apărare şi Istorie Militară.
114 Revista de istorie militară
ieşte din Dacia până în Pind”). Scrierea acestui Cange i-ar i permis lui Cantemir continua-
istoric bizantin târziu fusese publicată deja de rea naraţiunii despre ţaratul româno-bulgar şi
două ori, în 1615 şi 16504. Cantemir a înţeles după 1207, chiar în absenţa principalei sursei
că aceşti vlahi din sursele bizantine erau fraţi bizantine care se referă la acea perioadă (Geor-
ai românilor din Moldova, Muntenia şi Tran- gios Akropolites). Astfel, Cantemir s-a bazat în
silvania, şi a încercat pe cât posibil să scrie şi scrierea istoriei statului româno-bulgar al di-
istoria lor. În Hronic... există şi unele pasaje re- nastiei Asan pe o singură sursă contemporană,
feritoare la aromânii din Epir şi hessalia, dar Niketas Choniates, şi se poate presupune că a
Cantemir s-a preocupat mai ales de cea mai avut la dispoziţie doar ediţia lui Wolf. El a avut
mare realizare politică a românilor sud-dună- acces şi la istoriile lui Nikephor Gregoras şi
reni, statul creat împreună cu bulgarii în urma Georgios Pachymeres, care tratează perioada
revoltei anti-bizantine din 11855. Am eviden- Imperiului Bizantin de la Niceea, dar care con-
ţiat deja contribuţia lui Cantemir la istoria ţin informaţii puţine despre Bulgaria. Prima
problemei, anterioară marii opere a lui Char- dintre ele a fost editată de acelaşi Hieronymus
les Lebeau despre Imperiul Bizantin, apărută Wolf la Basel în 1562, existând şi o ediţie pari-
începând din 17576. ziană din 17029. Istoria lui Pachymeres a apă-
Cantemir a putut scrie despre statul fondat rut pentru prima oară la Roma, în 166610.
de fraţii Petru, Asan şi Ioniţă deoarece a avut Despre cruciada a patra, Cantemir a alat
acces la Istoria lui Niketas Choniates, contem- unele informaţii sumare dintr-una dintre lu-
poran al evenimentelor. Aceasta a fost editată crările pe care a citat-o frecvent, Rerum Un-
pentru prima oară în original şi cu traducere garicarum decades, de Antonius Boninius,
latină de către Hieronymus Wolf la Basel în terminată în 1495. Acest istoric renascentist
1557, iind retipărită la Geneva în 1593. A ur- s-a bazat la rândul lui pe o carte apărută în
mat ediţia lui Charles Fabrot de la Paris, apă- 1483 la Veneţia, Decadele lui Flavio Biondo, o
rută în 1647 (ea face parte din colecţia Corpus compilaţie care a folosit istorii veneţiene mai
scriptorum historiae Byzantinae)7. Din păcate, vechi. De la Flavio Biondo, preluat de Boni-
Cantemir nu a cunoscut istoria altui autor bi- nius, pasajul despre bătălia de la Adrianopol
zantin, Georgios Akropolites, care l-a continu- din 14 aprilie 1205 contra Valachi-lor a ajuns şi
at pe Niketas Choniates pentru perioada 1207- în opera lui Cantemir. În acel pasaj, Boninius a
1260. Opera acestuia conţine informaţii preţi- introdus şi opiniile sale despre originea româ-
oase despre ţarii care au urmat după Ioniţă. nilor, despre care ştia că sunt urmaşii colonişti-
Prima ediţie a istoriei lui Akropolites a apărut lor romani în Dacia (a inventat însă o derivare
împreună cu cele ale lui Nikephor Gregoras şi fantezistă a numelui Valachi de la un general
Laonicos Chalcocondil, în 1615, sub ediţia lui roman Flaccus; această idee a fost admisă şi
J. B. Baumbach. A urmat o ediţie realizată de de Cantemir)11. Boninius nu a scris însă nimic
Leon Allatzis, bibliotecar grec la Vatican, care altceva despre statul dinastiei Asan.
a apărut în seria de la Paris, în 1651. Nici una Cantemir a reuşit să ofere o descriere a
dintre aceste ediţii nu a fost cunoscută de Can- evenimentelor petrecute între 1185 şi 1205,
temir. El a ignorat şi relatarea cruciadei a patra care în linii mari concordă cu ceea ce cunoaş-
din 1204 şi a evenimentelor care au urmat, fă- tem acum despre ele. Se poate considera că
cută de unul dintre conducătorii ei, Geofroy el a urmărit şi să dea un răspuns ideilor fan-
de Villehardouin. Primele ediţii ale aceste is- teziste ale lui Mauro Orbini din Ragusa, unul
torii s-au publicat la Paris în 1585 şi la Lyon dintre fondatorii ideologiei panslaviste. Cartea
în 1601, dar cea care a cunoscut o mai mare sa Il regno degli Slavi din 1601 a fost tradusă
răspândire în epocă a fost cea a lui Charles Du în Rusia în 1722 de către Sava Vladislavić (di-
Cange, inclusă ca primă parte a istoriei sale plomatul din Ragusa alat în serviciul lui Petru
despre Imperiul Latin de Constantinopol. A cel Mare, care a negociat tratatul de la Luţk)12.
apărut la Paris în 16578. În scrierea cruciatu- Cantemir îl denumea pe Orbini „băsnuitor” şi
lui se ală numeroase informaţii despre ţaratul „ruşinea istoricilor”13. Orbini a omis partici-
româno-bulgar, care le completează pe cele ale parea românilor la revolta din 1185 şi la for-
lui Niketas Choniates. În plus, istoria lui Du marea noului stat, şi chiar a falsiicat un pasaj
Revista de istorie militară 115
din Niketas Choniates în acest scop. Cantemir provenea din ramura familiei Asan care s-a
a cunoscut probabil versiunea italiană, înainte stabilit în Imperiul Bizantin după 128017.
de realizarea traducerii ruseşti. O eroare majoră este confuzia dintre ţarul
Prin evidenţierea locului avut de români în Ioniţă şi uzurpatorul Ivanko, cel care l-a ucis pe
desfăşurarea evenimentelor, Cantemir a corec- Asan în 1196. Ivanko, trecut de partea Imperiu-
tat deformările făcute de Orbini, care se înca- lui Bizantin, a primit şi numele de Alexios, iar
drau în concepţia sa panslavistă. În mai multe Cantemir a crezut că acest Ioan Alexie, cum îl
note marginale, Cantemir a atras atenţia asu- denumeşte, este cel care în anii următori a lup-
pra deosebirii dintre vlahi şi bulgari, sau vlahi tat contra lui Alexios III Angelos şi apoi contra
şi sârbi, menţionaţi concomitent în textul lui lui Balduin, împăratul latin de Constantinopol.
Niketas Choniates. Astfel, el a dorit să precize- În realitate, faptele au fost săvârşite de alt Ioan,
ze rolul românilor în evenimente, cu numele de cel denumit de regulă Ioniţă, fratele cel mic
vlahi dat lor de către greci. Pe cumanii aliaţi ai din familia Asăneştilor, care a preluat puterea
românilor şi bulgarilor, Cantemir îi denumeşte în 1197 după uciderea lui Petru. De asemenea,
de obicei tătari, dar într-un pasaj menţionează acest Ioan Alexie este confundat cu Ioan Asan
că aceşti cumani erau un neam de tătari ce lo- II, deoarece Cantemir susţinea că ar i domnit
cuia pe atunci prin Podolia şi Pocuţia (ampla- până la invazia tătarilor lui Batie (adică Batu).
sarea este eronată)14. El nu ştia că Ioniţă a murit în 1207 la asediul
În cea mai mare parte, textul lui Cantemir hessalonicului. Bătălia de acolo pe care o de-
este o parafrazare după Niketas Choniates, sau scrie este de fapt cucerirea oraşului de către
pur şi simplu o traducere idelă a acestei surse. heodor Angelos Dukas din 1225. Cantemir
Aceasta nu scade însă din valoarea operei, pen- nu a înţeles nici numele de „domn al Zagorei”
tru că istoricul a reunit pasajele despre con- atribuit lui Ioan de către Niketas Choniates.
fruntările românilor, bulgarilor şi cumanilor Neştiind că aceasta era denumirea regiunii de
cu Imperiul Bizantin şi apoi cu Imperiul Latin la nord de Haemus (Stara Planina), el a crezut
de Constantinopol, rezultând o naraţiune co- că ar i un conducător al sârbilor. De fapt, era
erentă şi clară. Cronologia evenimentelor este tot Ioniţă18.
în linii mari conformă cu cea acceptată astăzi În poida acestor erori datorate informaţiei
de istorici. lacunare, capitolele din Hronic... dedicate sta-
Cantemir a făcut o confuzie, crezând că tului româno-bulgar au meritul de a i introdus
acei vlahi care au pornit rebeliunea veniseră pentru prima oară în scrierea istoriei români-
de la nord de Dunăre („aşezământul lor de te- lor evenimentele la care au participat repre-
mei tot peste Dunăre au fost”)15. În vremea sa, zentanţii ramurii lor sud-dunărene. Cantemir
populaţia românească odinioară numeroasă în a integrat aşadar statul Asăneştilor în istoria
zona Munţilor Balcani (Stara Planina) era deja generală a neamului românesc, aşa cum putea
dispărută, şi de aceea Cantemir nu a realizat i ea scrisă pe vremea sa. La fel va proceda şi
că acolo s-a produs mişcarea românilor contra Gheorghe Şincai. Ca şi în alte privinţe (istoria
dominaţiei bizantine. Alând în istoria lui Ioan otomană, studierea religiei islamice, notarea
Cantacuzino denumirea Vlahia Mare, el a cre- muzicii turceşti), şi aici Cantemir a fost un
zut că aceasta ar i Moldova. De fapt, acel autor deschizător de drumuri.
a scris despre hessalia, care căpătase şi acest
nume în secolul al XIV-lea. Fără a insista prea noTe
mult asupra acestei idei, Cantemir a presupus
1
M. Berza, Pentru o istorie a vechii culturi ro-
că descendenţii lui Asan au ajuns în Moldova mâneşti, ed. de A. Pippidi, Bucureşti, 1985, p. 160.
2
Gr. Tocilescu, Precuvântare, în D. Cantemir,
într-o perioadă mai târzie. Ideea apare şi în
Hronicul vechimei a Romano-Moldo-Vlahilor publi-
Descrierea Moldovei16. Problema nu este clari-
cat de Gr. Tocilescu (Operele Principelui Demetriu
icată, căci numele familiei boiereşti Asan iind Cantemiru, tipărite de Societatea Academică Ro-
de origine pecenegă sau cumană, poate aparţi- mână. Volumul 8), Bucureşti, 1901, p. XXVI-XLIII.
ne unor urmaşi ai cumanilor rămaşi în Moldo- 3
D. Cantemir, Hronicul..., p. 157.
va. Pe de altă parte, Cantemir nu ştia că a doua 4
Laonic Chalcocondil, Expuneri istorice, în
soţie a lui Ştefan cel Mare, Maria de Mangop, Fontes Historiae Daco-Romanae, vol. IV, Bucureşti,
116 Revista de istorie militară
1982, p. 453 (trad. N. Ş. Tanaşoca). Primele ediţii: toribus per annos CXLV, a heodoro Lascari priore,
J. B. Baumbach, Historiae Byzantinae scriptores tres usque ad Andronici Palaeologi posterioris obitum
graeco-latini vno tomo simul munc editi, Geneva, gestae, describuntur (...), Basileae, 1562; Nicephorus
1615; Laonici Chalcocondylae Atheniensis Histo- Gregoras, Byzantina historia, graece et latine, Paris,
riarum libri decem. Interprete Conrado Clausero 1702.
Tigurino (...) Accessit index glossarum Laonici Chal- 10
Georgios Pachymeris, Andronicus Palaeologus,
cocondylae, studio & opera Caroli Annibalis Fabroti, sive Historia rerum ab Andronico Seniore im impe-
Paris, 1650. rio gestarum ad annum ejus aetatis undequinquage-
5
D. Cantemir, Hronicul..., p. 397-434, 466. simum (...), Roma, 1666-1669.
6
A. Madgearu, Asăneştii. Istoria politico-milita- 11
Antonius Boninius, Rerum Ungaricarum
ră a statului dinastiei Asan (1185-1280), Târgovişte, decades quatuor cum dimidia: his accessere Ioan.
2014, p. 15. Sambvci aliqvot appendices & alia (...), Francofurti,
7
Nicetae Choniatae Historia, recensuit Ioan- 1581, p. 277 (decada II, cartea VII).
nes Aloysius van Dieten (Corpus Fontium Histori- 12
J. Cracraft, he Petrine Revolution in Russian
ae Byzantinae. Series Berolinensis, XI/1-2), Berlin, Culture, Cambridge (Massachusetts), 2004, p. 217.
New York, 1975, p. CV-CVI. 13
P. P. Panaitescu, Dimitrie Cantemir. Viaţa şi
8
Charles Du Fresne Du Cange, Histoire de opera, Bucureşti, 1958, p. 177.
l’empire de Constantinople sous les empereurs 14
D. Cantemir, Hronicul..., p. 407.
français, divisée en deux parties, dont la première 15
Ibidem, p. 403.
contient l’Histoire de la conquête de la ville de Con- 16
Ibidem, p. 397, 400; Idem, Descrierea Moldo-
stantinople par les François et les Vénitiens, écrite vei, trad. de Gh. Guţu, Bucureşti, 1973, p. 281.
par Geofroy de Villehardouin, revue et corrigée en 17
Şt S. Gorovei, “Maria Asanina Paleologhina.
cette édition sur le manuscrit de la Bibliothèque du Doamna Moldovlahiei” (II), Studii şi materiale de
Roy et illustrée d’observations historiques et d’un istorie medie, 24, 2006, p. 56‐59.
glossaire, Paris, 1657. 18
D. Cantemir, Hronicul..., p. 411-420, 423-432.
9
Nicephorus Gregoras, Romanae, hoc est Byzan- Pentru acestea, vezi A. Madgearu, Asăneştii..., p. 73-
tinae historiae Libri X, quibus res a Graecis Impera- 74, 97-100, 143-147.
de la mesoPoTamIa la IRaK.
seCVenţe uITaTe?
dRaGoŞ IlInCa *
abstract
In the irst half of sixteenth century, the area corresponding to the ancient Mesopotamia, was
placed under the formal control of Ottoman Empire. On November 5, 1914, after the outbreak
of the First World War in Europe, Great Britain oicially declared war on Ottoman Empire. Al-
most immediately, a signiicant British force was deployed in Persian Gulf, occupying the Basra
city. In spite of this initial victory, the ofensive entered soon in a terrible climax for British forces
which were forced to surrender. he second stage of the war on the front in the Mesopotamia was
more successfully for a new British Expeditionary Force which managed to occupy after ierce
fully battles Baghdad city.
he issue of future way of administrating this area was one of the main topics during the
Peace Conference in Paris. Within the Mandate system evolved as a panacea administrative
solution after the war, Great Britain took over the responsibility for the so-called “Mandate for
Mesopotamia” comprising the former ottoman provinces of Mosul, Bagdad and Basra. In spite of
this, the fervent opposition of the arabs regarding British occupation was the main driver for the
decision of creating the Kingdom of Iraq. Subsequently, in 1932 the new state, under the leader-
ship of the King Faisal I, reached full independence.
Keywords: Ottoman Empire, Middle East, Lawrence of Arabia, Hashemites, British Manda-
te, First World War, Arab Revolt, Faisal, Gertrude Bell, Iraq
Ca şi în cazul celorlalte state din Orientul găseau în acest perimetru. De asemenea, din
Mijlociu, apariţia Irakului se plasează în con- secolului al VIII-lea se întâlneşte şi denumirea
textul disoluţiei Imperiului Otoman, consecin- de al-Iraq, utilizată de geograii arabi pentru a
ţă direct a înfrângerii acestuia în Primul Răz- desemna, în linii generale, aceeaşi zonă.
boi Mondial (1914-1918). Procesul de creare a
noii entităţi s-a derulat într-o tipologie aparte, Frontiera otomană
pornind de la nucleul reprezentat de teritoriul Instalarea autorităţii Imperiului Otoman în
dintre luviile Tigru şi Eufrat. Până la izbucni- prima jumătate a secolului al XVI-lea a gene-
rea primei conlagraţii mondiale, identitatea rat integrarea acestui spaţiu în cadrul unui nou
acestei zone nu beneicia de conotaţii speci- sistem administrativ-teritorial sub forma a trei
ale, identiicarea sa iind realizată prin apel la entităţi principale corespunzând, în esenţă,
Mesopotamia1 antică ale cărei origini se re- perimetrului adiacent principalelor localităţi:
ţie particulară faţă de menţinerea controlului otomane din Peninsula Arabia. În economia
în aceste perimetre. războiului, acţiunile sale împotriva garnizoa-
Subsumată acestor obiective, ofensiva bri- nelor otomane din acest perimetru vizau, în
tanică s-a bucurat într-o primă etapă de un esenţă, susţinerea lancului drept al ofensivei
succes promiţător prin realizarea unui cap de britanice lansată dinspre Egipt. Forţele arabe,
pod în perimetrul Basra. Dezvoltarea acţiu- alcătuite în majoritate din elemente neregula-
nii ofensive spre Bagdad avea să se lovească, te aparţinând triburilor arabe din zona Hejaz,
însă, de o rezistenţă puternică din partea for- beneiciau de sprijinul britanic atât prin furni-
ţelor otomane întărite cu trupe suplimentare zarea de armament şi muniţie, cât şi prin in-
şi beneiciind de sprijin şi consiliere germană. termediul consilierilor britanici, printre care şi
Respingerea atacului britanic a fost urmată de celebrul T.E.Lawrence (1888-1935), cunoscut
o puternică contraofensivă otomană în urma sub numele de „Lawrence al Arabiei”. De ase-
menea, în rândurile forţelor arabe se regăseau
căreia forţele lui Townshend sunt încercuite
şi un număr important de voluntari14 proveniţi
şi asediate în perimetrul Kut (decembrie 1915
din perimetrul Tigru-Eufrat în marea lor ma-
– aprilie 1916). În ciuda eforturilor disperate
joritate având pregătire militară dobândită în
de străpungere a încercuirii, trupele britanice
cadrul şcolilor otomane. Aceştia se vor regăsi
(aprox. 13.000) se predau. Perspectivele conti-
în special în cadrul segmentului de forţe ara-
nuării ofensivei otomane deveneau din ce în ce be conduse de iului sharifului Hussein, Faisal
mai ameninţătoare pentru poziţiile britanice (1885-1933).
din Golful Persic. În economia războiului din Orientul Mij-
Evoluţiile nefavorabile înregistrate în acest lociu, lansarea Revoltei Arabe a contribuit, în
sector au contribuit, într-o măsură determi- mod semniicativ, şi la pregătirea condiţiilor
nantă, la deschiderea unui nou front în Ori- pentru reluarea ofensivei britanice spre Bag-
entul Mijlociu menit să slăbească coeziunea dad atât prin sabotarea liniilor de comunicaţii
angajamentului otoman. Astfel, la 5 iunie otomane, cât şi prin acţiunile de luptă per se in-
1916, după o lungă perioadă de negociere13 cu capacitând, astfel, efective importante otoma-
reprezentanţii diplomaţiei britanice din Egipt, ne. În decembrie 1916, trupele britanice, sub
shariful Hussein bin Ali (1854-1931) din Mec- comanda generalului Frederick Stanley Maude
ca, reprezentantul dinastiei Hashemite, una (1864-1917) reiau ofensiva spre Bagdad. Pre-
dintre cele mai importante din Orientul Mij- gătită minuţios, acţiunea avansează gradual
lociu, lansa Revolta Arabă împotriva prezenţei reuşind să se impună în faţa forţelor otomane.
Revista de istorie militară 123
La 10 martie 1917 trupele britanice ocupă Bag- ritoriului corespunzând Siriei şi Libanului de
dadul care este plasat, alături de Basra, sub ad- astăzi. În contrapondere, interesele Marii Bri-
ministraţia britanică. Mosul rămâne sub con- tanii erau satisfăcute prin introducerea con-
trolul forţelor otomane până la sfârşitul războ- trolului direct în Palestina respectiv în Bagdad
iului când în urma Armistiţiului de la Mudros şi Basra. Fostul vilayet Mosul urma să intre în
(octombrie 1918) trupele otomane se predau. sfera de inluenţă franceză15.
În paralel cu aceste evoluţii forţele conduse Ulterior, formalizarea în parametrii in-
de emirul Faisal reuşesc să intre în Damasc (1 stituţionali a prevederilor acestui acord se va
octombrie 1918) iind urmate la scurt timp de regăsi în apariţia, conform articolului 22 al
forţele britanice. Convenantului Ligii Naţiunilor, a Sistemului
Mandatelor care reprezenta, practic, o formu-
a new state is Born lă de gestionare, pe termen mediu16, a teritori-
Înfrângerea Imperiului Otoman şi, subsec- ilor desprinse din cadrul Imperiului Otoman.
vent, gestionarea „moştenirii” acestuia a repre- Adoptarea deciziilor practice, decurgând şi din
zentat una dintre principalele teme ale Confe- înţelegerile anterioare se va realiza cu prilejul
rinţei de pace de la Paris. Reperele negocierilor Conferinţei aliate de la San Remo (19-26 apri-
fuseseră stabilite, însă, în timpul războiului, lie 1920). Cu acest prilej se agrea independen-
prin intermediul Acordului Sykes-Picot (mai ţa provizorie pentru „Siria şi Mesopotamia”,
1916) prin intermediul căruia Franţa şi Marea urmând ca acestea să ie plasate sub mandat
Britanie adjudecaseră formula de împărţire a francez, respectiv britanic. Din punct de vede-
„moştenirii” din Orientul Mijlociu. Aceasta re teritorial, „Mandatul pentru Mesopotamia”
viza instituirea controlului francez asupra te- viza fostele provincii otomane, Basra, Bagdad
faisal bin hussein pe timpul Conferinţei de pace de la Paris. Printre membrii delegaţiei
sale se număra şi colonelul T.e.lawrence, cunoscut sub numele de „lawrence al arabiei”.
124 Revista de istorie militară
şi Mosul. Asupra acesteia din urmă, interesul lul acestor poziţii determină reacţia britanică
francez fusese compensat printr-un Acord17 care se concretizează în dislocarea de efective
franco-britanic privind petrolul, încheiat cu suplimentare din Iran, inclusiv componente de
acelaşi prilej. aviaţie. Prin intermediul acestora, se reuşeşte
În mod previzibil, deciziile vizând intro- cu eforturi considerabile înăbuşirea Revol-
ducerea acestei formule de tutelă nu au fost tei (octombrie 1920). Bilanţul s-a dovedit a i
bine primite la nivelul populaţiei arabe. În unul extrem de costisitor, numărului mare de
cazul Siriei, emirul Faisal, prezent la lucrări- victime (aprox. 6.000 irakieni şi 500 de trupe
le Conferinţei de pace a încercat să se opună britanice şi indiene) adăugându-se şi costuri-
unui astfel de deznodământ, solicitând res- le inanciare ale intervenţiei (40 milioane lire
pectarea angajamentelor asumate de statele sterline)18.
aliate faţă de shariful Hussein, în sensul pro- Violenţa cu care au erupt nemulţumirile
clamării independenţei arabe după terminarea faţă de sistemul de guvernare postbelic, du-
războiului. Refuzul statelor vest-europene de a blată de costurile extrem de mari reprezentau
da curs solicitării a generat o turnură diferită principalele provocări la adresa viitorului pre-
a evenimentelor. În acest context, s-a plasat zenţei britanice în zonă. Nevoia unor schim-
decizia Congresului Naţional Sirian de procla- bări era cu atât mai pronunţată în condiţiile în
mare, în martie 1920, la Damasc, a lui Faisal ca care situaţia din alte puncte de pe harta Orien-
rege al Siriei. Actul a fost urmat de intervenţia tului Mijlociu nu ofereau perspective optimis-
trupelor franceze care, în urma Bătăliei de la te în ceea ce priveşte acceptarea introducerii
Maysalun (iulie 1920), îl forţează pe Faisal să sistemului mandatelor. Pe aceste coordonate
părăsească teritoriul sirian. se înscriau evoluţiile defavorabile din Palestina
În mod similar cu evoluţiile din Siria, pre- legate de opoziţia arabă faţă de introducerea
zenţa britanică din nou-proclamatul Mandat mandatului britanic. De asemenea, situaţia din
al Mesopotamiei avea să ie puternic zdrunci- Siria ameninţa să se degenereze în condiţii-
nată de izbucnirea, în iulie 1920, unei revolte le în care Abdullah bin Hussein (1882-1951),
îndreptată împotriva ocupaţiei britanice. Por- fratele fostului rege sirian Faisal se arăta decis
nită, iniţial, la Bagdad, ca o formulă de protest să atace trupele franceze din Siria. Sub aceste
faţă de politicile administraţiei britanice pro- auspicii tensionate, diplomaţia britanică, prin
vizorii, revolta a depăşit rapid sectarianismul intermediul noului Secretar Colonial, Win-
caracteristic acestui perimetru angrenând pe ston Churchill (1874-1965), iniţiază un proces
aceleaşi coordonate aproape toate comunită- rapid de compensare. Primele măsuri adopta-
ţile existente. De asemenea, sunt consemnate te au vizat încetarea administraţiei militare a
forme de cooperare şi coordonare între cele Mandatului pentru Mesopotamia şi desemna-
două comunităţi principale – sunni şi shia. rea primului Înalt Comisar britanic la Bagdad,
Trebuie menţionat faptul că derularea revol- în persoana lui Percy Cox (1864-1937). Acesta
tei a beneiciat şi de sprijinul voluntarilor care ajunge la Bagdad în octombrie 1920, trecând
serviseră în cadrul forţelor conduse de emirul la implementarea unui unei noi strategii al că-
Faisal în timpul Revoltei Arabe din timpul răz- rei obiectiv principal viza reducerea drastică a
boiului. Intervenţia franceză în Siria urmată de cheltuielilor asociate menţinerii Mandatului.
detronarea lui Faisal a determinat întoarcerea În acest sens, Cox a optat pentru consolidarea
acestora contribuind, de asemenea, la accentu- formulelor de guvernare în care sunt impli-
area sentimentelor de antipatie faţă de prezen- cate comunităţile locale, abordare dublată de
ţa străină din regiune. menţinerea, într-o ipostază adaptată, a unui
Curând după declanşarea primelor inci- rol semniicativ al prezenţei britanice. Formula
dente amploarea confruntărilor depăşeşte ca- instituţională embrionară s-a regăsit, curând
pacitatea garnizoanelor britanice de a gestiona după sosirea lui Cox, sub forma unui Consiliu
situaţia. Rebelii reuşesc să preia controlul te- alcătuit din reprezentanţi ai principalelor co-
ritoriul adiacent cursului mediu al Eufratului munităţi. Acesta va servi în perioada imediat
ameninţând să se extindă spre sudul teritoriu- următoare ca unică interfaţă în relaţia cu auto-
lui alat sub mandat. Riscul de a pierde contro- rităţile britanice.
Revista de istorie militară 125
În paralel cu acţiunile Înaltului Comisar, di- ţinerea controlului asupra rutelor către India
plomaţia britanică a adoptat iniţiativa lansării precum şi asupra exploatărilor petrolifere din
unui proces de analiză exhaustiv a evoluţiilor Iran. Toate acestea reclamând, însă, prezenţa
din Orientul Mijlociu în vederea identiicării unui număr adecvat de forţe.
unor soluţii eiciente şi, mai ales economice, În antiteză cu această abordare se pla-
care să răspundă noilor realităţi generate prin sa varianta controlului indirect, susţinută de
introducerea sistemului mandatelor. Pe aceste T.E.Lawrence şi Gertrude Bell, cât şi de repre-
coordonate, Churchill organizează la Cairo o zentanţii segmentului militar reticenţi faţă de
Conferinţă (12-23 martie 1920) la care parti- posibilitatea menţinerii, la costuri reduse, a
cipă principalii reprezentanţi ai administra- unei prezenţe militare semniicative. Acestei
ţiei britanice din Orientul Mijlociu. Printre dezbateri i se suprapunea necesitatea acomo-
aceştia se numărau şi principalii experţi bri- dării angajamentelor asumate de Marea Brita-
tanici în problemele lumii arabe printre care nie în timpul războiului faţă de populaţia ara-
T.E.Lawrence şi, nu în ultimul rând, Gertrude bă, în particular în relaţia cu shariful Hussein
Bell (1868-1926). Conferinţa a reprezentat pri- şi familia Haşemită. Rezultatul dezbaterilor
ma oportunitate majoră de dezbatere asupra s-a dovedit a i unul favorabil celei de-a doua
cursului politicii britanice din Orientul Mij- opţiuni, iind decisă, astfel, crearea Regatului
lociu, subiectul Mandatului din Mesopotamia Irak şi plasarea pe tronul acestuia a lui Faisal
iind principalul punct al agendei. Dezbaterile bin Hussein. În acelaşi timp, se decidea crearea
au relevat existenţa a două curente majore de Emiratului Transiordania sub conducerea lui
opinie. Beneiciind de susţinerea Oiciului Co- Abdullah bin Hussein. Relevant pentru abor-
lonial una dintre opţiuni viza instituirea unui darea care a dominat întâlnirea din Cairo, în
control britanic direct centrat pe formula actu- urma discuţiilor se stabilea reducerea la jumă-
ală în cadrul căreia principalul instrument era tate a forţelor britanice din Irak.
reprezentat de Înaltul Comisar. Această vari- Deciziile Conferinţei au beneiciat de acor-
antă ar i oferit garanţii suiciente pentru men- dul cabinetului britanic, ceea ce a permis orga-
nizarea unui referendum în teritoriul atribuit
prin mandat. În urma desfăşurării acestuia
opiniile populaţiei s-au plasat în favoarea po-
sibilităţii ca Faisal să devină rege. Pornind de la
rezultatele înregistrate, la 23 august 1921 Faisal
este încoronat rege al Irakului act a cărui prin-
cipală semniicaţie consta în apariţia unui nou
stat pe harta Orientului Mijlociu. Administra-
ţia Mandatului britanic se va menţine până la 3
octombrie 1932 când în baza Tratatului anglo-
irakian semnat cu doi ani mai devreme, Irakul
devine independent.
***
nantă, de opţiunile externe spaţiului în cauză. nale la nivelul diferitelor comunităţi existente
Nu se poate exclude din acest context, însă, un în Irak care au favorizat, în mod evident, crea-
anumit nivel de maturizare a opţiunilor naţio- rea unei formule statale în acest perimetru ge-
RăzboIul falKlands-malVInas
Însemnări din Jurnalul unui Observator Diplomatic
ambasador elIezeR PalmoR *
abstract
he article below is the result of the direct observations made by Ambassador Eliezer Palmor, at
that time Minister-Counsellor at the embassy of the State of Israel in Argentina, on the unfolding
of the conlict between Argentina and Britain for the possession of the Falklands Islands, known
as the Falklands War. he text was “forgotten” in one of the drawers of the author’s desk until the
summer of 2013, when it was published in Hebrew by the prestigious Israeli magazine „Zmanim”,
edited by the University of Tel Aviv.
La 2 aprilie 1982 Argentina, fără să i dez- restaurarea suveranităţii sale în insulele Fa-
văluit intenţiile sale în prealabil, a debarcat lkland. Spre surpriza generală în guvernul ar-
trupe în Insulele Malvinas şi a anunţat restau- gentinean nu s-a găsit nici un factor capabil să
rarea suveranităţii sale în teritoriile respective. prevadă cum se va desfăşura evoluţia acestui
Marea Britanie respinge categoric legimitatea colict polico-militar între cele două ţări.
acestei acţiuni unilaterale precum şi tentativa În decursul lunii aprilie 1982 creşte trep-
de mediere întreprinsă de Statele Unite între tat tensiunea între Agentina şi Marea Britanie;
cele două ţări angajate într-un conlict ce se tot în această perioadă a şi fost pregătită forţa
agrava pe zi ce trece. Până la urma tentativa militară britanică care a şi fost transportată
de mediere va eşua în întregime. Nu trebuia să spre zona unde urma să se producă ciocnirea
dispui de capacitatea unei previziuni speciale între ţările beligerante. Tot în luna aprilie s-au
ca să desluşeşti care va i reacţia Marei Brita- produs primele ciocniri între cele două lote şi
nii condusă de Margaret hatcher faţă de ac- primele atacuri ale aviaţiei ambelor ţări.
tul agresiv de ocupaţie întreprins de trupele Între 1980-1982 Eliezer Palmor ocupa pos-
trimise de Generalul Leopoldo Galtieri; ea nu tul de Ministru-Consilier la Ambasada Statului
se va resemna, ci dimpotrivă Marea Britanie Israel în Argentina. În această perioadă el a în-
se va angaja într-o luptă fără scrupule pentru ceput să consemneze într-un jurnal personal
* Autorul acestor însemnări, Ambasadorul Eliezer Palmor, a funcţionat între anii 1980-1982 ca Mi-
nistru Consilier la Ambasada Statului Israel din Argentina. Ele sunt rezultatul observărilor şi analizelor
consemnate urmărind desfăşurarea conlictului între Argentina şi Marea Britanie privitor la posesiunea
Insulelor Malvinas. Acest document a „zăcut” mult timp într-un sertar din biroul lui şi a fost publicat în
limba ebraică în prestigioasa revistă de istorie „Zmanim”, nr. 123, din vara anului 2013, editată de Univer-
sitatea din Tel Aviv.
130 Revista de istorie militară
evenimente, observaţii şi interpretări politice cu Ministrul de Externe la o întâlnire cu Preşe-
relevate în decursul activităţii sale profesi- dintele Republicii, sau să nu vină de loc.
onale. În mod iresc el a consemnat în mod Venirea ministrului în situaţia data măr-
deosebit elemente legate de desfăşurarea con- turisea fără doar şi poate semniicaţia unei
lictului axat pe aspiraţia recuperării suvera- prietenii adevărate şi în timp ce Shoshana su-
nităţii râvnite de ambele ţări. Însemnările din praveghea ultimele pregătiri în vederea primrii
prezentul jurnal documentează observaţiile, oaspeţilor, noi doi, stimulaţi cum se cuvine,
interpretările şi comentariile privind întâm- de un pahar de whisky, am angajat convorbi-
plări pe teren militar dar şi în spaţiul politic – rea despre tensiune,despre intenţiile părţilor
înregistrate din perspectiva privilegiată oferită angajate în conlict şi despre perspectivele
diplomatului de către misiunea lui în cadrul războiului ce se anuţa la orizont. El a spus că
ambasadei ţării sale la Buenos Aires Păgânele Argentina este foarte îngrijorată de situaţia ac-
de jurnal ce urmează au fost redactate în lunile tuală şi posibilitatea izbucnirii unui război în
aprilie-iunie 1982: toată legea împotriva Marei Britanii nu poate i
exclusă. El a explicat că ambele părţi se încăpă-
16 aprilie: ţânează să menţină poziţiile lor şi nu arată nici
Recepţia în reşedinţa noastră planiicată o înclinare să adopte o atitudine câtuşi de pu-
pentru ultima zi a sărbătorii de Paşte mi-a pro- ţin lexibilă. Pentru noi – a spus – importanţa
vocat nu puţină bătaie de cap. Am invitat 180 insulelor Malvinas (fără să ignorăm diferenţa
de persoane şi numai puţini invitaţi obişnuiesc de dimensiuni) este la fel ca importanţă Gola-
să conirme în prelabil acceptarea invitaţiei. Ba nului pentru voi. Nu putem sub nici o formă
să revenim dela măsurile luate; demersul făcut
mai mult, unii dintre cei ce conirmă participa-
de noi a fost de fapt un act de salvare naţională
rea lor până la urmă nu vor veni iar alţii dintre
guvernul care înainte a fost un „mort-paralizat”
cei ce nu au răspuns la invitaţie vor veni totuşi.
(referindu-se la marea demonstraţie populară
Astfel iind situaţia este diicil să pregăteşti
trei zile înainte de cucerirea insulelor) a reîn-
cum se cuvine ingredientele care condiţionea-
viat acuma, act conirmat prin consolidarea
ză reuşita unei recepţii. În cele din urmă au
frontului interior care susţine în prezent gu-
sosit 80 de persoane printre care diplomaţi-
vernul Baltierez a respins insinuările vânturate
colegi, gazetari profesori universitari şi bine
în presă referitoare la posibilitatea unei soluţii
înţeles personalităţi politice. Dar ceeace m-a de partaj după care Argentina ar primi insulele
emoţionat peste măsură s-a întâmplat cam o Malvinas, iar Marea Britanie insulele Georgia
jumătate de oră înainte de sosirea invitaţilor, în de Sud şi Sandwich de Sud. El mi-a repetat po-
toiul pregătirilor, ínclusiv deplasarea mobilelor ziţia oicială a guvernului său după care Argen-
în salon când unul dintre chelneri îmi spune că tina ar i dipusă să evacueze trupele cu condiţia
la poarta se ala o persoană numită Baltierez şi recunoaşterii suveranităţii sale depline inclusiv
care cere să ie primit acuma. Mi-a luat câteva dreptul înălţării steagului argentinean în capi-
secunde să-mi revin din emoţia ce m-a cople- tala insulelor, Puerto Argentino (în versiunea
şit căci numele persoanei le poartă era identic engleză: Port Stanley) şi de a instala acolo ad-
cu numele Ministrului de Informaţii în guver- ministraţia lor civilă.
nul argentinian şi totodată a fost ambasador în La întrebarea mea care este adevărul în
ţara noastră, Rodolfo Baltierez. zvonurile care circulă privind, chipurile ames-
În mod iresc, am cerut chelnerului să-i tecul sovietic în cele ce se întâmpla în zonă,
deschidă poarta. Rodolfo Baltierez era un băr- mi-a desvăluit un „super secret” şi anume că
bat corpolent şi înzestrat de maniere alese. S-a Generalul Galtieri a refuzat ieri să asiste la
scuzat că soseşte la recepţia oferită înainte de meciul de footbal între Argentina şi Uniunea
ora prevăzută dar faţă de situaţia politică în- Sovietică (jucat în cadrul preliminariilor Cam-
cordată, obligaţiile sale ministeriale care îl re- pionatului mondial care se va desfăşura în
ţin la masa de lucru până la o oră târzie noap- luna iunie în Spania), deşi unii dintre membri
tea nu i-a rămas altă alternativă decât să vină la guvernului au fost de părere că s-ar cuveni să
noi acum, alându-se pe drum dela o întâlnire asiste. Recunosc că venirea lui Baltierez la re-
Revista de istorie militară 131
cepţia noastră în condiţiile prezente a fost un vestit de el în munca de lămurire desfăşurată
gest care m-a impresionat şi i-am mulţumit cu în ultimele două săptămâni convingând în fe-
multă căldură. lul acesta colegii săi să participe la recepţie. Pe
de altă parte ambasadorul nostru a pretins că
30 aprilie: fenomenul acestei prezenţe remarcabile este
Festivităţile în cinstea sărbătorii noastre rodul relaţiilor sale intense şi intime cu cadrele
naţionale (aniversarea zilei independenţei superioare ale armatei. În orice caz fapt este
noastre) s-au desfăşurat fără probleme. Ţinând că prezenţa numeroasă, impresionantă şi va-
seama de tensiunea ce se agrava treptat am riată a invitaţilor la recepţia noastră a trezit
hotărât, de accord cu conducerea comunităţii admiraţia elogioasă a publicului prezent care a
evreieşti, să anulăm adunarea populară centra- apreciat evenimentul ca un frumos succes ob-
lă care în mod tradiţional se întrunea în anii ţinut într-o ţară alată în prag de război.
precedenţi la Buenos Aires şi tot odată adună- Între timp situaţia se agravează în conti-
rile populare regionale prevăzute să aibă loc nuare. În dimineaţa Zilei de Independenţă
în oraşele Cordova, Bahia Blanca, Santa Fe şi apare declaraţia Ministrului de Externe Nica-
Rosario. nor Costa Mendez avertizând populaţia ca un
La recepţia oferită în saloanele ambasadei război contra Angliei va izbucni în 24-48 ore.
noastre în amiaza zilei a participat anul acesta Cotidianul Conviccion consacra azi dimineaţa
un public numeros inclusiv membri corpului prima sa pagina unui atac dur acuzând Statele
diplomatic, oiţeri în uniformă – ataşaţi mili- Unite că trădează America Latină şi Argentina.
tari şi oiţeri argentinieni, iar dintre membri De aici până la implicarea noastră şi a evreilor
guvernului – Ministrul Economiei, Roberto în general, în vâltoarea asmuţirii declanşate, ca
Alemann. Acesta, un bărbat înalt de tot, de vinovaţi în crearea situaţiei diicile, distanţa nu
parcă ar i fost un jucător de basket, depăşea este mare. De fapt instigări cu caracter anti-
înălţimea tuturor invitaţilor şi a rămas în ciu- semit s-au produs deja şi printre ele cea mai
da situaţiei tensionate la ambasadă mai mult gravă a fost interwiul acordat de Colonelul Es-
de o oră. Când a crescut aluenţa oiţerilor în teban Solis, însărcinatul cu relaţiile publice ale
uniformă ataşatul nostru militar mi s-a lăudat trupelor staţionate în zona de sud a ţării care
că această prezenţă numeroasă se datorează a avertizat că Marea Britanie este capabilă să
activităţii sale susţinute şi efortului special in- utilizeze în războiul contra Argentinei gaze to-
luni înainte să se i produs criza politico-mili- gentinei. Ele propun o încetare imediată a os-
tară actuală. Contrar explicaţiei oferite ziua de tilităţilor, retragerea trupelor argentiniene din
miercuri în cadrul mesei corpului diplomatic insule, retragerea lotei britanice din apropierea
şi anume, că situaţia militară pe terenul de lup- insulelor alate în dispută, iniţierea imediată a
tă apare ca şi cum părţile combatante au ajuns negocierilor, anularea sancţiunilor economice
la o stare de egalitate ceea ce crează o poziţie împotriva Argentinei (din partea celor zece ţări
ideală pentru iniţierea negocierilor, acum cre- europene şi Statele Unite) şi măsuri interme-
de Joy că probabil Marea Britanie urmăreşte diare din partea ONU, promovând instalarea
să livreze încă o lovitură zdrobitoare împo- administraţiei onusiene în insulele Malvinas
triva trupelor argentiniene înainte de a iniţia pe timpul cât durează negocierile. Este de re-
o negociere serioasă pentru reglementarea marcat şi faptul semniicativ că ideile nu cu-
conlictului. prind nici o aluzie la problema suveranităţii în
Această analiză apare verosimilă la lumi- insulele Malvinas, ori Argentina a ieşit să lup-
na informaţiei pe care am obţinut ieri şi care te, provocând criza actuală, tocmai invocând
atestă, că atât Argentina cât şi Marea Britanie „principiul sfânt al suveranităţii sale în aceste
au reacţionat pozitiv la ideile cuprinse într- insule”. Poziţia Argentinei proclamată răspi-
un plan de aranjament propus de Secretarul cat de pe toate acoperişurile lumii, preciză că
General al ONU. În acest plan, interesant este toate subiectele sunt accesibile negocierilor cu
faptul că el se aseamănă în mare măsură cu condiţia să ie recunoscut în prealabil dreptul
propunerile făcute de către secretarul de stat Argentinei la suveranitate în insule.
american Haig şi preşedintele peruan Fernan- Reacţia pozitivă a Argentinei la propune-
do Belaunde Terry, care a fost însă respins ca- rile făcute de secretarul general ONU deno-
tă o anumită doză de lexibilitate (dar tocmai
tegoric şi fără argumente de către Argentina.
de aceea cronicarul cotidianului „La Prensa”
Prezintă interes şi faptul că ideile cuprinse în
Manfred Schonfeld i-a rezervat în coloana lui
plan se aseamănă mai mult cu poziţia Marei
de astăzi o analiză critică dură). În schimb am
Britanii decât cu pretenţiile declarate ale Ar-
Revista de istorie militară 135
întâlnit semne de lexibilitate şi în poziţia lui Ieri avioane argentiniene au atacat două
David Joy pretinzând că Marea Britanie ar i vase britanice. Argentina recunoaşte că a pier-
dispusă să renunţe la suveranitate în insule, dut două avioane şi a admis, după o primă
chiar şi dacă nu în mod imediat. Această pre- versiune, că au scufundat un vas britanic, dar
tenţie costitue o formulă care permite preve- după a doua versiune au recunoscut doar că au
derea transferului suveranităţii în posesiunea avariat vasul.
Argentinei, peste trei sau cinci ani după ce s-a Ministerul nostru de Externe ne întreabă
retras din insule – şi ar putea astfel schiţa o care este adevărul privind rumoarea cum că
soluţie acceptabilă de către Marea Britanie. În 14 victime evreieşti căzuţi pe frontul din Mal-
acelaşi timp, această formulă ar i în măsură să vinas au fost înmormântaţi la Buenos Aires?
satisfacă ambele părţi, căci ambele părţi ar pu- Investigările noastre au revelat că întradevăr
tea să pretindă că au obţinut, parţial, victorie. au circulat câteva rumori de genul acesta, dar
Joy a mai spus că de când s-au înterupt întreprinderea funerară a comunităţii nu a
relaţiile diplomatice cu Argentina nu au fost conimat veracitatea lor.
lezate nici o instituţie sau irmă britanică in- Trei rabini tineri aparţinând de comuni-
stalate în această ţară. Clădirea ambasadei este tăţi distincte în Buenos Aires şi anume Baruch
protejată de către o unitate specială a poliţiei. Plavnik, Zwi Grunblatt şi Ephraim Dines au
Argentinienii s-au comportat ca gentlemeni primit autorizaţia autorităţilor să se deplase-
adevăraţi faţă de ostaşii britanici căzuţi pri- ze la unităţile militare care luptă în zona de
zioneri; un aviator englez căzut în Malvinas a sud cu scopul de a le oferi, în calitate de rabini
fost înmormântat cu onoruri militare depline militari, asistenţă spirituală. Iniţiativa acestei
în conformitate cu prevederile protocolului. acţiuni aparţine rabinului Baruch Plavnik care
În ce priveşte colonia britanică rezidentă în a venit la mine, am analizat împreună formu-
Buenos Aires majoritatea acestora au exerci-
la imaginată de el şi după ce l-am convins şi
tat presiuni în favoarea organizării unei ma-
pe Mario Gorenstein, Preşedintele Asociaţiei
nifestări de solidaritate cu ţara-gazdă. Joy nu
Organizaţiilor Evreieşti din Argentina (DAIA)
numai că a manifestat înţelegere faţă de acest
acţiunea noastră a obţinut până la sfârşit avizul
fenomen dar i-a şi încurajat să procedeze după
favorabil al autorităţilor.
cum cred ei de cuviinţă. El a susţinut că intere-
În altă ordine de idei, un număr de gazetari
sele britanicilor rezidenţi în Argentina îi obli-
britanici şi americani au fost răpiţi în amiaza
gă să se comporte în felul acesta. La întrebarea
mea cât timp este Marea Britanie în stare să zilei pe stradă, la câţiva metri de Palatul San
menţină armada care inspiră frică şi menţine Martin, reşedinţa Ministerului de Externe.
blocada în jurul insulelor şi graniţei maritime a Răpitorii au ameninţat gazetarii cu moartea,
Argentinei – în apele furtunoase ale Oceanului interogându-i în acelaşi timp dacă cineva este
Atlantic de Sud în iarna ce se apropie, Joy mi-a dispus să-i răscumpere contra 10.000 dolari.
dat un răspuns laconic de trei cuvinte: luni de Însă după trei ore gazetarii au fost eliberaţi, o
zile. Nu a speciicat câte luni şi dacă analiza parte au fost puşi în libertate în oraş şi restul în
lui este corectă, chiar şi atunci desfăşurarea afara oraşului, dar cu toţii desbrăcaţi complect
evenimentelor nu depinde numai de norocul goi puşcă ca în ziua naşterii, dar fără leziuni
armelor şi nici numai de calitatea şi forţa tru- corporale. Autorităţile au investit mari eforturi
pelor angajate în luptă. în acţiuni de „perierea” sensibilităţii seches-
traţilor: Însuşi Generalul Galtieri i-a primit şi
14 mai: le a acordat un interview exclusiv, iar Minis-
În timp ce încărcarea pe frontul de luptă a trul de Interne le a oferit o cină copioasă. Şi în
luat proporţii, din New York, unde se tergiver- timp ce toată lumea se întreabă care a fost sen-
sează o negociere lipsită de entuziasm, s-au sul sechestrării şi cine a fost iniţiatorul actului
primit indicaţii cu privire la un anumit progres şi executanţii lui, doi gazetari norvegieni sunt
în discuţii, ba chiar şi complectată cu speran- expulsaţi din Argentina iindcă „coreponden-
ţa exprimată de Secretarul General al ONU că ţele lor primejduiesc securitatea statului”.
negocierea se va termina până la sfârşitul săp- În toiul nopţii au explodat bombe puternice
tămânii cu un rezultat pozitiv. ataşate de pereţii a două iliale ale Băncii „Bank
136 Revista de istorie militară
of Boston” şi explozia a fost atât de puternică razboiul. La fel, în ce priveşte navele britanice
încât zgomotul produs s-a auzit până şi la noi scufundate sau avariate după comunicatele ilu-
deşi locuinţa noastră se ala la aproximativ 20 zorii şi megalomane ale armatei argentiniene.
kilometri de bancă. Totuşi la sfârşit de săptămână Argentina
Şi încă odată apare evident că Argentina a admis că trupe britanice au debarcat deja
pierde poziţii importante în bătălia pentru cu- în zona San Carlos din insula Soledad – in-
cerirea opiniei publice occidentale. În războiul sula principală din grupul Malvinas. Ceea ce
propriu zis pierderile Argentinei sunt foarte înseamnă că britanicii au deschis poarta de
grele şi în confruntarea diplomatică ambele intrare posterioara în insula situată vizavi de
partide se pare că manifestă semne de lexibi- capitala insulelor, Port Stanley (Puerto Argen-
lizarea poziţiilor. Şi totuşi până la ora actuală tino). Înainte de publicarea acestui comunicat
nu se pot nici măcar întrezări semne clare care argentinienii au difuzat pretenţia, că încerca-
ar indica că se apropie sfârşitul războiului. rea britanică de a debarca o forţă de 400 mili-
tari „a fost respinsă şi continuă să ie respinsă”.
25 mai: Colegul meu chilian Ministrul-Consilier Rao-
Astăzi se sărbătoreşte Ziua Naţională a ul Schmidt Dusaillant mi-a povestit aseară ca
Argentinei. Data de 25 mai comemorează ini- argentinienii au informat Ataşatul lor Militar
ţierea revoluţiei din anul 1810, când cetăţenii că expediţia militară britanică număra 2000
din regiunea Rio de la Plata s-au răsculat îm- persoane. El a mai adăogat că după părerea lor
potriva ocupantului spaniol. Răsculaţii erau bătălia decisiva va avea loc până la sfârşit de
descendenţi ai primilor colonişti spanioli şi această săptămână şi ea se va termina cu o în-
emigranţi de naţionalitate diverse care s-au frângere totală a armelor argentiniene.
răzvrătit împotriva trupelor de ocupaţie şi Re- Între timp la Buenos Aires nu se notează
prezentantul Rezident al Coroanei Spaniole. nici o aluzie la o eventuală pregătire a popu-
Pe străzile Capitalei însă nu se văd semne laţiei în vederea posibilităţii că pe front s-ar
de sărbătoare; dimpotrivă pretutindeni dom- crea o situaţie extrem de diicilă. Şi dacă până
neşte atmosfera obişnuită a zilelor de lucru. la urmă posibilitatea va deveni reală, oare cum
Nici drapelele atârnate pe străzi şi aişate în vi- şi care va i reacţia poporului?
trine nu inspiră senzaţia că ar exista un motiv Ziaristul Luis Pan redactor la cotidianul
festiv, deoarece ele se ala expuse încă din ziua „La Prensa” a venit astăzi să mă vadă şi mi-a
de 2 aprilie, o nouă zi de sărbătoare stabilită spus, că el crede că în caz de catastrofa milta-
pentru comemorarea suveranităţii argentinie- ră Junta Militară, parţial sau total va i trasă la
ne recuperate în insulele Malvinas. Nici mă- răspundere. S-ar putea ca cel ce va i chemat
car steguleţele naţionale ataşate de cetăţeni de să dea socoteală va i Generalul Galtieri singur,
reverurile vestoanelor, nici ele nu reprezintă o înierat ca ţap ispăşitor, sau Galtieri şi încă un
noutate întrucât acest gest a devenit un fapt membru al Juntei, sau alţi doi membri (fără
trivial odată cu iniţierea demersurilor care au Galtieri) din triumviratul care compune Junta
condus la războiul care bântuie acuma departe Militară. Dacă acest scenariu se realizează pu-
în sudul ţării. terea politică în ţara se va transfera în mâinile
Şi războiul nu este o joacă – el provoacă unei caste de oiţeri şi mai de dreapta decât
victime şi încă numeroase! Marele Stat Major Junta alată la putere. În schimb, colegul meu
argentinian publică la interval de câteva ore Raoul crede că, în cazul acesta, se va genera
comunicate despre situaţia militară pe câmpul un proces politic care va conduce la formarea
de luptă. Ele exagerează pierderile trupelor unui guvern civil de stânga. Raoul nici nu şi-a
britanice şi minimalizează pierderile „forţelor dat silinţa să ascundă faptul că Chile este inte-
patriotice”, adică pierderile proprii. Dacă cine- resată în catastrofă militară a Argentinei, dar
va ar face calculul adunând cantitatea de avi- asta se înţelege de la sine.
oane britanice doborâte de comunicatele mi- Harta operaţiunilor militare sugerează că
litare argentiniene ar ajunge la un număr care Marea Britanie urmăreşte să obţină victoria
depăşeşte totaliatea avioanelor alate pe nave- militară şi capitularea Argentinei. Manevrările
le britanice sosite în zona unde se desfăşoară politicii britanice, inclusiv în cadrul Naţiunilor
Revista de istorie militară 137
Unite relecta percepţia că, situaţia militară în- putea să beneicieze de sprijinul şi asocierea
clina deja în favoarea ei. Britania urmăreşte în- unor ţări ca Brazilia ,Uruguai şi Chile.
frângerea armatei argentiniene nu din dorinţa Am întrebat colegul meu Chilian care este
de a răzbuna umilirea orgoliului britanic prin adevărul în impresia creată recent de ziare din
invadarea Insulelor Falkland, nici din cauza Buenos Aires cum că s-ar i produs un progres
răspunderii pentru bunăstarea populaţiei din dramatic în negocierea privind Canalul Bea-
insule care sunt cetăţeni britanici şi nu vor să gle (Strâmtoarea Magellan) ca o consecinţă a
treacă sub tutela Argentinei şi nici din moti- discursului rostit de Papa spre sfârşitul lunii
vul opoziţiei principiale la politică de utiliza- Aprilie, făcând apel la încheierea unui pact de
rea forţei ca metoda unilaterală de rezolvarea prietenie între Argentina şi Chile în cadrul că-
conlictelor ci din toate aceste motive laolaltă ruia părţile respective s-ar angaja să renunţe la
şi mai presus de ele din cauza importanţei stra- utilizarea forţei pentru soluţionarea conlictu-
tegice a insulelor ca bază de apărare a căilor lui actual şi orice alt conlict viitor. Raoul a răs-
de navigaţie spre Antartica şi mai ales accesul puns că este vorba de o rumoare lipsită total
la calea ce înconjoară continentul sud-ameri- de adevăr adăugând că de când Argentina l-a
can (pasajul Drake), un acces iremplasabil dacă numit pe Carlos Ortiz de Rosas ambasador
dintr-un motiv oarecare canalul Panama este pentru negocierea privind Canalul Beagle el „a
blocat. Dela un timp încoace este relevat as- făcut multă vâlvă”, dar când s-a ajuns la abor-
pectul strategic al conlictului până şi în des- darea aspectelor practice el s-a eschivat de a
baterile publice. Gazetarul Iglesias Rouco co- discuta în mod practic până şi primul paragraf
mentează astăzi acest aspect în cronica lui în din acordul propus de Papa.
cotidianul „La Prensa”.
Britania, ba şi Statele Unite nu consideră că 7 iunie:
Argentina ar i demnă de încredere şi capabilă Fundaţia Profesor Alfredo Givre conferă în
să asigure funcţia de paznic al spaţiului de na- iecare an un premiu unei personalităţi latino-
vigaţie atât de vital precum accesul între cele americane demnă de a primi aceasta distincţie
două oceane. Lipsa aceasta de încredere are ca răsplată pentru merite speciale obţinute în
motive istorice şi actuale. Pe deoparte, regimul domeniul său de activitate. Anul acesta pre-
militar la putere în Argentina are o stabilitate miul a fost atribuit jurnalistei Magdalena Ruiz
îndoielnică şi pe de altă parte, amintirea fap- Guinazu (o prietenă sinceră), care ea singură
tului istoric petrecut în cel de al doilea război asigura emisiunea de ştiri, care durează timp
mondial când Argentina a adoptat o politică de trei ore începând la ora 7 dimineaţa la Radio
de spectator faţă de lupta sângeroasă susţinută Continental. Pe lângă Magdalena care a primit
de armatele aliate şi s-a alăturat alianţei ţărilor premiul principal anul acesta au fost atribuite
democratice numai în pragul înfrângerii Ger- diplome de distincţie unor gazetari din Argen-
maniei naziste şi a Japoniei; mai mult chiar, în tina, Uruguay, Mexico, Costa Rica, Bolivia, Pa-
perioada postbelică Argentina a integrat Orga- raguay şi Haiti.
nizaţia Ţărilor Nealiniate şi nu s-a ailiat gru- Gazetarii din Argentina care au luat cuvân-
pului de ţări conduse de Statele Unite care au tul au vorbit pe scurt şi nu au ignorat situaţia
impus boicotul Uniunii Sovietice ca penalizare diicilă în care se ala ţara şi nici vicisitudini-
pentru invazia Afganistanului. La această listă le războiului ce bântuie în Insulele Malvinas.
de păcate ziaristul Luis Pan a mai adăugat una: Nu au rostit lozinci patriotice bombastice.
Argentina, deşi a fost solicitată, s-a abţinut de a Dimpotrivă, ei au menţionat băieţii instalaţi în
trimite o unitate să integreze misiunea naţiuni- tranşeele de apărare din jurul oraşului Puerto
lor unite de supraveghere a păcii în Peninsula Argentino (Port Stanley) şi au vorbit despre
Sinai. condiţiile izice diicile şi de frigul intens în
În situaţia astfel creată unica soluţie posi- anotimpul actual acolo. Ei au avertizat – unii
bilă este restituirea insulelor în posesia Marii făcând numai aluzii, alţii exprimându-se în cu-
Britanii şi-aşa cum a dat de înţeles şi Iglesias vinte clare – şi anume, când luptătorii se vor
Rouco – instalarea în Malvinas de baze mili- întoarce de pe front ei nu vor accepta că situa-
tare americane şi britanice. Această soluţie ar ţia în ţara să revină la starea în care se ala îna-
138 Revista de istorie militară
inte de 2 aprilie, ziua invaziei în insule. Ei vor a primit informaţia au şi cucerit oraşul. El este
prezenta factura – unul dintre oratori a evocat de părere că Argentina va avea de plătit un preţ
gazetarii sechestraţi împreună cu masele de important pentru hotărârea pripită de a cuceri
cetăţeni dispăruţi în urma răscoalei militare – insulele alate în posesia Marii Britanii. Auto-
şi nu se vor mulţumi cu mai puţin decât insta- ritatea care a luat această decizie nu a evaluat
urarea unui regim democratic în Argentina. O corect situaţia politică şi nici care va i reacţia
singură excepţie la expresia consensuală a vor- britanică şi poziţia Statelor Unite fata de inva-
bitorilor a fost cuvântul adresat de un gazetar darea insulelor. Preţul ce urmează să ie plătit
din Patagonia, de fapt un refugiat originar din va avea o componentă economică şi alta de
Uniunea Sovietică, pavoazat cu lozinci patrio- politică internă. Responsabilii pentru acţiunea
tice stridente. El a oferit Magdalenei şi Profe- pornită la 2 aprilie vor avea de dat socoteală
sorului Givre săculeţe umplute cu pământ din şi vor i traşi la răspundere. Spre deosebire de
Malvinas drept „mărturia dragostei ce purtăm alţii, Muchnik nu crede că numai Generalul
pentru surioara noastră pierdută”, „la herma- Galtieri va avea de plătit preţul eşecului şi în
nita perdida”, precum numele insulelor în cân- adaos nici trupele de infanterie nu mai executa
tecul nostalgic difuzat zilele acestea pe toate fără obiecţii ordinele lui. Generalul Trimarca,
undele radiofonice de poetul şi cântăreţul Yu- comandantul trupelor staţionate în garnizoana
panki Atahualpa. din Rosario, pregăteşte planuri în tovărăşie cu
Generalul Horatio homas Liendo şi partiza-
14 iunie: nii politicianului Arturo Frondizi. Generalul
Contrar evaluărilor airmând că forţele (pensionar) Antonio Domingo Bussi, cunos-
britanice vor amâna ultima bătălie destinată cut pentru înclinările sale profasciste trage şi
cuceririi capitalei Port Stanley din cauza vi- el sforile într-o direcţie diferită. Generalul Co-
zitei Papei la Buenos Aires şi a dorinţei de a mandant al aviaţiei militare Basilio Lami Dozo
nu deturna atenţia concentrată asupra acestui nutreşte aspiraţii politice şi întreţine relaţii cu
eveniment, unităţi britanice de elită au proce- toate grupările politice.
dat în mod diferit şi deja în ziua de sâmbătă Sursa mea este de părere că unica soluţie
au declanşat atacul decisiv fără a lua în seama care ar permite ieşirea din încurcătura actuală
euforia generală care a inundat populaţia ţării ar i constituirea unui regim civico-militar cu
drept urmare a prezenţei şefului bisericii cato- tendinţe populiste. Militarii însă nu vor re-
lice în Argentina. Primul comunicat oicial al nunţa la putere şi nu vor accepta să se întoarcă
Comandamentului militar suprem a recunos- în cazărmi şi să livreze frânele conducerii în
cut că „mercenarii coloniali britanici” au reu- mâinile politicienilor. Un astfel de scenariu va
şit să înainteze puţin dar a pretins în schimb i realizabil în viitor, dar probabil numai după
că „o unitate patriotică de apărare” a reuşit să 4-5 ani.
blocheze înaintarea. Comunicatul a menţionat
de asemenea că inamicul încearcă să cucereas- 18 iunie:
că ultima fortăreaţă a rezistenţei argentiniene Ieri la amiază s-a alat că Generalul Galti-
folosind forţe superioare înzestrate cu echipa- eri (Preşedintele Juntei) a revenit pentru puţin
ment de calitate şi în cantităţi ce lipsesc defen- timp la Casa Rosada (reşedinţa preşedintelui
sorilor. republicii) şi apoi s-a întors la reşedinţa co-
Eu desluşesc în acest comunicat o intenţie mandantului suprem al forţelor de infanterie
de a pregăti opinia publică în vederea capitula- situată în garnizoana Campo de Mayo. S-a mai
rii ce se anunţă. alat de asemenea că şedinţa juntei programată
De fapt, nimeni în Buenos Aires nu se în- să se ţină ieri la amiază s-a anulat. Această in-
doieşte că dezastrul ar i aproape. David Mu- formaţie stârneşte curiozitate.
chnik un gazetar care dispune de surse de Spre seară la radio s-a difuzat ştirea că
informaţii demne de încredere mi-a povestit Galtieri a demisionat din funcţia de coman-
astăzi că trupele britanice au ajuns la o distan- dant suprem al forţelor de infaterie. Comen-
ţă de patru kilometri de capitala Port Stanley tatori politici au interpretat ştirea că demisia
şi s-ar putea ca în răstimpul parcurs de când anunţată înseamnă şi renunţare la preşedinţia
Revista de istorie militară 139
republicii. În acelaşi timp s-a mai anunţat că Cine va i numit preşedintele republicii? Al
Generalul Cristino Nicolaides, comandantul patrulea, în cei doi ani trecuţi de când am sosit
corpului întâi a fost numit comandantul forţe- în această ţară privată de viziune politică, adi-
lor de infanterie. Ministrul de Interne Alfredo că după Videla, Viola şi Galtieri?
Saint Jean a fost numit locţiitorul presdintelui
republicii. Noul preşedinte va i numit de junta 22 iunie:
noua (complectată prin Generalul Nicolaides) După cum am spus deja, Galtieri a plătit
în decurs de 72 ore dela întrunirea ei. preţul „aventurii întreprinse în vederea elibe-
Galtieri aşadar a plătit preţul politic al în- rării insulelor Malvinas” şi a fost destituit. Însă
frângerii. înlăturarea responzabilului principal pentru
În reuniunea generalilor convocată în con- eşecul ruşinos, (cel puţin din punct de vede-
tinuare Galtieri este acuzat că hotărârea lui de re al ierarhiei), nu a produs soldarea facturii
a declanşa campania pentru recucerirea Insu- înfrângerii. Junta noua constituită după desti-
lelor Malvinas a fost greşită, conducerea ei ne- tuirea lui Galtieri nu reuşeşte să ajungă la un
reuşită, iar atacul deşănţat în discursul anun- acord privind identitatea noului preşedinte.
ţând înfrângerea, împotriva Statelor Unite a Nicolaides a aspirat la moştenirea lui Galtieri
fost insuportabil. Galtieri nu a cedat acuzărilor, inclusiv şi fotoliul presidential, dar a eşuat.
ba dimpotrivă, a atacat din nou Statele Unite în Lami Dozo care nu a obţinut sprijin pentru
mod grosolan şi a acuzat comandanţii de pe candidatura sa deşi a beneiciat de votul cole-
front că lipsa lor de profesionism manifestată gului său, Generalul Jorge Anaya, a propus pe
în comanda trupelor pe câmpul de luptă a fost generalul de aviaţie Jose Miret, însă după ce
factorul care l-a obligat să accepte capitularea. Nicolaides s-a opus categoric la aceasta candi-
Generalii în reuniune nu a trecut cu vederea datură el a propus doi candidaţi civili şi anume
comportamentul agresiv al lui Galtieri şi au pe Ministrul de Externe Costa Mendes şi am-
insistat să demisioneze. La care, Galtieri a răs- basadorul la Caracas Canari. Văzând însă opo-
puns că iecare din membri forului reunit (14 ziţia categorica a lui Nicolaides şi insistenţa lui
la număr) au 24 de ore ca să-şi exprime părerea să se aleagă unul din cei doi candidaţi propuşi
referitor la demisia cerută şi a închis şedinţa, de el, Lami Dozo şi Anaya ameninţa că se vor
dar peste câteva minute toţi generalii au reve- abţine de a sprijini guvernul ce se constituie,
nit şi au cerut lui Galtieri să redeschidă şedinţa dacă într-adevăr se va constitui.
şi odată şedinţa redeschisă generalii au votat în Diicultatea în numirea unui sucesor lui
unanimitate în favoarea demisiei lui Galtieri. Galtieri relectă existenţa unei crize în regimul
Ieri politicianul Francisco Manrique a trimis care a cucerit puterea în anul 1976. Dacă până
o scrisoare generalului Galtieri publicată astăzi la urmă nu se va găsi repede o formulă de so-
cerându-i să demisioneze. Argumentele invo- luţionare a crizei s-ar putea să se producă un
cate de Manrique au speciicat următoarele: proces de descompunere, care va i, probabil,
„… tu nu eşti demn să ţi se încredinţeze diicil de dominat.
această sarcină (de a restabili republica) deoa- Între timp odată cu începutul întoarcerii
rece ţi-ai încălcat promisiunile şi în mare mă- acasă a răniţilor şi parţial a prizonierilor elibe-
sură porţi răspunderea evaluării eronate a îm- raţi de britanici încep să se audă din ce în ce
prejurărilor, condiţiilor şi a posibilităţilor poli- mai pronunţate voci critice. Aceştia reclamă în
tice, diplomatice şi militare şi pentru lipsa de plus şi demisia lui Lami Dozo şi a lui Anaya
informaţii corecte la timpul potrivit şi pe dea- pentru că au fost părtaşi la eşecul suferit de
supra eşti principalul responzabil al catastrofei Galtieri. Sunt unii care reclamă să se judece,
militare care totuşi cinsteşte bărbăţia ostaşilor în cadrul tribunalelor militare, comandanţii
noştri şi ei se aşteaptă dela cine i-a condus să unităţilor pe câmpul de luptă care nu au co-
manifeste faţă de ei respect şi mărinimie, căci respuns aşteptărilor şi au eşuat în îndeplinirea
ţara are nevoie de ei ca model şi ca exemplu”. misiunilor.
În rezumat aceste cuvinte relecta situaţia Şi în vâltoarea agitaţiei generale de dimen-
actuală în întregime. siuni necunoscute s-a produs un act surprin-
140 Revista de istorie militară
zător: Comandantul şef al Poliţiei Generalul vor integra guvernul lui Bignone. Oare conţine
Luis Santiago Martela s-a deplasat ieri la Bahia poziţia respectivă un semn care preigurează
Blanca să primească un lot de prizonieri repa- încăierări pentru cucerirea puterii în cadrul
triaţi pe o navă britanică. El a nutrit speranţa instituţiei militare care risca să degenereze în
că iul său care a participat la luptele din Mal- confruntări între grupări militare sau până şi
vinas se ala printre militarii repatriaţi. Numai între comandanţii corpurilor de forţe armate?
când a ajuns la destinaţie şi stând de vorbă cu În orice caz armata terestră s-a angajat să
ostaşii reîntorşi a alat că iul său nu se va în- respecte hotărârea juntei adoptată înainte de
toarce vreodată – el a căzut într-una din lupte- descompunerea ei şi anume, ca puterea în mâi-
le crâncene împotriva trupelor britanice. Dacă nile sale este atribuită pentru o perioadă inte-
numai pe această cale a alat comandantul po- rimară şi anume până în anul 1984, data prea-
liţie care a fost soarta iului său, cum au putut labil stabilită să semniice sfârşitul „procesului
să primească cetăţeni de rând amănunte des- de restaurarea democraţiei” (cu alte cuvinte,
pre soarta tragica care a devorat copiii lor? sfârşitul regimului militar).
Oare regimul generalului Bignone va res-
23 iunie:
pecta acest angajament? Cu alte cuvinte, oare
În cele din urmă următorul preşedinte
generalul Nicolaides, un oiţer cunoscut pen-
al Argentinei va i Generalul (rez) Reynaldo
tru ideile sale politice de dreapta şi antidemo-
Bignone, candidatul trupelor terestre şi al ge-
cratice, va respecta – drept obligatorie – ultima
neralului Nicolaides. Această alegere simbo-
hotărâre a juntei şi regimul creat pe principiile
lizează sfârşitul regimului unde putere era în
mâinile unei junte compusă din comandanţii constitutive ale acesteia?
celor trei arme ale forţelor armate Asta data Perioada de nestabilitate care se anunţa
membrii juntei nu au ajuns la alegerea can- acuma este şi ea fructul amar al catastrofei
didatului propus prin vot unanim. Generalul provenită din campania pentru recucerirea in-
Bignone a fost ales numai de către armata te- sulelor Malvinas şi acest rezultat este fără doar
restră, reprezentanţii celorlalte două arme au şi poate „negativ privind interesele comunităţii
declarat deschis că se opun alegerii lui şi că evreieşti”. Orice situaţie de nestabilitate gene-
abandonează junta, nu din cauza opoziţiei la rează primejdii cu privire la situaţia evreilor în
persoana candidatului ci pentru opoziţia prin- societate – oare evreii din Argentina vor asi-
cipială la numirea unui general din armata te- mila situaţia stabilită şi vor trage în consecinţă
restră. Deocamdată nu este clară semniicaţia concluziile apropiate?
practică a acestei poziţii în afară de faptul că Mă îndoiesc.
reprezentaţii forţelor maritime şi aeriene nu Îndoielile mele se sprijină pe baze solide.
alexandRu VoICu *
abstract
he paper below attempts to dispel some of the myths surrounding the Syrian Civil War, which
soon will enter its ifth year. Much like their Libyan counterparts – and contrary to the claims of
Western governments and media –, the Syrian rebels employed from the very beginning the bru-
tal tactics patented by Al Qaeda in Iraq under the command of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi: hostage
takings, beheadings, suicide bombings, car bombings, mass killings of civilians (especially those
belonging to the Shia minority) and of government workers, mutilation of bodies, desecration of
cemeteries and houses of worship belonging to religious minorities, etc. In the eyes of Sunni fun-
damentalists, Bashar al-Assad is guilty of two capital crimes, one worse than the other: not only
he represents the secular state instituted by his father, Hafez al-Assad, but he also belongs to the
Alawite minority (a branch of Shia Islam), thus being a kair (inidel), against whom the forces of
jihad must unite.
Keywords: Syria, Bashar al-Assad, Hafez al-Assad, Free Syrian Army, Muslim Brotherhood,
Hama, Damascus, Aleppo, Barack Obama, media, Al Jazeera, Qatar, Saudi Arabia
* Cercetător ştiinţiic gr. III, Institutul pentru Studii Politice de Apărare şi Istorie Militară.
142 Revista de istorie militară
Aşadar, concluziile Casei Albe intrau într-o apropiere avea loc – un detaliu deloc nesem-
contradicţie severă cu constatările Comisiei niicativ – o manifestaţie pro-guvernamenta-
ONU, ceea ce ridică serioase îndoieli asupra lă. Moartea lui Gilles Jacquier – prima dintr-o
metodologiei şi a surselor utilizate, iar faptele lungă serie de atacuri împotriva jurnaliştilor
rebelilor – mai mult sau mai puţin cunoscute din Siria – a stârnit un cor de condamnări, i-
de publicul larg din Occident – nu fac decât să ind imediat atribuită armatei siriene. Ulterior,
sporească semnele de întrebare. însă, investigaţiile conduse de ziarul Le Figa-
ro şi de Ministerul Apărării francez au ajuns
atrocităţi şi înscenări comise de rebelii la concluzia că, de fapt, atacul în care Gilles
din siria Jacquier şi-a pierdut viaţa a fost înfăptuit nu de
Adoptând o tactică brevetată şi folosită cu forţele guvernamentale, ci de rebeli8.
succes de rebelii libieni în timpul războiului Beneiciind de o presă occidentală mai mult
civil din 20116, rebelii din Siria au comis ne- decât favorabilă – şi de o presă arabă dominată
numărate masacre şi atrocităţi pe care le-au de canalul qatariot Al Jazeera, în condiţiile în
prezentat ca iind opera regimului lui Bashar care Qatarul este unul dintre principalii sus-
al-Assad. În Occident, unul din primele sem- ţinători şi inanţatori ai taberei anti-guverna-
nale de alarmă în acest sens a fost mărturia jur- mentale –, rebelii din Siria au fost exoneraţi de
nalistului britanic Alex homson (de la Chan- atrocităţi şi mai mari. Astfel, pe 2 august 2011,
nel 4), care, alat la marginea oraşului Qusair, postul american de televiziune CNN a difuzat
a fost lăsat intenţionat de către rebeli în prima imagini – preluate de la „activişti” sirieni –
linie pentru a i omorât în schimbul de focuri care ar i prezentat atrocităţi comise de forţele
cu forţele guvernamentale. În propriile lui cu- loiale lui Bashar al-Assad9. În scurtul videoclip,
vinte, „îmi este cât se poate de limpede că re- un grup de bărbaţi – unii înarmaţi – descarcă
belii ne-au indus deliberat în eroare ca să im mai multe cadavre însângerate dintr-o camio-
împuşcaţi de armata siriană”, adăugând că „jur- netă staţionată pe un pod de mari dimensiuni,
naliştii morţi reprezintă veşti proaste pentru pe care le aruncă apoi în râul de mai jos. Auto-
Damasc”7. Din fericire, Alex homson a scăpat rii discută între ei, dar reportajul CNN nu ofe-
cu viaţă, iind salvat, în cele din urmă, de tru- ră o traducere completă, motivul iind simplu:
pele guvernamentale. Jurnalistul francez Gilles făptaşii se referă la victimele aruncate în apă
Jacquier nu a fost, însă, la fel de norocos. Alat ca la „câinii de soldaţi”. Cu alte cuvinte, soldaţi
în Homs (nu departe de Qusair) pentru tele- guvernamentali.
viziunea publică franceză, acesta şi-a pierdut Din august 2011 până în prezent, nenumă-
viaţa în urma exploziei unui obuz, în timp ce în rate înregistrări macabre din Siria au inundat
internetul, cele mai multe iind ignorate de formată din suniţi. Zeci de membri ai unei fa-
presa internaţională, mai ales când identitatea milii extinse care se convertise de la sunism la
autorilor era evidentă. Câteva episoade, însă, şiism au fost ucişi. Mai mulţi membri ai famili-
au reuşit să capteze atenţia. Dintre acestea, ei Shomaliya, o familie alawită, au fost, de ase-
probabil cel mai mediatizat a fost „masacrul menea, omorâţi, precum şi familia unui parla-
din Houla” din mai 2012, în care şi-au pierdut mentar sunit acuzat de colaborare cu regimul.
viaţa aproximativ o sută de persoane, printre Imediat după masacru, atacatorii au ilmat
care şi mulţi copii. Prezentat ca dovadă incon- cadavrele şi le-au prezentat ca victime sunite
testabilă a brutalităţii unui regim tot mai dis- în videoclipuri încărcate pe internet”12. După
perat, episodul respectiv era de natură să sen- succesul înregistrat cu această punere în scenă
sibilizeze comunitatea internaţională pentru – şi anume izolarea diplomatică cvasi-totală
a acţiona mai hotărât împotriva autorităţilor a regimului lui Bashar al-Assad – , nu este de
de la Damasc. Ceea ce s-a şi întâmplat, ţinând mirare că, în zilele şi în lunile care au urmat,
cont că, în scurt timp, mai multe ţări occiden- presa internaţională a raportat numeroase ma-
tale şi nu numai – printre care Statele Unite, sacre urmând acelaşi tipar, toate având loc în
Canada, Marea Britanie, Australia, Franţa, zonele controlate de rebeli, iar victimele – de
Germania, Italia, Spania, Bulgaria şi Olanda – multe ori mutilate şi prezentând urme de tor-
i-au expulzat pe diplomaţii sirieni de pe lângă tură – iind întotdeauna „descoperite” de aceş-
ambasade10. Totuşi, nu toate vocile din presa tia imediat după comiterea faptelor.
internaţională au preluat versiunea prezentată Într-o altă punere în scenă la fel de maca-
de rebeli. Astfel, Rainer Hermann, corespon- bră, un videoclip încărcat pe internet de „acti-
dentul pe Orientul Mijlociu al ziarului german vişti” sirieni prezintă 16 prizonieri – prezen-
Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung şi unul din taţi drept shabiha13 – capturaţi de forţele re-
puţinii jurnalişti occidentali care au investigat bele. Pierdut printre alte zeci – sau poate chiar
incidentul, a prezentat o cu totul altă versiune sute – de înregistrări similare14, imaginile nu
a evenimentelor, conform căreia nu forţele gu- ies cu nimic în evidenţă. Cu toate acestea, o
vernamentale, ci rebelii au fost cei care au ucis bună parte din cei 16 prizonieri pot i identii-
mai multe familii extinse – al Sayyid, Abdarra- caţi cu uşurinţă – după haine şi după trăsătu-
zzaq şi Shomaliya, dar şi rude ale parlamenta- rile faciale – într-o altă înregistrare încărcată
rului sunit Abdalmuti Mashlab – pentru că au de „activişti” sirieni, de această dată cu gâturile
refuzat să li se alăture11. „Victimele se trăgeau tăiate şi prezentaţi ca victime ale regimului lui
aproape exclusiv din familiile care aparţineau Bashar al-Assad15.
minorităţilor alawite şi şiite din oraşul Houla. În afară de punerile în scenă pentru ex-
Peste 90% din populaţia oraşului Houla este port – menite să sensibilizeze opinia publică
144 Revista de istorie militară
internaţională, pe de o parte, şi să recruteze dului internaţional: atentatele sinucigaşe. Doar
noi adepţi şi inanţatori între radicalii suniţi, în primii doi ani ai rebeliunii, mai precis din
pe de altă parte –, internetul abundă de atro- primăvara lui 2011 până în vara lui 2013, în
cităţi comise şi asumate de rebeli, din care câ- Siria au avut loc cel puţin 70 de atentate si-
teva au fost preluate şi de presa internaţiona- nucigaşe22, marea majoritate vizând trupele
lă. Astfel, la mijlocului lui august 2012, într-o guvernamentale, dar şi cartierele şiite şi creş-
înregistrare difuzată de mai toate posturile tine din oraşele mari23. Pe 10 mai 2012, într-
internaţionale de ştiri, mai mulţi rebeli siri- un singur astfel de atentat, care amintea prin
eni pot i văzuţi cum aruncă de pe acoperişul proporţii şi metodă de conlictul sângeros din
poştei din localitatea Al-Bab (în apropiere de învecinatul Irak, 55 de persoane au fost ucise
oraşul Alep) cadavrele unor lucrători poştali, şi peste patru sute rănite prin detonarea de că-
care se izbesc de asfalt în uralele unui grup de tre atentatori sinucigaşi a două camioane în-
privitori16. Trei luni mai târziu, în noiembrie cărcate cu explozibili lângă o bază militară din
2012, o altă înregistrare face înconjurul lumii, Damasc24, iar presa internaţională, în absenţa
de această data prezentând execuţia în masă a oricărei probe sau logici, nu a ezitat să difuzeze
unui grup de prizonieri17. În mai 2013, o altă versiunea oferită de rebeli, conform căreia în
înregistrare şocantă îl arăta pe un comandant spatele atentatului s-ar i alat chiar forţele lui
rebel cum mutilează cadavrul unui susţinător Bashar al-Assad25. Într-un reportaj difuzat de
al regimului, scoţându-i inima şi muşcând din BBC în august 2012 – şi ulterior scos de pe site
ea, nu înainte de a declara în faţa camerei de fără nicio explicaţie din partea corporaţiei –,
ilmat „Jur în faţa lui Dumnezeu că vă vom alăm că, în Siria, există şi atentatori sinucigaşi
mânca inimile, soldaţi alawiţi [s.a.] ai câine- fără voie, prizonierii iind folosiţi ca bombe vii.
lui de Bashar”18. Comandantul în cauză, Kha- Tactica este simplă: rebelii mimează că elibe-
led al-Hamad, a oferit şi un interviu celor de rează ostatici, cărora le este oferită o maşină
la revista Time, în care îşi justiica acţiunile. încărcată în prealabil cu explozibil ce urmează
Alăm că victima avea în memoria telefonului a i detonată de la distanţă lângă o ţintă alată
„o înregistrare video cu o femeie şi cele două pe traseul victimei26.
iice ale sale, dezbrăcate, iar el [victima – n.a.] Pe măsură ce atentatele sinucigaşe deve-
le umilea”19. Fireşte, nicio astfel de înregistrare neau parte din cotidian, un nume a început
nu a fost prezentată reporterului de la Time – să ie vehiculat tot mai des: Frontul al-Nusra,
şi nici cerută de acesta –, dar, pentru moment, mişcare care a revendicat 57 din cele 70 de
susţinătorii occidentali ai rebelilor din Siria atentate sinucigaşe îndreptate împotriva ţinte-
puteau respira uşuraţi. Versiunea lui Khaled lor militare ale regimului, dar şi a minorităţilor
al-Hamad a fost preluată şi difuzată de toate religioase din Siria (şiiţi, alawiţi şi creştini)27.
canalele de presă fără a i chestionată. Aşadar, Pe 11 decembrie 2012, Statele Unite au adău-
era vorba un act de justiţie, poate prea brutal, gat Frontul al-Nusra pe lista mişcărilor teroris-
dar care pălea în faţa presupuselor atrocităţilor te, acuzându-l că a orchestrat peste şase sute
comise de susţinătorii lui Bashar al-Assad. Ac- de atacuri în care numeroşi civili şi-au pierdut
tul lui Khaled al-Hamad nu este singular, însă. viaţa28. Victoria Nuland, purtătorul de cuvânt
Zeci de înregistrări video care prezintă profa- al Departamentului de Stat al Statelor Unite, a
narea cadavrelor presupuşilor susţinători ai lui declarat că „prin aceste atacuri, Al-Nusra a că-
Bashar al-Assad pot i găsite pe youtube.com şi utat să se prezinte ca parte integrală a opoziţiei
pe site-urile simpatizanţilor rebeliunii. Într-o legitime siriene, dar este, de fapt, o încercare
astfel de înregistrare – cu nimic mai brutală a Al Qaeda din Irak de a deturna lupta popo-
decât altele –, mai multe cadavre cu gâturile rului sirian pentru a-şi urmări scopurile ma-
tăiate sunt zdrobite de un tractor20. În alta, doi leice”. Aşadar, deşi Statele Unite recunoşteau
prizonieri sunt decapitaţi în plină stradă, iar proliferarea unor grupări extremiste în cadrul
copilul unui rebel ia parte la atrocitate21. „opoziţiei siriene”, publicul larg era asigurat că
Dincolo de actele de o brutalitate extremă acestea reprezentau doar periferia unei miş-
rezumate în rândurile anterioare, arsenalul cări legitime şi moderate. Una dintre aceste
rebelilor include încă o tactică speciică jiha- facţiuni moderate – beneiciară, de altfel, a
Revista de istorie militară 145
ajutoarelor occidentale29 – este Armata Siriană ra lui 2011, aceleaşi forţe care, ulterior, au şi
Liberă (FSA), condusă de generalul de brigadă preluat puterea în Tunisia, Egipt şi Libia. Ma-
Salim Idris şi găzduită de Turcia. Revelatoare rii câştigători ai schimbărilor din 2011 au fost
este opinia generalului Idris cu privire la Fron- forţele islamiste, inspirate în mare măsură de
tul al-Nusra: „Sincer, trebuie să vă spun câteva Frăţia Musulmană. Cele patru regimuri, deşi
lucruri despre luptătorii Frontului al-Nusra. autoritare (în grade diferite), erau, pentru aş-
Merg la luptă în primele rânduri, luptă cu vi- teptările islamiste, prea laice. Referindu-se la
tejie, plătind cu sânge şi cu martiri. Iar când cazul libian, John Rosenthal, un analist atent
bătălia e încheiată, nu iau pradă de război şi al schimbărilor din lumea arabă, observa pe
se retrag. Ei îşi au propriile lor surse de apro- bună dreptate că „au existat de la bun început
vizionare... Ale noastre, însă, sunt slabe. Fron- dovezi clare că oponenţii cei mai fervenţi ai lui
tul al-Nusra are mijloace inanciare solide, noi Gaddai nu respingeau regimul acestuia ca i-
nu avem”30. Aşadar, cuvinte de laudă la adresa ind nedemocratic, ci, mai presus de toate, ca
unei mişcări care are la activ zeci de atentate iind ne-islamic”33, observaţie ce poate i apli-
sinucigaşe şi execuţii sumare, venite din partea cată şi celorlalte cazuri, dacă luăm în conside-
unui „moderat” sprijinit de Statele Unite, An- rare noua direcţie politică a forţelor recent in-
glia şi Franţa. stalate la putere. Regimul lui Bashar al-Assad,
Odată cunoscut modus operandi al rebeli- preluat de la tatăl său, Hafez al-Assad, nu făcea
lor din Siria, întrebarea care se pune este: îm- excepţie.
potriva cui luptă? Născut într-o familie alawită săracă, Hafez
al-Assad s-a alăturat partidului Baas în timpul
Regimul lui bashar al-assad studenţiei, în 1946. Navigând printre intrigile
Retrospectiv, valul de revolte care a cuprins politicii siriene într-o perioadă tumultoasă –
treptat o bună parte a lumii arabe în iarna şi marcată de evenimente importante precum
primăvara lui 2011, botezat binevoitor de pre- crearea Republicii Arabe Unite dintre Siria
sa occidentală drept „primăvara arabă”, nu avea şi Egipt (1958-1961) şi Războiul de Şase Zile
cum să ocolească Siria. Regimurile autoritare (1967), în urma căruia Siria a pierdut Înălţimi-
ale lui Zine El Abidine Ben Ali (Tunisia), Hos- le Golan – Hafez al-Assad ajunge prim-minis-
ni Mubarak (Egipt), Muammar Gaddai (Libia) tru al Siriei în 1970 şi, un an mai târziu, preşe-
şi Ali Abdullah Saleh (Yemen) s-au prăbuşit dinte. În cuvintele lui Daniel Pipes, preluarea
rând pe rând, ie printr-o tranziţie relativ paş- puterii de către un alawit echivala cu „un paria
nică – în cazul Tunisiei, Egiptului şi parţial al devenit maharajah în India sau un evreu deve-
Yemenului31 –, ie prin violenţă – Libia –, de nit ţar în Rusia – un eveniment fără precedent
această dată cu un semniicativ ajutor militar care a şocat majoritatea sunită, învăţată să mo-
extern. Totuşi, aceste regimuri nu reprezentau nopolozize puterea secole la rând”34. Conştient
singurele dictaturi32 din lumea arabă – şi, în de statutul său de minoritar – în condiţiile în
contextul deicitului cronic de democraţie din care, de-a lungul istoriei, alawiţii au fost văzuţi
Orientul Mijlociu şi Nordul Africii, nici măcar ca eretici şi persecutaţi de către majoritatea
nu îmbrăcau forme extreme. Mai mult, cele sunită –, Hafez al-Assad a încercat să nu-i alie-
patru regimuri cooperau strâns cu Occidentul neze pe aceştia din urmă, astfel încât, pe dura-
în aşa-numitul „război împotriva terorismului” ta mandatului de prim-ministru (1970-1971),
declanşat de administraţia lui G.W. Bush după toţi miniştrii săi erau suniţi35. Atât dintr-un
atentatele de la 11 septembrie 2001, aşadar ne- calcul politic, cât şi din convingeri ideologi-
reprezentând un pericol la adresa securităţii ce, guvernarea lui Hafez al-Assad a încercat să
internaţionale. Întrebarea care se pune este, depăşească graniţele confesionale, astfel încât,
deci, ce aveau aceste regimuri în comun, în în 1973, mai multe modiicări aduse constitu-
afară de o anumită doză de autoritarism, atât ţiei introduceau drepturi egale pentru femei şi
de comună în această parte a lumii? Răspun- permiteau ne-musulmanilor să ocupe chiar şi
sul este la îndemână, iind suicient să vedem postul de preşedinte36, această din urmă pre-
ce forţe ale spectrului politic au reprezentat vedere iind ulterior abrogată în faţa opoziţi-
avangarda contestărilor din iarna şi primăva- ei îndârjite a Frăţiei Musulmane. Minorităţile
146 Revista de istorie militară
religioase – şiiţi (inclusiv alawiţi), creştini şi astfel, primul şi – până în prezent – singurul
druzi, care, însumat, reprezintă puţin peste o şef de stat musulman care a primit o astfel de
pătrime din populaţie37 – s-au bucurat de pro- distincţie41. Turismul a cunoscut o dezvoltare
tecţia statului, iind încurajat dialogul inter- rapidă42, graţie moştenirii istorice impresio-
confesional. Crăciunul – atât după calendarul nante a Siriei, dar şi a uşoarei deschideri din
gregorian (Stil Vechi), cât şi după cel iulian (Stil ultimul deceniu.
Nou) – a devenit una dintre cele cinci sărbători În 2011, însă, pe fondul succeselor înre-
religioase naţionale, alături de Eid al-Adha, Eid gistrate de islamişti în Tunisia, Egipt şi Libia,
al-Fitr, Anul Nou islamic şi naşterea Profetului venise momentul revanşei. Rebeliunea din Si-
Mahomed38. Nici relaţiile externe nu au scăpat ria – prezentată ca pro-democratică de presa
acestui tip de abordare: pe de o parte, Hafez şi de liderii occidentali în poida tuturor indi-
al-Assad a întărit legăturile cu Iranul şiit şi a ciilor de pe teren – a reprezentat reculul de-
inanţat gruparea şiită Hezbollah din Libanul ceniilor de toleranţă religioasă, ţinta iind, în
învecinat, în ciuda diferenţelor ideologice ma- egală măsură, atât regimul lui Bashar al-Assad,
jore, şi, pe de altă parte, nu a ratat momentele cât şi minorităţile religioase. Nici liderii suniţi
cheie de a face pe plac monarhiilor sunite din moderaţi nu au scăpat mâniei islamiste. Pe
regiune, Siria participând, alături de Emiratele 21 martie 2013, Mohamed Said Ramadan Al-
Unite Arabe, Arabia Saudită şi Qatar, la coaliţia Bouti, poate cel mai cunoscut cleric sunit din
condusă de Statele Unite împotriva Irakului, în Siria şi un susţinător al regimului, a fost asasi-
timpul Primului Război din Golf. Reformele nat într-un atentat sinucigaş în timp ce ţinea o
sociale introduse de Hafez al-Assad şi laiciza- prelegere într-o moschee din Damasc, în atac
rea forţată a statului au creat nemulţumiri în pierzându-şi viaţa alte 41 de persoane43. Nici
rândurile radicalilor suniţi, care, la sfârşitul clericii creştini nu au fost scutiţi, iind, de ase-
anilor ’70, au luat forma unei revolte islamiste menea, ţinta asasinatelor. Într-un ultim astfel
ce a culminat cu rebeliunea armată din oraşul de episod, pe 21 iunie 2013, părintele catolic
Hama, în 1982. După un asediu care a durat Francois Murad a fost decapitat de o grupare a
27 de zile, armata siriană a preluat controlul rebelilor ailiată Frontului al-Nusra44. În zonele
asupra oraşului, cu pierderi importante pen- „eliberate” de către rebeli a fost imediat intro-
tru ambele tabere, dar şi în rândul populaţiei dusă sharia (legea islamică), una din primele
civile39. Deşi Hafez al-Assad a ieşit învingător victime iind un copil 14 ani, acuzat că a luat în
din confruntare, ruptura dintre acesta şi miş- derâdere numele profetului45.
cările islamiste – în special Frăţia Musulmană De fapt, ofensiva islamistă din Siria se în-
– devenise ireconciliabilă. În ochii radicalilor scrie războiului mai larg declarat şiiţilor de
suniţi, Hafez al-Assad se făcea vinovat de două către adepţii wahhabismului (ramura ultra-
păcate capitale: nu numai că era alawit – şi, conservatoare a sunismului). Din Siria până în
implicit, eretic –, dar era şi secularist, adică Indonezia46 – trecând prin Irak47 şi Pakistan48 –,
anti-islamic. După moartea lui Hafez al-Assad şiiţii au constituit, în ultimul deceniu, ţinta pre-
în 2000, Bashar al-Assad a devenit, astfel, nu dilectă a extremiştilor suniţi, aceştia din urmă
numai moştenitorul frâielor puterii, ci şi con- beneiciind de largheţea monarhiilor din Golf.
tinuatorul acestei rupturi.
După preluarea puterii, Bashar al-Assad a susţinătorii rebeliunii din siria
iniţiat o serie de reforme sociale şi economi- Pe 24 februarie 2012, în Tunisia, avea loc
ce, etichetate drept timide de către criticii oc- prima întâlnire – din cele patru, până în pre-
cidentali. Cu toate acestea, în timpul primilor zent – a autointitulaţilor „Prieteni ai Siriei”,
săi ani de guvernare, Siria a fost racordată la mai precis a ţărilor care urmăreau să sporească
internet, iar anumite sectoare ale economiei ajutorul internaţional pentru rebelii din Siria în
– în special cel bancar – au fost privatizate40. afara cadrului oferit de Naţiunile Unite (Rusia
Urmând modelul tatălui său, Bashar al-Assad şi China blocaseră în Consiliul de Securitate o
a continuat să încurajeze dialogul interconfesi- rezoluţie care condamna regimul lui Bashar al-
onal, iind decorat de Papa Ioan Paul al II-lea, Assad). Botezat de Hillary Clinton, pe atunci
în 2004, cu Medalia Benemerenti, devenind, secretar de stat al Statelor Unite, drept „Prie-
Revista de istorie militară 147
tenii Siriei Democratice [s.a.]”49, grupul ad-hoc Qatar rebelilor din Siria nu este doar de natură
includea nu mai puţin de unsprezece ţări: Sta- inanciară: conform Stockholm International
tele Unite, Marea Britanie, Franţa, Germania, Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), în perioada
Italia, Egipt, Iordania, Turcia, Qatar, Arabia Sa- ianuarie 2012 – martie 2013, Qatarul a efec-
udită şi Emiratele Arabe Unite. Paradoxal, şase tuat peste 90 de zboruri de marfă către Turcia,
din aceste unsprezece state – reprezentând, încărcătura constând în arme pentru rebeli63.
deci, o majoritate simplă – nu se caliică drept Nici Arabia Saudită nu s-a lăsat mai prejos.
„ţări libere”50, iar patru – mai precis Iordania, Aceasta a intermediat, în decembrie 2012, un
Qatar, Arabia Saudită şi Emiratele Arabe Unite larg transport de arme – estimat la 3.500 de
– sunt, conform estimărilor anuale făcute de tone64 – din Croaţia către rebelii din Siria65.
Freedom House51, printre cele mai puţin libere Mai trebuie menţionat că, la acea vreme, Uni-
state din comunitatea internaţională. Conform unea Europeană impusese un embargo asupra
punctajului acordat de Freedom House pe anul armelor cu destinaţia Siria, iar Croaţia, ca ţară
2012, Arabia Saudită – unul din principalii candidată la aderare, era obligată să îl respecte.
susţinători ai cauzei rebelilor – este la fel de Poate că nu a facut-o, însă, dezinteresat: prin-
puţin liberă precum Siria lui Bashar al-Assad52. tr-o coincidenţă stranie, în noiembrie 2012 –
Aşadar, ce fel de democraţie poate exporta în cu doar o lună înainte de derularea propriu-
Siria Arabia Saudită – o monarhie absolutistă zisă a transferului de arme –, Tribunalul Penal
care, între 2007 şi 2010, a executat public prin pentru Fosta Iugoslavie i-a achitat pe generalii
decapitare nu mai puţin de 345 de persoane53 croaţi Ante Gotovina şi Mladen Markač, care,
şi în care o importantă minoritate şiită, repre- cu nici doi ani înainte, mai precis în aprilie
zentând aproximativ 15% din populaţie, nu a 2011, fuseseră găsiţi vinovaţi – de acelaşi tri-
obţinut niciodată un post de ministru54? Nici bunal – de crime de război şi condamnaţi la 24
Qatar, o altă monarhie absolutistă, nu stă mai şi, respectiv, 18 ani de închisoare66.
bine. Deşi deţine principalul canal de ştiri din Rebelii din Siria au mai primit şi un altfel de
lumea arabă – Al Jazeera –, libertatea presei sprijin, de această dată de la „jihadiştii de profe-
este inexistentă55, partidele politice sunt inter- sie”. La apelurile clericilor extremişti – cum ar
zise56 iar actualul emir, Hamad bin Khalifa Al i, de exemplu, egipteanul Yusuf al-Qaradawi,
hani, a preluat puterea printr-o lovitură de stat gazda unei emisiuni foarte populare la postul
îndreptată împotriva propriului său tată57. Lista qatariot Al Jazeera, cu o audienţă estimată la
nu se opreşte aici, însă. Emiratele Arabe Unite 60 de milioane, care a cerut „iecărui sunit apt
sunt a treia monarhie absolutistă – mai precis, de luptă să se alăture rebelilor [s.a.]”67 –, mii de
federaţie de monarhii absolutiste – prietenă a luptători străini, atât din lumea musulmană68,
„Siriei democratice”. După modelul primelor cât şi din Europa69 şi Statele Unite70, au sosit
două, partidele politice sunt interzise58, presa în zonele ocupate de rebeli pentru a lupta îm-
este controlată strict59 iar orice critică la adresa potriva regimului de la Damasc. De asemenea,
liderilor este pedepsită cu închisoarea60. veteranii jihadului – precum libianul Abdelha-
Contrar aparenţelor, cele trei monarhii kim Belhadj, fostul „emir” al Grupului Islamic
absolutiste din Golf nu fac simplă iguraţie în de Luptă din Libia (LIFG), organizaţie care a
grupul „prietenilor Siriei”, ci reprezintă nu- „fuzionat” cu Al-Qaeda în 200771, şi personaj
cleul activ al acestuia. Conform unei analize cheie în rebeliunea care l-a răsturnat şi, în cele
întocmite de Financial Times, doar Qatarul din urmă, ucis pe Muammar Gaddai în 2011
a „donat” aproximativ trei miliarde de dolari – şi-au folosit inluenţa şi noile conexiuni pen-
rebelilor din Siria61, oferind, în acelaşi timp, tru a-şi ajuta partenerii ideologici din Siria72.
„pachete” în valoare de până la 50.000 de do- Cu toate acestea, după mai bine de doi ani
lari dezertorilor din armata guvernamentală62. de război, regimul lui Bashar al-Assad rezis-
În faţa acestor cifre, ajutorul american de 250 tă în continuare, ba chiar a reuşit recent să
milioane de dolari începe să pară o sumă de înregistreze şi câteva succese pe teren73, ceva
consolare, un alt indiciu că, măcar în cazul de imposibil pentru un regim bazat exclusiv pe
faţă, nu Qatarul este prins la remorca america- teroare, complet nepăsător faţă de soarta civi-
nă, ci viceversa. Mai mult, asistenţa oferită de lilor prinşi în zonele de conlict, aşa cum presa
148 Revista de istorie militară
occidentală l-a zugrăvit de la începutul rebe- Abdul Rahman, musulman sunit77 pe numele
liunii până în prezent. Supravieţuirea acestuia său adevărat Osama Suleiman78, şi-a descope-
nu poate i explicată decât prin sprijinul unei rit conştiinţa politică, episod nu lipsit de un
importante părţi a populaţiei, inclusiv al mo- anumit substrat sectar: „Primul contact cu po-
deraţilor suniţi, care se văd mai ameninţaţi de litica a avut loc pe când avea 7 ani, a declarat
forţele rebele decât de cele guvernamentale. acesta, după ce proprietarul apartamentului
în care locuia cu familia i-a lovit surorile pen-
numărul victimelor tru că se urcaseră pe acoperiş. Vecinii care au
În ciuda absenţei observatorilor internaţio- văzut altercaţia au refuzat să depună mărturie
nali pe teren, presa occidentală abundă în cifre deoarece proprietarul era alawit [s.a.] şi avea
de o precizie cutremurătoare cu privire la nu- un frate care lucra în serviciul de informaţii al
mărul victimelor: la un ultim astfel de bilanţ, armatei”79. Informaţiile nu se opresc aici, însă.
prezentat publicului larg pe 26 iunie 2013 şi mai alăm că omul care a numărat de unul
difuzat de cvasi-totalitatea canalelor de presă, singur cele peste 200 00080 de victime ale răz-
alăm că, până în prezent, în războiul din Siria boiului din Siria – număr preluat de presa oc-
şi-au pierdut viaţa 100.191 de persoane, între cidentală fără să ie câtuşi de puţin chestionat
care peste 5.000 de copii sub vârsta de 16 ani şi – îşi împarte timpul între Observator şi mica
peste 3.000 de femei74. Aşa cum a fost şi cazul sa afacere din care îşi câştigă existenţa – două
bilanţurilor precedente, unica sursă invocată magazine de haine din Coventry, Anglia81. Din
de presa internaţională a fost Observatorul Si- acelaşi articol, alăm că activitatea lui Osama
rian pentru Drepturile Omului (SOHR)75, or- Suleiman din cadrul Observatoului este încu-
ganizaţie al cărei nume a fost vehiculat zilnic rajată şi răsplătită, primind „mici subsidii de la
în peste cei doi ani de război pentru a denunţa Uniunea Europeană şi de la o ţară europeană
crimele comise de regimul lui Bashar al-Assad al cărei nume refuză să îl dezvăluie”82. Semnele
împotriva civililor sirieni. O simplă căutare pe de întrebare nu se opresc aici. La 14 mai 2013,
google a numelui organizaţiei („Syrian Obser- de exemplu, Observatorul anunţa că numărul
vatory for Human Rights”) oferă nu mai puţin victimelor a ajuns la 94.000, din care 41.000
de 436.000 de răspunsuri, dovadă a mediatiză- – adică aproape 44 de procente – au fost în-
rii extraordinare de care s-a bucurat Observa- registrate în rândul minorităţii alawite83. Cum
torul, devenit, peste noapte, principala sursă se explică, deci, că o minoritate religioasă care
de informaţii cu privire la derularea luptelor reprezintă mai puţin de 16 procente din popu-
în Siria. În ciuda recunoaşterii internaţionale laţia Siriei84 şi care – prin loialitatea sa faţă de
şi a preciziei cifrelor oferite publicului larg, Bashar al-Assad, la rândul său alawit – a fost
detaliile privitoare la modul de funcţionare a frecvent acuzată că reprezintă coloana verte-
Observatorul Sirian pentru Drepturile Omului brală a aparatului represiv îndreptat împotriva
rămân învăluite în mister, iar puţinele infor- majoritarilor suniţi este, chiar şi după cifrele
maţii disponibile sunt mai degrabă de natură oferite Observator, mult suprareprezentată în
să ridice serioase semne de întrebare. Astfel, rândul victimelor? Nu cumva avem de-a face
într-o scurtă prezentare făcută de he New cu o confuzie între victime şi agresori, dacă
York Times pe 9 aprilie 2013, alăm că „în ciu- luăm în calcul războiul global declarat şiiţilor
da rolului central pe care îl joacă în brutalul de către extremiştii suniţi?
război civil, în spatele impozantului nume de
Observator Sirian pentru Drepturile Omu- Concluzii
lui se ală un singur om [s.a.]. Fondatorul său, Rebeliunea din Siria este, contrar tezei pro-
Rami Abdul Rahman, de 42 de ani, care a pă- puse de de aliaţii occidentali şi de monarhiile
răsit Siria în urmă cu treisprezece ani, conduce absolutiste din Golf, produsul jihadului global.
operaţiile dintr-o casă de cărămidă alată într- Deşi autoritar, regimul lui Hafez al-Assad şi al
un cartier de locuinţe din acest oraş industrial iului său, Bashar al-Assad, şi-a propus – şi a
anost [Coventry, Anglia – n.a.]”76. Acelaşi ar- reuşit, într-o măsură deloc neglijabilă – să de-
ticol menţionează şi momentul în care Rami păşească vechile linii confesionale. Războiul
Revista de istorie militară 149
declarat de islamişti nu are ca ţintă aspectele Menit să impulsioneze susţinerea americană
reprehensibile ale regimului, ci exact latura pentru rebelii din Siria, mesajul conţine o ame-
modernizatoare, mai precis secularismul şi to- ninţare cât se poate de explicită, chiar dacă e
leranţa religioasă. pusă sub semnul condiţionalului. Atentatele
Experienţa libiană slujeşte ca bun exem- din Benghazi şi Boston demonstrează, însă, cu
plu. Atacul împotriva ambasadei americane totul altceva. Pentru jihadul global, nu există
din Benghazi – câtuşi de puţin singular, ţinând reconciliere cu Occidentul, iar rebeliunea din
cont că ambasadele Marii Britanii, Franţei şi Siria, învingătoare sau nu, nu şi-a spus ultimul
Italiei au avut o soartă similară, chiar dacă fără cuvânt.
pierderi de vieţi85 – este cât se poate de grăitor
din acest punct de vedere. În ciuda ajutorului
militar direct oferit de Statele Unite şi de euro- noTe
peni, ţinta inală a jihadiştilor libieni a rămas
1
BBC News, US says it will give military aid to
Syria rebels, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-
Occidentul. Pornind de la acest exemplu, Sta-
canada-22899289.
tele Unite au primit deja o primă „avertizare”: 2
he Washington Post, U.S. pledges to double
Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, unul din autorii atenta- nonlethal aid to Syrian rebels as opposition backers
tului terorist de la Boston, era un simpatizant reach consensus, http://articles.washingtonpost.
al rebelilor din Siria86. Asta nu l-a împiedicat, com/2013-04-20/world/38686830_1_opposition-
însă, să-şi ducă planul la îndeplinire, deşi se coalition-al-nusra-qatar.
ala pe aceleaşi „baricade” cu ţara gazdă în ceea 3
he Telegraph, Syria: What is the US evidence
ce priveşte Siria. on Assad’s use of chemical weapons?, http://www.
În cuvintele senatorului american John telegraph.co.uk/news/10121425/Syria-What-is-
the-US-evidence-on-Assads-use-of-chemical-wea-
McCain, care i-a vizitat pe rebelii din Siria în
pons.html
mai 2013 şi care, la rândul lui, a reprodus pen- 4
CNN, Syria: U.S. manipulating chemical wea-
tru publicul american mesajul primit de la „o pons evidence, like it did with Iraq, http://edition.
învăţătoare” în timpul scurtei vizite87, copiii cnn.com/2013/04/26/world/meast/syria-civil-war.
sirieni „vor dori să se răzbune pe cei care au 5
he Telegraph, UN accuses Syrian rebels of
refuzat să-i ajute [adică pe americani – n.a.]”88. chemical weapons use, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/
senatorul american John mcCain alături de salim Idris (centru) şi doi dintre răpitorii unui grup
de unsprezece pelerini libanezi: abu Yousef (al doilea din stânga) şi muhammad nour (dreapta)
* Cercetător ştiinţiic gr. II, Institutul pentru Studii Politice de Apărare şi Istorie Militară.
156 Revista de istorie militară
Am primit la redac]ie
masa RoTundă
„RomânII la înCePuTul maReluI
RăzboI” 25 sePTembRIe 2014,
CeRCul mIlITaR naţIonal
– sala ŞTefan Cel maRe –
În ziua de 25 septembrie 2014, la Cercul Primii vorbitori, d-nii dr. Şerban Cioculescu
Militar Naţional, Sala Ştefan cel Mare, Institu- şi dr. Silviu Petre au avut o abordare psiho-so-
tul pentru Studii Politice de Apărare şi Istorie cială a leadership-ului german, al cărui expo-
Militară a organizat masa rotundă cu tema: nent principal în acea perioadă a fost împăratul
„Românii la începutul Marelui Război”. Mani- german, Wilhelm al II-lea, cel care a şi condus
festarea ştiinţiică s-a înscris în cadrul activi- Armata a 5-a germană până în 1916. Studiul
tăţilor comemorative consacrate Centenarului dimensiunii psiho-cognitive ale marilor perso-
Primului Război Mondial. La ea au participat nalitaţi istorice reprezintă o direcţie de cerce-
atât specialişti ai instituţiei organizatoare cât tare proaspătă şi inedită, în cazul de faţă legă-
şi istorici, cercetători, cadre universitare, ar- tura dintre complexitatea personalităţii omu-
hivişti, muzeograi etc din instituţii militare şi lui de stat, a liderului politic şi tentaţia ideii
civile. Evenimentul a fost deschis de Dumitru de expansiune dincolo de fruntariile geoizice
Pufu, şeful Direcţiei Cooperare Internaţională şi geostrategice ale statului, idee manifestată
în Domeniul Apărării şi de gl. mr. (r) dr. Mihail de altfel şi în cercurile politice şi intelectuale
E. Ionescu, directorul Institutului pentru Stu- germane.
dii Politice de Apărare şi Istorie Militară, care Doamna dr. Daniela Buşă, a descris atmo-
au relevat semniicaţia europeană şi naţională sfera încordată, controversată, în rândul clasei
a izbucnirii Primului Război Mondial, impac- politice, privitoare la rolul şi poziţia României
tul acestuia asupra societăţii şi individului în faţă de război. Sunt cunoscute cele două ori-
ansamblul lor şi au evidenţiat preocuparea ge- entări majore pentru care autorităţile române
nerală manifestată pe plan mondial de a come- trebuiau să se decidă cât mai rapid: cu Puterile
mora cei 100 de ani de la Prima conlagraţie Centrale sau cu Antanta, cu argumentele nuan-
mondială. ţate în favoarea sau defavoarea iecărei părţi.
Tematica discuţiilor a fost amplă şi intere- General mr. (r) dr. Mihail E. Ionescu a in-
santă şi a cuprins o paletă largă şi variată a pro- vestigat impactul pe care l-a avut asupra pozi-
blematicii legate de izbucnirea Primului Război ţiei de neutralitate a României deciziile luate
Mondial. Fiind vorba de începutul acesteia, s-a de autorităţile italiene. Ca şi România, Italia
insistat asupra identiicării cauzelor şi respon- era aliată a Germaniei şi Austro-Ungariei şi
sabilităţii decidenţilor, care au dus la declan- a rămas neutră la începutul conlictului până
şarea conlagraţiei în anul 1914 dar şi asupra în aprilie 2015, când a fost semnat Pactul de
situaţiei clasei politice, armatei sau societăţii la Londra, ce punea capăt negocierilor cu pu-
româneşti la nord şi sud de Carpaţi. terile Antantei. Această înţelegere recunoştea
Revista de istorie militară 159
dreptul Italiei de a recupera teritoriile locuite D-na Bianca Mărmureanu (Părvulescu) de
de italieni alate sub controlul Austro-Ungari- la Arhivele Naţionale ale României, în comuni-
ei, dar şi dreptul de a ocupa coloniile germane carea sa despre aspecte ale vieţii de pe front are
din Africa şi teritorii din Balcani, astfel că Ita- o abordare preponderent psihologică şi socio-
lia s-a alăturat Antantei în războiul împotriva umană, principalele surse de analiză iind cele
Austro-Ungariei şi Germaniei, înaintea Româ- memorialistice, ale militarilor obişnuiţi alaţi pe
niei. În perioada următoare guvernele român câmpul de luptă. Aspectele predilecte urmărite
şi italian au semnat acordurile din septembrie sunt: legătura cu familiile; legătura cu camara-
1914 şi februarie 1915. zii de arme; modul de îngrijire a răniţilor şi bol-
Col. (r) dr. Petre Otu a analizat argumen- navilor; modul de receptare a morţii etc.
taţia oferită de oiţeri şi generali de rang înalt Prof. Univ.dr. Sorin Cristescu (Universitatea
referitoare la poziţia ce trebuia să o adopte „Spiru Haret”), într-o comunicare interesantă
România faţă de izbucnirea conlagraţiei mon- şi inedită relevă starea de spirit a suveranului
diale. Lipsa de pregătire a armatei de la acea român, Carol I , în ultimile sale zile de viaţă,
dată a obligat corpul oiţeresc român să se ie relectată în corespondenţa lui Ottokar von
de acord cu neutralitatea şi, în cazul necesi- Czernin, ambasadorul Austro-Ungariei la Bu-
tăţii intrării României în război, aceştia s-au cureşti. Autorul a scos în evidenţă momentele
pronunţat în mare majoritate pentru o acţiune dramatice şi zbuciumul suletesc al lui Carol
alături de Antantă, ce-i promitea, în schimb, I, loial convingerilor sale de a intra în război
eliberarea Transilvaniei. alături de Puterile Centrale, prins între datoria
Prof. Univ. dr. Ion Giurcă (Universitatea faţă de aliaţii săi tradiţionali şi opinia unanimă
„Hiperion”) a adus în discuţie problema spi- a clasei politice şi a societăţii româneşti de a
noasă a nivelului de pregătire şi înzestrare a rămâne în neutralitate. La sfârşitul tragic al
armatei române la debutul conlagraţiei. Pro- suveranului român au contribuit şi presiunile
cesul de reorganizare al armatei ce a urmat permanente la care Czernin l-a supus pe Carol
războiului balcanic din 1913, era în desfăşu- I în încercarea de a-l atrage în război de partea
rare, astfel că la izbucnirea războiului în 1914, Puterilor Centrale.
acestea erau departe de inalizare. Ca urmare Organizatorii şi-au manifestat intenţia de a
decizia factorilor politici ca România să ră- publica toate comunicările prezentate într-un
mână în neutralitate are la bază şi insuicienta număr viitor al Revistei de Istorie Militară.
pregătire a armatei pentru un război de o ase-
menea anvergură. cerasela MoldoVeanu *
* Cercetător ştiinţiic gr. III, Institutul pentru Studii Politice de Apărare şi Istorie Militară.
160 Revista de istorie militară
Via]a [tiin]ific`
În zilele de 17-18 octombrie 2014 am par- menţinându-se însă doar în domeniul istoriei
ticipat la simpozionul internaţional organizat medievale. Au participat istorici din Republica
de Euro-Balkan University din Skopje. Această Macedonia, Bulgaria, Serbia, Croaţia, Polonia,
universitate aparţine Institutului Euro-balca- Italia, Grecia, SUA, Liban, România, iar Uni-
nic fondat în 1998, care are scopul de a promo- versitatea din Bologna a fost coorganizator.
va valorile europene în Republica Macedonia. Rectorul universităţii, profesor Mitko Panov, a
Pe lângă şcoala de vară de la Ohrid, la care sunt fost şi cel care a coordonat conferinţa, el iind
invitaţi să conferenţieze prestigioşi oameni de specialist în istorie medievală. La deschidere
ştiinţă din toată lumea, începând din 2013 au ţinut discursuri ministrul culturii şi amba-
universitatea organizează şi simpozioane, sub sadorul Italiei.
titlul generic „Zilele lui Iustinian I”. În acest Eu am prezentat comunicarea Vlach mili-
an, conferinţa a fost dedicată în principal co- tary units in the Byzantine army, iind şi mode-
memorării a 1000 de ani de la moartea ţarului rator la una dintre secţiuni. Dintre celelalte, am
bulgar Samuel, care în Macedonia este consi- reţinut ca iind mai interesante: he Bulgarian
derat fondatorul unui stat macedonean. Comu- Tsardom, 10th-11th Centuries. State Traditi-
nicările au fost însă foarte variate ca subiecte, ons and Change (Georgi Nikolov, Soia); Medi-
Cetatea din skopje, amplasată în partea cea mai înaltă a oraşului, este în forma actuală o fortiicaţie
otomană din a doua jumătate a secolului al xV-lea. ea este însă doar ultima dintr-o succesiune
de fortiicaţii. Cea romană scupi, distrusă de cutremurul din 518, a fost refăcută în timpul lui
Iustinian. în secolele xI-xIII a fost din nou utilizată, ca o fortiicaţie a Imperiului bizantin şi apoi a
ţaratului româno-bulgar. în prezent se efectuează cercetări arheologice şi lucrări de restaurare.
Revista de istorie militară 161
Porta macedonia este locul unde s-a desfăşurat conferinţa. este un arc triumfal construit în 2011,
pentru a marca aniversarea a 20 de ani de independenţă a Republicii macedonia. este înalt de 21 m,
iar sălile din interior sunt folosite pentru diverse manifestări culturale.
eval imagining of “we” and “the “others” at the Comunicările vor i publicate într-un vo-
time of Samuel’s state and their relections in lum, ca şi cele din anul 2013.
contemporary constructions of ethnic and na- Participarea la conferinţă a fost un prilej
tional identities (Rubin Zemon, Skopje); Legio de a vizita numeroase monumente şi locuri cu
V Macedonica: a perspective through the years semniicaţie istorică din Skopje şi Ohrid, inclu-
(43 BC – AD 637 (Miguel Sancho Gomez, siv de natură militară (fortiicaţiile medievale
Murcia – comunicarea acestuia iind citită în din cele două oraşe).
absenţa sa).
aleXandru MadGearu *
* Cercetător ştiinţiic gr. I, Institutul pentru Studii Politice de Apărare şi Istorie Militară.
162 Revista de istorie militară
Via]a [tiin]ific`
dIn aCTIVITaTea
InsTITuTuluI PenTRu sTudII PolITICe
de aPăRaRe ŞI IsToRIe mIlITaRă
în anul 2014
România naTo
zece ani împreuna
* Cercetător ştiinţiic gr. III, Institutul pentru Studii Politice de Apărare şi Istorie Militară.
164 Revista de istorie militară
Centenarului Primului mondial septembrie 2014