Rim 2015-1-2

SUMAR
REVISTA DE ISTORIE
MILITAR
Publicaia este editat de

Ministerul Aprrii Naionale,
prin Institutul pentru Studii
Politice de Aprare i Istorie
Militar, membru al Consoriului
Academiilor de Aprare i In
stitutelor pentru Studii de Se
curitate din cadrul Partene
riatului pentru Pace, coordo
nator naional al Proiectului de
Istorie Paralel: NATO Tratatul
de la Varovia
COLEGIUL DE REDACIE
General-maior (r) dr. MIHAIL

E. IONESCU, directorul Institu
tului pentru Studii Politice de
Aprare i Istorie Militar
Academician DINU C.
GIURESCU, Academia
Romn
D r. J A N H O F F E N A A R ,
Preedintele Comisiei Olandeze
de Istorie Militar
P r o f . u n i v. d r. D E N N I S
DELETANT, London Univer
sity
Colonel (r) dr. PETRE OTU,
directorul tiinific al Institutului
pentru Studii Politice de Aprare
i Istorie Militar
P r o f . u n i v. d r. M I H A I
R E T E G A N , Universitatea
Bucureti
IULIAN FOTA , consilier
prezidenial
Dr. SERGIU IOSIPESCU,
cc. t., Institutul pentru Studii
Politice de Aprare i Istorie
Militar
Prof. univ. dr. ALESANDRU
DUU, Universitatea Spiru
Haret
P r o f . u n i v. d r. M A R I A
GEORG ESC U, Universitatea
Piteti
Comandor (r) GHEORGHE
VARTIC
Dosar 1914-1918. Primul Rzboi Mondial

Prof.univ.dr. PETRE OTU Comandamentul Armatei Romne n perioada neutralitii (1914-1916) .......................................................................................
Dr. EMANUEL C. ANTOCHE i prof. dr. MATEI CAZACU Les pays
du Sud-est europen dans la Grande Guerre (1915). Trois reportages dAlbert

Londres et les mmoires de Gheorghe Jurgea-Negrileti .................................... 10
Dr. ANDREI POGCIA De la Tsingtao la Falklands Distrugerea
Escadrei Germane a Asiei Orientale......................................................................... 27
Istorie antic
MARIUS-CRISTIAN STREINU Gladiatori i preoi la gurile Dunrii..... 33
ALEXANDRU MADGEARU Confruntarea final dintre Constantin
cel Mare i Licinius, un moment de rscruce n istoria universal..................... 39
ALINA MUAT-STREINU Gentes Barbarae la Dunrea de Jos n
Antichitatea trzie. Conflicte i integrare ............................................................... 46

Istorie i arheologie medieval

SABINA STNIL Medieval Moldavian Castles from the First Half
of the Fourteenth Century to the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century:
Functions, Images, Perceptions . ............................................................................... 55

Istorie modern
GEORGE TEODORESCU Romnia de lng noi. Mrturii romneti

n Liov . ........................................................................................................................... 69
Al Doilea Rzboi Mondial
YOSEF GOVRIN Romanias Raoul Wallenberg: The Untold Story

of Constantin Karadja ................................................................................................. 75
Istorie recent
IOAN BOGDAN MATEESCU O istorie zbuciumat: Georgia

dup sfritul Rzboiului Rece ................................................................................. 79
Revista este inclus n baza de date a Consiliului Naional al Cercetrii tiinifice

n nvmntul Superior, fiind evaluat la categoria C.
Poziia revistei n lista-catalog a publicaiilor este la numrul 5017

ISSN 1220-5710
CONTENTS
Dossier 1914-1918. World War 1

PETRE OTU Romanias Army Headquarters during the Period of Neutrality (1914-1916).....................
EMANUEL C. ANTOCHE and MATEI CAZACU The Countries of Southeast Europe during the
Great War (1915). Three Reportages by Albert Londres and the Memoirs of Gheorghe Jurgea-Negrileti.....
10
ANDREI POGCIA From Tsingtao to the Falklands The Destruction of the German East Asia
Squadron................................................................................................................................................................................
27
Ancient History
MARIUS-CRISTIAN STREINU Gladiators and Priests at the Mouths of the Danube ...........................
33
ALEXANDRU MADGEARU Constantine the Great and Licinius on the Cusp of Changing
the Course of History .........................................................................................................................................................
39
ALINA MUAT-STREINU Gentes Barbarae at the Lower Danube during Late Antiquity.
Conflicts and Integration ..................................................................................................................................................
46
Medieval History and Archaeology
SABINA STNIL Medieval Moldavian Castles from the First Half of the Fourteenth Century
to the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century: Functions, Images, Perceptions .....................................................
55
Modern History
GEORGE TEODORESCU Romania Next Door. Romanian Testimonies in Lviv ......................................
69
World War 2
YOSEF GOVRIN Romanias Raoul Wallenberg: The Untold Story of Constantin Karadja .....................
75
Recent History
IOAN BOGDAN MATEESCU A Troubled History: Georgia after the Cold War .....................................
Responsabili de numr: SERGIU IOSIPESCU, DR. EMANUEL CONSTANTIN ANTOCHE

Alexandru Voicu redactor
ADRIAN PANDEA coperta
ELENA LEMNARU tehnoredactare computerizat
Adresa redaciei: strada Constantin Mille nr. 6, cod 010142, Bucureti, sector 1,
telefon: 0213157827, telefax: 004021-3137955www.mapn.ro/diepa/ispaim
B 00136/28.10.2015
79
Dosar 1914-1918. Primul R`zboi Mondial
Comandamentul armatei romne

n perioada neutralitii (1914-1916)
PETRE OTU *
Abstract
The study analyzes the organization and functioning of the Army Headquarters during the
period 1914-1916, when the Romanian state stayed out of the conflict. It presents the structures
of the central military administration (the Ministry of War, the General Secretariat) together
with those of strategic and operational command (the General Staff, the army commands
which were to be established during mobilization) and those of the army corps.
With regard to the relevant department, the function was exerted by Ion I.C. Brtianu, who
also was the head of the government. A greater role was assigned to the General Secretariat, led
by General Dumitru Iliescu, a friend of the prime minister. During the entire period of neutrality, the Chief of the General Staff was General Vasile Zottu. The most important role was given
to the General Secretariat of the Ministry of War.
Keywords: Ministry of War, General Secretariat, General Staff, Ion I.C. Brtianu, Alexandru
Marghiloman, Dumitru Iliescu, Vasile Zottu, Alexandru Averescu, Constantin Cristescu
M.V. va face rzboiul cu generalii cei tineri. Aa i-a declarat regelui Ferdinand, la 26
noiembrie/9 decembrie 1915, ntr-o audien,
liderul conservator Alexandru Marghiloman1.
Cei doi discutau, ntre altele, i problema generalilor i ofierilor care urmau s ncadreze, n
caz de rzboi, marile comandamente.
De la urcarea sa pe tron, regele Ferdinand
a fost preocupat de starea armatei i de atmosfera existent n rndul trupei i mai ales n
interiorul corpului de generali i ofieri. Atenia acordat de monarh avea la baz mai multe
raiuni. n primul rnd, n calitate de ef al armatei, el dorea s fie popular n armat, s aib
autoritatea necesar pentru ca, n caz de intervenie, oriunde s-ar fi produs ea, alturi de
Antant sau de Puterile Centrale, otirea s se

conformeze ordinului regal. n al doilea rnd,
n perspectiva angajrii n rzboi, structurile
de comand i stat major trebuiau s fie ncadrate cu ofieri i generali competeni, care s
conduc eficient marile uniti pe cmpul de
lupt. n acest scop, imediat dup declanarea
rzboiului, el a organizat timp de cteva luni
bune, de regul smbt la prnz, o serie de
ntlniri cu generali i ofieri. A fost un bun
prilej de a-i cunoate mai bine, de a evalua
pregtirea, competena i opiunile lor.
Concluziile desprinse nu au fost prea optimiste, regele Ferdinand cptnd convingerea
c o remprosptare a corpului de generali era
absolut necesar. A fost, de altfel, una din con-
* Director adjunct, Institutul pentru Studii de Aprare i Istorie Militar.
Revista de istorie militar
General de divizie Alexandru Averescu,

comandant al Corpului 1 armat
(1914-1916)
cluziile reieite i din discuia cu Alexandru

Marghiloman, menionat mai sus. O asemenea soluie era impus de evoluiile de pn
atunci ale elitei militare romneti i de experiena desprins din desfurarea operaiilor
pe diverse teatre de operaiii militare n anii
neutralitii Romniei.
Corpul superior de comand n perioada antebelic. nvmintele campaniei din
1913
n lunga perioad de pace de dup Rzboiul de independen, armata romn a cunoscut o serie de prefaceri nsemnate care au avut
drept scop s in pasul cu modificrile aprute
pe plan internaional n domeniul construciei
militare, a artei rzboiului, s-i sporeasc starea combativ i eficiena pe cmpul de lupt2.
Practic, se dorea ca Regatul romn s posede
un instrument militar credibil, care s contribuie la asigurarea securitii sale ntr-un mediu
2
internaional care a cunoscut multe momente

de tensiune i care au culminat cu rzboaiele
balcanice din anii 1912-1913 i cu declanarea
Marelui Rzboi.
Multiplele necesiti reclamate de modernizarea societii romneti, coroborate cu prezena statului romn n Tripla Alian3, au determinat ca progresele s fie modeste, fenomen
contientizat, de altfel, de ctre autoritile politice i elita militar a rii mai ales ctre sfritul perioadei. Pe aceast baz, abia ctre finalul
primului deceniu al secolului al XX-lea s-au ntreprins msuri serioase de reforme, un exemplu fiind Legea de organizare a armatei, iniiat
n 1908 de generalul Alexandru Averescu, ministrul de rzboi n perioada 1907-19094.
Dar, lipsurile acumulate anterior nu au putut fi eliminate, astfel c n campania din anul
1913, sau rzboiul romno-bulgar cum a mai
fost denumit expediia militar, acestea au ieit n eviden cu prisosin5.
Unul dintre cele mai importante neajunsuri
a fost lipsa mare de cadre, mai ales a celor subalterni. Au existat numai 3 920 de cadre active, restul pn la 10.600 fiind ofieri de rezerv. Ofierii activi reprezentau, cu alte cuvinte,
doar 36,98% din total.
Dac Marele Stat Major (Serviciul de stat
major) i comandamentele de corp de armat
i divizii au fost satisfctor ncadrate, la ealoanele inferioare lucrurile erau departe de a
fi n ordine. Brigzile nu aveau state majore,
companiile regimentelor de infanterie active
dispuneau doar de doi ofieri subalterni activi,
iar cele de rezerv erau ncadrate doar cu ofieri de aceeai categorie, dar de rezerv. Artileria era, de asemenea, slab ncadrat n privina
numrului de ofieri din statele majore etc.6.
Pe lng insuficiena cronic a efectivelor
de ofieri, n special cei subalterni, destinai s
comande plutoane, companii, batalioane, corpul superior de comand a fost insuficient i
inegal pregtit pentru funciile n care a fost
ncadrat7. Aceast constatare o fcuse anterior
i regele Carol I. ntr-o discuie cu Alexandru
Marghiloman, din 29 decembrie 1912, monarhul gsea pe divizionarii notri, afar de
Cotescu i Prezan, foarte slabi8.
Campania din 1913 a confirmat, cel puin n
parte, concluzia la care a ajuns monarhul. Unii
generali nu s-au ridicat la nivelul exigenelor
funciilor ncredinate, astfel c au trebuit s

prseasc serviciul activ9.
Asupra nivelului de competen a corpului superior de comand i-a pus amprenta i
modul de organizare a pregtirii lor. Pn la
crearea colii Superioare de Rzboi n 1889,
ofierii de stat major erau formai, de regul, n
strintate (Germania, Austro-Ungaria, Frana, Belgia, Italia). De la aceast dat pregtirea
lor s-a realizat cu preponderen n ar, fr a
se ntrerupe contactele cu mediul extern10.
Pornind de aici, dar i de la prezena Romniei n cadrul Triplei Aliane, a existat o anumit inconsisten doctrinar n armata romn.
Regele Carol I a ncercat, n timpul lungii sale
domnii, s schimbe modelul francez de organizare militar introdus de domnitorul Alexandru
Ioan Cuza, cu unul de sorginte german. Lucrul
acesta era firesc, suveranul avnd convingerea
absolut c, ntr-un eventual rzboi, Romnia
va fi alturi de Germania, ara sa de origine. Ca
atare, preocuparea pentru ntrirea comandamentului a fost modest, ntruct n caz de beligeran, ofierii germani ar fi avut un rol major
n conducerea operaiilor, fie prin comanda direct a unor mari uniti i uniti, fie prin rolul
de consilieri ai comandanilor romni11.
Modelul german de organizare i funcionare nu s-a putut impune definitiv, muli ofieri
romni, inclusiv de rang nalt, rmnnd ataai modelului francez. Acest aspect a ieit n
eviden la nceputul rzboiului, cnd s-a pus
problema opiunii statului romn pentru cele
dou tabere beligerante. Majoritatea corpului
de comand s-a pronunat pentru intrarea n
rzboi alturi de Antant12, ceea ce a reprezentat un motiv suplimentar de amrciune pentru regele Carol I, care i vedea compromis,
la sfritul domniei, ntreaga sa oper.
O alt trstur a evoluiei elitei militare autohtone pn la conflagraia mondial a
fost modul defectuos de avansare la gradele
superioare i mai ales la cel de general. Pn
n anul 1905, naintarea la acest grad, att de
rvnit, se hotra de guvern pe baza propunerii ministrului de rzboi. Maniera genera mai
ntotdeauna discuii, ntruct beneficiarii erau
privii cu suspiciune, avansarea lor fiind pus,
cel mai adesea, pe seama influenei patronilor
politici sau a diverselor influene externe i
mai puin pe seama propriilor merite13.
Dup aceast dat, modalitatea a fost

schimbat, responsabilitatea fiind transferat
Comitetului inspectorilor generali, condus de
ministrul de resort. n componena lui intrau 19
de persoane: doi subinspectori de armat; eful
Marelui Stat Major; comandanii celor cinci
corpuri de armat; eful Statului Major Regal;
guvernatorul Cetii Bucureti; comandantul
Regiunii fortificate Focani-Nmoloasa-Galai;
inspectorii generali ai artileriei, geniului, cavaleriei, marinei, jandarmeriei rurale i al stabilimentelor de artilerie, comandantul Corpului
de grniceri, directorul infanteriei. Pn n
1913 mai intraser n acest comitet i inspectorii generali sanitar i administrativ14.
Nici aceast formul nu a generat consensul
printre ofierii de rang nalt, principala observaie fiind aceea c avansarea la gradul de colonel
i general depindea de persoane care nu l cunoteau pe cel propus. S-a fcut propunerea de
restrngere a numrului de membri, dar pn la
intrarea Romniei n rzboi situaia nu s-a modificat.
Un alt aspect privete evoluia n carier a
diferitelor categorii de ofieri. La sfritul secolului al XIX-lea i nceputul secolului al XX-lea,
pe plan internaional a funcionat principiul
potrivit creia ofierii din aa numitele arme
tehnice, cum ar fi geniul i artileria, au pregtire tiinific superioar fa de cei provenii
din alte arme, cu deosebire infanteria.
O asemenea idee a fost preluat i n armata
romn, muli minitri de rzboi crend posibilitatea ca ofierii din celelalte arme, n special
geniu, s poat trece n infanterie. Urmarea a
fost ascensiunea spectaculoas a ofierilor din
cele dou arme mai sus amintite, ceea ce a creat
nemulumiri i animoziti n rndul corpului
de ofieri.
Astfel, n 1912, armata romn dispunea
de dou regimente de geniu, dar existau patru
generali de divizie, nou generali de brigad i
14 colonei provenind din arma geniului15. Situaii relativ similare se ntlneau i n artilerie i
chiar n cavalerie, defavorizai fiind ofierii de
infanterie.
n concluzie, organizarea i ncadrarea comandamentului superior al armatei romne la
nceputul conflagraiei mondiale reflecta evoluiile sinuoase, stngciile i msurile insuficient fundamentate adoptate n timp de pace.
3
La declanarea conflagraiei mondiale, organizarea comandamentului superior al armatei romne era cea stabilit n primele luni ale
guvernrii liberale17. Ministrul de resort era
Ion I. C. Brtianu, care ndeplinea i funcia de
prim ministru al rii, efia Marelui Stat Major era exercitat de generalul Vasile Zottu, la
origine genist, trecut n rezerv i apoi reactivat, iar secretar general al departamentului
fusese desemnat, n ianuarie 1914, colonelul,
ulterior general, Dumitru Iliescu. Accederea

lui Dumitru Iliescu n aceast postur se datora prieteniei cu primul ministru, cei doi fiind
colegi n timpul studiilor din Frana. Fiind om
de ncredere al lui Ion I. C. Brtianu, el a devenit persoana cea mai influent n Ministerul de
Rzboi. Din aceste motive, Iliescu a fost contestat de corpul ofieresc, el fiind, n plus, mult
mai tnr dect majoritatea generalilor activi.
Ministeriatul lui Ion I.C. Brtianu la Rzboi
l-am analizat cu alt prilej, cumulul de funcii
avnd avantaje evidente, dar i neajunsuri serioase18. Cert este c, dup intrarea n conflict, la
15/28 august 1916, formula a fost abandonat,
efia departamentului de resort fiind preluat de
Vintil Brtianu, fratele premierului, un om cu o
ridicat capacitate de munc i de o cinste fr
cusur.
Cum rzboiul romno-bulgar a evideniat
serioase lacune n pregtirea cadrelor active i
de rezerv ale armatei romne, n cei doi ani
de neutralitate s-au ntreprins ample msuri
de sporire a numrului acestora. Edificatoare
este statistica de mai jos19:
General de brigad Dumitru Iliescu, secretar

general al Ministerului de Rzboi (1914-1916)
General de divizie Vasile Zottu, ef al Marelui

Stat major al Armatei (1914-1916)
Dar, situaia armatei romne din punctul de

vedere al structurrii naltului comandament
nu era singular n rndul armatelor europene.
n afar de armata german care era ntr-adevr un instrument de rzboi, celelalte se confruntau cu aproape aceleai probleme. Ierarhia
din timp de pace se structureaz pe principii,
care, de regul, sunt infirmate de realitile
cmpului de lupt16.
Organizarea i funcionarea comandamentului superior al armatei n perioada
1914-1916
Situaia ofierilor activi i de rezerv

la 1 iulie 1914
Activi
Rezerv
Total
Generali
42
74
116
Ofieri
superiori
869
509
1378
Cpitani
1543
780
2323
Ofieri
subalterni
(locoteneni,
sublocoteneni)
2436
4849
7285
Total
4890
6212
11102
Situaia ofierilor activi

i de rezerv la 1 iulie 1916
Activi
Rezerv
Total
Generali
55
90
145
Ofieri
superiori
999
590
1589
Cpitani
1386
830
2216
Ofieri
subalterni
(locoteneni,
sublocoteneni)
4161
10631
Total
6601
12141
14792
18742
Compararea celor dou situaii evideniaz

c n rstimp de doi ani de zile, numrul ofierilor subalterni a crescut spectaculos i aproape s-a dublat, n timp ce numrul generalilor i
al ofierilor superiori s-a mrit ntr-o proporie
relativ mic. Curios este i faptul c numrul
cpitanilor activi a sczut, iar a celor de rezerv a rmas practic constant. Acest lucru se
poate explica prin trecerea acestora n rndul
ofierilor superiori i prin plecri din serviciul
activ (demisii, treceri n rezerv etc.).
Dac numrul ofierilor a crescut, calitatea acestora nu s-a mbuntit semnificativ,
msurile luate punnd accent pe cantitate. A
sporit numrul tinerilor n colile pregtitoare de ofieri activi i de rezerv, durata nvmntului n aceste instituii a fost redus la
un an, elevii continund pregtirea la corpurile
de trup nc unul. Au fost relaxate condiiile de admitere, n aceste coli fiind primii tineri care aveau ase, cinci sau patru clase secundare. Medicilor li s-a prelungit activitatea
pn la 65 de ani, iar studenii de la medicin
au fost inclui n planurile de mobilizare etc.
Autoritile au fost obligate s procedeze de o
asemenea manier, datorit sporirii cadrului
organizatoric al armatei, ceea ce ce a impus ncadrarea noilor structuri create prin planul de
mobilizare.
Totui, nu toate msurile au fost inspirate.
Desfiinarea colilor de subofieri20 i mai ales
suspendarea cursurilor colii Superioare de
Rzboi21 au avut efecte negative asupra nivelului de pregtire a cadrelor, a corpului superior
de comand.
Revenind la corpul generalilor, reinem c
n timpul celor doi ani ct a durat neutralitatea Romniei, el s-a rennoit n mare msur.
Astfel, la 1 iulie 1916, existau, aa cum precizat mai sus, 55 de generali activi, care ncadrau
structurile operative. Din acetia 11 erau generali de divizie, iar 44 generali de brigad22.
Din cei 11 generali de divizie, cinci obinuser
acest grad n anii 1915 i 191623, iar restul de
ase fuseser avansai nainte de 191424.
Din cei 44 de generali de brigad, mai mult
de jumtate, respectiv 23, au fost avansai dup
izbucnirea conflagraiei mondiale. Printre ei se
aflau nume care se vor afirma puternic n anii
rzboiului Constantin Iancovescu, Arthur
Vitoianu, Ioan Drglina, Alexandru Lupescu,
Eremia Grigorescu, David Praporgescu,
Gheorghe Mrdrescu, Nicolae Petala, Nicolae
Sinescu .a. Dup cum pe aceast list se gseau i alii care vor claca n cursul campaniilor Dumitru Iliescu, Constantin Teodorescu,
Traian Giseanu, Matei Castri .a.
n perspectiva intrrii n rzboi, organizarea comandamentului superior a fost defectuoas. Comandamentele de armate, prevzute a
se crea la mobilizare, nu s-au constituit pe timp
de pace, fapt care a creat mari dificulti n
conducerea trupelor n primele sptmni de
campanie. Totodat, numirea comandanilor a
nclcat principiul potrivit cruia trecerea de
la organizarea de pace la cea de rzboi trebuie
s suporte ct mai puine modificri. Comandant al Armatei 1 a fost numit generalul Ioan
5
Culcer, reactivat n acest scop. Armata a 2-a a

fost preluat de generalul Alexandru Averescu, ef al Marelui Stat Major ntre 1911-1913 i
comandant al Corpului 1 armat (1914-1916),
dizlocat la Craiova. Armata a 3-a a fost preluat de generalul Mihail Aslan, iar Armata 4 de
generalul Constantin Prezan. Singurul care a
pstrat sub autoritatea sa trupele comandate n
perioada neutralitii a fost generalul Prezan.
Soluia cea mai eficient ar fi fost ca Averescu
s comande Armata 1, generalul Mihail Aslan
Armata a-2-a, iar Ioan Culcer Armata 325. n
acest mod, comandanii de armate s-ar fi regsit, n mare parte, n mijlocul propriilor trupe.
Nici la nivelul statelor majore ale armatelor i
corpurilor de armat, organizarea n-a respectat integral principiul enunat mai sus.
n aprilie 1916, generalul Alexandru Iarca,
disponibilizat pentru limit de vrst n aceeai
lun, s-a ntlnit cu generalul Dumitru Iliescu,
secretar general al Ministerului de Rzboi.
Iarca era nemulumit c ordinea de btaie nu
se modificase, fiind pstrai n funcie o serie
de comandani cu rezultate mediocre. Iliescu
i-a rspuns s nu aib nici o grij, acelora dintre comandani care sunt slabi li se vor da efi
de stat majori buni. Iarca a fcut observaia c
o astfel de formul a fost deseori lipsit de eficien, n plus el contestnd c n armata romn
ar exista suficieni ofieri de stat major buni26.
La nivelul comandamentelor de armat,
s-a aplicat acelai principiu ca i n cazul comandanilor. La Armata 1, ef de stat major
a fost investit generalul Alexandru Lupescu,
din aparatul Ministerului de Rzboi, la Armata a 2-a a fost numit generalul Constantin Cristescu, subef al Marelui Stat major i
unul dintre autorii Planului de camapanie, iar
generalul Gheorghe Mrdrescu, fost ef de
major al Corpului 2 armat, a fost transferat
la Armata 3. Singurul care i-a pstrat funcia
a fost colonelul Iacob Zadik, la Armata a 4-a.
Soluia optim ar fi fost similar celei din cazul
comandanilor. efii de stat major ai corpurilor
1 i 2 ar fi trebuit s-i urmeze comandanii, iar
la Armata a 3-a trebuia s fie numit Alexandru
Lupescu, dac se dorea o schimbare.
i la nivelul corpurilor de armat au existat
situaii paradoxale, care se datorau evoluiiilor
anterioare. Din cei apte comandani, cinci proveneau din arma geniului (generalii Dumitru
6
Cotescu C.2A; Constantin Tnsescu C.3

A; Gheorghe Vleanu C.5A; Ioan Racu
C.7A; Constantin Prezan C.4 A27), iar cte
unul din cavalerie (Ioan Popovici) i artilerie
(Gheorghe Georgescu). Printre ei nu se afla
nici un infanterist, dei infanteria reprezenta
81% din efectivul armatei romne la nceputul
campaniei.
Fr a intra n detalii, vom preciza c performanele cele mai bune n campania din 1916
le-a avut Armata 4, care practic nu a cunoscut
nfrngerea. Una din explicaii a fost, fr ndoial, i continuitatea i sudura echipei din
fruntea sa.
Un alt fenomen ntlnit n anii neutralitii n interiorul corpului superior de comand
este legtura insuficient ntre Ministerul de
Rzboi i Marele Stat Major. Primul era, practic, condus, aa cum am artat, de generalul
Dumitru Iliescu, generalul Zottu avnd un rol
subordonat. Acest lucru a fost consemnat de
generalul Radu R. Rosetti, n acel moment ef
al Biroului operaii n Marele Stat Major. eful
de secie, colonelul Ion Rcanu, viitor general
i ministru de rzboi, lucra cu generalii mai sus
amintii, care semnau documentele tale quale
fr s le studieze, rareori primind o directiv
de la acetia28.
Generalul Constantin Christescu, subef al
Marelui Stat Major, confirma o asemenea stare
de lucruri. La 1/17 februarie 1915, el a avut o
ntlnire cu Alexandru Marghiloman, cruia
i-a destinuit c ntre Statul Major i Ministerul
de Rzboi nu era nici o legtur. Tunurile duse
pe vile Oituzului, Buzu, Prahova i luate de
la Nmoloasa, s-au pus, continua Christescu,
fr tirea Statului-major; ordine din Minister
i date de maiorul Srbu29.
i Alexandru Averescu a asesizat disfunciile n privina coordonrii activitii la nivelul
Ministerului de Rzboi i Marelui Stat Major30.
Dar criticile aduse permanent celor dou organisme, aa cum rzbat ele din prea cunoscutele Notie zilnice din rzboi, in, n cazul lui
Averescu, de animozitatea profund ntre el
i Brtianu i de dorina vie a generalului de a
ajunge n fruntea Marelui Stat Major. Fondul
lor corespunde, ns, n cea mai mare parte, realitilor epocii.
n concluzie, organizarea i funcionarea
comandamentului Armatei romne n perioa Revista de istorie militar
General de brigad Constantin Christescu,

subef al marelui Stat Major
(1914-1916)
Ion I. C. Brtianu, prim ministru i ministru

de Rzboi (1914-1916)
da neutralitii s-a resimit de pe urma evoluiilor anterioare, pstrnd anumite caracteristici

ale epocii antebelice. n acelai timp, la nivelul
ealoanelor superioare s-a produs o masiv restructurare a personalului, fr ca aceasta s
se reflecte direct i nemijlocit asupra eficienei
actului de comand.
Mai trebuie subliniat i faptul c organizarea naltului comandament la sfritul neutralitii a contribuit ntr-o anumit msur la insuccesele militare din primele luni de
campaniei. Este, ns, exagerat s se aprecieze
c organizarea i funcionarea defectuoas a
acestuia ar fi reprezentat singura cauza a eecurilor din campania anului 1916. Motivele lor
sunt, evident, mai complexe i exced cadrul
studiului de fa.
Pentru evoluia organismului militar romnesc n perioada 1878-1912 a se vedea, ntre

altele, Istoria militar a poporului romn, vol.
V, Editura Militar, Bucureti, 1988, p. 82-234;
Aprarea naional i parlamentul Romniei,
vol. 1, Editura Militar, Bucureti, 1992; Istoria Statului Major General romn. Documente
1859-1947, Editura Militar, Bucureti, 1994;
Petre Otu, Statul Major General i reformele
organismului militar 1878-1916, n Statul Major General 1859-2004. Istorie i transformare,
Centrul Tehnic Editorial al Armatei, Bucureti,
2004, p. 46-64; Petre Otu (coordonator), Reforma militar i societatea n Romnia. (18782008). Relaionri externe i determinri naionale, Editura Militar, Bucureti, 2009,
p. 47-94; Ion Giurc, Maria Georgescu, Statul
Major General Romn (1859-1950). Organizare i atribuii funcionale, Editura Militar,
Bucureti, 2012, p. 37-100 etc.
3
G. Czan, S. Rdulescu-Zoner, Romnia
i Tripla Alian, Bucureti, Editura tiinific
NOTE
1
Alexandru Marghiloman, Note politice,
vol. I, 1897-1915, p. 555.
i Enciclopedic, 1979; Documente Diplomatice Romne, seria I, volumul 11, 1883, volum
realizat de Alin Ciupal, Rudolf Dinu, Antal
Lukcs, cuvnt nainte de Mihai-Rzvan Ungureanu, ministrul Afacerilor Externe, introducere de Rudolf Dinu, Editura Academiei,
Bucureti, 2006.
4
Ministerul de Rzboi, Lege pentru organizarea armatei cu dezbaterile din Camer i Senat, Tipografia Curii Regale, F. Gbl i fiii, Bucureti, 1908; Petre Otu, Marealul Alexandru
Averescu. Militarul, omul politic, legenda, Editura Militar, Bucureti, 2005, p. 64-73.
5
Pentru aspectele militare ale participrii
Romniei la al Doilea Rzboi Balcanic a se vedea: Prof. dr. Gerota, Impresiuni i preri din
timpul aciunei militare n Bulgaria 22 iunie20 august 1913, Atelierele grafice SOCEC&Co.,
Societate anonim, Bucureti, 1913; Colonelul
V. Parfeni, Studiu istoric al campaniei romno-bulgare din anul 1913, Tipografia modern
Cultura, Societate colectiv, Bucureti, 1914;
Corvin M. Petrescu, Istoricul campaniei militare din anul 1913, Imprimeria Jockey Club,
Bucureti, 1914; General V. Economu, maior
Gh. Gheorghiu, Discuiuni asupra rzboaielor
din Balcani 1912-1913. Studiu alctuit dup
programmul analitic al colii Superioare de
Rzboi n anul 1926, Bucureti, 1926; Colonel George G. Garoescu, Rzboaiele balcanice
1912-1913 i Campania Romn din Bulgaria,
ediia a II-a, Tipografia Centrului de instrucie
al infanteriei, Sfntul Gheorghe, 1935 etc.
6
Romnia n Rzboiul Mondial (n cont
nuare sigla RRM), vol. 1, Monitorul Oficial i
Imprimeriile Statului, Imprimeria Naional,
Bucureti, 1934, p. 31.
7
Pentru starea de spirit i nivelul de pregtire al corpului ofieresc romn a se vedea i
studiul lui Gheorghe Ttrescu, Relele organice ale armatei noastre, n Gheorghe Ttrescu,
Mrturii pentru istorie, ediie ngrijit de
Sanda Ttrescu-Negroponte, cuvnt nainte
de Nicolae-erban Tanaoca, Editura Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1996, p. 1-19.
8
Alexandru Marghiloman, op. cit., p. 138.
9
Dintre acetia putem meniona pe generalii Alexandru Musta i Gheorghe Bogdan.
De asemenea, generalul Ion Culcer a fost trecut n rezerv, dar a fost meninut n activitate
pe baza unor legi speciale.
8
10
Petre Otu, Pregtirea ofierilor de stat
major n strintate (1878-1940), Gndirea
Militar Romneasc, nr.1/2015.
11
I. G. Duca, Memorii, vol. III, Rzboiul,
Partea I, (1916-1917), ediie i indice de Stelian
Neagoe, Editura Machiavelli, Bucureti, 1994,
p. 36.
12
Petre Otu, Poziii ale ofierilor romni
fa de situaia i conduita Romniei la nceputul Marelui Rzboi, comunicare prezentat la sesiunea tiinific: Romnii la nceputul
Marelui Rzboi, Bucureti, 25 septembrie
2014.
13
A se vedea, ca exemplu, lucrarea: Generalul de divizie N. Mihescu, Amintiri i nvminte din rzboiul de ntregire a neamului
1916-1919, Editura ziarului Universul, Bucureti, 1936, p. 205-211.
14
General Alexandru Iarca, Memorialul
meu, Librria i Tipografia Ion Clinescu, Buzu, 1923, p. 179.
15
Ibidem, p. 193-194.
16
A se vedea, Histoire Militaire de la France, 3. De 1871 1940, sous la direction dAndr
Corvisier, Presses Universitaires de France,
Paris, 1992, p. 13-161.
17
Petre Otu, Armata Romn la declanarea Primului Rzboi Mondial, Revista de Istorie Militar, nr. 1-2/2014.
18
Idem, Echip nou, probleme vechi. Ministeriatul lui Ion I. C. Brtianu la Rzboi
(1914-1916), Comunicare pentru sesiunea tiinific internaional Armata Romn i Politica Naional, 24 iulie 2015, Piteti.
19
RRM, vol. I, Anexa nr. 4.
20
Radu R. Rosetti, Mrturisiri (1914-1919),
ediie ngrijit, studiu introductiv i note de
Maria Georgescu, Editura Modelism, Bucureti, 1997, p. 57.
21
Detalii n: Istoricul colii Superioare de
Rzboi 1889-1939, Bucureti, 1939; General locotenent Mircea Agapie, maior Dnu-Mircea
Chiriac, maior Ion Emil, maior Constantin
Hlihor, De la coala Superioar de Rzboi la
Academia de nalte Studii Militare. Comandani, profesori, absolveni (1889-1895), Editura Academiei de nalte Studii Militare, Bucureti, 1995.
22
Anuarul Armatei Romne pe anul 1916
(cuprinznd mutaiile ofierilor pn la 1 iulie
1916 inclusiv), Tipografia Universala Iancu
Ionescu, Bucureti, 1916, p. 429-433.
23
n aceast postur s-au aflat generalii de
brigad: Ioan Racu (Comandantul Regiunii
Focani-Nmoloasa Galai; 10 mai 1915);
Gheorghe Georgescu (Comandantul Corpului
5 armat; 10 mai 1915); Constantin Tnsescu
(Inspectorul general al geniului; 10 mai 1915);
Constantin Costescu (comandantul Diviziei
6 infanterie; 1 aprilie 1916); Ioan Popovici (1
aprilie 1916).
24
Generalii Constantin Coand, subinspector al Subinspectoratului I, Leon
Mavrocordat, eful Casei Militare Regale, Alexandru Averescu, Dumitru Cotescu,
Constantin Prezan, Mihail Aslan, comandaii
corpurilor 1,2,4 i 3 armat.
25
Generalul G. A. Dabija, Armata Romn
n Rzboiul Mondial (1916-1918), cu o prefa de general de corp de armat Alexandru
Averescu, vol. 1, Editura I.G. Herz, Bucureti,
p. 162.
26
General Alexandru Iarca, op. cit. p. 178.
Dup unele informaii n armata romn ar
fi existat 430 de ofieri de stat major brevetai (Cf. 90 de ani de la intrarea Romniei n
Primul Rzboi Mondial, Occasional Papers,
9/2007, p.83).
27
Constantin Prezan i-a pstrat i funcia
de comandant de corp de armat.
28
Radu R. Rosetti, op. cit., p. 53.
29
Alexandru Marghiloman, op. cit., p. 402.
Locotenent-colonelul Grigore Srbu era eful de cabinet al generalului Dumitru Iliescu.
Radu R. Rosetti are cuvinte de laud la adresa
competenei i caracterului acestuia i pune
derapajele lui Iliescu din primele sptmni de
campanie pe lipsa lui Srbu, grav bolnav.
30
Mareal Alexandru Averescu, Notie
zilnice din rzboiu 1914-1916 (Neutralitatea)
Ediia I-a, Institutul de Arte Grafice i Editura
Apollo, Bucureti, 1937.
Les pays du Sud-est europen

dans la Grande Guerre (1915).
Trois reportages dAlbert Londres
et les mmoires de Gheorghe
Jurgea-Negrileti
EMANUEL C. ANTOCHE *
MATEI CAZACU **
Abstract
A famous and intrepid reporter, Albert Londres has visited Bucharest, Sofia and Thessaloniki
in July and December 1915. His articles published in Petit Journal were occasioned by his mission
on the Turkish front. In Romania, he has observed how the two coalitions are making strenuous
attempts to convince the government to enter the war, on one side or the other. He noted the
sympathy for the Entente and especially for France of the most part of the political class and
public opinion, and the payments made by Germany to corrupt politicians or newspapers. In
Bulgaria, the situation was not yet clear. Londres was just to remark that conquest of the entire
Macedonia was the big issue which will determine how the government in Sofia will act. The
third article describes how the city of Thessaloniki, the headquarters of general Sarrail, was full
of German and Austrian spies, whose presence was enabled by the neutrality of Greece in that
moment.
The other subject of the study concerns some fragments of the memories of Gh. JurgeaNegrileti, about the Russian fleet sent to Serbia through Reni and Galai in September 1914.
Prince P. Urusov declared to that occasion that Russia had the intention to occupy the Danube
from Galai to Cernavoda.
Keywords: Bucharest, Sofia, Thessaloniki, World War I, Gallipoli, I. I. C. Brtianu, Carol I,
Vasil Radoslavov, Maurice Sarrail
Lors de nos promenades habituelles chez

les antiquaires bouquinistes du Quartier Latin
nous avons dcouvert, un jour, par hasard, un
recueil darticles du clbre journaliste franais
Albert Londres (1884-1932), intitul Si je
toublie Constantinople Ce recueil runit les
reportages crits pour le Petit Journal1 sur les

fronts de Serbie, des Dardanelles et du Salonique, entre mars 1915 et septembre 1917.
Nous avons choisi de reproduire trois
textes: n 14: La vie et les tapes de la Roumanie. Dans lattente (16 juillet 1915); n
* Doctor n litere, cole des Hautes tudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris, Centre dtudes turques,
ottomanes, balkaniques et centrasiatiques.
** Doctor n litere, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Frana, Centre dtudes turques,
ottomanes, balkaniques et centrasiatiques.
10
15: Pourquoi la Bulgarie regarde (23 juillet

1915); n 25: Salonique, nid despions (27
dcembre 1915)2. Pareil aux autres reportages
prsents dans le volume ils nont pas chapp
la censure omniprsente, les lignes pointilles ntant que les passages supprims par les
cerbres en uniforme contre lesquels Londres
stait insurg maintes reprises. Il lavait fait
notamment dans une srie darticles rdigs
sur les fronts de Lorraine, de Champagne, belge et italien, doctobre 1917 jusqu la fin de la
guerre, et rassembls dans un recueil posthume Contre le bourrage de crne3. Les militaires
lui en voulait tel point que son nom figurait
sur une liste noire de lEtat-major, assorti de
la mention: Mauvaise tte!. Le Haut commandement avait mme dpos une plainte
contre lui pour insolence et insubordination auprs de la direction du Petit Journal qui
avait soutenu nanmoins son reporter. Si les
autorits franaises lavait dj mis au pilori,
le roi George V le nomme officier honoraire
de lOrdre de lempire britannique. Les Anglais
nont pas oubli, eux, les services rendus par le
journaliste la cause allie. Albert Londres tait dailleurs absent la crmonie du 20 mars
1920, personne ne sachant o le joindre4.
Il se trouvait sur les traces de Victor Kopp, le
reprsentant officiel des Soviets en Allemagne,
un ambassadeur sans ambassade qui vivait cach dans le quartier berlinois de Wilhemsdorff.
Son but final? Obtenir tout prix un visa pour
se rendre dans la patrie de lavenir radieux et
connatre la vrit sur le bolchevisme! Il a fallu
par la suite rejoindre Copenhague, guetter cinq
jours daffil devant lHtel du Prince-Frdric,
pour importuner le camarade Litvinov grce
auquel il russit davoir ses passeports5. Il demeure en Russie jusquau dbut du mois de
juin, en sjournant Petrograd et Moscou. La
misre de la population le bouleverse tel point quil crit, dans les colonnes dExcelsior, au
sujet de la soupe populaire:
Entrez l-dedans dans ces soupes. Cest les
yeux agrandis que nous avons regard distribuer cette manne communiste. De 3 4 heures,
le troupeau humain sy trane. Chacun porte
son cuelle ou une vieille bote de conserves
ou un ex-plat la barbe, voire de vraies gamelles. Ils tendent cela au comptoir graisseux. La
portion de bouillon immonde, claboussant,
tombe comme elle peut dans leurs baquets.
Avidement, ils lavalent. Cest le dernier degr de la dgradation, ce sont des tables pour
hommes. Cest la Troisime Internationale. A
la quatrime on marchera quatre pattes, la
cinquime on aboiera6.
Londres est le quatrime journaliste occidental qui pntre au Q. G. bolchevique de
lInstitut Smolny Petrograd aprs le Franais
Ludovic Naudeau7, les Britanniques Arthur
Ransome (London Daily News), Morgan Phillips
Price (Manchester Guardian) et lAmricain
John Silas Reed (The Masses)8. Contrairement
leurs collgues anglo-saxons, les Franais se
montrent trs critiques lgard du rgime en
place. Londres russit interviewer Krassikoff,
le commissaire la Justice et Tchitchrine, le
commissaire aux Affaires Etrangres. Avant
son dpart de Moscou, celui-ci lui demande: Eh bien Monsieur Londres, vous avez vu
maintenant. Sommes-nous des btes froces?
Non, mais vous tes des btes!9.
Ses dix-sept articles publis dans les pages de lExcelsior nont pas t bien accueillis
Moscou dautant que la dception du journaliste est immense: mensonge, arbitraire, militarisme outrancier, famine, oppression, massa11
cres10. La Tcheka, qui depuis deux ans a le droit

de condamner et dexcuter sans en rfrer aux
tribunaux rvolutionnaires, est dj sur ses traces en enqutant mme Paris dans les hautes
sphres du pouvoir rpublicain11. Sa mort, le 16
mai 1932, au large du Djibouti, dans lincendie
du Georges Philippar, le bateau qui le ramenait de Chine vers la France, ne semble pas
trangre aux agissements des services secrets
sovitiques. Ayant pass plus de quatre mois
Shanghai et Moukden, en Mandchourie,
pour couvrir les vnements lis lagression
militaire japonaise, Londres pense avoir entrepris lenqute de sa vie: il est question de trafic
darmes, de la drogue, dimmixtion bolchevique dans les affaires chinoises, tel quil en rsulte de la reconstitution minutieuse de Pierre
Assouline. Lindustriel Alfred Lang-Wilar et
son pouse, prsents aussi bord du Georges
Philippar, les seuls dtenteurs des informations explosives que Londres emportait avec lui
dans la tombe disparaissaient, quelques jours
12
plus tard, dans le crash de lavion qui les rapatriait, depuis Brindisi, en France12.
Il ny avait pas que la Russie des bolcheviques ou cette Chine en folie, terre promise
des seigneurs de la guerre, des bandits et des
ranonneurs sans scrupules: Si Lnine a
vu Shanghai il est excusable13. La France,
elle non plus nest pas pargne, notamment
la classe politique, les dignitaires, les bureaucrates de tout bord, contre lesquels Londres
pratique un journalisme irritant, engag, radical: Notre mtier nest pas de faire plaisir, non
plus de faire du tort, il est de porter la plume
dans la plaie14. Au bagne, publi chez Albin
Michel en 1924, reprsente un rquisitoire impitoyable du systme pnitencier en Guyane
(Cayenne, Saint-Laurent-du-Maroni, les les
du Salut)15. La mme anne, dans une srie de
dix-neuf articles, publis dans Le Petit Parisien, il sen prend aux tablissements disciplinaires de larme, en Afrique du Nord, les bagnes
de la terrible Biribi dissmines partout en Tunisie, au Maroc, en Algrie. Mais ils nont rien
envier aux prisons bolcheviques mme Cayenne tant du sirop grenadine ct16.
Le scandale clate, le Ministre de la Guerre
riposte, mais les arguments dAlbert Londres
sont infaillibles et sa mthode fait mme cole
parmi ses confrres journalistes17. Il y a aussi
Terre dbne, dj cite, rcit dun voyage du
Sngal au Congo o il dnonce les excs de la
colonisation, et surtout la bonne conscience du
parti colonial. La construction des voies ferres
ou les exploitations forestires provoquent un
nombre effroyable des morts parmi les travailleurs africains, les ngres des ngres18. Au
cours de ce priple, Niafounk, Londres se
lie damiti avec Paul Morand, qui crira lui
aussi, un jour, des pages inoubliables sur Bucarest. Cette tourne africaine en compagnie
de sa femme Hlne lui servait de socle son
prochain livre, Paris-Tombouctou, publi chez
Flammarion19.
A lpoque o Albert Londres merge sur la
scne du grand reportage, les patrons franais
de la presse nen continuent pas moins de louer
le professionnalisme et la rigueur avec lesquels
les journalistes amricains ont lhabitude de
rcolter linformation. Mais ils se refusent,
quant eux, lutiliser ltat brut, dans toute sa scheresse sans un traitement appropri.
Fernand Xau, lditorialiste du Journal lavait

dailleurs exprim en ces termes: Nous sommes trop raffins pour nous contenter dun reportage trop sec20. Selon lui,le grand reporter doit mler les portraits dhommes de toutes
conditions la description dvnements de toutes sortes et, surtout, briller tant par ses qualits dcriture et danalyse que par sa rapidit
et son ingniosit transmettre les articles21.
Voici le style cultiv avec aisance par Albert
Londres, la preuve dun talent littraire incontestable:
Sa phrase est courte, simple, directe. Sujet, verbe, complment: son idal dcriture. La
concision est de rgle. Il ramasse beaucoup en
peu de mots, comme sil les passait au tamis
pour ne garder que les plus chargs de couleurs et dmotion, de renseignement et de sentiments. Son trait est acr. Londres a un grand
souci du rythme gnral, de la composition
densemble, de lattaque, de la chute, des effets
secondaires, et surtout de lellipse. Rien nest
chez lui crit au hasard. Tout est pes22.
ce allemande devant Chteau- Thierry. Cette

premire anne du conflit fera lobjet dune
vingtaine darticles relatant aussi la course
la mer et la bataille de Flandres. Londres est
particulirement impressionn par le courage
de larme belge livrant un combat dsespr
face aux troupes germaniques qui dferlent
sur le plat pays...25. La description du martyre inflig la cathdrale de Reims, symbole de
la royaut et de lidentit franaise, scroulant
sous les obus de lartillerie allemande (1920 septembre) reprsente son premier scoop
denvergure qui le consacre parmi ses camarades de mtier26.
En fvrier 1915, Londres a subitement envie des contres lointaines, quitter au plus vite
cette France meurtrie par la guerre. Les signes
avant-coureurs dune attaque des Allis contre
la Turquie le confirment dans son intuition:
cest aux Dardanelles quil faut tre, l, o va se
jouer vraisemblablement le destin du conflit.
Dmissionnaire du Matin, il frappe, le mme
jour, la porte du Petit parisien de Pichon
Lhommage postrieur de ses confrres

journalistes est unanime limage de Francis
Lacassin qui clture, ainsi, la prface de Si je
toublie Constantinople:
On sest plu imaginer ce que serait devenu le colonel Philippe Ptain si la guerre de
1914 navait pas clat. Sans doute naurait-il
t ni le chef du gouvernement de Vichy ni
mme marchal de France.
La question semble superflue quant
Albert Londres: mme sans la guerre de 1914,
il tait destin devenir Albert Londres23.
Chaque anne, partir de 1933, le prix
lbert Londres couronne en France, le meilleur
A
reporter de la presse crite et, depuis 1985, le
meilleur reportage audiovisuel. Pareil au prix
Pulitzer, dcern aux Etats-Unis, il constitue
une rfrence de prestige dans les mtiers du
journalisme, au pays de lHexagone24.
*
*
*
En septembre 1914, Albert Londres est
envoy, en tant que correspondent du Matin,
sur le front de la Marne. Les armes francobritanniques viennent juste de stopper la per Revista de istorie militar
13
qui lembauche sur-le-champ pour couvrir

lexpdition des forces franco-britanniques en
Orient27. Le 22 mars 1915, Londres arrive enfin Tndos, le Q. G. des journalistes franais
et britanniques, quatre jours aprs lchec subi
par la flotte allie dans la tentative de franchir
en force les Dardanelles (18 mars)28. Jusquau
dbarquement de forces terrestres Gallipoli
(25 avril) il a le temps de se rendre Athnes
pour rencontrer le premier Venizlos, occasion dy pntrer dans le labyrinthe inextricable
de la politique grecque, et mme de voyager en
Serbie pour rendre visite au vieux roi Pierre Ier
et aux gnraux de larme qui avait si vaillamment combattu depuis le dbut de la guerre29.
De retour Moudros, Londres accompagne les
compagnies de la Lgion et les Sngalais lors
de lattaque de diversion, sur la cte anatolienne, contre la position de Koum-Kaleh (25-26
avril). Ayant fortifi chaque maison de la bourgade, les Turcs se dfendent avec acharnement. On stripe la baonnette30.
14
La srie darticles qui traite de la bataille

de Gallipoli constitue les temps forts du recueil posthume Si je toublie Constantinople
Malgr cela, Londres nignore pas les autres
pays de la rgion, les allis daujourdhui, ceux
de demain et surtout ceux qui vont basculer
dans le camp adverse. Au cours du mois de
juillet il entreprend un voyage qui le conduit
dabord Ni (Nich) poser quelques questions embarrassantes au Prsident du Conseil, M. Pachitch (Nicolas Pai). Les Allemands
viennent-ils de lancer une offensive de charme
sur les Roumains quaussitt il file Bucarest
vrifier si le fond de lair est frais. Le jeu des
Bulgares parat bien nigmatique et il pousse
sa promenade balkanique jusqu Sofia31.
Arriv dans cette dernire capitale balkanique, Londres ne tarde pas de se rendre
lvidence que ce jeu nest pas tellement nigmatique quil parat. Ses propos sont parfois
acerbes, le ton ironique, car il sent quel camp
vont choisir finalement les Bulgares. Leur entre en guerre, trois mois plus tard, en octobre,
porte un coup dur lEntente en prcipitant la
chute de la S
erbie32.
Quel contraste avec Bucarest, ville joyeuse, ville de plaisir, acquise corps et me la
cause de la France. La Roumanie entrait dans
sa deuxime anne de neutralit dcide par
le Conseil de Couronne du 3 aot 1914. Comme cest toujours le cas lors dune guerre
dimportance, le pays est activement courtis
par les agents des belligrants depuis les ministres et le corps diplomatique et jusquaux
obscurs combattants de lombre espions,
agents dinfluence, hommes daffaires, journalistes, militaires, experts de toutes sorte33, etc.
Parmi tous ces agents, les Allemands sont les
plus nombreux Bucarest, leur argent, leur
influence, et surtout lacharnement avec lequel
ils poursuivent leurs objectifs inquitent srieusement Albert Londres. Il ne dispose pas
dautres armes que le persiflage et le sarcasme
afin de mieux dmasquer, ses compatriotes,
les efforts entrepris par le bloc germanique
pour sauvegarder la neutralit roumaine. Alors
que lItalie venait dentrer en guerre contre
lAutriche-Hongrie (mai 1915), la Roumanie
continue de senrichir en vendant ses crales
et son ptrole de prfrence aux uns et aux
autres et surtout aux Puissances Centrales qui
avaient t, depuis plus dun demi-sicle, ses

principaux partenaires commerciaux34.
A lt 1915, Bucarest est pourtant trs
tranquille, il y rgne un calme absolu, ce
fut la priode la plus paisible de toute la priode de notre neutralit, comme le notait Ion G.
Duca, le ministre des Cultes et de lInstruction
publique du gouvernement libral de Ioan I.
C. (Ionel) Brtianu35. Ce calme, tout relatif, est
mis pourtant rude preuve en juillet-aot par
lincident Poklewski du nom du ministre russe
Stanislas Poklewski-Koziell qui tente de forcer
la main de Brtianu pour une entre rapide
en guerre aux cts de lEntente. Cependant,
rien ne transpire en dehors du cercle restreint des plus proches collaborateurs du Prsident roumain du Conseil et la crise est ainsi
vite36. Jusque l, la Russie tait la seule Puissance avoir conclu un trait secret (le 18
septembre/1er octobre 1914) garantissant la
Roumanie, en change dune neutralit bienveillante, la Transylvanie et tous les territoires
majorit roumaine dAutriche-Hongrie37. Ces
garanties russes, bien que sans valeur dans la
tte de Sazonov, avaient t accordes uniquement en vue de laide que la Russie entendait
apporter la Serbie par la voie du Danube.
Les mmoires de Gheorghe (Georgic) Jurgea-Negrileti (n en 1904), fils dun boyard
roumain et dune mre russe, petit-fils du Conseiller dEtat, Consul gnral de Russie Galai, Dlgu auprs de la Commission europenne du Danube, Pierre (Piotr) Alexeievich
Kartamischev, parues en 2007 Bucarest, apportent des dtails pittoresques et vridiques
sur ces circonstances38. Mme si les vnements sont vus par un garonnet de 10-12 ans,
une mmoire formidable et un grand talent de
conteur leur confrent toutes les qualits dun
document sincre et authentique. Rest trs
tt orphelin de pre, Jurgea-Negrileti vivait
ensemble avec sa mre Natacha dans la maison du grand-pre, savoir le consulat russe
de Galai. Voici donc larrive, lautomne de
1914, de lamiral Mikhal (Micha) Vessiolkin et
de sa joyeuse bande Reni, do ils se rendirent
sur lautre rive du Danube chez le consul russe
de Galai et o lenfant put entendre de la bouche mme du colosse russe (il tait le fils naturel du tsar Alexandre III, dont il avait hrit la
stature imposante et une force herculenne) le
rcit de la mission que lui avait confie, en aot

1914, le tsar Nicolas II:
...le tsar navait ni amis ni favoris. Il supportait Raspoutine uniquement parce quil
arrtait les hmorragies du tsarvitch. Il pardonnait tous les pchs Vessiolkin parce quil
avait la voix, la stature et les gestes dAlexandre
III, son pre, auquel il vouait un vritable culte.
Il semble racontait le commandeur Sabline
qui faisait du canotage avec le tsar que parfois Nicolas II tait mu par lapparition de
Vessiolkin. Il avait limpression de voir son
pre ressuscit. Laudience chez le tsar nous
a t raconte plusieurs reprises par Vessiolkin. Je lai retenue, bien qu lpoque jtais
assez jeune.
Micha ma dit sa Majest , le Trs
Haut a voulu la guerre, et cest la guerre. Et si
moi, son humble serviteur, ai pris la dfense de
la Serbie, cest toujours par la volont du Trs
Haut! Mais aujourdhui, la Serbie passe par
des rudes preuves et elle crie au secours. Jai
15
beaucoup pri des nuits entires jusqu ce que

la pense de Celui dEn Haut mest venue. Tu
partiras pour Reni, sur le Danube. Je te nomme
chef de lExpdition avec des missions spciales.
Depuis Reni tu vas assurer lapprovisionnement
de la Serbie avec tout ce dont elle a besoin: armes, munitions, aliments. Jai confiance en toi,
Micha ...Tu auras tout ce que tu voudras. A une
seule condition: daider la Serbie au plus vite.
Ensuite le tsar sest lev, ma embrass et ma
bni du signe de la croix. Mon Dieu, par quelles preuves suis-je pass! Combien dmes ont
pri sur les bords du Danube!39.
Et voici les effets de cette nomination:
On a fait venir Reni des remorqueurs
gants arms de canons Schneider, un cadeau
de la France. Le commandeur Strakhovski, un
Russe vieux-croyant, sobre, qui ne buvait que
du lait, partait avec les convois en amont du
Danube. Quand il arrivait devant Cladova, il
devait affronter la flotte autrichienne du Danube. Mais, nous racontait-il, la guerre il faut
de la chance. Un tir dobus bien plac a fait sauter en lair un moniteur autrichien. Le reste sest
enfui et jai dcharg la marchandise en toute
tranquillit... Pour tre objectif, je dois dire que
la marine autrichienne est trs prudente.
LExpdition spciale a fonctionn si
bien, que le tsar est venu en personne fliciter
Vessiolkin. Si la lune avait atterri Reni, les
gens nauraient pas t plus tonns, nous relatait le commandeur.
Les convois de Cladova taient tudis
par les Allemands. Plus srieux que les Autrichiens, ils ont compris que le prestige des
Puissances Centrales tait en jeu. Quelques
divisions allemandes sont intervenues et ont
occup toute la rive serbe du Danube. Par consquent, lExpdition spciale navait plus de
raison dtre.
Le prince Pavlik Urusov40, Tzurlik
Maklakov et beaucoup dautres allaient devoir se rendre sur le front. Horrible perspective!
Mais Vessiolkin veillait au grain. Il est all
Petersburg, chez Gricha Raspoutine, chez Ana
Virubova, dans les ministres, et finalement
le tsar sest laiss convaincre que lExpdition
allait agir pour dterminer la Roumanie entrer en guerre. Les fameuses soires de Capa
16
et les orgies de lhtel Sofia de Galai rentraient dans le cadre de cette activit. Il faut tenir
compte du fait que la Roumanie exerait sur
le Russe une irrsistible fascination. Tout comme le Mexique sur lAmrique lpoque de la
prohibition. Une navilca (bouteille de cognac
Naville) cotait 4 lei Galai et 30 roubles
Odessa. Et le prince Urusov dclarait: Ici, cest
le paradis! La dive bouteille et le jupon!41.

Ds son arrive Galai, Vessiolkin avait
trs clairement affirm Jurgea-Negrileti que
la ville et sa rgion allaient tre incorpores
dans lEmpire des tsars aprs la guerre: Aprs
la guerre, Galai sera russe et toi, je tenverrai
lcole des cadets42. Voici ce que lamiral expliquait au consul russe:
Piotr Alexeici, disait-il au grand-pre, le
tsar ma donn main libre. De faire comme je
lentends. Uniquement de convaincre les romanesti dentrer dans la merde o nous
nous sommes fourrs! Car ensuite, continuait
Vessiolkin toujours plus sincre, ils verront ce
quils verront: Galai et tout le Bas-Danube
sera nous. On leur laissera Constana et la
voie de chemin de fer de Cernavod. La Commission Danubienne recevra un coup de pied
au derrire et vous, Piotr Alexeici, vous serez
nomm rsident imprial ...Constantinople.
Jen prendrai bien soin. Mais jusqualors, voici
ce que jai apport. Pour les romanesti. Ils
aiment beaucoup les cadeaux. Mais qui ne les
aime? 43.
Et cest ainsi que Vessiolkin offrit des
cadeaux des portefeuilles contenant 10.000
lei, donc autant de francs-or, Take Ionescu
(deux), au prtre Vasile Lucaci et Octavian
Goga comme aide pour les rfugis transylvain, etc.44.

Reportages dAlbert Londres
La vie et les tapes de la Roumanie
Dans lattente
Bucarest, juillet.
Bucarest embaume. Quand on passe sous
ses arbres cest un parfum qui vous pntre et
prs de ses femmes cen est un autre qui vous
croise. La rue est joyeuse et chatoyante. Les

officiers ont de hauts cols bleu ciel, rose ple,
vert fondant.
Les dames ont sur leur charmante poitrine
moins un corsage quune gaze.
Les voitures avec leur cocher en robe de velours font un perptuel carrousel. Cest la vie.
Dans une jolie rue, devant une jolie maison,
une automobile vient de sarrter. La rue et la
maison sont celles de M. Bratiano, prsident du
Conseil, lautomobile celle de M. Pokewsky-Koziel, ministre de Russie45. Cest la deuxime fois
quil vient aujourdhui. Bientt, deux chevaux
amnent un homme grand et rsolu: cest M.
Blondel, ministre de France46, cest la deuxime
fois aussi quil vient. Dix minutes passent. Une
nouvelle auto parat. Elle ralentit lapproche
de la maison, puis quelques coups de doigt du
matre sur le carreau, repart sans stre arrte.
M. von dem Busscher ministre dAllemagne47,
avait reconnu la voiture de son collgue et ennemi, le ministre de Russie.
M. Pokewsky et M. Blondel ne tardent pas
sortir. Le devant de porte de M. Bratiano est
libre. M. von dem Busscher revient. Il est suivi
de M. von Tchernin, le ministre dAutriche48.
Cest larrive des dmolisseurs.
La Roumanie, devant cette guerre des nations, ayant compris que lheure tait venue
de runir son royaume les provinces de
Bukovine et de Transylvanie, provinces roumaines possdes par lAutriche, envisagea son
entre en guerre.
Avec qui collaborerait-elle? Avec lAlliance
ou avec lEntente? Feu son roi Carol Ier pour deux
motifs, un de naissance, il tait Hohenzollern,
un de contrat, il avait un trait secret avec
Franois-Joseph, tait pour lAlliance.
Un prince na jamais pu compter sans son
peuple; encore moins aujourdhui que le peuple est admis compter avec le prince.
Le peuple roumain de culture franaise,
dun lan spontan et comme si la chose ne
pouvait tre discute, se rangea du ct de
lEntente.
Discrtement la couronne fit une enqute
chez les officiers Quatre-vingt-seize pour
cent partageaient lopinion du peuple.
Pour raliser lidal national un seul parti
restait donc prendre: lier sa fortune celle de
la France, de lAngleterre et de la Russie.
Les Allemands, malgr le langage quils leur

tenaient: Nous vous donnons la Bukovine, allez prendre la Bessarabie la Russie et vous serez une grande nation, stant rendu compte
quils ne pourraient armer la Roumanie en leur
faveur, tchrent de lui prouver quun second
parti, meilleur que le premier, restait aussi
prendre: la neutralit. Le mange dItalie recommence en Roumanie.
Carol Ier meurt. Son neveu le remplace.
Latmosphre du trne ne change pas.
Cependant le peuple tient des meetings, demande la guerre, les chefs de parti soutiennent
le peuple, la presse libre propage le courant.
Le gouvernement sent quil doit se dcider
agir. Mais il entend la fois ne pas dplaire au
roi et plaire au peuple. M. Bratiano va discuter les termes de sa collaboration, avec lair le
moins empress de vouloir collaborer. Ds cet
instant il prend une figure de sphinx, encore
un sphinx est moins sibyllin: il na pas le doigt
sur la bouche.
Le 25 avril il fait connatre que pour prix
de sa collaboration avec lEntente, la Roumanie
demande pour frontires:
La rive droite du Pruth, le plateau de Cernovitz49, la moiti de Maromourest50, la Theiss51,
le Danube.
La Russie rpond quelle accorde:
La rive droite de la Sucheava52, la rive gauche du Crmusal53, frontire artificielle jusqu
Derrtin, et, aprs Tmesvar54, sinflchissant
lest.
Prs dun mois se passe. La Roumanie ne
rpond pas. Pendant ce temps, chaque jour le
ministre allemand allait dire M. Bratiano:
Vous offrez cinq cent mille baonnettes
lEntente. LEntente vous refuse ce que vous
demandez. Nous, Allemands, nous vous offrons ce que vous demandez et contre simplement votre neutralit.
Le 20 mai la Roumanie fait savoir quelle
maintient ses prtentions. Le 25 mai, la Russie
cde la rive droite du Swet55 mais refuse Cernowitz et le Banat.
Vous voyez! rpte M. von dem Busscher
M. Bratiano.
Prs dun nouveau mois se passe encore. La
Russie ce moment, subit ses reculs en Galicie. Beau jeu pour les Allemands:
Ils reculent et vous refusent!
17
La Roumanie fait savoir quelle maintient

sesprtentions
Le soir mme, les journaux de Bucarest annoncent la nouvelle grand fracas. Pour eux,
cest dfinitif. On est daccord. Le gouvernement va secouer son mystre.
Cependant, M. Bratiano retirant son doigt de ses lvres laisse entendre quil veut bien
continuer la conversation.
Elle continue.
LAllemagne ne travaille pas seulement la
Roumanie dans le cabinet de M. Bratiano. Un
ministre, pour la colossale Allemagne, ce nest
pas suffisant. Il a beau se dmener, il ne peut
tre partout, or il faut que lAllemagne soit
partout, mme dans les water-closets. Cest un
grand Allemand qui est prpos ce soin dans
un des grands restaurants de la ville56.
Sils navaient employ Bucarest que leurs moyens ordinaires: seaux dor jets sur des
consciences, achats de journaux57, colportages
de mauvaises nouvelles, intoxication de lair
par leurs ya, ce chapitre de leur propagande
dj si connue naurait pas mrit une ligne de
signalement. Mais tous les chefs-duvre, de
quelque nationalit quils soient, ont droit la
postrit. Nous allons donc rendre hommage
celui quils sont venus dballer dans Bucarest.
Les Allemands ne sont pas sans psychologie. Elle est gnralement assez grosse, elle
manque de dtours, mais est de la psychologie
tout de mme. Ils se sont dit: Bucarest est une
ville qui aime le plaisir; ainsi quon prend les
gens par leur faible, nous allons prendre Bucarest par le sien. On va lui donner du plaisir.
Ils ont fait venir de jolies dames de Hongrie,
parce que les femmes de Hongrie sont plus jolies que celles de Berlin. Ils sont command de
belles calches, ont fait dvaliser tous les rosiers de Valachie et de Moldavie et, prts enfin,
annoncrent perdre voix que Bucarest allait
connatre les plus belles batailles de fleurs de
son histoire. On en donna une premire. Il ny
avait jamais eu autant de fleurs. On navait jamais rien vu de si chevel. Gnralement ces
ftes se terminaient la nuit et ne dpassaient
pas la Chausse, leur bois de Boulogne. Est-ce
quau milieu dune telle ivresse on saperoit
que le jour finit? Est-ce que lon reconnat les
barrires? La fte continua. A onze heures du
soir, on ne se battait plus dans la Chausse mais
dans la Calea Victoriei, leur boulevard.
18
Trois jours aprs on en donnait une autre.

Ce fut le mme succs, la mme joie, le mme
dlire. Et on en redonna une troisime, quatre
jours aprs et on en donna douze en cinq semaines.
Comment? disait M. von dem Busscher
M. Bratiano, vous ne pouvez rien me promettre parce que vous prtendez que votre
peuple veut la guerre? La guerre coups de
fleurs, vous voulez dire?
Il fallut que le pote Goga prt sa plume
de lyrique irrit pour que cesst la dbauche.
Ctait la premire fois quun pote crivait
contre les fleurs58. Cest encore lAllemagne
quon doit cela.
Allemands dans les rues, dans les restaurants, dans les chemins de fer, dans les ascenseurs, gros, grands, courts, maigres, avec lunettes, sans lunettes, avec chanes de montre,
sans chanes de montre, jeunes, mrs, vieux,
maris, clibataires, il y en a autant que des
puces Moudros59. Et cependant ce nest pas
eux qui, Bucarest, ont encore le dernier mot
de la rue.
Alors que toute la journe ils vont, viennent, serrent des mains, tirent des coups de
chapeaux, donnent des pourboires royaux,
sautent de voitures dans des trams, des cafs
dans des ptisseries et font: ya, ya, ya, avec
plus de srieux que les canards font coin, coin,
coin, le soir, neuf heures et demie, la foule de
Bucarest, leur montant sur les pieds, va dans
un vaste cinma en plein air. Ce nest pas seulement pour y siffler les Boches. On ne dit plus
Je vais au cinma, mais: Je vais siffler les
Boches. Cest parce qu dix heures une petite
actrice franaise, tout habille de rose, pleine
de talent, avec un ventail ferm dans les mains, vient chanter devant lcran.
Quand elle apparat, le public accouru, reconnaissant dj du plaisir quelle va lui donner, lapplaudit.
Elle lui raconte que le ministre des Affaires trangres lui a fait des confidences60. Que
rellement cest un monsieur qui ne comprend
rien la situation. Les Roumains peuvent sen
rapporter elle.
Et les Roumains croulent de rires.
Elle revient. Elle leur dit: Cest comme votre
prsident du Conseil, en voil encore un type!.
Est-il pour les Allemands

On nsait pas.
Aime-t-il les Musulmans
On nsait pas.
Veut-il la Transylvanie
Veut-il la Bessarabie
On nsait pas.
Et elle sen va avec un air de dire: Est-il,
Dieu possible, davoir un numro pareil pour
prsident du Conseil!
Le public la rappelle. Il veut encore
lentendre. Il y a plus de quinze cents personnes. Elle leur crie:
Si tu veux la Transylvanie,
Faut te lver, il nest plus trop tt,
Roumain, cest moi qui te ldis,
Ellviendra pas sur un plateau.
Une nue dAllemands toute la journe se
dcarcassent catchiser Bucarest, par lor ou
la parole. Il suffit, le soir venu, pour balayer leurs microbes, dun lger ventail fran
Pourquoi la Bulgarie regarde

Sofia Juillet 1915
Pour comprendre les dispositions de la Bulgarie, il faut dabord connatre son caractre
et les raisons qui ont fait tel ce caractre. Ne
pas rattacher lattitude prsente des Bulgares
ltat profond de leur esprit serait autant les
trahir dans le jugement que lon peut porter
sur eux que se mal disposer les juger.
Travailleurs, opinitres, tenaces, ayant
pendant des sicles, dans leur ville et leurs hameaux, subi le minaret, voil trente-huit ans
seulement que, grce au sang russe vers pour
leur cause, cessant dtre perdus dans lempire
ottoman, ils commencrent vivre une vie nationale61.
Trente ans plus tard, en 1908, leur prince
ayant pris la couronne, ils se sentirent encore
plus runis62. Ils comprirent quils formaient
un bloc dj puissant et quils pouvaient se permettre de laisser percer leurs aspirations. Leur
capitale qui ntait il y a dix ans quun grand
village, vit des rues, des maisons, des jardins,
se tracer, se monter, se planter. Ils respiraient.
Leur poitrine slargissait si bien que parfois,
les uns contre les autres, pour se donner de

lair, ils regardaient gauche la mer Noire, en
bas la mer ge. Une pousse et ils pourraient
les atteindre. Ils persistrent dans leur labeur. tant prts, ils attaqurent. La pousse se
produisit. Ce ne fut dabord que victoires pour
eux et leurs allis. Leur rve mme navait jamais t jusquaux limites quils atteignaient.
Ils allaient raliser plus que leur espoir. Dun
coup, pour des raisons qui ne dpendirent ni
de lhrosme de leur arme, ni de leur dlabrement, par un revers du sort, par la ncessit de
combattre leurs allis tout croula.
Ils se dbattirent, luttrent, en appelrent
aux grands puissances. Les grandes puissances ne prirent pas leur dfense. Ils appelrent
encore. Il ne pouvait pas se faire quaprs avoir tout entrevu il ne leur restt plus rien! Ils
appelrent. Aucune rponse ne vint pour eux.
Comme des assigs senferment dans leurs
murs pour mieux rsister, ils rentrrent dans
leur dfaite, ils jurrent que pour eux rien au
monde nexisterait plus tant quils nen seraient
pas sortis63.
La guerre clata. LEurope fut en feu.
La Bulgarie regarda au-dessus de son mur.
Ctait elle, uniquement elle, quelle essayait dentrevoir dans ce tremblement. cure,
aigrie, ne croyant plus rien, plus aux promesses, plus aux amitis, elle calculait ses
chances. LEurope: elle sen fichait! la victoire
de lAllemagne: elle sen fichait! la victoire de la
France: elle sen fichait! que la Russie, sa mre,
fut blesse, elle irait jusqu sen ficher! Ce quil
lui fallait, ctait la Macdoine.
Celui qui sera le plus fort ou qui pourra la
lui donner, celui-l sera son alli. Si cest la Chine, si cest la Patagonie, elle sera avec la Chine
et la Patagonie. Quand on a subi ce quelle a
subi, que depuis deux ans on ne vit que dans
un but, que loccasion se prsente peut-tre
de le toucher, on ne fait pas de sentiment. La
transformation de lEurope, la place morale
prendre, le triomphe des races, tout cela na
pas dimportance: La Ma-c-doi-ne.
La Bulgarie, cuirasse, prte, fourbie, attendit donc. En novembre, une occasion se
prsenta pour elle doccuper la Macdoine. Les
Serbes repousss par les Autrichiens taient
bout. Sans munitions. Pour fouler la terre con19
voite, les Bulgares nauraient pas eu besoin

denfoncer les portes, tout tait libre et ouvert,
ils navaient qu sy installer. Mais ce quils veulent, ce nest pas seulement occuper la Macdoine, cest tre certains de la conserver. Or,
savaient-ils qui serait victorieux de lEntente
ou de lAlliance? Marcher contre les Serbes,
ctait devenir lennemi de lEntente. Leur sagesse lemporta sur leur dsir. Frmissants, ils
restrent neutres. La France, depuis les vnements balkaniques de 1913 a perdu son aurole en Bulgarie. La Bulgarie jugeant sa cause
seule juste se demanda pourquoi la France, la
grande justicire du monde, navait pas pris sa
dfense. Il sensuivit un sentiment populaire de
dsaffection et lappel au pouvoir dhommes
tendances germanophiles. LEntente, par consquent, en ce mois de novembre, considra la
neutralit de la Bulgarie comme un succs64.
Dans les Balkans, le thtre occidental de la
guerre ne passionne pas. Leurs regards taient
tourns uniquement vers ce qui se passait autour deux et en Russie. La Bulgarie regardait
la Grce et la Roumanie. La Grce regardait la
Bulgarie. La Roumanie, lil sur la Russie, par
les autres se laissait regarder.
Les premiers bateaux allis apparurent
alors devant les Dardanelles. Les Balkans, quoique nullement endormis, eurent un sursaut.
On venait de leur marcher sur les pieds.
La Grce, par les yeux de son grand citoyen, entrevoyant lumineusement ses destines,
tout enflamme, se levait dj pour nous accompagner chez les Turcs. La Bulgarie, aux
coutes, se sentit remue. Elle entendait que
Venizelos, pour participer la fte de Constantinople, sapprtait lui cder un morceau
de la belle Macdoine. Cette fte tait donc si
belle quelle mritt davance un sacrifice? Impatiente du gain quelle pourrait en retirer, elle
eut, cet instant, lide dy prendre part. Dy
prendre part mme avant la Grce pour tre
la premire. Mais bientt tout steignit, car la
Grce avait un roi65.
Calme la peur de la Bulgarie avait t
de se faire devancer elle retrouva sa srnit.
Elle pouvait encore attendre.
Les oprations dans les Dardanelles ayant
rencontr des difficults ne se menaient pas
aussi rapidement quon laurait pu croire.
Chaque jour la Bulgarie sentait combien cela
20
lui donnait dimportance. De ce ct de la guerre, par sa situation sur la carte, ctait elle
maintenant qui pouvait donner lEntente
lappui le plus efficace, le coup le plus direct
lAlliance.
Les circonstances la plaaient sur un pidestal au carrefour des deux parties de lEurope.
En effet, les deux parties de lEurope se
rencontrrent chez elle. Chacune, lune droite, lautre gauche, venait lui apporter des prsents sur un plateau dargent. Il y a deux ans,
pensa-t-elle, les grandes puissances me ddaignaient, on parlait mme de me supprimer,
aujourdhui ce sont elles qui viennent sasseoir
prs de moi pour moffrir et me demander des
choses.
Rengorge elle couta.
LAllemagne lui disait:
Je vous accorde tout ce que vous dsirez;
en change je ne vous demande mme pas de
prendre les armes contre les Allis. Je sais que
le soldat bulgare ne pourrait pas tirer sur le
soldat russe, laissez-moi le passage. Fin juillet
larme Mackensen sera libre. Nous tomberons
sur la Serbie. Deux semaines, et elle nexistera
plus. A ce moment, permettez-nous de rejoindre les Turcs travers votre territoire.
Bien! rpondit la Bulgarie.
LEntente lui disait:
Dans les deux cas vous devez tre avec
nous. Mme si, par impossible (et ce ne sera
pas), lAllemagne lemportait, son intrt, surtout la comprhension quelle en a, lempcherait,
malgr ses assurances, de faciliter le dveloppement dune autre race. Vainqueurs avec nous
qui le serons.
Bien! rpondit la Bulgarie.
La Bulgarie est un pays de paysans. Comme eux, pre au gain et le gain aujourdhui
consistait en des provinces . Frappe de sa
nouvelle fortune, elle se dit: Puisque, du coup,
sans discussion, on moffre tant, cest que je puis
obtenir davantage. Les troupes allies mettront
encore des mois venir bout des Dardanelles.
La Roumanie est au mutisme, la Grce en relevailles, jai le temps.
Jai le temps, rpte M. Radoslavoff, le
prsident du Conseil66.
M. Radoslavoff est un homme courtois et
madr. Ayant beaucoup frquent les Turcs, il
en a gard cette politesse desprit qui va jusqu
vous cacher la vrit plutt que de vous dire

une chose dsagrable. Ne vous provoquant
jamais, il est difficile de lutter avec lui. Puis,
proclame-t-il, moi, je suis un paysan! laissant
entendre par l quil en a la ruse et la finesse.
Trs bien, lui renvoyait un jour un diplomate, puisque vous tes un paysan, prenons
un exemple de paysan: vous venez au march
avec un poulet. Cest le dbut du march. Vous
en vouliez vingt sous, on vous en donne vingt
sous, mais vous rflchissez. Vous vous dites:
jai le temps, jen trouverai srement un plus
haut prix. Et la fin du march arrive. On a
achet du veau la place du poulet, votre poulet vous reste dans les mains.
Quand le poulet est bien gras, rpondit
M. Radoslavoff, il trouve toujours acqureur.
Pour linstant, les Bulgares en sont l..
.........................Cependant, lunit politique de
leur race ayant t dchire la minute o elle
allait saccomplir, cest en vue seule de la reconstituer quils sont en armes. Rien ne psera
devant ce but. De lAlliance, de lEntente, ils ne
sont exactement srs daucune. On leur fait
des promesses: mfiants, ce ne sont plus des
promesses, ce sont des gages quils veulent.
Pour croire, ils demandent toucher. Ce genre
de diplomatie, direz-vous, est un peu primitif.
Cest le leur. A tout prendre, pensent-ils, dans
lincertitude o nous sommes, rester intacts
nous parat encore le meilleur. Quand tout le
monde sera puis, nous serons forts.
Ce sont des matrialistes.
Salonique, nid despions

Salonique, dcembre.
Salonique est un accs de fivre, et si les villes avaient un cur, de tous les curs des villes
cest celui de Salonique qui battrait le plus fort.
A chaque pas que lon fait sur son quai et dans
ses rues, on sent que lon heurte de lmotion,
de la crainte, de langoisse, de lespoir, de la
peur, de lespionnage et de laffolement.
Vous marchez tranquillement, quelqu un
vous abat sa main sur votre bras et vous dit:
Les officiers de marine qui taient en ville
viennent dtre rappels en toute hte sur leurs
bateaux. On rpond: Bon, trs bien! Mais
le quelquun nest pas satisfait et vous a gliss
dans loreille: Jen conclus que cest cette nuit
que la flotte va bombarder. Vous tachez de
vous perdre dans la foule et de courir vos

affaires. Mais si vous avez eu le malheur de
jeter seulement votre pardessus sur vos paules on vous attrape par la manche et lon vous
dit: Vous savez quun sous-marin grec vient de
rentrer dans le golfe, trois torpilleurs franais
lont arrt et ont lil sur lui, sil bouge dun
mtre ils le coulent. Bon, trs bien! dit-on;
mais la personne qui tient encore votre manche insiste: Ce sera lincident qui dclenchera
tout. Vous vous glissez de nouveau dans la
foule, cette fois on vous court aprs et un ami
vous dit: Viens! On demande: O donc? Il
rpond: Tu verras, et il vous conduit dans la
salle manger dun htel. En vous montrant le
gnral anglais la cuiller la main, il nous dit:
Regarde. On regarde et on demande: Quat-il donc de spcial? On vous rpond: Tu ne
vois pas la tte quil a?.
Et on vous explique: Il sasseyait pour
commencer son dner, il tait tranquille comme
dhabitude quand un marin anglais est arriv
porteur dun pli. Il louvrit et tout en le lisant
changea de figure; depuis, contre son ordinaire,
il mange nerveusement et se dpche.
Puisque le bonheur vous a conduit dans
une salle manger vous en profitez pour vous
asseoir devant une table. Vous pensez ainsi
avoir une demi-heure de srnit, vous avez
trouv un camarade de Paris, vous vous dites:
on va causer des boulevards. Vous nen tes pas
au potage quune de vos connaissances ouvre
la porte et scrie tout bas: Mes enfants, je
vous cherchais. On lui rpond: Vas-y! Il y
va: Des patrouilles de sous-officiers sans arme
parcourent la ville et font rentrer immdiatement au camp tous les soldats permissionnaires quils rencontrent. Il se prpare de grands
vnements pour cette nuit, on va veiller larme
au pied. La connaissance reprend aussitt:
Ce nest pas tout, et elle continue: Le gros
de la flotte vient de recevoir lordre de quitter
Malte sur lheure et daccourir ici. Heureusement que vous tes table, que vous avez une
fourchette et un couteau dans les mains et que
vous pouvez un moment noyer dans le bruit de
la porcelaine lavalanche de ces nouvelles. Ce
nest, hlas! que pour un moment.
Vous entrez dans un restaurant que voyez-vous? Le consul de Bulgarie et un officier
franais mangeant en tte--tte sur une petite
21
table. Pourquoi? Parce que lofficier franais na

trouv quune seule place de libre, la table il
y avait dj un monsieur quil ne connaissait
pas, il a demand au monsieur: Cette place
est-elle libre?. Le monsieur a rpondu oui,
et les voil qui se font des politesses se passer
les plats.
Vous allez notre camp daviation. Quelle
est la personne qui, le nez en lair, contemple
avec tant damour les oiseaux n en France?
Cest M. le consul gnral dAllemagne. Notre
aviateur ne peut tout de mme pas dmolir son
appareil pour lui descendre dessus.
Vous faites quelques pas sur le port. Voil
des troupes qui arrivent. Quel est ce monsieur qui essuie son binocle pour mieux regarder,
quel est cet admirateur passionn des armes
franaises et anglaises qui ne rate pas un seul
dbarquement? Cest M. le consul gnral
dAutriche.
Puis il y a aussi M. le consul gnral de
Turquie. M. le consul gnral de Turquie fait
les tramways.
Maintenant observez autour de vous. Un
groupe dofficiers franais ou anglais marche
en causant, et derrire vous voyez un suiveur
en civil qui, par le plus pur hasard, a le mme
pas que les officiers. Accompagnez les officiers,
ils vont sasseoir autour dune table; le suiveur
sassoit la table ct. Sans le faire exprs il se
penche parfois si prs deux que cest tout juste
si par mgarde il ne boit pas dans leur verre.
Si les espions taient de ces amorces que les
enfants sment sur les trottoirs, chaque pas
on en ferait clater un.
Et savez-vous ce que cest que cette ville ou
lon rencontre chaque tournant les reprsentants officiels de lAllemagne, de lAutriche, de
la Bulgarie, de la Turquie, o lon est assis dans
le train ct de lagent du Kaiser, o, quand
vous avez une cigarette non allume la bouche, un Autrichien inconnu vient vous offrir
du feu, ou quand vous marchez sur le pied dun
passant vous entendez un juron en bulgare?
Cette ville cest la base des armes franco-anglaises dOrient!
Nous autres, nous ne savons sans doute pas
exactement combien nous avons dhommes,
nous comptons en chiffre ronds, soit cent mille, cent vingt-cinq mille, cent cinquante mille.
Mais eux, si cest cent mille dix, ils le savent.
22
Ils savent le nombre des arrivants; ils comptent nos malades et ils calculent chaque jour. Si
vous voulez avoir la statistique de notre arme,
demandez-la-leur.
Et les journaux! Non! jamais on na vu a!
A toute heure vous entendez brailler: le Nouveau Sicle, le Courrier de Salonique. Ce sont
des journaux allemands rdigs en franais.
Ils ont des nouvelles sensationnelles: Pourquoi
lAllemagne sera victorieuse. Lchec des Allies. LItalie nest pas si bte. Les Franais en
droute. Et lon crie a sous le nez de larme
franaise et on offre ces numros des officiers
franais, et des officiers franais, qui ne savent
pas encore, donnent devant tout le monde un
sou pour les possder.
Nous avons envoy des cuirasss, des canons, des soldats, des avions, mais nous avons
oubli les balais. Envoyez durgence les balais.
Il ny a quune chose au milieu de cette ville
tourbillonnante, paradoxale, sournoise et peuttre bientt sanglante, il ny a quune chose qui
nous remette lesprit en place, cest lorsque le
soir, vers sept heures, sur le quai, vous voyez
passer une automobile claire, et que dans
cette automobile vous reconnaissez un homme dont le regard devant les vnements les
plus sombres est toujours droit, limpide et puissant. Cet homme cest un gnral, ce gnral
cest Sarrail67.
*
Lorsquau dbut doctobre 1915, le gnral

Sarrail quitte la France pour prendre le commandement du camp retranch de Salonique,
Georges Clemenceau le met en garde: Ny allez pas! Cest un guet-apens quon vous tend!
Cest une folie que cette Croisade! Elle na quun
partisan: Castelnau. Cest lui qui vous joue ce
tour-l!68.
Le dernier reportage de Albert Londres
est rvlateur sur latmosphre qui rgnait
dans cette ville larrive du gnral en chef.
Lespionnite qui se propageait comme une maladie contagieuse, parmi les bataillons franais
ou britanniques, certains peine rescaps des
tranches de Gallipoli, est une ralit quil faut
prendre bien en considration. Elle trahit aussi
lincapacit du commandement alli pren Revista de istorie militar
dre l initiative sur ce thtre doprations,

sauver larme serbe de la dbcle provoque
par lintervention bulgare ou mme lancer
une offensive pour allger le front roumain,
nouvellement cr en aot 1916. Ce sont les
troupes bulgares qui, le 17 aot, passent
lattaque, en semparant, aprs trois jours de
combat, de Sers et de Demi-Hissar. Donnons
aussi raison Brtianu qui dclarait, durant
ces jours cruciaux pour la destine de la Roumanie, au commandant Thompson futur lord
Carrington, lattach militaire britannique
Bucarest: Jaurais d mengager ne dclarer
la guerre lAutriche que lorsque les troupes
du gnral Sarrail auraient franchi la frontire
grecque. Comme homme dEtat, je reconnais
avoir commis une grande faute: mes militaires de la rparer69.
Une mention spciale au sujet des dernires
ngociations avec lEntente en juillet (suivies
de la signature du trait dalliance du 4 aot
1916 dans la maison de Vintil Bratianu), circonstances dcrites en dtail par Ion G. Duca70,
nous plonge dans le monde des diplomates anglais qui ftaient cet vnement quelques jours
plus tard, donc en juillet, avec le consul russe
de Galai. Gheorghe Jurgea-Negrileti est notre
seul et unique tmoin de ces conversations:
Il y a eu ensuite le fameux djeuner avec
Pitz et le major Thompson. Ce dernier lattach
de la Grande-Bretagne et lamant de Marthe
Bibesco71. On y a discut des choses qui me
semblaient pouvantables.
La Roumanie ne rsistera pas plus de trois
mois, nous expliquait le futur lord Cardington,
cest--dire Thompson. Cest archi-suffisant
pour transformer la chambre provisions de
lAllemagne et sa dernire source de ptrole en
un monceau de ruines.
Quelle horreur! sest exclam ma mre.
Natacha, voyons! a essay de la calmer
grand-pre.
Je suis tout fait daccord avec madame!
Lorsque je suis sorti de chez Brtianu, je me
sentais comme un malfaiteur qui avait commis
un cambriolage. Mais cest la politique. Notre
guerre conomique en Roumanie na pas donn
les rsultats escompts. Lichiardopol de Braila, aprs nous avoir vendu son stock de farine,
sest empress de le revendre aux Allemands72.
Et en ce moment les transporteurs sont entre
les mains de lennemi. Mais il y a autre chose,

beaucoup plus grave. Pratiquement, toute la
guerre sous-marine des Allemands fonctionne
grce au ptrole roumain, tout comme les escadrilles allemandes de Doger Bank. Et un autre
problme se pose, continua Thompson avec son
air froid et flegmatique. Nous naimerions pas
que notre allie tombe comme un cadeau entre
les mains de lennemi.
Tu nchapperas point ce que tu redoutes, dit le Roumain. Cest ainsi que les silos
de Pitz, avec des biens achets par la Couronne dAngleterre, sont devenues la capture de
Mackensen.
Le bl ne brle pas, a constat Pitz. En
revanche, les sondes de la valle de la Prahova ont t compltement dtruites et en fin de
compte les Allemands nauront plus de ptrole
roumain.
Quels bons allis a trouv Brtianu! sest
exclame ma grand-mre qui avait du talent
pour les gaffes. Dune part lAngleterre, avec
lincendie total, et dautre part la Russie, qui...
Mais voyons, Liuba a essay de larrter
grand-pre.
Et alors? a continu grand-mre, qui ne
se laissait pas facilement dmonter. Jai voulu
dire quil vaut mieux avoir des ennemis que de
tels amis!
Thompson a commenc rire.
En tout cas, la Roumanie a en madame
un alli fidle, et pour vous tranquilliser je dois
vous dire quaujourdhui, comme autrefois par
ailleurs, nos plans ou ceux de la Russie ne se
raliseront pas. Mais pas parce quils seraient absurdes ou irralisables, mais parce que
lhistoire nous enseigne que le sort des plans politiques est de rater, tout gniaux quils soient
et Thompson pronona gniaux avec un
mpris visible. Et dans Bucarest inconstant et
optimiste, je vois toutes les prmisses dune gigantesque catastrophe militaire. Javoue ne pas
comprendre les militaires roumains. Lorsquon
discute avec eux, on voit quils ne sont pas
btes. Mais leurs plans militaires sont si aberrants, que lon a limpression quils ne connaissent pas la carte de leur propre pays. Comment
le gnral Iliescu, le Chef de lEtat-major, ou
nimporte quel autre, peut croire que la Roumanie puisse rsister sur un front cinq fois plus
long que celui de la France? Ah, si les Bulgares
23
taient neutres... Mais la Roumanie a eu besoin

du Quadrilatre...
Vis--vis de ma grand-mre, Thompson
sest senti comme le pcheur qui voit denfuir
le poisson qui venait tout juste de mordre son
hameon. La bourde lui tait passe sous le nez,
sans pouvoir la dguster. Trs finement, sur
un ton de parfaite politesse, il a esquiss une
dernire tentative:
Sans connatre les intentions du Cabinet
de Sankt Petersbourg, je comprends parfaitement que la Russie ne peut prendre en considration les intrts de certaines inventions
gographiques temporaires (il faisait allusion
la Bulgarie et la Roumanie).
Personne na rpondu, et par cette dernire
apprciation le major mest devenu antipathique.
Au mme moment le majordome Inovici nous
a invit au salon pour prendre le caf73.
NOTE
Quotidien parisien dont le directeur tait

tephen Pichon, ami fidle de Georges Clemenceau,
S
Ministre des Affaires trangres dans plusieurs cabinets de la Troisime Rpublique (oct. 1906 juillet
1909; juillet 1909 fv. 1911; mars dc. 1913; nov.
1917 janv. 1920), un des ngociateurs du trait de
Versailles (28 juin 1919).
2
A. Londres, Si je toublie Constantinople, (d.
Fr. Lacassin), collection Grands Reporters, (Dix
dix huit) 10/18, Union Gnrale dEditions, Paris,
1985, pp. 79-84, 85-90, 163-166.
3
Publi aux ditions Arla, Paris,2008.
4
P. Assouline, Albert Londres. Vie et mort dun
grand reporter, 1884-1932, Paris, Balland, 1989, p. 151.
Le mme auteur avait prfac le volume runissant
les uvres compltes dAlbert Londres, publis aux
Ed. Arla, Paris, 2007.
5
Assouline, Albert Londres, pp. 155-159.
6
Excelsior, mai 1920, apud ibid., p. 160.
7
Prsent en Russie sovitique lors de rvolution bolchevique. Les questions quil pose, lors dune
interview, Lnine, lui valent un sjour inoubliable dans les prisons du rgime: En prison sous la
terreur russe, Paris, Hachette, 1920 (couronn par
lAcadmie franaise); Les dessous du chaos russe,
Paris, Hachette, 1920 (couronn par lAcadmie
franaise).
8
Auteur du clbre ouvrage Teen Days that
Shook the World, (Dix jours qui branlrent le monde), d. franaise, Paris, Ed. Sociales, 1974.
1
24
Ed. Helsey, prface aux Histoires des grands

chemins, Paris, Albin Michel, 1932, p. 11.
10
Republis dans le recueil posthume Dans la
Russie des soviets, Paris, Ed. Arla, 2008.
11
Assouline, op. cit., p. 176-177.
12
Ibid., pp. 454-465, ainsi que lenqute entreprise par B. Cahier, Albert Londres, Terminus
Gardafui, Paris, Arla, 2012.
13
Excelsior du 3 juin 1922, apud, Assouline, op.
cit., p. 207, article repris dans La Chine en folie, Paris, Albin Michel, 1925. Une partie des ces reportages ont t rdits dans Mourir pour Shanghai,
Grands Reporters, (Dix dix huit) 10/18, Paris,
1984. Une autre dition de La Chine en folie chez
Arla, Paris, 2011.
14
A. Londres dans lAvant-propos Terre dbne
(la traite des noirs), Paris, Albin Michel, 1929, apud
Assouline, op. cit., p. 389. Seconde dition, collection Grands Reporters, (Dix dix huit) 10/18,
Paris, 1984. Une nouvelle dition chez Arla, Paris,
2008.
15
Dernire dition chez Arla, Paris, 2008.
Lorsquen 1937 un dcret-loi mit fin ces tablissements de la honte, une de principales causes
voques tait louvrage dAlbert Londres, ainsi que
la porte quil a eu au sein de lopinion publique.
Ses enqutes ainsi que sa renomme incontestable
obligent les autorits ragir et parfois mme
reformer, voir le chapitre de Assouline, op. cit.,
pp. 244-273.
16
Ibid., p. 310.
17
A. Londres, Dante navait rien vu (Biribi),
Paris, Albin Michel, 1924, 2e dition collection
Grands Reporters, (Dix dix huit) 10/18, Paris,
1975. Nouvelle dition chez Arla, Paris, 2010.
18
Le Petit Parisien du 17 octobre 1928, apud
Assouline, op. cit., 383.
19
Ibid., pp. 381-383. Sur ce voyage en Afrique,
voir aussi D. Follas, Albert Londres en terre dbne,
Paris, Arla, 2009.
20
M. Palmer, Des petits journaux aux grandes
agences, Paris, Aubier, 1983, apud Assouline, op. cit.,
p. 58.
21
Ibid., loc. cit.
22
Ibid., p. 282. Voir aussi les propos de Charles
Laurent rdacteur en chef du Matindans les annes
vingt: Albert Londres crivait comme il marchait: tout droit devant lui, apud ibid., p. 281, et de
Elie-Joseph Bois, le patron dAlbert Londres au Petit
Parisien: Il avait moins le souci de lexactitude que
celui de la vrit, ibid., loc.cit.
23
Lacassin, Prface pour effacer la chute de
Byzance, op. cit., p. 13-14.
9
Ce prix a t institu une anne aprs la disparition du journaliste par sa fille Florise Londres. Voir
notamment, Grands reportages, les 40 prix Albert
Londres (1946-1986), Paris, Arla, 1986. Sur Albert
Londres on pourra consulter galement avec profit: Florise Londres, Mon pre, Paris, Albin Michel,
1934, rdit chez Rocher/Serpent Plumes, 2000;
P. Mousset, Albert Londres, laventure du grand reportage, Paris, Grasset, 1972.
25
Articles rassembls dans le recueil intitul La
grande guerre, Paris, Arla, 2010.
26
Publi dans Le Matin du 21 septembre 1914.
27
Lacassin, op. cit., pp. 8-9; Assouline, op. cit.,
p. 74-75.
28
Ibid., p. 80. Une excellente reconstitution des
oprations de la flotte allie avec des cartes et des
schmas chez A. Banks, A Military Atlas of the First
World War, 4e d., Leo Cooper, 2001, pp. 115-117.
29
Assouline, op. cit., pp. 82-84.
30
Ibid., p. 85. Sur les combats de Gallipoli, il
existe une trs vaste bibliographie. Voir notamment
le rcit de lcrivain britannique Compton Mackenzie (1883-1972) qui prit part aux oprations militaires dans lentourage du gnral Hamilton, Gallipoli
Memories, Cassel, 1929. Nous renvoyons aussi aux
schmas tactiques et stratgiques de A. Banks, op.
cit., pp. 118-129, lanalyse de B. Liddell Hart, History of the First World War, Pan Books, 1972, pp.
157-182, ainsi que les tudes suivantes: A. Goutard,
La campagne des Dardanelles (1915), Revue Internationale dHistoire Militaire, n 35, Paris, 1976,
pp. 121-161; P. Hart, Gallipoli, Oxford Univ. Press,
2011; P. Chasseaud, P. Doyle, Grasping Gallipoli,
Terrain, Maps and Failure at the Dardanelles. 1915,
Spellmount, 2015.
31
Assouline, op. cit., p. 86-87.
32
P. Renouvin, La crise europenne et la Grande
Guerre (1904-1918), Paris, Flix Alcan, 1934,
pp. 280-286; Ema Nastovici, Tratativele dintre
Bulgaria i Puterile Centrale din septembrie 1915 i
implicaiile lor n relaiile cu Romnia, dans Analele Universitii din Bucureti, srie Histoire, t. 22,
n 2, pp. 81-94; R. C. Hall, Bulgarias Road to the
First World War, Columbia Univ. Press, 1996; J.-N.
Grandhomme, Le Gnral Berthelot et laction de la
France en Roumanie et en Russie mridionale (19161918). Gense. Aspects diplomatiques, militaires
et culturels avec leurs incidences. Prolongements
et perspectives, Chteau de Vincennes, 1999, chap.
La gense de lintervention bulgare, pp. 44-48,
ainsi que lanalyse assez rcente de R. F. Hamilton
et de H. H. Herwig, Decisions for War, 1914-1917,
Cambridge Univ. Press, 2005, pp. 170-174.
33
Sur la neutralit roumaine voir en gnral
les travaux de C. Kiriescu, Istoria rzboiului pentru ntregirea Romniei (1916-1919), (IIIe d., C.
24
iriescu, M. N. Popa, L. Popa), t. I, Bucarest, EdiK

tura tiintific i Enciclopedic, 1989, pp. 111-229;
Constantin Nuu, Romnia n anii neutralitii, Bucarest, Editura tiinific, 1972; Elisa Campus, Din
politica extern a Romniei 1913-1947, Bucureti,
Editura tiintific, 1980, pp. 45-74; Ioan Bulei, Arcul
ateptrii:1914,1915,1916, Bucarest, Editura Eminescu, 1981.
34
C. Kiriescu, op. cit., pp. 138-140, 146-148,
160-163; M. Bibiri-Sturia, Creterea influenei germane n Romnia, Bucarest, 1915; idem, Germania
n Romnia. Eri Azi Mine, Bucarest, 1916; J.-N.
Grandhomme, op. cit., chap. Des promesses aux
pressions, pp. 59-63avec une riche bibliographie;
Gh. N. Cazan, erban Rdulescu-Zoner, Romnia i
Tripla Alian, Bucarest, Editura tiinific i Enciclopedic, 1979; Ema Nastovici, Romnia i Puterile
Centrale n anii 1914-1916, Bucarest, Editura Politic, 1979.
35
I. G. Duca, Amintiri politice, t. I, Munich, Ion
Dumitru Verlag, 1981, pp. 179-180.
36
Ibid., chap. 13, Incidentul Poklewski, pp. 174177; Ioan Bulei, Un pisode de lhistoire diplomatique de la Premire Guerre mondiale: lincident
Poklevski, in La Prsence franaise en Roumanie
pendant la Guerre 1914-1918, Cluj, 1997, pp. 11-17.
37
I. G. Duca, op. cit., pp. 74-76; C. Kiriescu, op.
cit., pp. 166-169; E. Campus, op. cit., p. 49-54 ; Anastase Iordache, Incheierea acordului romno-rus
din 18 septembrie/1 octombrie 1914. Insemntatea
i consecinele sale, Studii.Revista de istorie, n 1,
1976, pp. 49-62.
38
Gh. Jurgea-Negrileti, Troica amintirilor. Sub
patru regi, 2e dition, Bucarest, Cartea Romneasc, 2007.
39
Traduction intgrale en franais des fragments
cits par Matei Cazacu.
40
Officier de dragons cheval, il tait, nous dit le
mmorialiste, propritaire de 300.000 hectares en
Ukraine. (Grce lui jai vu le premier Rolls-Royce).
Urusov tait venu avec tout lapparat digne dun
Urusov. Grce au pouvoir magique de largent, il
avait restaur une magnifique maison. Il avait un
cuisinier tatar, un valet franais et la fameuse Esme, devenue plus tard lpouse du ministre Grigore
Gafencu, op. cit., p. 65-66.
41
Ibid., pp. 76-78 et 155-157; cf., aussi Al.
Marghiloman, Note politice, t. I, Bucarest, 1927,
p. 548.
42
Gh. Jurgea-Negrileti, op. cit., p. 65-66.
43
Ibid., pp. 78-79. Voir aussi les considrations
de loncle Georges, poux de la sur de la grandmre, fille du baron Nolde, frachement revenu
du front, qui dplorait le gchis que lentre de
la Roumanie dans la guerre allait entraner, ibid.,
pp. 152-3.
25
Ibid., pp. 81-83. Pour ces deux derniers, ctait

lors des lections lgislatives de lhiver 1915 quand
Vasile Lucaci avait pos sa candidature Galai, cf.,
I. G. Duca, op. cit., pp. 204-206. Pour le sauvetage du
gnral Kaledine vad de la captivit autrichienne
et rfugi Bucarest, par ce mme patriote transylvain, voir Jurgea-Negrileti, op. cit., p. 83.
45
Stanislas Poklewski-Koziell, voir texte supra.
46
Camille Blondel (1854-1935), ambassadeur
Bucarest du 7 mai 1907 au 13 mai 1916 cf., I. G.
Duca, op. cit., pp. 158-159, 242.
47
Hilmar Freiherr von dem Bussche-Haddenhausen (1867-1939) cf. ibid., p. 64.
48
Ottokar von Czernin (1872-1932), cf. ibid.,
pp. 64-65. Nous ne pouvons pas confirmer le fait
que Londres avait guett lui-mme la maison de C. I.
Brtianu ou il sagit dune figure de style utilise pour
entrer dans le vif du sujet. De toute manire la Convention dalliance avec les puissances de lEntente
a t signe le 17 aot 1917 11 heures du matin
au domicile de Vintil Brtianu (aujourdhui Strada
Aurel Vlaicu) pour viter la prsence dventuels
espions ou journalistes qui auraient flair ce moment tant attendu par les chancelleries des puissances europennes. Voir les dtails pittoresques dans
les mmoires de I. G. Duca, op. cit., pp. 257-260.
49
La ville de Cernowitz, voir texte infra,
Cernui.
50
La rgion de Maramure.
51
La rivire de Tisza.
52
La ville de Suceava.
53
La rivire de Ceremu (en polonais Czeremosz)
affluent de la rivire de Prout.
54
La ville de Timioara.
55
La rivire de Siret.
56
Vraisemblablement, le restaurantCapa.
57
I. G. Duca, op. cit., p. 164. Une liste des journaux chez J.-N. Grandhomme, op. cit., p. 61. De
mme la vente du journal Minerva raconte par
C. Kiriescu, op. cit., p. 139.
58
Sur lactivit journalistique de Goga durant la
priode de la neutralit cf. ibid., p. 143.
59
Noublions pas que Londres revenait du front
de Gallipoli. Selon les sources cits par J.-N. Grandhomme, loc. cit., en mars 1915, il y avait peu prs
20.000 citoyens allemands prsents dans la capitale
roumaine.
60
Emanoil /Mihiescu/ Porumbaru (1845-1921),
Ministre des Affaires Etrangres (4 janvier 19148
dcembre 1916), membre du Parti National-Libral,
grand-pre maternel de lhistorien Vlad Georgescu.
61
Suite au trait international de Berlin (13 juillet 1878) qui mit fin la guerre russo-turque de
1877-1878, la Bulgarie devient une principaut autonome sous suzerainet ottomane.
62
Lors de lassemble du 5 octobre 1908
Veliko Trnovo, Ferdinand Ier de Saxe-Cobourg et
44
26
Gotha, lu prince de Bulgarie en 1887, proclame

lindpendance du pays et prend le titre de tsar
des Bulgares. La Bulgarie devient un royaume indpendant.
63
Dfaite de la Bulgarie durant la Deuxime
Guerre balkanique (16 juin 18 juillet 1913) qui
dboucha sur le trait de Bucarest (10 aot 1913).
Voir le dossier publi rcemment sur ce sujet Participarea Romniei la al Doilea Rzboi Balcanic,
Revista de Istorie Militar, n 3-4 (137-138), Bucarest, ISPAIM, 2013, pp. 1-93, avec sources et bibliographie.
64
N. Nikov, Les relations franco-bulgares
(1913-1915), Etudes balkaniques, t. X, Sofia, 1974,
pp. 281-291.
65
Le roi des Hellnes, Constantin Ier (1913-1917;
1920-1921), beau-frre de lempereur Guillaume II.
Voir son sujet la biographie de E. Driault, Le roi
Constantin, Versailles, 1930 avec le compte-rendu
de Nicolae Iorga dans la Revue Historique du sud-est
Europen, t. VII, n 7-9, 1930, pp. 149-151.
66
Vasil Hristov Radoslavov (1854-1929), prsident du Conseil des ministres deux reprises: 28
aot 1886 10 juillet 1887; 17 juillet 1913 -21 juin
1918. Il engagea la Bulgarie dans la guerre du ct
des Puissances Centrales.
67
Maurice-Paul-Emmanuel Sarrail (1856-1929),
figure parmi les meilleurs gnraux franais de la
Grande Guerre. Londres lui vouait un vritable culte, conscient de lnorme travail que le gnral avait
entrepris pour amliorer le sort des soldats allis, livrs eux-mmes au camp retranch de Salonique.
Voir notamment ses mmoires, Mon commandement en Orient (1916-1918), Paris, Flammarion,
1920, rdites et commentes par Rmy Porte, d.,
SOTECA, 2012.
68
P. Allard, LOreille fendue, Paris, 1933, apud,
J.-N. Grandhomme, op. cit., p. 82.
69
Cit daprs Ibid., pp. 116-117. Voir aussi le chap. Ltablissement du camp retranch de
Salonique, pp. 82-84 avec source et bibliographie.
70
Voir n. 48, supra. Sur la dcision roumaine
voir aussi les propos de Hamilton-Herwig, op. cit.,
pp. 174-178.
71
Qui crivit plus tard sa biographie, Le destin
de Lord Thomson of Cardington, suivi de Smaranda
par le brigadier gnral Lord Thomson of Cardington, prface par James Ramsay Mac Donald, Paris,
Flammarion, 1932.
72
Sur lachat prventif des rcoltes de crales par les Anglais et par les Allemands en 191516, voir toujours le savoureux tmoignage de Gh.
Jurgea-Negrileti, op. cit., p. 88 et suiv.
73
Ibid., pp. 158-161.
De la Tsingtao la Falklands
Distrugerea Escadrei Germane
a Asiei Orientale
ANDREI POGCIA *
Abstract
The German fleet was a new weapon at the start of World War One, and was mainly created
to support the German colonies in Africa and the Pacific. While the main body of the fleet was
stationed in Germany, the Pacific waters were navigated by the Ostasiengeschwader, the East
Asia Squadron, under the command of Vice-Admiral Von Spee. While trying to destroy as many
British and enemy ships as possible and return to home waters, the squadron was completely
destroyed at the battle off the Falklands Islands by British unchallenged naval superiority.
Keywords: Ostasiengeschwader, World War I, tactics, naval battle, von Spee, Falklands
Primul Rzboi Mondial este cunoscut mai ales pentru Frontul de Vest, unde luptele s-au dat
timp de patru ani n traneele care se ntindeau din Elveia la Marea Mnecii. Frontul de Est a
fost mult mai mobil, dar a fost n mare parte dat uitrii de istoriografie, la fel ca micile dar sngeroasele fronturi otomane.
Cursa narmrilor navale nainte
de 1914
i mai obscur este rzboiul naval din anii
1914-1918, mai ales cel dus flota german,
proaspt construit la insistenele mpratului Wilhelm al II-lea, secondat de unii dintre
comandanii imperiali. n primul rnd, dorea
s-i protejeze noile colonii, care aveau neaprat nevoie de existena unei flote de rzboi puternice. Momentul era propice, Marea
Britanie fiind mai mult interesat de Frana1,
inamicul ei occidental tradiional, stat care reprezenta un real pericol colonial n Africa, i se
nelegea foarte bine cu Rusia, un alt potenial
imens pericol pentru posesiunile asiatice ale
Londrei. Germania nu era privit ca o posibil
for naval, demn de a rsturna ntietatea

GrandFleet pe oceanele lumii.
Astfel, britanicii au nceput, n 1889, un
program de construire de noi nave, urmnd
teoria c flota britanic trebuie s fie n stare
s se confrunte concomitent cu urmtoarele
dou flote din lume, alipite2!
Observnd inteniile britanice, Frana a
demarat i ea construcia de nave moderne,
n anul urmtor. Peste nc un an, ca urmare a
ncheierii alianei franco-ruse, cele dou pri
au nceput s fac schimb de experien naval, circulnd chiar zvonuri c ruii vor primi
voie s foloseasc o baz naval de la Bizerta,
n Tunisia3. Aceasta a generat automat alarm
la Londra i Berlin deopotriv4.
* Doctor al Facultii de Istorie din cadrul Universitii Babe-Bolyai.
27
Dup nfrngerea din 1871 n faa Ger

maniei, Frana se orientase spre Africa, unde
inteniile sale coloniale se loveau de cele britanice. Flota francez era foarte modern, francezii aplicnd primii, chiar naintea britanicilor, toate inovaiile tehnice de ultim or5. n
faa alianei franco-ruse, Londra avea opiunea
de a se alia cu Germania, opiune nevalorificat ns din varii motive.
Strategia naval german s-a bazat pe teoria riscului, emis de amiralul von Tirpitz.
Fr a numi expres Marea Britanie, dar nelegndu-se c despre ea este vorba, teoria spunea
c inamicul Germaniei va avea ntotdeauna o
flot mai numeroas, dar rspndit n toat
lumea, astfel c flota german va trebui s fie
doar att de puternic nct s poat lupta cu
succes mpotriva navelor inamice din Europa.
Chiar dac germanii nu ar fi ctigat, trebuiau
s provoace daune inacceptabile flotei inamice,
de lung durat6.
Pentru a atinge acest el, i pentru a nu irita
Reichstag7-ul i Londra, Tirpitz s-a pronunat
pentru construcia a 60 de noi nave n urmtorii 20 de ani. Un imbold a fost i Rzboiul Burilor, din Africa de Sud, unde diplomaia german a intervenit pe ci neoficiale, sprijinind
inteniile de independen din zon. Britanicii
au aflat i au nceput s controleze toate navele
comerciale germane care navigau nspre porturile Africii de Sud, o umilin greu de ndurat
de ctre germani8. Wilhelm al II-lea a anunat
imediat c flota va fi la fel de puternic precum armata de uscat. Reichstag-ul ncepea i
el s fie convins. Astfel, prima lege german a
flotei, din 1898, prevedea construirea a 19 cuirasate, care vor fi nlocuite dup 25 de ani. A
doua Lege a Flotei, din anul urmtor, a hotrt
construirea unui numr dublu de cuirasate, 14
crucitoare mari i 38 crucitoare mici9.
Lucrarea lui Alfred Thayer Mahan, The
Influence of Seapower upon History, a influenat major cursa narmrilor navale, avnd un
efect profund mai ales asupra lui Wilhelm al
II-lea10. n articolul su din anul 1904 din Marine-Rundschau, mpratul se pronuna pentru construirea unor crucitoare foarte bine
narmate, dotate cu artilerie puternic, tocmai
din cauza inferioritii numerice n faa inamicilor. Noile crucitoare avute n vedere trebuiau s adopte caracteristicile cuirasatelor, mai
28
ales rapiditatea11. Amiralul Alfred von Tirpitz

a propus construirea de cuirasate pentru flota
german, fiind blindate, mai mari dect crucitoarele i distrugtoarele i avnd tunuri de
calibru mai mare12. Germanii nu uitaser c,
n 1870, flota francez bombardase coasta german fr vreo opoziie.
Observnd inteniile germane, Marea Britanie a nceput s i ntreasc flota domestic
prin aducerea de nave din Asia i Mediteran,
fapt posibil datorit demersurilor diplomatice
ncheiate cu succes n aceste zone. Amiralul
Sir John Fisher, numit n 1904 Prim Lord al
Amiralitii, a nceput imediat reforma naval,
casnd numeroase nave vechi i inutilizabile,
i demarnd un nou program de construire de
nave, fiind responsabil de planificarea i construirea navei Dreadnought, n 1906, care va
revoluiona concepiile militare navale din acel
moment13. Fisher voia nave rapide, care s nving inamicul prin vitez i putere de foc, pe
cnd Tirpitz voia nave puternice, care s sufere
daune, dar s poat lupta n continuare14.
n acelai an, programul naval german s-a
oprit, trecndu-se imediat la proiectarea de
nave de tip dreadnought. n 10 ani, Germania
a construit a doua flot ca mrime din lume,
pornind aproape de la zero, industria german
avnd capacitatea de a construi 8 dreadnought-uri pe an! Imediat, Austro-Ungaria i Italia
au demarat i ele programe de construcii de
astfel de nave15.
n ciuda ncercrilor germane, tot Marea
Britanie avea avantajul numeric n 1914 21
cuirasate fa de 15 germane, 9 crucitoare
fa de 5, 40 de cuirasate pre-Dreadnought,
fa de 22.
Primele lupte
Luptele navale au nceput n oceanele Pacific i Atlantic, unde acionau i nave comerciale narmate, care vnau navele comerciale
ale aliailor. Au rmas celebre navele Karlsruhe, Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse, Cap Trafalgar,
Prinz Eitel Friedrich, Kronprinz Wilhelm, pentru raidurile ncununate cu succes.
Englezii aveau nevoie de o victorie naval
decisiv, care s liniteasc navele germane,
i s restabileasc rutele comerciale16. Marele
avantaj al britanicilor a fost capturarea unor coduri navale germane de ctre rui, de pe o nav
german din Marea Neagr, i transmiterea

acestora autoritilor de la Londra. Odat interceptate, mesajele germane dezvluiau imediat
britanicilor orice micare a flotelor inamice.
Flota german era concentrat n apele teritoriale, n afar de cteva care operau n lume
n Caraibe, crucitorul uor Dresden; n estul Africii, Knigsberg; la Tsingtao, perla flotei
germane, Escadra Asiei de Est17, format din
cuirasatele moderne Scharnhorst i Gneisenau,
plus crucitoarele Leipzig, Nrnberg, Emden,
escadr comandat de amiralul von Spee18.
Marea Britanie avea cteva baze/escadre n
lume n China, un cuirasat i patru crucitoare; n India, un cuirasat i dou crucitoare; la Capul Bunei Sperane, trei crucitoare.
Acestora li se alturau flotele australian i
neozeelandez un crucitor i apte crucitoare uoare, i nave aliate 2 crucitoare
franceze, 2 crucitoare ruseti i flota japonez. Teoretic, aceste flote ar fi trebuit s spulbere flota german din Asia, dar aliaii trebuiau
nti s localizeze navele lui von Spee, mai ales
c ordinele iniiale au fost de a proteja transporturile de trupe aliate nspre Africa German de Est, trupele ANZAC nspre Europa, trupele australiene nspre Noua Guinee, trupele
neozeelandeze nspre Samoa19.
Ordinele navelor germane erau de a ataca
navele comerciale aliate, mai ales cele britanice, s in la distan flotele strine de apele
teritoriale ale Reich-ului i coloniilor, i, dac e
posibil, s distrug flota britanic din Pacific20.
n iunie 1914, la Tsingtao, Maximilian von
Spee21 a pornit ntr-un voiaj planificat spre posesiunile germane din Pacific, cu ntoarcere pe
20 septembrie. Pornit pe 20 iunie, von Spee a
primit un avertisment de conflict de la Berlin
pe 7 iulie, cnd se afla la Truk, i a navigat est,
nspre Ponape/Pohnpei. tiind c n cazul unui
conflict va fi vnat de flotele aliate, von Spee
a ordonat tuturor navelor germane, inclusiv
navei Dresden, din Caraibe, s vin la ntlnire n Pacific. Pe data de 1 august, la Ponape, a
venit i ntiinarea de la Berlin privind starea
de rzboi, navele fcnd pregtiri temeinicie
pentru angajamentele navale ce vor urma. n
11 august, ntreaga flot s-a adunat la insulele
Pagan, urmnd a se lua o decizie privind calea
de urmat. Era clar c nu putea s se ntoarc
la Tsingtao sau s navigheze spre Africa de
Est German, nici s atace porturile australiene, bine narmate, pregtite nc din secolul
trecut s fac fa cu succes unei ncercri de
invazie ruseti. Singura cale era s navigheze
spre America de Sud, unde putea intercepta
convoaie comerciale aliate, putea face aprovizionarea din porturile statelor neutre, ocolind
apoi sudul continentului pe la Capul Horn spre
Atlantic, unde putea din nou s cauzeze daune
flotelor aliate i s ncerce, eventual, s se ntoarc n Germania.
Decizia a fost comunicat cpitanilor de
sub comanda sa, n data de 13 august. Cpitanul Karl von Mller22, de pe Emden, a cerut
doar ca nava sa s rmn n Pacific, urmnd a
cauza distrugeri navelor aliate i a crea confuzie cu privire la localizarea flotei germane. Von
Spee a fost de acord. n aceeai sear, flota a ridicat ancora i a pornit spre Insulele Marshall.
Emden i-a ndeplinit misiunea, atacnd
numeroase inte, printre care portul Madras,
unde bombardeaz rafinriile de pe rm, milioane de tone de petrol arznd incontrolabil;
n octombrie, deghizat n nav britanic, a
ptruns n portul Penang, scufundnd crucitorul rus Zhemchug i distrugtorul francez
Mousquet; n 9 noiembrie, n timp ce ncerca
s trimit trupe pe uscat n insulele Cocos pentru a distruge o staie radio britanic, Emden
a fost atacat de crucitorul HMS Sydney, net
superior ca armament. Emden s-a luptat eroic,
dar a lovit un recif, aici sfrindu-se epopeea
sa rzboinic23.
Von Spee a ajuns la 19 august la Eniwetok,
unde britanicii distruseser staiile radio, astfel nct nava Nrnberg a fost trimis n Hawaii pentru a comunica Berlinului c flota se
ndreapt spre Chile. n 7 septembrie, la insula
Christmas, Nrnberg i celelalte nave scpate de la Tsingtao s-au alipit flotei. n 22 septembrie, von Spee a atacat portul Papeete, n
Tahiti, scufundnd 2 nave i avariind grav portul i oraul. Nu s-a apropiat de port i nu a trimis trupe pe uscat, temndu-se de minele navale franceze. Atacul a avut rolul de a dezvlui,
mcar pentru moment, poziia flotei germane.
De aici, von Spee s-a ndreptat spre insulele
Marquesas, apoi Insula Patelui24.
La nceputul lunii octombrie, Dresden a
transmis un mesaj prin care raporta lui von
Spee c a intrat n Pacific, dar este urmrit de
29
2 nave britanice. Dresden a primit ordin s vin

la Insula Patelui. Mesajul a fost interceptat de
britanici, care au nceput s se pregteasc de
confruntare. Faptul c von Spee se ndrepta spre
America de Sud putea nsemna c vrea s treac
n Atlantic, ceea ce era deja un real pericol.
n 14 octombrie, la Insula Patelui a ajuns
i Leipzig, cu crbuni de la San Francisco i cu
tiri despre rzboi. Guvernatorul Insulei Patelui, un englez, fr radio pe insul, habar nu
avea c lumea se afl n rzboi, i i-a aprovizionat pe germani cu tot ce le-a trebuit25.
Pe 18 octombrie, dup alimentarea cu crbuni, flota a ridicat ancora spre Valparaiso.Von
Spee primise mn liber de la Berlin, atta
timp ct producea ct mai multe pierderi inamicului, ct mai mult vreme.
Btlia de la Coronel
Dinspre Capul Horn venea o escadr britanic, complet inadecvat pentru o confruntare cu Scharnhorst i Gneisenau. Navele de
sub comanda contraamiralului Christopher
Cradock26 erau ns vechi i echipajele lipsite de experien, fiind din Rezerv i Paza de
Coast27. Pornit din apele teritoriale britanice, flota trebuia, n viziunea Amiralitii, s i
stabileasc baza n Insulele Falklands i s caute flota lui von Spee, pn la Valparaiso, i s o
distrug, laolalt cu orice alte nave comerciale
germane ar fi ntlnit. Cradock a trimis 3 nave
n cutarea lui Dresden, despre care aflase c
naviga prin strmtoarea Magellan, nave ajunse
n 15 octombrie la Valparaiso, ancornd alturi de pacheboturi germane, care au transmis
imediat informaia. Cradock sttea n expectativ la Stanley, existnd pericolul ca el s intre
n Pacific, iar von Spee n Atlantic. Totodat,
germanii ar fi putut s treac n Caraibe prin
canalul Panama, deinut de SUA, stat neutru,
care a anunat c trei nave militare pot trece n
acelai timp prin canal. Stul de ordinele londoneze, Cradock a pornit de la Stanley nspre
Strmtoarea Magellan n 22 octombrie28.
Misiunea sa a euat ns n mod tragic, navele sale neputnd face fa tunurilor de pe navele
germane i manevrelor executate de von Spee.
n dup-amiaza zilei de 1 noiembrie, cele dou
flote s-au ntlnit, germanii29 poziionndu-se
ntre escadra britanic30 i rm, pentru ca malul
ntunecat s ascund siluetele navelor, n timp
30
ce luna lumina bine navele britanice. Folosind

viteza i tirul precis o salv la 20 de secunde
germanii au distrus n aproximativ o or nava
lui Cradock, Good Hope, care s-a scufundat cu
toi cei 919 membri ai echipajului, dup care
au scufundat i crucitorul Monmouth, la ora
21.00, cu toi cei 735 marinari la bord31. Germanii au suferit pierderi i daune minime.
Btlia din largul Insulelor Falklands
tiind c britanicii vor cuta s-i ia revana, von Spee a intrat n Atlantic, hotrt
s ncerce o lovitur de importan strategic:
distrugerea depozitelor de crbuni i a staiei
radio de la Stanley, capitala Insulelor Falklands.
Totodat, muniia nu era ndeajuns, mai ales
pentru tunurile de calibru mare, iar depozitele
se aflau n Germania. ansele escadrei germane de a ajunge acas erau extrem de reduse, iar
von Spee tia aceasta. O victorie la Stanley ar fi
oprit flota britanic de a controla Atlanticul de
Sud, aceasta fiind singura baz naval de unde
navele care operau n zon se puteau aproviziona cu crbuni. ntre timp, Berlinul i transmisese c ntreaga flot german i va iei n ntmpinare n larg, dac va veni nspre Germania.
Dup mai bine de trei sptmni de ateptare
inutil i inexplicabil, escadra german a pornit nspre Capul Horn, trecnd cu greu prin
furtunile de aici32. Dac nu ar fi ateptat att,
von Spee ar fi gsit portul Stanley gol, iar istoria
Ostasiengeschwader ar fi fost cu siguran alta.
Planul lui von Spee era de a observa portul i
de a efectua operaiuni de deminare, dac acesta era gol. Urma un desant i distrugerea depozitelor i staiei radio. Apoi, ntreaga escadr ar
fi navigat spre cas. Doar von Schnberg, cpitanul lui Nrnberg, a fost de acord cu planul...
Britanicii, n stare de oc dup nfrngerea de la Coronel, au trimis mai multe nave33
spre Falklands, sub comanda vice-amiralului Sturdee34. Acestea au ajuns n Insulele
Falklands n dimineaa de 7 decembrie, i au
nceput imediat aprovizionarea cu crbuni i
pregtirea pentru confruntarea cu von Spee,
chiar dac nu se tia exact unde e acesta. n seara aceleiai zile au ajuns i informaiile despre
carbonierele germane vzute pe coasta estic
a Americii de Sud, n zona Montevideo-Rio de
la Plata. Escadra german trebuia deci s fie
aproape. Sturdee a fixat plecarea escadrei de la
tanley pentru a doua zi seara, nspre StrmS

toarea Magellan, n cutarea lui von Spee, cu
ct mai multe provizii la bord35.
n data de 8 decembrie, dimineaa devreme,
n timp ce navele, ancorate n dou locaii la oarecare distan unele de altele, erau n pregtiri,
unele chiar n reparaii, observatorii de pe rmul opus au dat alarma, dup ce au vzut dou
coloane de fum la sud-vest. O singur nav britanic era gata de lupt i putea s ias n larg.
Abia dup o jumtate de or, la 08.15, Sturdee a
dat ordinele de ieire n larg, indiferent de starea
navelor. O scurt perioad de haos s-a instalat,
n timp ce carbonierele intrau n port, i navele
de rzboi manevrau spre ieire. n mod normal,
le-ar fi trebuit o or s fie pregtite, dar inamicul era deja la aproximativ 8 mile/15 kilometri
cele dou nave care trebuiau s atace portul,
i 20 mile/35 kilometri von Spee cu restul navelor. Sturdee a trimis imediat mesaj Londrei
c escadra german atac baza, provocnd stupoare i panic n birourile Amiralitii36.
Gneisenau i Nrnberg se pregteau s urmeze planul de desant i bombardament, cnd
au observat mult prea mult fum acolo unde era
portul. Pentru a ajunge n raza vizual a celor
din Stanley, germanii ar fi trebuit s ocoleasc o parte a insulei, acolo unde ns i atepta Canopus, tras pe mal, care a deschis focul
asupra navelor germane la 09.2037. Von Spee
fusese anunat c nave britanice sunt n port,
dar nc nu tia cu ce are de-a face, spernd
c se va lupta cu nave vechi, pe care le putea
scufunda uor, ca la Coronel.
n jurul orei 10.00, escadra britanic a ieit
n larg. Navele, avnd artilerie de calibru mai
mare i cu btaie mai lung dect cele germane, primiser ordine clare: lupt n formaie
dac inamicul pstreaz formaia, n caz contrar, vntoarea individual.
La 12.47, crucitoarele Invincible i Inflexible au deschis focul asupra lui Leipzig. Von
Spee putea nc s se retrag, dndu-i seama
c nu prea are anse reale mpotriva escadrei
britanice, dar ar fi nsemnat c o sacrific pe
Leipzig38. Bazndu-se pe noroc, la 13.20 a dat
ordinul de atac, transmind totodat crucitoarelor uoare care-l nsoeau c sunt libere
s se salveze. Glasgow, Kent i Cornwall au intrat imediat n urmrirea lor. Cu toate c fumul
din courile navelor britanice sufla nspre ger Revista de istorie militar
mani, blocnd astfel aproape complet vizibilitatea tunarilor, von Spee nu a reuit s loveasc
decisiv. Abia dup ora 15.00, ajungnd la circa
9000 de metri deprtare, artileria a lovit n plin
n ambele tabere, daunele fiind mai mari pe navele germane, cele britanice avnd blindaj mai
gros. Sturdee tia c trebuie s ctige rapid
btlia, navele sale neavnd destul crbune la
bord pentru o urmrire de lung durat.
Nava amiral Scharnhorst a fost prima care
s-a scufundat. La 16.17, dup ce i-a transmis
lui Gneisenau s fug, nava s-a ntors pe o parte i a mers la fund cu toi cei 860 de marinari,
inclusiv von Spee i unul dintre fiii si.
La 17.50, Gneisenau a fost sabordat, doar
176 de membri ai echipajului fiind salvai de
britanici, printre ei nefiind nici cpitanul navei,
nici locotenentul Heinrich von Spee, al doilea
fiu al vice-amiralului.
ntre timp, dou carboniere germane fuseser scufundate de britanici, la fel nava Leipzig, care
a luptat eroic, dar fr anse, mpotriva navelor
Glasgow i Cornwall. Nrnberg a fost scufundat
de Kent, dup o lupt crunt, doar 12 supravieuitori fiind salvai de britanici, din care 6 au murit ulterior din cauza rnilor i hipotermiei.
Dresden, singura nav scpat de la Falklands, a reintrat n Pacific, unde a fost scufundat n martie 1915, de Kent i Glasgow,
n btlia de la Mas A Tierra, n insulele Juan
Fernandez39.
Epilog
Cu toate c britanicii cunoteau codurile
navale germane, nfrngerea ar fi putut fi evitat, i probabil von Spee ar fi ajuns cu toate navele n porturile germane, dac, dup Coronel,
nu ar fi rmas n Pacific timp de mai bine de
trei sptmni. O ntlnire cu escadra britanic
ar fi putut fi evitat, iar soarta navelor lui von
Spee ar fi fost, cu siguran, schimbat. n mod
ciudat, crucitorul german purtnd numele
lui von Spee a fost sabordat n apropiere de Insulele Falklands, n faa portului Montevideo,
n 1939, pentru a nu fi capturat de britanici.
Astfel a luat sfrit aventura naval german n primul Rzboi Mondial. n afar de Btlia Jutlandei, din 1916, ncheiat indecis n
faa britanicilor, marina german nu va avea
confruntri decisive de-a lungul rzboiului i
nu i va prsi porturile sau apele teritoriale,
31
rmnnd n istorie mai mult pentru revoltele

de tip bolevic din 1918.
Bibliografie:
Bernard Ireland War at Sea 1914-45,
London, Cassell, 2008.
Gary Staff German Battlecruisers 191418, Oxford, Osprey Publishing, 2006.
Gary Staff German Battleships 1914-18,
(1), Oxford, Osprey Publishing, 2010.
Michael Mc Nally Coronel and Falklands
1914. Duel in the South Atlantic, Oxford, Osprey Publishing, 2012.
Victoria Carolan WW1 at Sea, Harpenden, Pocket Essentials, 2007.
NOTE
1
Bernard Ireland War at Sea 1914-45,
p. 22.
2
Idem, p.23.
3
Ibidem.
4
Idem, p. 24.
5
Victoria Carolan WW1 at Sea, p. 14.
6
Bernard Ireland War at Sea 1914-45, p. 29.
7
Parlamentul german s-a lsat greu convins s
voteze bugete pentru construirea unei flote de rzboi.
8
9
Gary Staff German Battleships 1914-18, (1),
p. 6.
10
11
Gary Staff German Battlecruisers 1914-18,
p. 3.
12
1914, p. 6.
13
14
1914, p. 7.
15
16
Mici confruntri navale au avut loc n 1914 n
Marea Nordului, de ex. la Heligoland.
17
Ostasiengeschwader, numit i Die Geschwader/Escadra.
18
1914, p. 9.
19
Idem, p. 11.
20
Idem, p. 12.
21
Maximilian Reichsgraf von Spee, nscut n
Copenhaga n 1861, a intrat n Marin n 1878, servind n coloniile din Africa Occidental. Ajunge ef
de Stat Major al flotei Balticii n 1908, contra-amiral
n 1910, vice-amiral i comandant al escadrei Asiei
32
de Est/Ostasiengeschwader n 1912. Moare la 8 decembrie 1914, n timpul btliei din largul Insulelor
Falklands.
22
Karl Friedrich Max von Mller, nscut n
1873, a intrat n Marin n 1891, servind mult vreme drept comandant de canonier n Africa de Est
German, unde a contractat malarie. Reintrat n
serviciu activ n 1913, este numit n acelai an cpitan al crucitorului Emden, din flota de la Tsingtao,
de unde ridic ancora de urgen la 31 iulie 1914,
aflnd de situaia iminent de rzboi. Face raiduri n
Oceanul Indian, avnd 14 capturi navale, pn cnd
nava sa este atacat i eueaz pe un recif. i-a petrecut prizonieratul n Malta, apoi Marea Britanie, fiind
repatriat n Germania n 1918, unde moare n 1923.
23
1914, p. 19.
24
Idem, p. 20.
25
Ibidem.
26
Contra-amiralul Sir Christopher George
Francis Maurice Cradock, nscut n 1862, a intrat n
Marin n 1875, servind n apele teritoriale, Marea
Mediteran i China. Este numit n 1912 comandant
al flotei britanice din Bermude. Moare n btlia de
la Coronel, n 1 noiembrie 1914.
27
Abia dup dezastrul de la Coronel, Londra va
trimite nspre Atlanticul de Sud crucitoare de ultim generaie i alte nave capabile de lupt real.
28
1914, p. 30.
29
Navele Scharnhorst, Gneisenau, Nrnberg,
Leipzig, Dresden.
30
Navele Good Hope, Monmouth, Glasgow,
Otranto. Nava Canopus nu a ajuns n timp util pentru btlie.
31
Germanii au cerut navei s se predea. Monmouth, grav avariat i arznd aproape complet,
a inversat motoarele i a ncercat s loveasc nava
Nrnberg. Aceasta a tras cu toate tunurile, scufundnd nava britanic.
32
1914, p. 63.
33
Invincible, Inflexible, Carnarvon, Cornwall,
Kent, Canopus, Bristol, Glasgow, navele civile narmate Orama i Macedonia.
34
Sir Frederick Doveton Sturdee, nscut n 1859,
a servit n Marin in 1871, n apele teritoriale, India,
M. Mediteran, Australia i birourile Amiralitii,
ajungnd ef de Stat Major al flotei din Mediteran,
ulterior a Canalului Mnecii. Moare n 1925.
35
1914, p. 69.
36
Idem, p. 71.
37
Idem, p. 72.
38
Idem, p. 75.
39
Idem, p. 86.
Istorie antic`
Gladiatori i preoi
la gurile Dunrii*
MARIUS-CRISTIAN STREINU **
Abstract
Gladiator combats arrive in the Lower Danube area by means of the imperial cult that eventually replaced the cult of Rome. The particular type of entertainment represented, on one side,
a tool for prompting the process of Romanization by emphasizing the might and magnificence
of Rome and, on the other side, played the role of distracting the people from day to day issues
and hardships. The gladiatorial phenomenon penetrates our area just when it had arrived at
its peak, in the 2nd century A.D. Clear evidence of gladiator combats and their direct connection
to the imperial cult are found only in the city of Tomis where six gladiators are attested due to
the discovery of their funerary monuments. Due to the same type of discoveries, in the same city
are also known 3 pontarchs who had organized such combats. One irrefutable argument for the
importance of presenting gladiator combats is given by the discovery of the remains of an amphitheater, today under the Ibis Hotel (jud.Constanta). The end of this type of entertainment is
due to the wide spread of Christianity, hypothesis sustained by the building of a basilica in the
aforementioned amphitheater in order to consecrate the ground.
Keywords: Danube mouths, gladiators, Tomis, Roman Empire
Luptele de gladiatori sunt atestate pentru

prima dat n lumea roman la Roma, n secolul al III-lea a.Chr., mai exact n anul 264 chiar
n ajunul primului rzboi punic. La acea dat,
Marcus i Decimus Iunius Pera, cel din urm
fusese consul n anul 266 a.Chr., au prezentat
cu ocazia funeraliilor tatlui lor Iunius Brutus
Pera trei perechi de gladiatori care s-au luptat
pn la moarte n Forum Boarium1. Aadar,
luptele de gladiatori au avut iniial un caracter

funerar pierzndu-i acest aspect mult mai trziu, abia n timpul mpratului Augustus care a
centralizat organizarea, desfurarea, ordinea
i disciplina acestui spectacol sub autoritatea
imperial.
Odat cu expansiunea teritorial a Imperiului Roman spre est, ptrund n provinciile
noi cucerite obiceiurile, modul de via i de
* Aceast articol a beneficiat de suport financiar prin proiectul Rute de excelen academic n cercetarea
doctoral i post-doctoral-READ, contract nr. POSDRU/159/1.5/S/137926, proiect cofinanat din Fondul
Social European prin Programul Operaional Sectorial Dezvoltarea Resurselor Umane 2007-2013.
** Doctorand Universitatea Bucureti.
33
divertisment specific romane. n spaiul estic

grecesc luptele de gladiatori ptrund timid i
relativ trziu, exact n momentul culminant al
gladiaturii, n secolul al II-lea p.Chr. Aceast
ptrundere i dispersie a luptelor de gladiatori
n estul grecesc, i aici se cuvine s introducem
i teritoriul Dobrogei de azi dat fiind faptul c
acesta a fost guvernat de civilizaia greac
nc din secolul al VII-lea a.Chr.2, s-a datorat
celebrrii cultului imperial, substitutul cultului Romei; motiv pentru care trecerea la cultul
imperial a fost lin i mbriat fr echivoc
de populaia greceasc.
n teritoriul stpnit de romani, de la gurile Dunrii pn n sudul Romniei, marginit
la vest de Dunre i la est de Marea Neagr,
cunoscut astzi ca Dobrogea, luptele de gladiatori sunt atestate ntr-un singur ora, Tomis.
Nu trebuie s uitm c Tomis este un ora grecesc care nu i-a pierdut acest caracter nici sub
stpnirea roman. Luptele de gladiatori de aici
sunt legate de celebrarea cultului imperial, situaie indicat de trei inscripii ce menioneaz
pontarhi. Una dintre ele se gsete pe o baz
ridicat de Sfatul i Poporul metropolei n cinstea lui Aurelius Priscinus Isidorus, pontarh i
mare preot, datat 212-235 p.Chr., care n timpul magistraturii a organizat lupte de gladiatori i fiare timp de ase zile3:
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
, /
/
/
, , /
, /
, /
/
/
.4
O a doua dedicaie ridicat de Sfatul i
Poporul metropolei Tomis este dedicat lui
Aurelius Priscius Annianus, pontarh i mare
preot, datat 212-235 p.Chr., care n aceast
calitate a dat lupte de gladiatori i fiare5:
34
/
/
- /
/
/
() /
/
-/
- / ,
/
,
- /
- /
, , ,
/ /
.6
Cea de-a treia inscripie se gsete pe piatra
funerar a unui alt pontarh tomitan, anonim
de data aceasta, originar din Neapolis din Siria,
datat 101-200 p.Chr., care la rndul lui a dat
lupte de gladiatori i care, dup prerea lui V.
Bottez, a avut o familia gladiatoria care i-a i
pus inscripia7:
<>- /
/ /
[] , /
/ /
/
/ /
, /
/ {} /
/
, / (?) /
[]. /
/ /
/
.8
Prerea domnului V. Bottez o mprtesc
cu convingere, fiindu-mi cunoscute cazurile
altor mari preoi de cult imperial deintori de
familia gladiatoria, cum este cazul pontarhului Marcus Iulianus i soia sa, Sesstulia Cyrille
din Amisus, care au avut o famila gladiatoria
n spectacolul pe care l-au organizat cndva n
anii 209, 210 9. Munera fiind nelipsit de la ceremoniile legate de cultul imperial, din motive
ce in de aspectul economic i de disponibilitatea gladiatorilor, marii preoi deineau familia
gladiatoria. Aceste familia puteau fi vndute
mai departe de ctre preoii care i terminaser sacerdoia, celor care le urmau n funcie10.
Documentele de la Tomis confirm nc o

dat prerea general a cercettorilor c luptele
de gladiatori i animale slbatice sunt strns legate de cultul imperial11. Aristocraii, ca urmare
a accederii lor n cel mai nalt punct al ierarhiei
municipale, funcia de pontarh i de mare preot
al cultului imperial, ofereau tot ceea ce era mai
bun n lumea spectacolelor, lupte de gladiatori
i animale slbatice; toate acestea pentru a-i
arta devotamentul fa de mprat12.
Pentru desfurarea unor astfel de evenimente era necesar un spaiu special, amfiteatrul. Aceastr structur impresionant,
chiar i la dimensiuni reduse, prins n centrul
complexului cult imperial, proiecta structura
societii romane i servea ca amintire perpetu a hegemoniei Imperiului13.
Pe teritorul Dobrogei, care fcea parte din
provincia Moesia Inferior, se cunoate pn n
momentul de fa un singur edificiu de acest
gen, la Tomis. Aici, la finele anilor 80, n timpul lucrrilor pentru construirea hotelului
Partidului Comunist Romn (PCR), astzi hotel Ibis, n perimetrul dintre strzile Mircea cel
Btrn, Ecaterina Varga, Negru Vod i Drago
Vod, a ieit la iveal acest amfiteatru14. Peste
edificiu, ca i la Marcianopolis, se afla o basilic cretin. Zidul elipsoidal indic o aren cu
diametrul mare de 55-60 m i diametrul mic de
30-35 m; n timp ce pe sptarul unei banchete
se pstreaz o inscripie ce menioneaz un
nume fragmentar, n mod cert numele ocupantului15. Existena unui amfiteatru este atestat i
de un numr de trei descoperite aici, aprnd
sub denumirea de stadion16.
n ceea ce privete motivul construciei
unei basilici peste un amfiteatru, acesta a fost
determinat, cel mai probabil, de memoria
primilor martiri cretini, un argument n acest
sens este menionarea amfiteatrului de la Marcianopolis n viaa martirilor Maximus, Theodotus i Asclepiodata17.
Un munus avea trei pri principale.
Dimineaa avea loc venationes, la mijlocul zilei damnatio ad bestias; iar dup amiaza se
desfsura momentul principal al zilei, luptele
de gladiatori18. Acestea din urm de obicei se
desfurau ntre doi lupttori de armaturi diferite i nivel de lupt asemntor19.
n teritoriul cercetat n acest articol, sunt
identificate un numr de trei armaturi menio Revista de istorie militar
nate n inscripii, venatores, retiarius, provocator i dou dintre reliefuri, secutor i scissor.
Stelele funerare, pe lng meniunea armaturii, ne vorbesc despre cei din spatele uniformelor i mnuitorilor de arme, gladiatorii.
Informaiile despre acetia sunt unice prin
prisma experienei, personalitii i statutului
fiecrui personaj n parte. n felul acesta aflm
din epitaful lui Skirtos Dakesis, descoperit la
Tomis, c acesta era retiarius i a dobndit ase
victorii, dar cel mai important este meniunea
faptului c era 20:
/ () /
, - / , / - /
, , / - /
() .21
n opinia mea acesta nu este singurul libert
care a luptat n Moesia Inferior. La Palazu,
lng Constana, a fost descoperit piatra de
mormnt a unui venatores, pe numele su din
aren Attalos, mort n urma luptei cu un bivol
slbatic22:
, - / ,
, | [] /
, [ ]- /
| []- /
[] , []23.
Faptul c de obicei venatores fceau parte
din rndul oamenilor liberi,24 dar i relieful
inscripiei care nfieaz dou personaje,
unul masculin i unul feminin n straie specifice perioadei secolelor II-III p.Chr., confirm
cele spuse de mine mai sus.
Un monument funerar, indiferent de mrime, presupunea cheltuirea unei sume considerabile de bani. Gladiatorii, a cror memorie
s-a pstrat peste secole, trebuiau s fi dispus de
astfel de lichiditi sau, dup caz, unii dintre ei
erau nmormntai i li se ridica un monument
de crte colegii de breasl sau de ctre antreprenor25. Dou astfel de monumente se gsesc
la Tomis, unde Argutos, retiarius, nvingtor
de ase ori n lupt, a fost nmormntat de un
anume Orestes care era fie un coleg de breasl,
fie antreprenorul acestuia26:
/
() /
/ .27
n schimb, lui Amarantos, stela i este ridicat de un anume Sophon i nmormntat de
35
Ophellius Longus28:
- / |
- / | - /
/ |
- / .29
Din pcate, armatura din care face parte
nu este menionat. n opinia noastr, primul
personaj este un coleg de breasl, n timp ce al
doilea este antreprenorul su, lanista.
Alte monumente funerare scot n eviden
calitile sau mai degrab caracteristicile lupttorilor. n acest sens aflm din epitaful lui
Agroicos descoperit la Tomis, provocator, c
era stngaci30:
/
.31
Acest aspect nu este menionat la ntmplare, mna stng fiind n antichitate aductoare de izbnd32.
ns nu toate monumentele funerare ne
ofer informaii ca cele de mai sus, ajungnd
pn la noi doar numele i armatura. Aici se
ncadreaz monumentul funerar fragmentar
care nfieaz un gladiator secutor, de la Tomis, din numele cruia se pstreaza doar trei
litere DIO, posibil Dio[doros?].33
Faptul c luptele de gladiatori erau populare la gurile Dunrii nu poate fi contestat avnd
n vedere cele prezentate mai sus, iar descoperirea mai multor artefacte de tipul opaielor,
vaselor terra sigillata i obiectelor din bronz
cu reprezentri de gladiatori, vin s sprijine
aceast afirmaie. Opaie ce prezint pe discuri
reliefuri cu gladiatori au fost descoperite la
Barboi34 i Histria35. Din categoria obiectelor
de bronz a fost descoperit la Callatis o statuet de bronz ce reprezint un lupttor de tip
retiarius36.
Dup cum se poate observa, att edificiile, ct i monumentele legate de gladiatur
au fost descoperite fie n oraele fondate de
greci, fie n castre, continund astfel tradiia
greceasc de organizare a jocurilor publice.
Cetenii bogai ai acestor orae care acced n
funcii importante, n acest caz cea de mare
preot, ofer populaiei lupte de gladiatori i
fiare. Pentru desfurarea acestor spectacole era nevoie de locuri special amenajate sau
modificate care s aibe n vedere att mri36
mea optim a suprafeei de lupt, numrul de

locuri destinate spectatorilor proporionale
cu numrul populaiei oraului i a teritoriului ce-i aparinea ct i meninerea siguranei
asistenei n timpul spectacolelor. Mai mult,
n aceste edificii era un fapt comun ca unele
bnci s fie inscripionate cu numele oficialilor, familiilor influente sau breslelor, crora le
revenea dreptul de a avea locuri speciale37. n
ceea ce privete actorii amfiteatrelor, acetia,
chiar dac nu avem referiri n privina vrstei
i numrului de lupte, doar numrul de victorii, sunt cu siguran profesioniti. n secolele
II-III p.Chr., ncadrare cronologic din care fac
parte toate materialele i edificiile referitoare
la gladiatur din ntreg orientul grec, ansele
de supravieuire a lupttorilor sunt foarte mici,
sugernd c audiena devine mai sofisticat, cu
cerine bine definite n ceea ce privete luptele de gladiatori fcnd ca missio s devin un
obiectiv greu de realizat38.
Toate elemente care fac referire la luptele
de gladiatori din acest spaiu extrem al Imperiului sunt datate ca aparinnd intervalului
secolului al II-lea p.Chr. finele secolului al
III-lea p.Chr. Dup divizarea Moesiei n Superior i Inferior n anul 86 p.Chr. i dobndirea
statutului de civitates stipendiariae a cetilor
greceti, acestea din urm i extind pieele,
cresc investiiile n afacerile locale, ajung muli
emigrani atrai de oportunittile n ceea ce
privete deschiderea i meninerea unei afaceri
de succes, precum i accederea n aristocraia
local i a clasei conductoare39. Aceast
situaie face s circule intens ideile i tot ceea
ce era la mod, inclusiv luptele de gladiatori.
Ceea ce a dus la finalul munera gladiatoria n
teritoriile estice ale Imperiului a fost ptrunderea cretinismului i convertirea populaiei
la aceast religie.
Bibliografie
Cassius Dio Cassius Dio, Istoria roman.
Vol. II. Traducere i note de A. Piatkowski,
Cluj, 1977.
Suetonius Suetonius, Vieile celor doisprezece Cezari, traducere David Popescu i C. V.
Georoc, Bucureti, 2005.
IDR III/2 Inscripiile Daciei romane, Volumul III: Dacia Superior, 2, Ulpia Traiana
Dacica (Sarmizegetusa), Editor I. I. Rusu n

colaborare cu Ioan Piso i Volker Wollmann,
Bucureti, 1980.
ISM II I. Stoian, Inscriptiones Scythiae Minoris Graecae et Latinae. II. Tomis et territorium, Bucureti, 1987.
Bottez 2009 Valentin Bottez, Cultul imperial n provincia Moesia Inferior (sec. I-III
p.Chr.), Bucureti, 2009.
Bouley 1994 Elisabeth Bouley, La gladiature et la venation en Mesie Inferieure et en
Dacie partir du regne de Trajan, n Dialogue
dhistoire ancienne, 20/1, 1994, 29-53.
Bowersock 2000 Glen W. Bowersock,
Selected paper on Late Antiquity, Bari, 2000.
Carter 2004 Michael Carter, Archiereis and Asiarchs: A gladiatorial perspective,
n Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 44,
2004, 41-68.
Conrad 2004 Sven Conrad, Die grabstelen
aus Moesia Inferior. Untersuchungen zur Chronologie, Typologie und Ikonografie, Leipzig,
2004.
Dragomir 1984 Ion T. Dragomir, Vestigii milenare inedite din patrimoniul Muzeului Judeean de Istorie Galai. Colecia Dr.
Alexandru Nestor-Mcellariu, Peuce, IX,
1984, 157-185.
Futrell 2006 Alison Futrell, The roman games: a sourcebook, Oxford, 2006.
Gerov 1980 Boris Gerov, Marcianopolis im Lichte der historischen Angaben und
der archologischen, epigraphischen und numismatischen Materialien und Forschungen.
n Beitrge zur Geschichte der Rmanischen
provinzen Moesien und Thrakien. Gesammelte Aufstze, Amsterdam, 1980, 289-312.
Irimia 1966 Mihai Irimia, Bronzuri figurate, Muzeul regional de arheologie Dobrogea,
Constana, 1966.
Lungu 2000 Vasilica Lungu, Pratiques
funraires et formes dorganisation sociale
dans la ncropole de la cit grecque dOrgam,
n Tombes tumulaires de lge du Fer dans le
Sud-Est de lEurope. Actes du IIe Colloque International dArchologie Funraire, Tulcea,
2000.
Minhev 2 011 Alexander Min-hev, Greek tradition and roman taste: Continuity and
change in Odessos/Odessus (3rd c.Bc. 3rd c.

Ad.), n Early Roman Thrace. New evidence
from Bulgaria, Ed. By Ian P. Haynes, Portsmouth, 2011, 15-39.
Petolescu Constantin C. Petolescu, Dacia.
Un mileniu de istorie, Bucureti, 2010.
Rdulescu 1991 Adrian Rdulescu,
Recherches archologiques rcentes dans
le primtre de la cit de Tomis, n tudes
Byzantines et post-Byzantines, II, Bucureti,
1991, p. 23-45
Robert 1940 , Louis Robert, Les gladiateurs dans lOrient grec, Paris, 1940.
Stoian 1962 I. Stoian, Tomitana. Contribuii epigrafice la istoria cetii Tomis,
Bucureti, 1962.
Suceveanu 1967 Alexandru Suceveanu,
Depozitul de statuete romane de teracot de
la Histria, n Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche, 2, Tomul 18, 1967, 243-268.
tefan 1948 Gh. tefan, Noi monumente
epigrafice relative la gladiatorii din Tomis, Buletinul tiinific, I/1, 1948, 28-45.
Teyssier, Lopez 2005, Eric Teyssier et
Brice Lopez, Gladiateurs des sources
lexprementation, Paris, 2005.
Vagalinski 2002, Lyudmil Vagalinski, Arenas of Roman Thrace, in the Roman and Late
Roman city. n The International Conference
(Veliko Turnovo 26-30, July 2000), Sofia, 2002,
279-289.
Ville 1981 Georges Ville, La gladiature en
Occident des origins la mort de Domitian,
Rome, 1981.
Surs electronic:
epigraphy.packhum.orghttp://epigraphy.
packhum.org/inscriptions/main
NOTE
1
Teyssier, Lopez 2005, 14.
2
Lungu 2000, 110; Petolescu 2010, 16, nota 7.
3
ISM II, 96 (62); Carter 1999, 299, nr. 8; Bottez
2009, 118.
4
# PH173195, http://epigraphy. packhum org/
inscriptions/main?url=gis%3Fregion%3D5,10.
04.2015.
5
Bottez 2009, 118.
6
# PH173196, http://epigraphy.packhum.org/
inscriptions/main?url=gis%3Fregion%3D5,10.04.
37
2015.
7
Stoian 1962, 162; ISM II, 188 (24); Bottez 2009,
119.
8
2015.
9
Robert 1940, 130, nr. 78.
10
Carter 2004, 44; Futrell 2006, 149.
11
Robert 1940, 270; Bouley 1994, 36; Bowersock
2000, 46; Bottez 2009, 187-189.
12
Ville 1981, 208.
13
Futrell 2006, 52.
14
in s i multumesc domnului Prof. Univ. dr.
Alexandru Barnea pentru c mi-a atras atenia asupra acestui edificiu i pentru informaiile furnizate
referitor la aceast descopeire.
15
Rdulescu 1991, 35-36; Bottez 2009, 200.
16
Stoian 1962, 162-163.
17
Gerov 1980, 292-293; Vagalinski 2002, 280.
18
Teyssier, Lopez 2005, 17; Futrell 2006, 84.
19
Teyssier, Lopez 2005, 17; Futrell 2006, 94.
20
Robert 1940, 105; Stoian 1962, 199; Conrad
2004, 166.
21
2015.
38
ISM II, 340.

# PH17344. http://epigraphy.packhum.org/
2015.
24
Stoian 1962, 201, nota 5.
25
Futrell 2006, 143.
26
Robert 1940, 105-106; Stoian 1962, 201, nota 6.
27
2015.
28
Stoian 1962, 200-201, nota 6.
29
2015.
30
ISM II, 288
31
2015.
32
Cassius Dio, 73, 19; Robert 1940, 70; Stoian
1962, 199, nota 8.
33
tefan 1948, 35; Stoian 1962, 200.
34
Dragomir 1987, 169.
35
Suceveanu 1967, 248.
36
Irimia 1966, 39.
37
Suetonius, Augustus, 44; IDR III/2, 61-62;
Bottez 2009, 200.
38
Futrell 2006, 144.
39
Minhev 2011, 24.
22
23
Istorie antic`
Confruntarea final dintre

Constantin cel Mare i Licinius
un moment de rscruce
n istoria universal
ALEXANDRU MADGEARU *
Abstract
The fight between Constantine and Licinius to establish a unique rulership over the
empire began in 316, being accompanied by different attitudes toward Christianity
(Licinius started a new series of persecutions). The agreement between the two
emperors concluded in 317 lasted only five years. In 322, Constantine campaigned in
a region ascribed to Licinius (Thracian diocese). He was the initiator of the conflict of
324 (he prepared a field army and a fleet to conquer the European provinces ruled by
Licinius). This final confrontation had two stages. In the first one, Constantine won a
battle at Adrianople despite his enemys superiority the superiority of the enemy. The
remaining forces of Licinius found shelter in Byzantion. In the second stage, the troops
landed at Chrysopolis gained the final victory. Licinius abandoned the power.
The war of 324 was important for the world history because a victory of Licinius
would have resulted in the continuation of the persecution; the citizens of the empire
would have had to follow the monotheistic religion of the Sun, preferred by Licinius.
The Council of Nicaea would not have been summoned if Constantine had been
defeated. Another consequence was the foundation of Constantinople. A new capital
was not something that Licinius would have wished, because he insisted on preserving
the Roman tradition. In this counterfactual history, the empire would have had ruled
only by Rome.
Keywords: Constantine the Great, Licinius, Adrianople, Constantinople,
Chrysopolis, Christianity
* Cercettor tiinific gr. I, Institutul pentru Studii Politice de Aprare i Istorie Militar.
39
n luptele pentru putere desfurate n

imperiu dup moartea lui Galerius, acela
dintre tetrarhi care a deinut de facto poziia
predominant ntre anii 308-3111, atitudinea
fa de cretini a avut n permanen un rol
nu doar important, ci i decisiv. Pe cnd
augustii Constantin i Licinius erau aliai
i stabileau la Mediolanum aplicarea n tot
imperiul a msurilor de toleran fa de
cretini care fuseser decise de Galerius prin
edictul de la Serdica din aprilie 311, rivalul
lor, augustus Maximinus Daza, a declanat un
rzboi civil (el avea reedina la Nicomedia i
se proclamase prim augustus imediat dup
moartea lui Galerius). Armatele comandate
de Maximinus Daza au plecat din Syria, au
traversat provinciile din Asia Mic i au ajuns
la Byzantion, oraul de origine greac situat pe
malul Bosphorului. Ofensiva a continuat apoi
n Thracia. La 30 aprilie 313, n apropiere de
Tzirallum (orlu) s-a dat btlia decisiv, n
care armata lui Licinius cu efective de 30.000
de oameni a obinut victoria (Maximinus Daza
a fugit i apoi s-a sinucis). Confruntarea dintre
cei doi augusti a pus n eviden eecul ideii
de conducere colectiv a imperiului. Ceea ce
este relevant pentru discuia care urmeaz
este faptul c ambii conductori au apelat
la religie pentru a ntri moralul soldailor.
Maximinus Daza a jurat lui Jupiter c va
nimici pn i numele de cretin. n schimb,
Licinius le-a ordonat militarilor s spun un fel
de rugciune adresat divinitii supreme, pe
care ar fi primit-o de la un nger cu o noapte
nainte2.
n anii urmtori, Licinius s-a manifestat
ca un protector al cretinilor, acionnd chiar
pentru judecarea unora dintre cei care fuseser
responsabili de persecutarea lor nainte de
3133. Situaia s-a schimbat atunci cnd a
intervenit rivalitatea dintre el i Constantin,
fiecare dintre acetia urmrind acapararea
puterii unice n imperiu. Un prim conflict ntre
armatele comandate de Licinius i Constantin a
intervenit n 316, n Pannonia i apoi n Thracia
(datarea n 314 a fost contestat n studiile mai
noi, pe baza analizei emisiunilor monetare)4.
Deoarece Constantin era deja partizanul
cretinilor, dei el nsui nc nu se botezase,
Licinius a transpus ostilitatea fa de acesta n
plan religios, devenind noul persecutor. Spre
40
deosebire de Maximinus Daza, care a fost

un fanatic pgn, Licinius a adoptat aceast
atitudine nu din convingere, ci pentru a lovi n
cei pe care i proteja rivalul su politic. ncepnd
din 320, el a pornit o politic sistematic de
ndeprtare a cretinilor din aparatul de stat,
fiind reintrodus obligativitatea jurmintelor
fa de zei prestate de ctre funcionari. n
teritoriul controlat de el (provinciile asiatice
i partea de est a Peninsulei Balcanice) unii
cretini au suferit chiar moartea martiric.
Totui, persecuia lui Licinius nu a avut
anvergura i violena celei din anii 305-3115.
Ostilitatea dintre Constantin i Licinius a
ajuns la apogeu n 322, cnd s-a produs violarea
acordului de mprire a teritoriului imperiului
care fusese stabilit n martie 317 (Constantin
a purtat o campanie contra goilor n dioceza
Thracia)6. Se pare c Licinius a fost acuzat
de Constantin c nu a fost capabil s asigure
securitatea frontierei7. Acest fapt a condus i
la declanarea celui de-al doilea rzboi dintre
Constantin i Licinius, cel care va fi analizat
n cele ce urmeaz. Informaiile despre el sunt
destul de sumare. Exist de fapt doar trei izvoare
care au transmis relatri despre desfurarea
rzboiului din 324: o biografie contemporan
a lui Constantin8, Viaa lui Constantin scris
la scurt timp dup evenimente de episcopul
Eusebius de Caesarea,9 precum i istoria lui
Zosimos, scris la sfritul secolului al V-lea10.
Informaiile din sursele trzii (cronica lui
Symeon Magister din secolul al X-lea11 i istoria
lui Ioannes Zonaras din secolul al XII-lea12)
sunt doar preluri (Zonaras a folosit o lucrare
pierdut despre epoca lui Constantin)13. n
plus, se pune problema veridicitii surselor.
Eusebius a fost un fel de propagandist al lui
Constantin cel Mare, iar cealalt biografie este
i ea prtinitoare. Pe de alt parte, istoria lui
Zosimos este scris cu mai mult obiectivitate,
dar este destul de trzie fa de evenimente, i
nu se tie ce surse a folosit.
n acea perioad, armata roman dispunea
de un efectiv de circa 650.000 de oameni
(estimarea maxim, bazat pe informaii mai
trzii)14. La confruntarea dintre Constantin
i Licinius au participat aproape jumtate
din aceste fore, inclusiv unele care fuseser
retrase de la frontiera dunrean. n istoria lui
Zosimos sunt menionate efective de 120.000
de militari pedetri i 10.000 de cavaleri n

armata lui Constantin i de 150.000 de pedetri
i 15.000 de cavaleri n armata lui Licinius15.
Armata lui Constantin, care rmsese la
Thessalonic dup confruntarea cu goii din
anul 323, era de fapt o armat de ocupaie i
agresoare, cci se afla n partea de imperiu
care i aparinea de drept lui Licinius (fapt
trecut sub tcere de Eusebius). La fel ca n 316,
Constantin a iniiat conflictul pentru a se reveni
la o conducere unic a imperiului, dar Licinius
avea i el aceeai ambiie. Eusebius scria, dup
ce a prezentat zdrobirea lui Licinius, c toate
provinciile aflate sub stpnire roman s-au
unit ntreolalt (...). Iar Constantin (...) a luat n
stpnire i Rsritul, refcnd sub el vechea
unitate a statului roman16.
Teatrul de rzboi din vara anului 324 a
fost aproximativ acelai ca n 313, atunci
cnd Licinius l-a atacat pe Maximinus
Daza. Relatarea cea mai precis este cea a
lui Zosimos, completat n unele detalii de
biografia anonim. n prima etap, armata
lui Constantin a mrluit pe Via Egnatia de
la Thessalonic pn pe valea rului Hebrus
(Maria), n apropiere de Adrianopol, unde se
instalase armata lui Licinius. Acesta organi
zase un dispozitiv pe o lungime de 200 de
stadii (37 km) ntre versantul unui munte i
rul Tonzos (Tunda). Dup o incursiune
care a provocat dezordine, un corp de armat
de 800 de cavaleri i 5000 de pedestrai care
stteau ascuni n pduri au lovit un flanc al
dispozitivului lui Licinius. A urmat atacul
frontal al restului forelor lui Constantin, care
au trecut rul. Au fost ucii 34.000 de militari
(Constantin a fost i el rnit). Trupele pe
care le mai avea Licinius au fost nevoite s se
retrag la 3 iulie 324 (Eusebius menioneaz
i trecerea unora de partea lui Constantin).
Rmiele armatei lui Licinius au ajuns la
Byzantion. Aceast poziie a fost asediat pe
uscat i pe mare de forele lui Constantin.
Licinius a subestimat posibilitatea atacului pe
mare i s-a concentrat asupra aprrii terestre
a oraului. Ceea ce distinge conflictul din 324
este desfurarea de operaiuni combinate
terestre i navale, avnd drept scop controlul
zonei din jurul strmtorilor de la nord i
sud de Propontida (Bosphor i Dardanele).
Flota lui Constantin a fost constituit n mod
special n acest scop, dup ce a fost amenajat

un mare port la Thessalonic, ca baz pentru
ea. Flota era comandat de fiul su caesarul Crispus, fiind compus din 200 de vase
de lupt de tip triaconter (cu 30 de vslai
dispui pe o singur punte) i din 200 de nave
de transport. Efectivul este apreciat la 10.000
de marinari. Flota lui Licinius comandat de
Amandus numra 350 de trireme (vase cu
trei puni de vslai), adunate n grab din
mai multe provincii maritime (cu un efectiv
apreciat la 54.000 de oameni). Aceasta a fost
una dintre ultimele atestri ale triremelor n
lupte navale. Confruntarea pe mare a avut
loc n zona peninsulei Callipolis (Gallipoli),
iar victoria a aparinut navelor mai puine,
dar mai uor manevrabile ale lui Constantin.
Cele mai multe dintre navele lui Licinius au
fost distruse sau capturate (au rmas doar opt,
cu care Amandus a fugit la Byzantion). Dup
aceea, flota comandat de Crispus a avansat
spre Byzantion17.
Prin obinerea controlului asupra Propon
tidei, Constantin i-a tiat lui Licinius posi
bilitatea de a mai aduce n Europa alte trupe din
provinciile orientale. De asemenea, Licinius
nu a mai avut cum s suplimenteze garnizoana
de la Byzantion. A urmat a doua etap terestr
a confruntrii, nceput prin asediul acestei
ceti, executat cu ajutorul unor turnuri de
lemn mobile, a berbecilor i al catapultelor.
Incinta nu a fost penetrat, dar Licinius a
preferat s abandoneze oraul Byzantion, i
cu forele rmase s-a retras pe malul asiatic, la
Chalcedon, cu sperana c va mai putea obine
noi trupe din provinciile asiatice. Acestea
nu au mai venit. A ncercat chiar blocarea
debarcrii forelor inamice prin ocuparea unei
poziii la Lampsakos (Lapseki), unde l-a trimis
pe comandantul Martinianus, numit atunci n
demnitatea de caesar. Debarcarea s-a produs
ns n alt loc, la circa 37 km de Chalcedon, n
punctul denumit Hieron Akron (Promontoriul
sacru), lng Chrysopolis (skdar). Forele
lui Constantin au ocupat imediat poziii pe
colinele de lng mal. Licinius a chemat trupele
de la Lampsakos pentru a angaja lupta, n ziua
de 18 septembrie 324. Licinius a beneficiat
de ajutorul unei oti de goi comandai de
Alica. La aliana lui Licinius cu goii face
aluzie i Eusebius n prezentarea celui din
41
urm conflict (nepregetnd s se alieze cu

barbarii), iar Iordanes a transmis informaia
eronat c goii au luptat de partea lui
Constantin i c l-au ucis pe Licinius. Armata
lui Constantin a obinut victoria, folosindu-se
i de avantajele terenului (ocupase colinele).
Zosimos afirm c din 130.000 de oameni,
doar 30.000 au scpat. Conform biografiei
anonime a lui Constantin, au fost ucii 25.000
dintre soldaii lui Licinius, iar restul au fost
pui pe fug, iar oraul Chalcedon a capitulat.
Eusebius, poate exagernd spre a evidenia
meritele lui Constantin, scria c acesta ntrun singur iure a spulberat ntreaga oaste a
potrivnicilor, iar biografia anonim meniona
c supravieuitorii s-au predat atunci cnd a
aprut flota lui Constantin18.
Exist o inscripie descoperit n Scythia
Minor, la Ulmetum (Pantelimonul de Sus,
jud. Constana), cenotaful unui subofier din
garda imperial Valerius Victorinus, care a
murit in proelio Roamnorum (sic!) Calcedonia
contra aversarios19. El provenea din teritoriul
subordonat lui Licinius, i s-a remarcat c
n concepia familiei decedatului, veritabilii
romani erau supuii lui Licinius, adic aceia
care se opuneau noii religii cretine, care era
privit de pgni ca o ameninare pentru
securitatea imperiului20.
Dup victoria decisiv a lui Constantin,
Licinius a fugit la Nicomedia (capitala prii
orientale a imperiului), iar dup cteva zile
a renunat la putere. Licinius a fost executat
n 325 la Thessalonic, dup o tentativ de
rebeliune, pentru care ar fi ncercat s obin
din nou sprijinul goilor21.
Rzboiul civil dintre Constantin i Licinius
din 324 a avut o importan mai mare dect s-ar
putea crede la prima vedere, tocmai din cauza
opiunilor religioase divergente ale celor doi
rivali. Cineva a denumit rzboiul o cruciad22.
La scurt timp dup victorie, Constantin a
adresat patru mesaje populaiei din provinciile
orientale, reproduse n biografia lui Eusebius,
n care se proclam angajamentul su fa de
cretinism i se anun sfritul persecuiei
organizate de Licinius, a crui tiranie era
asociat cu reluarea violenelor anti-cretine.
Pacificarea imperiului reprezenta i restabilirea
libertii Bisericii i a proprietilor confiscate.
Victoria contra lui Licinius era expres atribuit
42
graiei divine, Constantin considerndu-se

el nsui primul mprat cretin23. Prin aceste
mesaje se puneau bazele politicii de protecie
imperial asupra Bisericii, care s-a concretizat
imediat dup aceea prin convocarea unei
adunri a episcopilor din imperiu, a cror
misiune era de a decide o doctrin unitar
i unanim acceptat de toi cretinii. Pentru
Constantin, unitatea politic a imperiului
trebuia s se mbine i cu unitatea Bisericii.
Aa s-a ajuns la organizarea primului conciliu
ecumenic, desfurat la Niceea, ntre 20 mai
i 25 iulie 325. Din dezbaterile conciliului a
rezultat prima form a simbolului credinei
(Crezul), dup ce a fost respins erezia arian24.
Nu este aici locul unei expuneri pe larg a celor
petrecute la Conciliul de la Niceea, dar este de
reinut ideea c doctrina adoptat acolo este
fundamentul cretintii rsritene i apusene
deopotriv. Este unul dintre momentele fonda
toare ale culturii europene, iar convocarea sa,
care a implicat sprijinul logistic al statului, s-a
fcut la iniiativa, interesat politic desigur, a
lui Constantin, care a i prezidat deschiderea
lucrrilor.
Dup cum scria Eusebius, Licinius a inut
un discurs militarilor n care spunea c a
sosit, aadar, clipa care va lmuri cine anume se
nal; clipa care va hotr ntre zeii venerai de
noi, i aceia crora li se nchin mpotrivitorii
notri.25 Chiar dac poate c aceste vorbe nu
au fost spuse de Licinius n preziua btliei
de la Adrianopol, ideea confruntrii dintre
cretinism i pgnismul tradiional roman
este real. n 324 s-a jucat soarta Bisericii.
Licinius ar fi avut ansa s obin victoria n
btlia de lng Adrianopol, deoarece forele
de care dispunea erau superioare. Constantin
a reuit s obin victoria doar prin efectul
surprizei i printr-o manevr eficient care
a compensat inferioritatea numeric. Tot
aa, flota numeroas a lui Licinius ar fi putut
menine controlul asupra Strmtorilor, dar s-a
lovit de eficiacitatea ambarcaiunilor mai mici
comandate de Crispus. Dup ce a dobndit
iniiativa strategic n urma celor dou victorii
terestre i navale, Constantin nu mai putea fi
oprit. Licinius a a avut ns iniial aceleai anse,
sau poate chiar mai mari, de a iei nvingtor n
confruntarea de lng Adrianopol.
Dac ne-am imagina un triumf al lui

Licinius asupra lui Constantin, posibil n
mprejurrile date, este de la sine neles c
un conciliu ecumenic nu s-ar fi ntrunit dect
atunci cnd un alt mprat, mai favorabil
cretinilor, i-ar fi luat locul lui Licinius. De
fapt, situaia cretintii ar fi fost cu mult
mai grav, deoarece o eventual victorie a
lui Licinius ar fi dus la reluarea cu mai mult
intensitate a persecuiilor, precum i la o politic
sistematic de impunere a cultului Soarelui.
Acest monoteism solar a fost preconizat mai
nti de Aurelian (270-275), care a ncercat
astfel impunerea unei religii de stat, n consens
cu tendina general de evoluie spre un
monoteism pgn ca alternativ la cretinism,
ca un element de unificare i de restabilire a
autoritii imperiale. Cu rdcini att n cultul
sirian al lui Sol Invictus, ct i n religia lui
Mithras, monoteismul solar al lui Aurelian nu
se identifica cu nici una dintre aceste religii, el
fiind o legitimare religioas a ntririi puterii
imperiale i a autoritarismului. Cultul soarelui
ca divinitate suprem (Sol Invictus) a fost
meninut pn n epoca lui Constantin cel
Mare, care a continuat venerarea lui Sol Invictus
pn la convertirea sa la cretinism (Soarele ca
divinitate apare pe monede pn n 325)26.
Licinius era i el adeptul cultului monoteist
al Soarelui vzut ca divinitate suprem, i
a ordonat militarilor din subordinea sa s
practice n mod obligatoriu acest cult. Aceasta
se tie dintr-o faimoas inscripie din anul
323 descoperit la Salsovia (Mahmudia): un
altar al divinitii solare. Inscripia precizeaz
c toi militarii din unitatea dislocat acolo
trebuie s venereze pe Sfntul Soare n
fiecare zi de 18 noiembrie: Dei sancti solis/
simulacrum consecr(atum)/die XIV kal(endis)
Decemb(ribus)/debet singulis annis/iusso sacro
dd(ominorum) nn(ostrorum)/ Licini Aug(usti)
et Licini Caes(aris)/ture cereis et profu/sionibus
eodem die/a praep(ositis) et vexillat(ionibus)/
in cast(ris) Salsoviensib(us)/agentibus exorari./
Val(erius) Romulus v(ir) p(erfectissimus) dux/
secutus iussionem/describsit (Chipul sfntului
Zeu Soare, consacrat la 18 noiembrie, trebuie
s fie nchinat n fiecare an, dup porunca sacr
a stpnilor notri Licinius Augustul i Licinius
Cezarul, cu tmie, lumini i libaii, n aceeai
zi, de ctre comandanii i detaamentele
staionate n castrul de la Salsovia. Valerius

Romulus, brbat de rang ecvestru i duce,
urmnd porunca, a pus s se transcrie.27
Este clar c dac Licinius ar fi ajuns unic
mprat, toat armata ar fi trebuit s se supun
acestei decizii, iar cultul Soarelui ar fi devenit
oficial n tot imperiul, ca monoteism oficial
de stat. n acest caz, este greu de apreciat care
ar fi fost evoluia cretinismului n Imperiul
Roman, supus persecuiilor i concurat de alt
religie monoteist sprijinit de puterea laic.
Iat de ce se poate considera c nfrngerea
lui Licinius a fost un moment de rscruce al
istoriei universale.
Nu doar evoluia Bisericii ar fi luat alt curs.
Prima msur luat de Constantin dup victoria
de la Chrysopolis a fost demantelarea cetii
Byzantion, ca pedeaps pentru sprijinirea
lui Licinius. Constantin a plnuit imediat
dup aceea fondarea unei noi capitale, iar n
noiembrie 324 s-a decis pentru Byzantion,
deoarece a sesizat caracterul excepional al
poziiei, ntre dou continente i ntre dou
mri. A doua Rom a fost inaugurat la 11
mai 330, fiind denumit Constantinopolis28.
Este de prisos s mai discutm aici care a fost
rolul noii capitale n istoria universal. Oare ea
ar mai fi existat dac ar fi nvins Licinius ? Fiind
un adept al meninerii tradiiilor romane, este
mai puin probabil ca el s fi dorit fondarea unei
noi Rome n acelai loc ales de Constantin, sau
n alt parte. Pentru Constantin, considerentele
strategice i economice au fost asociate
susinerii pe care el o acorda cretinismului.
Noua Rom care a primit numele su urma
s fie capitala unui imperiu unitar, dar cretin,
adic nnoit. Licinius nu ar fi avut nevoie de
o nou capital, creat din temelii, ci ar fi
guvernat de la Roma dac ar fi reuit s devin
el unic mprat. Idealul de unificare urmrit
de Constantin era i al lui, dar fr cretinism.
Licinius s-ar fi prezentat, ca i Maxentius29,
ca un restaurator al Urbei romane. n acest
exerciiu de istorie contrafactual, strmtorile
Bosphor i Dardanele i-ar fi meninut
importana conferit de poziia lor de plac
turnant ntre Europa i Asia, dar fr ca
oraul Byzantion s ajung centrul puterii
imperiale. O lume mediteraneean sub o
conducere unic, de la Roma, ar fi devenit n
mod inevitabil tot cretin, dup un timp, dar
43
ntr-o alctuire diferit de cea determinat de

mutarea capitalei n Orient.
NOTE
1
A. Madgearu, mpratul Galerius, Trgovite,
2012, p. 72-85.
2
Lactantius, Despre moartea persecutorilor. Traducere de C. Bejan. Studiu introductiv, tabel cronologic, note explicative i anexe de D. Mranu, Iai,
2011, p. 142-157 (cap. 45-49); I. Barnea, O. Iliescu,
Constantin cel Mare, Bucureti, 1982, p. 37-38; D.
Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay: AD 180-395, London, 2004, p. 366; C. Matson Odahl, Constantine
and the Christian Empire, London, New York, 2004,
p. 104-105; N. Lenski, The Reign of Constantine, n
N. Lenski (ed), The Cambridge Companion to the
Age of Constantine, Cambridge, 2006, p. 72-73; B.
Bleckmann, Okzident gegen Orient Die Kmpfe
zwischen Konstantin und Licinius, n K. Ehling, G.
Weber (hrsg.), Konstantin der Grosse: zwischen Sol
und Christus, Darmstadt, Mainz, 2011, p. 90; T. D.
Barnes, Constantine. Dynasty, Religion and Power
in the Later Roman Empire, Oxford, 2014, p. 97.
3
R. Esteban Moreno, La poltica religiosa y la
legislacin sobre los cultos tradicionales del emperador Licinio (306-324), Polis. Revista de ideas y formas polticas de la Antigedad Clsica, Universidad
de Alcal, 20, 2009, p. 174-187.
4
A. Chastagnol, Quelques mises au point autour de lempereur Licinius, n G. Bonamente, F.
Fusco (ed.), Costantino il Grande: dallantichit
allumanesimo. Colloquio sul cristianesimo nel
mondo antico (Macerata, 18-20 dicembre 1990),
Macerata, 1992, I, p. 314-316; C. Matson Odahl,
Constantine..., p. 144-146; N. Lenski, The Reign...,
p. 74; B. Bleckmann, Okzident..., p. 91; M. Mirkovi, Co-regency: Constantine and Licinius and the
political division of the Balkans, Zbornik Radova
Vizantolokog Instituta, Belgrad, 49, 2012, p. 8-10;
T. D. Barnes, Constantine..., p. 100-104; R. Brato,
Costantino tra lItalia nordorientale e lIllirico (313326), Antichit Altoadriatiche, Trieste, 78, 2014,
p. 102-116.
5
M. Besnier, Lempire romain de lavnement
des Svres au Concile de Nice (Histoire Ancienne, Troisime Partie. Histoire Romaine, tome IV,
premire partie), Paris, 1937, p. 374; I. Barnea, O.
Iliescu, Constantin..., p. 43; N. Lenski, The Reign...,
p. 75; R. Esteban Moreno, La poltica religiosa...,
p. 188-194; T. D. Barnes, Constantine..., p. 105.
6
Despre acest rzboi contra goilor, vezi A.
Madgearu, Istoria militar a Daciei post-romane,
275-614, Trgovite, 2011, p. 43-44.
7
D. Potter, The Roman..., p. 379.
44
Excerpta Valesiana. Recensuit J. Moreau. Editionem correctiorem curavit V. Velkow, Leipzig,

1968, p. 7-8 (cap. 23-30).
9
Eusebiu de Cezareea, Scrieri. Partea a doua.
Viaa lui Constantin cel Mare, trad. R. Alexandrescu, studiu introductiv E. Popescu (Prini i scriitori
bisericeti, 14), Bucureti, 1991, p. 93-101 (II, 1-19).
10
Zosimos, Historia Nova. Texte tabli et traduit par F. Paschoud, tome I, Paris, 1971, p. 93-101
(II. 22-26, 28).
11
Symeonis Magistri et Logothetae Chronicon
recensuit S. Wahlgren (Corpus Fontium Historiae
Byzantinae. Series Berolinensis, XLIV/1), Berlin,
New York, 2006, p. 107 (88, 2-3).
12
The History of Zonaras: from Alexander Severus to the death of Theodosius the Great, translation by Th. Banchich, E. Lane; introduction and
commentary by Th. Banchich, New York, 2009, p.
148-150 (XIII, 1).
13
B. Bleckmann, Die Chronik der Johannes Zonaras und eine Pagane Quelle zur Geschichte Konstantins, Historia. Zeitschrift fr Alte Geschichte,
Wiesbaden, 40, 1991, 3, p. 343-365.
14
W. Treadgold, Byzantium and its Army. 2841081, Stanford, 1995, p. 45-54.
15
Zosimos, II, 22 (p. 94).
16
Eusebius, Viaa..., II, 19. 1 (p. 101).
17
Excerpta..., 23-26 (p. 7); Eusebius, Viaa..., II,
10 (p. 97); Zosimos, II, 22-24 (p. 93-97); W. Treadgold, Byzantium..., p. 52-53; N. Lenski, The Reign...,
p. 75; C. Matson Odahl, Constantine..., p. 154-157;
D. Potter, The Roman..., p. 379; B. Bleckmann, Okzident..., p. 92-93; M. Pitassi, The Roman Navy. Ships,
men & warfare 350 BC - AD 475, Barnsley, 2012,
p. 40; T. D. Barnes, Constantine..., p. 105-106.
18
Excerpta..., 27 (p. 7-8); Eusebius, Viaa..., II,
15-17 (p. 99-100); Zosimos, II, 25-26 (p. 97-99); Iordanes, Getica, n Gh. Popa-Lisseanu, Izvoarele Istoriei Romnilor, vol. XIV, Bucureti, 1939, p. 41, 108
(XXI. 111); I. Barnea, O. Iliescu, Constantin..., p. 44;
N. Lenski, The Reign..., p. 75-76; C. Matson Odahl,
Constantine..., p. 157-159; D. Potter, The Roman...,
p. 379-380; B. Bleckmann, Okzident..., p. 93.
19
Em. Popescu, Inscripiile greceti i latine din
secolele IV-XIII descoperite n Romnia, Bucureti,
1976, p. 214-216 (nr. 206); M. Zahariade, Scythia
Minor. A History of a Later Roman Province (284681), Amsterdam, 2006, p. 24.
20
M. P. Speidel, A Horse Guardsman in the War
between Licinius and Constantine, Chiron. Mitteilungen der Kommission fr Alte Geschichte und
Epigraphik des Deutschen Archologischen Instituts, Mnchen, 25, 1995, p. 83-87.
21
Zosimos, II, 26, 28 (p. 99, 101); N. Lenski,
The Reign..., p. 76; C. Matson Odahl, Constanti8
ne..., p. 160; D. Potter, The Roman..., p. 380; B. Bleckmann, Okzident..., p. 93.

22
C. Matson Odahl, Constantine..., p. 155.
23
Ch. Pietri, Constantin en 324. Propagande et
thologie impriales daprs les documents de la Vita
Constantini, n Crise et redressement dans les provinces europennes de lEmpire Romain (milieu du
IIIe-milieu du IVe sicle ap. J.C.). Actes du Colloque
du Strasbourg (dcembre 1981) dits par E. Frzouls, Strasbourg, 1983, p. 63-90.
24
Din vasta literatur dedicat subiectului, menionez doar studiul lui M. J. Edwards, The first Council of Nicaea, n M. Mitchell, M. Frances Young (ed.),
Cambridge History of Christianity, vol. 1. Origins to
Constantine, Cambridge, 2006, p. 552-567, deoarece ofer o perspectiv ct se poate de cuprinztoare
i precis asupra sa.
25
Eusebius, Viaa..., II, 5. 3 (p. 95).
26
A. Alfldi, The Conversion of Constantine and
Pagan Rome, Oxford, 1948, p. 55-59; G. H. Halsberghe, The Cult of Sol 1nvictus, Leiden, 1972, p. 130152; M. Alfldi Radnoti, Die Sol-Comes Mnze vom
Jahre 325, n Mullus. Festschrift Theodor Klauser,
ed. A. Hermann, A. Stuibe, Mnster, 1964, p. 10-16;
C. Salles, Le culte de Sol Invictus Soleil invaincu,
n Y. Le Bohec (coord.), LEmpire Romain de la mort
de Commode au Concile de Nice (192-325), Paris,
1997, p. 291-293; E. Cizek, LEmpereur Aurlien et
son temps, Paris, 2004, p. 175-188; J. Wienand, Ein

Abschied in Gold Konstantin und Sol invictus, n
K. Ehling, G. Weber (hrsg.), Konstantin der Grosse...,
p. 53-63.
27
Em. Popescu, Inscripiile..., p. 283-285 (nr.
271); M. Zahariade, Scythia..., p. 23; F. Topoleanu,
D. Bogdan, I. Hayes, Salsovia: chronological landmarks, Peuce, SN, 10, 2012, p. 104-105.
28
G. Dagron, Naissance dune capitale: Constantinople et ses institutions de 330 451, Paris,
1984, p. 25-47; S. Calderone, Costantinopoli: la
seconda Roma, n Storia di Roma. III: Let tardoantica. 1, Crisi e trasformazioni, volume curato
da A. Carandini, L. Cracco Ruggini, A. Giardina,
Torino, 1993, p. 723-749; C. La Rocca, La fondazione di Costantinopoli, n G. Bonamente, F. Fusco
(ed.), Costantino..., II, p. 553-584; C. Matson Odahl,
Constantine..., p. 205-218.
29
Maxentius s-a intitulat conservator urbis i a
profitat de faptul c fiul su se numea Romulus pentru a se a asocia simbolic cu fondatorul Cetii Eterne. Vezi R. Donciu, mpratul Maxeniu i victoria
cretinismului, Filipetii de Trg, 2007, p. 100-103;
H. Ziemssen, Das Rom des Maxentius. Stdtebau und
Herrscherbild zu Beginn des 4. Jh. n.Chr. Dissertation
zur Erlangung der Wrde des Doktors der Philosophie
des Fachbereichs Kulturgeschichte und Kulturkunde
der Universitt Hamburg, Hamburg, 2011.
45
Istorie antic`
Gentes Barbarae la Dunrea

de Jos n Antichitatea trzie
Conflicte i integrare
Dr. ALINA MUAT-STREINU *
Abstract
The Late Antiquity is a period characterised by intense efforts by the Roman empire
to cope with the growing number of barbarian invaders seeking to raid or settle within its
borders. This was a time of transformation, both of military strategy and of mentality. The
barbarian tribes approaching the borders of the empire clashed with the Roman forces, only
to later demand integration and even fight along side them.The lower Danube area was prone
to such incursions which led to military interventions as well as attemps to accomodate the
newcomers by different means, either as soldiers and/or as agricultural laborers, evidence
of both can be found in ancient literary texts as well as epigraphic monuments. This paper
attemps to present the clashes betweend the romans and the barbarian tribes as well as the
moments of stability and the manner in which these people were integrated in the roman
imperial system.
Keywords: Barbarian peoples, Lower Danube, Late Antiquity, Thrace, Moesia
La nceputul seolului al IV-lea, mpratul

Diocletian iniiaz o nou organizare a
imperiului, n 12 dioceze mprite la rndul
lor i ele n aproape 100 de provincii. n
acest context se desparte teritoriul Dobrogei
de Moesia Inferior i devine o provincie
independent numit Scythia, aparinnd
diocezei Thraciei mpreun cu provinciile
Europa, Thracia, Haemimontus, Rhodopa
i Moesia Secunda. Grania de sud a noii
provincii pornea de la Gerania (Ekrene,
Bulgaria), mergnd pe linia cetilor
Dionysopolis i Odessos, se ndrepta spre
nord pe lng Zaldapa, spre vest de Tropaeum
Traiani i se oprea la Dunre. Capitala a fost

stabilit la Tomis, puterea administrativ
a fost ncredinat unui guvernator numit
praeses, iar comanda militar unui dux vir
perfestissimus1.
Pentru c linia Dunrii se dovedise sensibil
la atacurile barbare, Diocleian a acordat o
atenie sporit sistemului defensiv al noii
provincii i a creat dou legiuni speciale: legio
I Iovia, numit dup cognomenul su, i legio
II Herculea, dup cognomenul lui Maximian.
Conform sursei Itinerarium Antonini, prima
legiune avea sediul la Troesmis, iar cea de-a doua
la Noviodunum, pe cnd n Notitia Dignitatum,
* Muzeul Naional de Istorie a Romniei.

46
prima apare cu sediul la Noviodunum i cea

de-a doua la Troesmis2. Necesitatea unei
reorganizri militare s-a observat i n timpul
luptelor purtate de mpratul Diocleian i
cezarul Galerius cu carpii, goii, bastarnii i
sarmaii de la nordul Dunrii de Jos. Eutropius
noteaz c mpraii Diocleian i Galeriu au
supus pe carpi i bastarni i au nvins sarmaii,
stabilind pe granie numeroi prizonieri
din aceste neamuri3, Galeriu fiind numit
de ase ori Carpicus Maximus4. Urmrind
istoria militar a Scythiei putem observa
dinamica micrilor de trupe pe teritoriul su,
importante din punctul de vedere al numrului
de persoane (soldai i auxiliari) care intr pe
acest teritoriu, originii acestora, dar mai ales
putem identifica diferitele populaii care triau
aici sau care au traversat sau locuit temporar
n provincie. Informaii despre micarea
personalului militar se pot extrage i din
descoperirile de artefacte. Spre exemplu, o
gemma abraxea, datat la finalul secolului al
III-lea sau nceputul secolului al IV-lea, a fost
descoperit la Dinogeia, aparinnd probail
unui soldat roman sosit n Scythia din mediul
cretin, din Siria sau Egipt5.
Odat cu ascensiunea mpratului
Constantin, Imperiul este mprit n patru
prefecturi: Orientul, Illyricum, Italia i Galia.
Scythia, fcnd parte din dioceza Thracia,
a fost integrat n prefectura Orientului.
mpratul Constantiu al II-lea a pstrat
organizarea militar precedent, introducnd
doar dou uniti noi, ce i poart numele:
milites primi Constantiniani la Noviodunum i
milites quinti Constantiniani la Salsovia. Grija
pentru fortificaii i meninerea lor se observ
i din inscripia, datat ntre anii 337-340,
descoperit la Carcaliu, n teritoriul Troesmisului. Aceast inscripie menioneaz goii
tlhari (latrunculi), aezai n estul Munteniei,
care atacau provincia pentru a o prda, motiv
pentru care s-a ridicat aceast nou fortrea.
Inscripia mai ofer o informaie preioas,
numele comandantului militar al provinciei
Sappo, dux limitis Scythiae6, cel care a
construit i fortreaa. Faptul c un personaj
de origine got a ajuns ntr-o poziie att de
nalt n cadrul administraiei romane arat
prezena i participarea popoarelor barbare n
viaa provinciei, dar i slbiciunea defensivei
din moment ce acetia se puteau oricnd alia

cu neamurile lor mpotriva imperiului7. Tot
mpratul Constaniu al II-lea este cel care
a refcut zidul de incint de la Capidava,
acesta reprezentnd o a treia faz, dup anul
337, i a construit aezarea ntrit de lng
Tomis, Constantiniana8. Pentru zona ataat
provinciei Moesia Secunda, limes-ul era aprat
de Legio XI Claudia cu sediul la Durostorum
unde se mai afla i unitatea de milites quarti
Novenses.
O inscripie din anul 369 atest existena
lui Flavius Stercorius n funcia de dux, care
a supravegheat reconstrucia a fundamentis a
unui burgus de ctre milites Primani comandai
de tribunul Marcianus i de unitile auxiliare
conduse de prepozitul Ursicinus9. Ammianus
Marcellinus ne spune, fr a meniona nume,
c n timpul domniei mpratului Valens,
ducii din Scythia i Moesia Secunda trimiteau
rapoarte (relationes ducum) mpratului despre
o posibil invazie a goilor10. n corespondena
sa, Vasile cel Mare menioneaz un anume
Iunius Soranus ca dux Scythiae, cu rangul de vir
clarissimus, care a ajutat victimele persecuiei
ariene iniiate de cpetenia got Athanaric i
recuperarea rmielor martirilor, printre
care i cele ale preotului Sava gotul, pe care
le-a trimis la Caesarea11. Tot referitor la
poporul got, cunoatem episcopi din zona
Mrii Negre care au participat la Niceea n
anul 325, Cadmus din Bosfor i Theophilus
de Gothia12. Tot Ammianus menioneaz,
pentru anul 377, pe dux Maximus n legtur
cu abuzurile comise de autoritile romane
mpotriva goilor aezai de mpratul Valens
n Imperiu. n iarna anilor 384/5 sau 385/8,
cete de barbari, probabil goi, trec Dunrea i
jefuiesc cetatea Halmyris, dup care se retrag.
La nceputul anului 386 un numr mare de
ostrogoi i alte popoare din stepa ruseasc,
condui de Odotheus i fugind de huni, au
cerut azil n Imperiu. Acetia au fost nfrni n
btlia naval de la Noviodunum de ctre flota
condus de magister militum Promotus. nsui
mpratul Theodosius vine n provincie, dup
care i srbtorete un triumf la Roma13, iar
prizonierii luai sunt colonizai n Asia Mic,
restabilind situaia de la Dunre. Scriitorul
antic Zosimos este cel care ne relateaz c n
timpul mpratului Theodosius, comandatul
47
garnizoanei locale din Tomis, Gerontios,

s-a revoltat mpotriva barbarilor aezai de
mprat n faa cetii, goii fiind aliai numai
cu numele, avnd o atitudine dumnoas fa
de populaia local i reprezentnd un pericol.
Gerontios, a fost acuzat de nsuirea darurilor
imperiale ctre barbari, dei comandatul se
recomandase prin vitejie n luptele anterioare
mpotriva goilor pe care acum era obligat sa
i tolereze14.
Conform unei inscripii din anul 369,
descoperit la Cius, aflm c acest castru a
fost reconstruit de mpratul Valens, dup
nfrngerea conductorului got Athanaric15 i
ar fi fost restaurat sau chiar refcut n ntregime
monumentul de la Adamclisi16.
Dup plecarea vizigoilor condui de
Alaric, la nceputul secolului al V-lea, la nord
de Dunre apare pericolul hun, orae ntregi
fiind distruse. Odat cu pacea ncheiat n anul
434, se pare c fortreaa Carsium aparinea
hunilor17. O alt informaie o avem din opera
lui Priscus, din care aflm c un hun pe nume
Valips s-a stabilit la Noviodunum, unde a fost
asediat de trupele imperiale18. Dup noul tratat
din anul 449, hunii prsesc sudul Dunrii i
renun s mai pretind restituirea transfugilor,
iar romanii promit s nu mai primeasc
refugiai huni19. Dup moartea lui Attila, hunii
sunt nfrni de o coaliie de gepizi, iar cei
care au supravieuit s-au refugiat la nord de
Dunrea inferioar, o parte intrnd n serviciul
Imperiului Roman, o parte ntorcndu-se
n stepele din nordul Mrii Negre. Dintre
neamurile hunice scirii, sadagarii i alanii
au fost aezai de mpratul Marcian n Scythia
i Moesia Secunda, ca foederai. Hunii rmai
la nord de Dunre i continu atacurile n
dioceza Traciei n timpul domniei mpratului
Leon I (457474), pn cnd au fost nvini
de trupele romane conduse de Anagastes
magister militum per Thracias20. La fel ca i
pn acum, comuniti hune au primit dreptul
de a se aeza n Imperiu, printre care i scirii,
sadagarii i alanii condui de Candax au
primit pmnt n Scythia i Moesia Secunda,
iar hunii condui de Hernac i sarmaii au
fost plasai n nordul Scythiei21. Pacea nu s-a
instaurat n zon dup cum se observ din
textul legii emise de mpratul Zeno n anul
480 care prevedea un singur episcopat n
48
Scythia motivat de nesfritele invazii barbare

i srcirii populaiei.
n timpul mpratului Iustinian (527
565), Imperiul ajunge ntr-o nou perioad
de prosperitate, fiind marcat de opere de
restaurare, dar i de expediii militare menite
a asigura graniele. n lista cetilor refcute
menionate de Procopius se afl i cteva
nume de origine trac i getic, fapt ce arat
o continuitate a locuirii i populaiei indigene
pre-romane: Adina, Residina, Bassidavam
Diniscarta, Padisara, Zisnudava, Scaidava,
Muridava, Tsasclis, Itzes, Zaldapa. Pentru
sigurana frontierelor, n anul 537 are loc o
nou reorganizare. mpratul Iustinian emite
Lex ut Bonus prin care se crea o nou unitate
administrativ, questura Iustiniani exercitus,
cu capitala la Odessos, format din provinciile
Scythia i Moesia Secunda, separate de dioceza
Thraciei i Insulele Ciclade, Caria i Cipru22.
n timpul aceluiai mprat, hunii au iniiat o
nou invazie n Scythia i Moesia Secunda,
ajungnd n Thracia. Au fost oprii de armata
scythic a lui Baduaraios i de cea moesic n
frunte cu Iustin, acesta din urm murind n
lupt i nlocuit cu Constantiolus.
Dup o perioad de linite, n anul 544
anii au invadat din nou Thracia i bulgarii
Illyricum. mpratul Iustinian i aeaz pe ani
la stnga Dunrii ca federai. Slavii ptrund i
ei n Dobrogea, prin Brgan i Moldova. La
Aegyssus s-a descoperit o inscripie funerar
pentru un anume Ratoslavus, existnd i
varianta feminin a numelui, atestnd astfel
prezena slavilor n cetate23. Din secolul al
VI-lea se cunoate o inscripie, descoperit
la Carum Portus (Cap abla), ce menioneaz
un mercenar barbar pe nume Bagatur, fiul
lui Bagainos, de o origine incert, fie hun, fie
avar, fie bulgar24. mpratul Iustinian iniiaz
i o reform militar ce prevedea ca trupe
de milites limitanei s fie plasate la frontiere,
formate din soldai-muncitori ce aprau i
lucrau pmnturile unde deveniser coloni. Pe
lng acetia au fost aduse i uniti de gentiles
formate din coloni barbari cu aceleai obligaii
militare i agricole, aflate sub comanda ducelui
provinciei25.
n anul 545, preocupat de conflictele din
Persia, mpratul ofer anilor posibilitatea
de a se aeza la Turris, construit n timpul
mpratului Traian, aflat probabil n localitatea

Barboi, dar acetia s-au aliat cu kutrigii i
au atacat Scythia i Moesia, naintnd spre
Illyricum26.
n anul 561 ajung la Dunre i avarii condui
de Baian, care cer permisiunea de a se aeza
n Scythia, dar Iustinian le-a oferit Pannonia,
ofert refuzat de avarii care ameninau c vor
cuceri teritoriile pe care le doresc. n anul 562,
comandantul trupelor din provincie, Bonus, a
fost desemnat cu aprarea granielor mpotriva
avarilor27.
Un moment bine documentat n antichitate
este asediul Tomis-ului de ctre armata
avarilor. Acest grup, mpreun cu slavii i
bulgarii, iniiaz raiduri n zona Balcanilor la
sf ritul secolului al VI-lea, raiduri ce nu se
opresc nici dup ce romanii cad de accord s
le plteasc un tribut n schimbul pcii. n anul
597 ncepe Campania de represalii condus
de magister militum Priscus, cu scopul clar
de fortifica limes-ul balcanic pornind de la
Singidunum. Armata avar se deplaseaz spre
Tomis cu intenia de a captura oraul, punct
cheie al defensive romane n provincia Scythia.
Cele dou armate nu s-au luptat direct, avarii
ateptnd ca oraul s se predea cnd va
rmne fr provizii, iar romanii ateptau
ntriri. Anul urmtor, avarii vin cu o propunere
neateptat: un armistiiu pe durata celor 5 zile
de srbtori pascale, acceptat de romani. n
cea de-a asea zi, conductorul avar renun la
asediu cnd afl de sosirea unui corp de armat
roman, condus de generalul Comentiolus i
se angajeaz n lupt cu acesta. Armata lui
Comentiolus este aproape distrus, acesta
fiind obligat s se ntoarc la Constantinopol
unde este nsrcinat de mprat s strg noi
fore cu care s revin n defensiv. mpratul
decide s nceap negocierile cu avarii, dou
condiii fiind impuse: tributul pltit de romani
s creasc, iar nou grani stabilit de-a lungul
Dunrii s nu fie nclcat de nici o parte, cu
excepia cazului n care ar ncepe un rzboi cu
slavii28.
Atunci cnd discutm despre barbari
sau popoare i grupuri entice, trebuie s
reinem c acestea sunt n primul rnd
denumiri generice pentru oamenii care nu
erau romani. De fapt, cnd discutm despre
acetia, sosirea i aezarea lor n Imperiu,
ne referim la conglomerate multi-entice.

Barbarii secolelor IVVI erau grupuri legate
de o tradiie comun, dar dup cum s-a vzut
n sursele antice, pentru majoritatea romanilor
din acea perioad, toi barbarii erau la fel, chiar
dac noi, ca istorici, difereniem aceste grupuri,
Cnd spunem la fel, ne referim la faptul c sunt
descrii destul de asemntor i nu credem
c pentru majoritatea autorilor antici conta
c un barbar era de origine vandal i altul
ostrogot. Poate doar hunii s fi creat o alt
imagine, mult mai nfricotoare. Ca dovad a
acestei percepii generalizate, numeroi autori
antici i numesc scii pe goii din mai multe
grupuri. Pliniu chiar scria c De acum nainte
toi se numesc Scii, indiferent de cte grupuri
diferite sunt pe malurile Pontului29. Poate c
este i mai important lipsa surselor antice
n care barbarii explicau cum se vedeau ei
pe sine, fornd cercettorii s lucreze doar
cu materiale unidirecionate, tim doar cum
i vedeau romanii. Poate c este de neles
tendina de generalizare a multor autori antici
din moment ce putem presupune c nici ei
nu au avut acces n interiorul acestor grupuri
i avem prea puine informaii referitoare
la valorile care menineau coeziunea i
solidaritatea grupului, la elemente precum
sistemul de credine, fie religioase sau sociale,
istoria sau legile dup care se guvernau.
Eunapius din Sardis, autor contemporan cu
Ammianus, chiar dac nu face nici o deosebire
ntre grupurile de goi sau ntre goi i scii,
menioneaz ns preocuparea mpratului
Iulian faa de acetia i de pericolul pe care l
reprezentau la Dunrea de Jos30. Un alt autor
antic care face referire la pericolul got este
Libanios, i el contemporan cu Ammianus, i
una din sursele folosite de Zosimos pentru a
sa Historia Nova, dar n acelai timp se arat
i surprins de loialitatea acestora din timpul
campaniei mpratului Constantius mpotriva
perilor31. Un alt autor antic, episcopul
Eusebiu din Caesarea, n lucrarea Despre viaa
Sfntului Constantin, a scris despre victoriile
de la nordul Dunrii repurtate de mprat
asupra goilor, pe care i confund cu sciii,
meionnd i foedus-ul din anul 33232. O alt
atribuire etnic i aparine lui Iosephus care
susine c sarmaii erau tot scii33.
49
Sozomenos a scris o Istorie Bisericeasc

n care ofer detalii despre aezarea goilor
la Dunre dup ce Ulfila i cere mpratului
Valens ca poporul su s fie primit n Imperiu34.
i Iordanes scrie despre momentul primirii
goilor n Imperiu menionnd c aceasta era
condiionat de cretinare de ctre predicatorii
arieni trimii de mpratul Valens35. Despre
acest moment aflm mai multe detalii din
lucrarea lui Philostorgios. n Istoria Bisericeasc
relateaz c Urtilas/Ulfila a fost numit episcop
n ara geilor de ctre mpratul Constantin36,
iar referitor la confuzia des ntlnit dintre gei
i goi, noteaz c acesta era unul dintre sciii
de dincolo de Istru, pe care cei vechi i numeau
gei, iar cei de acum i numesc goi.
Denumirea de Gothia apare prima dat
pe o inscripie a lui Aurelius Gaius din timpul
primei tetrarhii37, apoi pe monedele emise
de mpratul Constantin n anii 327 332 la
Augusta Treverorum pentru a comemora
victoriile mpratului38. Denumirea de Ripa
Gothica apare pentru prima dat legat de
evenimentele din anul 335 n Anonymus Valesii
(VI, 35). Urmtoarele meniuni se refer la
evenimente dup anul 370 i persecuia lui
Athanaric mpotriva cretinilor39 i momentul
trecerii goilor n Thracia n anul 37640.
Interaciunile goilor cu romanii sunt pentru
prima dat documentate n Historia Augusta,
din care aflm c goii, numii gei, au fost
cucerii de mpratul Caracalla n drumul su
spre est41. n anul 258 atac i jefuiesc His
tria, dar trebuie luat n considerare ipoteza
c existau contacte ntre aceast populaie
i histrieni42. Goii devin i ei scii odat cu
mutarea lor masiva n jurul mrii n secolul
al III-lea43. n timpul uneia dintre invaziile
secolului al III-lea, cnd a fost atacat i Tomisul,
printre aliaii goilor se numrau, herulii i
boranii44.
O mare parte dintre triburile care creaser
probleme imperiului n epoca timpurie, iar n
secolul al IV-lea deja se aezaser i duceau o
via relativ panic. Ammianus face referire
la o parte dintre acestea, cu meniunea c
o rebeliune a sclavilor, foarte numeroi, i-a
gonit pe sarmai45. Acelai lucru se pare c
s-a ntmplat din nou, de data aceasta fugind
de goii condui de Athanaric46. n secolul al
IV-lea, o parte a acestor sarmai au ajuns s fie
50
cunoscui sub numele de limigantes, oameni de

frontiere, Sarmatas servos47. Acetia ceruser
s fie primii pe teritoriul roman fiind dispui
s se supun fr condiii puterii romane48,
ceea ce s-a i ntmplat, fiind apoi rspndii
n zonele de frontier. Sarmaii liberi mai
sunt menionai o singur dat de Ammianus
cnd au invadat Moesia n anul 37449. Treptat,
organizarea sarmailor s-a dezintegrat i nu
mai puteau reprezenta un pericol pentru
romani. Alanii sunt i ei menionai de
Ammianus (31.2.17; 31.2.12-15; 31.2.23,25), iar
ntr-un anumit pasaj se refer la ei ca extentas
Scythiae solitudines Halani inhabitant50.
Cea mai notabil aciune militar a lor a fost
participarea la btlia de la Hadrianopol,
participare ce a decis finalul confruntrii.
Costobocii au fost descrii ca fcnd parte din
grupul mai mare al geto-dacilor51, dar Pliniu
i descrie ca fiind sarmai (NH, 6.19). Istoria
carpilor pare sa fie o continu micare spre sud,
fie benevol, fie sub presiunea altor triburi52.
Se pare c acetia au fost relocai n Pannonia53
i dispersai i n alte zone ale Imperiului54
unde probabil i-au ntemeiat aezri ca n
cazul vicus Carporum din Dobrogea sau au
fost asimilai. La nceputul secolului al IV-lea
carpii nc mai creau probleme pentru c att
mpratul Galeriu, ct i mpratul Constantin
au fost proclamai Carpicus, primul chiar de
ase ori55. Hunii intr n istorie ncepnd cu
secolul al IV-lea, cnd prsesc Asia i devin
stereotipul poporului nomad rzboinic ce lupt
fie mpotriva, fie cu Imperiul Roman mpotriva
altor triburi barbare.
Un exemplu al atitudinii ambivalente a
romanilor fa de barbari se regsete n rela
trile despre revolta lui Vitalian. Ioan din
Antiohia l descrie pe uzurpator ca pe un tiran,
iar armata sa ca fiind format din barbari, n timp
ce Ammianus relateaz c armata era format
din romani56. Tot de la Ioan din Antiohia aflm
c numrul celor care s-au revoltat ajungea la
50.000 de soldai i rani57. Dintr-o alt surs,
cronica lui Malalas, aflm c n rndurile celor
revoltai se aflau goi, huni i scii58, iar dintr-o
a treia surs, cronica lui Theophanes, aflm c
mai participaser i bulgari59.
Atitudinea reconciliant i orientat spre
integrare se observ nu numai din tonul
anumitor texte, ci mai ales din anumite eve
nimente. Germanus, nepotul mpratului

Iustinian s-a cstorit cu Matasuntha, de
origine got, iar Acsum, finul mpratului,
de origine hun sau bulgar, a fost numit
magister militum per Illyricum60. Tot de la
Procopius aflm despre entuziasmul populaiei
constantinopolitane fa de generalul armean
Artabanes61. Mai mult chiar, se pare c n
Constantinopol n secolul al VI-lea s-a adoptat
o mod vestimentar inspirat de cea hunic,
inclusiv portul pantalonilor, interzis n secolul
al V-lea62. Un alt exemplu, mai aproape de zona
noastr, este Gainas, originar din zona Dunrii.
El devine n anul 394 comes rei militaris al
armatei trimise mpotriva lui Eugenius, apoi
ajunge magister militum. Mai mult chiar,
Gainas i aduce compatrioii n armata roman
cu grade de praepositi i tribuni63.
Barbarii puteau accede n rndurile armatei
romane pornind de la un tratat de tip foedus,
acetia fiind numii foederati. Dar mai apar
i alte dou denominri, de laeti i gentiles.
Laeti erau urmaii imigranilor dedici, care
fuseser cucerii i acceptai n imperiu
pentru a lucra pmnturile agricole n baza
contractului de colonat i care erau obligai s
presteze serviciul miliar n cazul n care li s-ar
fi cerut. Cnd erau nregimentai, rspundeau
ordinelor unui magister pedium praesentalis,
fiind recunoscui dup originea etnic. Gentiles
posedau aceleai drepturi i obligaii ca laeti,
iar termenul de foederati includea i aceste
dou categorii, ca semnificnd persoane de
origine neroman care particip la campanile
militare romane n schimbul unei remuneraii.
La nceputul secolului V sunt menionate n
Notitia Dignitatum 110 regimente auxiliare cu
nume desemnnd grupurile de barbari care le
formau64.
Exist mai multe ipoteze referitoare la
statului persoanelor din aceste grupuri care
au beneficiat de receptio, primirea n imperiu.
Dou surse antice menioneaz c acetia
ar fi fost repartizai n unitile de auxiliari65
sau au devenit foederai66, dei, fr indoial,
nu toi membrii acestor grupuri entice au
fost orientai ctre activiti militare. Cnd
vorbim despre armata roman i rspndirea
i diversitatea celor incorporai, trebuie atins
i subiectul comunicrii. n mod cert legiunile
eru nsoite sau li se atribuia un translator

n momentul cnd ptrundeau ntr-un nou
teritoriu sau luau contact cu o nou popoulaie.
Date interesante n acest sens au fost obinute
n cazul provinciei Hispania, unde un numr
de 174 de traductori au fost atestai, dintre
care 50 au prestat acest serviciu i armatei
romane. Pentru perioada secolelor I-III sunt
atestai 3 astfel de inteprei n Pannonia, unul
n Moesia Superior i un altul n Germania67.
Merit menionat n acest context inscripia
descoperit la Brigetio n care este mneionat
un interprez Dacorum din legio I Adiutrix Pia
Fidelis68. Prezena unor astfel de personaje era
evident esenial, dar se poate uor presupune
c n momentul n care un individ de origine
barbar era incoporat n armata roman, acesta
era nvat i ncurajat s utilizeze limba latin.
Din cauza asimilrii rapide a persoanelor de
origine neroman, este dificil uneori sa le
depistm epigrafic, dar exist totui exemple ce
confirm tendina de romanizare. Este vorba de
o inscripie funerar a unui arca, Terentius, cu
un nume roman dat de ctre un tat de origine
barbar, Gaione (IGLR 30). Din opera lui
Iordanes aflm c n Scythia i Moesia Inferior
s-au mai aezat i Skyri, Sadagari i un grup de
alani. (Iordanes, 266 Scyri vero et Sadagari et
certi Alanorum cum duce sou nomin Candac
Scyhtiam minorem inferioremque Moesiam
acceperunt). Alte dou exemple al diversitii
etnice le reprezint numele unui Dicebalus
care apare ntr-o inscripie din secolul al IV-lea
descoperit n apropierea oraului Babadag69, i
ntr-o alt inscripie de la Durostorum, aceasta
din urm menionnd comandantul legiunii XI
Claudia, soia sa Faustina i copiii lor Dicebalus,
Seiciperis, Mamoutzis, Macaria i Matidia70.
Un alt exemplu este cel al prinesei Gaatha,
cretin, care a cltorit n ntreg Imperiul dup
care s-a ntors la poporul ei stabilit la nord de
Dunre i condus de fiul ei Arimir71.
Bineneles c se puteau ncheia acorduri
cu diferite condiii, nu ntotdeauna urmnd
modelele folosite anterior, ci se puteau adapta
n funcie de condiiile existente. Urmrind
textul lui Ammianus gsim descrierea mo
mentului cnd Constantius le cere sciilor
ajutor n anul 360, fie contra cost, fie ca o
favoare, ceea ce arat c aceast contribuie
51
militar era negociat de fiecare dat i nu

devenise o obligaie aa cum ar presupune un
foedus72. Ct despre statutul acestora, rmne
o serie de ntrebri pentru c nu este specificat
ce fel de foedus a fost, unul care presupunea
doar supunerea fa de Imperiu sau unul care
a urmat unei deditio. Mai mult chiar, dac s-ar
crede c acest tratat presupunea egalitatea
juridic a goilor, atunci de ce Eusebius i
Libanius vorbesc despre sclavia goilor73? Indi
ferent de natura tratatelor, se pare c romanii
au continuat s ofere cadouri, uneori numite
tribut, popoarelor barbare, aceast practic
ajungnd s devin o practic normal a
diplomaiei romane. Barbarii continuau s
primeasc aceste cadouri, chiar dac erau
nvini pe cmpul de lupt. Explicaia este una
ct de poate de simpl i urmeaz dou direcii.
n primul rnd, interesul primar al Imperiului
nu era perpetuarea conflictelor armate, chiar
dac armata sa era superioar, ci pstrarea
pcii. n al doilea rnd, aceste cadouri/tribut
reprezentau i o legitimare pentru conductorii
barbari, dar i o motivaie pentru a-i menine
populaia sub control74. Acest tip de diplomaie
poate explica i de ce barbarii au fost primii n
Imperiu i au primit pmnt, pentru c odat
posesori de terenuri, ar crete i interesul lor
de a menine pacea.
Mai mult chiar, diplomaia adoptatat de
romani poate fi rezumat prin sintagma de
client management75, pentru prima dat utilizat
de Peter Heather referindu-se la integrarea
regatelor barbare n sistemul imperial. Astfel,
autoritile romane ii transformau n clieni
toate triburile supuse sau aliate prin diferite
tipuri de contracte ce prevedeau serviciul
militar, plata unui tribut din partea romanilor,
n contextul n care politica militar roman
a fost una prioritar defensiv i orientat spre
stabilitate n aceast perioad, dar i dreptul de a
stpni pmnt pentru a-l lucra oferit barbarilor.
Aceste tipuri de relaii erau ntrite diplomatic
prin darurile i onorurile oferite cpeteniilor
barbare prin care acestea se recunoteau vasale
imperiului, dar prin intermediul crora i
demonstrau i supremaia i legitimitatea prin
comparaie cu alte triburi subordonate sau nc
independente.
52
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the fourth century West, The Transformation
of Frontiers: From Late Antiquity to the
Carolingians, (eds.) W. Pohl, I. Wood, H.
Reimitz, Leiden, 2001, 15-68.
Scorpan 1973 C. Scorpan,La continuit
de la population et des traditions Gtes dans
les conditions de la Romanisation de la Scythia
Minor, Pontica 6, 1973, p. 209228.
tefan 1967 Gh. tefan DinogeiaI, Editura
Academiei Republicii Socialiste Romnia,
Bucureti, 1967.
Petolescu 2000 C. Petolescu, Dacia i
Imperiul Roman, Ed. Universitas, Bucureti,
2000.
Vulpe, Barnea 1968 R. Vulpe, I. Barnea,
Din istoria Dobrogei Romanii la Dunrea de
Jos, Ed. Academiei RSR, Bucureti,1968.
Wiotte-Franz 2001 C. WiotteFranz Hermeneus und Intepres. Zum
Dolmetscherwesen in der Antike, Saarbrucker
Studien zur Archaologie unde Alten Geshichte,
16, Saarbrucken, 2001.
Zahariade 1988 M.Zahariade Moesia
Secunda, Scythia i Notitia Dignitatum,
Editura Academiei, Bucureti, 1988.
53
Zahariade 2005 M. Zahariade, Scytia

Minor. A history of a later roman province,
248681, Amsterdam, 2005.
82.
NOTE
1
Vulpe, Barnea 1968, 370371.
2
3
Eutropius IX, 24,2.
4
Eutropius VIII, 17,3.
5
tefan 1967, 419; Vulpe, Barnea 1968, 381.
6
IGLR 238; PLRE I 803.
7
8
9
Stercorius: IGLR 233; PLRE I 853.
10
Amm. Marc 28, 3, 8, p. 82.
11
Acta SS, II, 2; PLRE I, 848; Zahariade 1988, 44,
Sozom., HE, 4, 16.

Claud., De quarto cons. Hon. Aug. Paneg., 623
633; Oros., Adv. Pag., VII, 34, 9; Zos. Hist., IV 35,
3839; Marc. Comes, Chron., 386, 1; Hydat., Chron.,
385; Zahariade 2005, 44.
14
Zosim., IV, 40.
15
Vulpe 1938, 311; CIL III, 7494.
16
Vulpe 1938, 311.
17
Theod., Hist.eccl., V, 31.
18
Priscus apud Vulpe, Barnea 1968, 407.
19
20
Priscus, 37,38 apud Vulpe, Barnea 1968, 408.
21
Zahariade 2005, 205.
22
Zahariade 2005, 51.
23
Vulpe 1938, 334.
24
Vulpe 1938, 339.
25
Vulpe 1938, 328.
26
Proc., De Bell. Goth., III, 14. 7; Zahariade
2005, 52.
27
Evagr. Schol., Hist. Eccl., V, 1; Agath., Hist., IV,
22; Zahariade 2005, 53.
28
Sym. VII.1-7, VII. 12.2-4, VII.14.1-12, VII.15.5,
8-14, VII.15.11-14.
29
Plinius, NH 4, 80.
30
Eunap., Istoria dup Dexip, frag. 22, tom. I;
apud FHDR, II 1970, 239.
31
Liban., Cuvntare pentru mpraii Constaniu
i Constans, LIX, 89 apud FHDR II, 239.
32
Eusebios, Vita Constantini, IV, 5,1.
33
Iosephus, B. I., 7.
34
Sozom., VI, 37, 8 apud FHDR II, 223.
12
13
54
Iordanes, 130.
Philostorgios, Istoria Bisericeasc, II, 5.
37
Petolescu 2000, 340.
38
Petolescu 2000, 340; Barnea, Iliescu 1982,
138.
39
Epiphanios, Despre schisma audinilor,
15, 5 apud FHDR II, 175; Augustin, Cetatea lui
Dumnezeu, 18,52 apud FHDR II, 215.
40
Amm. Marc., XXX, 8.
41
HA Caracalla, 10.6.
42
Batty 2007, 386.
43
Batty 2007, 390.
44
I Batty 2007, 391; Heather, Matthews 1991,
23, 8.
45
Amm. Marc., 17.12.18.
46
Amm. Marc., 31.4.12.
47
Amm. Marc., 17.13.1.
48
Amm. Marc., 17.12.11.
49
Amm. Marc., 29.6.1516.
50
Amm. Marc., 31.2.13.
51
Russu 1958, 306.
52
Batty 2007, 377.
53
Amm. Marc., 28.1.5.
54
Oros., Adv.pag., 7.25.12.
55
Batty 2007, 378.
56
Greatrex 2000, 272.
57
Ioan din Antiohia apud. Greatrex 2000,
2723.
58
Malal., Chron., XVI.
59
Theoph. Conf., Chron., I.
60
Procopius, Wars, VII.39.89.
61
Procopius, Wars, VII.31.89.
62
Procopius, Anecd., 7.10.
63
Zosim., V, 21, 6; Socrate, VI, 6; Sozom., VIII,
4, 1.
64
Quiroga 2008, 72.
65
Amm.Marc. XXXI.4.1.
66
Paul.Oros. Hist. arv. pag. VII.33.9.
67
Wiotte-Franz, 2001; G. Baratta, 2012, 480481.
68
AE 1951, 103.
69
Vulpe, Barnea, 1968, 397.
70
Vulpe 1938, 190; Scorpan 1973, 145.
71
Martires gothorum ecclesiae, FHR II, 727.
72
Heather 1997, 60.
73
Eusebius, Vita Constantini., 4, 5; Libanius,
Or., 49, 89.
74
Heather 1997, 7071.
75
Heather 2001, 15-68.
35
36
Istorie [i arheologie medieval`
Medieval Moldavian Castles from

the First Half of the Fourteenth
Century to the Second Half of the
Sixteenth Century: Functions,
Images, Perceptions
SABINA STNIL *
Abstract
The purpose of this work is to identify common patterns or features in the construction
of the medieval castles of Moldavia in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The medieval
castles known to have existed on Moldavias territory at that time are Hotin, Soroca, Orheiul
Vechi, Tighina, Cetatea Alb, Chilia, Roman, Cetatea Neamului, Suceava, cheia, eina
and Hmielov. Due to issues related to (re)sources at the time of commencing this study, the
castles of eina and Hmielov could not be examined.
This effort is meant to reveal the functions, images, perceptions and significations attributed
to these castles (which have become cultural objects) both by their contemporaries and subsequent
beholders. Starting from the military and commercial functions, medieval Moldavian castles
acquired and constructed the dwelling function whereas the cultural one was assigned to them
much later, when they became museums which are now part of the cultural patrimony. Placed in
the touristic circuit, they are now re-discovering a new commercial functions for themselves.
As an example, the castle groundplan has been taken into consideration as such a pattern
to be able to distinguish the type or origin of the castles in question. The analysis of this pattern
evinces the prevalence of the rectangular plan with towers at the corners. This type of groundplan is present at Cetatea Sucevei, Cetatea Neamului, Cetatea Alb, Orheiul Vechi, Roman
(with the latter research is still insufficient in this respect though). Deviations from this building rule are Hotin whose groundplan is irregular and Soroca which has a circular plan. There
is no information about the groundplans of Tighina and Chilia castles. The rectangular type
with towers (in particular circular or semi-circular towers) was borrowed with various influences (predominantly Byzantine and Oriental influences but taken over and filtered through
a European model that must also have been in fashion in Western and Central Europe in the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries) but leaving enough room to local originality as well. Such an
element of originality is the fact that although the rectangular groundplan was conceived as one
dedicated to castles located in low lands (plains) such groundplan was implemented in Moldavian various high lands which were politically, militarily and commercially strategic sites.
This study also sheds light on the existence of a systematic programme of building medieval Moldavian castles mainly determined by the political context. This programme basically
comprises two stages: the first stage (commencement of the programme) during the reigns of
Petru I Muat and Alexander the Good and the second one (reinforcement and consolidation)
during the reigns of Stephen the Great and Petru Rare.
Keywords: medieval castles, Moldavia, Hotin, Soroca, Orheiul Vechi, Tighina, Cetatea Alb,
Chilia, Roman, Cetatea Neamului, Suceava, cheia, eina, Hmielov, rectangular groundplan,
towers, functions, images, significance, cultural object, Petru I Muat, Alexander the Good,
Stephen the Great, Petru Rare
* Profesor, Colegiul Naional Mihai Eminescu, Bucureti.
55
Introduction
The present study was my MA thesis defended at the Medieval Studies Department
of the Central European University in June
2003,1 and words are but too poor to express
my gratefulness to the University and the
Open Society Foundation. It was intended
to follow one of the lines traced by Jacques Le
Goff in his chapter Warriors and Conquering
Bourgeois: the Image of the City in TwelfthCentury French Literature of The Medieval
Imagination,2 that is to be concerned with image. But I wanted it to be a translation into
the Romanian space of medieval castles. Several problems emerged. Firstly, when dealing
with Romanian castles, one is confronted with
three different identities due to the fact that
present-day Romania was formed as a result of
the union of three principalities: Transylvania,
Moldavia, and Wallachia. Their specific historical contexts gave rise to different features
of Romanian medieval castles. Secondly, the
literature of Romanian castles consists mainly
of folklore (legends and tales) that cannot be
dated. One is not able to deal with problems
of image, representation and perception of
castles by relying on such sources. For all these
reasons a shift from the originally intended
topic was necessary, which led to a historical
study of Moldavian castles. The idea remained
the same, that of image and perception. But
the destination had to be reached in a different
way by choosing a different approach.
Image implies perception: our perception
in an attempt to reflect or reconstruct the medieval perception of Moldavian castles. The
following questions will be addressed: How
can we view the Moldavian castles? How were
they perceived? What were their images?
What still raised problems was the selection of the castles and the scarcity of sources.
Castles that still have ruins were selected for
my sample. They are better documented than
those that were completely destroyed.
The problem of primary sources for castles
is a painful one in Romanian historiography.
The traditional written sources are confined to:
one homage; a few economic privileges; some
charters in which castellans, castles or their
counties are mentioned; a grant whereby three
castles are entrusted to a Polish dignitary; and
56
other charters (donations) in which the castellans are mentioned as witnesses. The seventeenth century Chronicle of Grigore Ureche3
barely mentions seven castles, assigning to
them a Genoese origin. A single page is devoted to castles in Miron Costins seventeenth
century Chronicle, where he acknowledges
that few things were known about the castles
of Moldavia.4 Foreign travellers accounts give
evidence of the perception of castles, but they
are scanty. Other sources are archaeological
reports, photographs and ground plans available in the secondary literature.
Secondary literature falls into two categories: a varied international literature and a regional one consisting of monographs or other
writings on Moldavian castles. The international literature provided the necessary documentation with respect to general archaeological information on castles, functions, perceptions, landscape history, and castle politics. I
will enumerate some international works that
shaped the main ideas of my research. John
Steane wrote important studies5 dealing with
the issue of perception and castle building programmes. David Austins article6 on Barnard
castle laid an emphasis on functionality within
a medieval castle. Michael Aston dealt with
landscape history.7 Steane, Austin, and Aston
relied on archaeology as the foundation of their
studies. The Austrians Otto Brunner8 and Herwig Ebner9 were concerned with issues related
to castle politics and the relationship between
castle building and territorial control and consolidation of a ruling family. Erik Fgedi10 focused on the relationship between castle and
society, therefore indirectly with perception,
while Imre Holl dealt with castle types. The
collected work Secular Medieval Architecture
in the Balkans11 made an attempt to synthesise
the common features of fortifications in the
Balkans, also projecting them against a thoroughly defined political background. The book
also aims at moving secular architecture out of
the shadow of religious architecture, which has
been dealt with predominantly in the region.
The regional literature can also be divided
in two because historical Moldavia is now two
distinct territories: Romanian Moldavia and
the Republic of Moldavia. The castles situated
on the River Dniester are now in the territory
of the latter, consequently one has to deal with

the problem of accessibility to the primary
sources and secondary literature (part of which
is written in Russian).
Two general studies have been made on
Moldavian castles: 1) Lucian Chiescus doctoral thesis12 first provided the historical context against which the Moldavian fortifications
were listed and gave a chronological account;
2) Gh. Anghels article13 gives a thorough analysis of the Moldavian defence system during the
reign of Stephen the Great (1457-1504). More
recently, researchers such as Denis Cprroiu
and Laureniu Rdvan indirectly dealt with
some Moldavian castles in their studies dedicated to medieval towns in Romania/the Romanian principalities.14
The purpose of this study is to uncover
patterns that will lead to identifying the images and perceptions of medieval Moldavian
castles, that is, to see their common features
and to establish possible differences in terms
of: location, builders and building stages, plan,
type, and functions.15 By using a standardised
framework, I resorted to a structuralist16 analysis which enabled the identification of some
systematic properties of castles. Thus medieval Moldavian castles can be viewed as a decomposable units and the features that I chose
to take into consideration (I am fully aware
that they are not all) are the parameters mentioned above. On a parallel level, the implicit
assumption of this study is that a castle can be
regarded as a text having a grammar (that is, a
structure) and a vocabulary (that is, meaningful elements to fill the structure). Therefore,
like a text, a castle can be deconstructed and
reconstructed. The chosen methodology basically relies on comparison.
In order to tackle the issue of multi-functionality, and further, those of image and perception, I will start from D. J. Cathcart Kings
tentative definition of the castle: Typically, a
castle is a fortified habitation.17 His definition
is apparently restrictive. Nevertheless, it encompasses all facets of castles, because habitation means a place of living. Living, in its turn,
is a complex term: the place of living can be a
residence but also the place where one makes
a living by commercial, administrative or even
judicial activity. The residence, with added de Revista de istorie militar
grees of comfort, can turn into a representation of the owners power or prestige. I hope I
will be able to show that Moldavian castles had
all these aspects which can be grouped within
the general concept of multi-functionality.
The main research questions of this study
are: was a certain location preferred for castles?
What particular features in the location made
the perfect castle site from the fourteenth to
the sixteenth century in Moldavia? What are
the similarities and differences with respect to
plan and type? What is the type of Moldavian
castle and to what purpose is it used? How do
functions relate to ground plans and building
stages? Is there a connection between builders-building and stages-functions? How does
this affect the image of castles? What was
added, when and to what purpose? Were new
functions added together with new walls?
The Study Sample
Written sources and archaeological research
have revealed the existence of the following
castles on the territory of historical Moldavia:18
Hotin, Soroca, Orheiul Vechi, Tighina, Cetatea
Alb, Chilia, Roman, Cetatea Neamului, Suceava, cheia, eina and Hmielov (see either
of the maps19 in the appendix).
The objects of concern here are only those
castles that can demonstrate to the visitor or to
the researcher visible proof of their existence,
that is, ruins. My choice is based on the fact
that castles that still stand have benefited from
research, therefore they are well-documented.
Contrary to a lot of western European examples of castles that do not have ruins but can
still be researched on the basis of charters or
other written sources, the Moldavian castles
are hardly mentioned in the documents of the
time. One can find monographs on Hotin and
Cetatea Alb; Suceava and Cetatea Neamului
are well documented. eina, however, or Roman are not known to have benefited from any
study.20 Therefore, I took the risk of an incomplete list of the Moldavian castles that existed
in the time span surveyed and excluded from
my detailed analysis Orheiul Vechi, Chilia,
Roman, eina, and Hmielov. I will deal with
cheia only to the extent to which it is instrumental to making a case out of Suceava.
57
Archaeological excavations only uncovered

traces of a rectangular castle with four round
towers at the corners at Orheiul Vechi. The
castle was situated on a promontory on the
River Rut, fifteen kilometres east of the present day town bearing the same name, between
Trebujeni and Butuceni villages. The remains
of the stone buildings were at first attributed
to the reign of Stephen the Great (1457-1504),
but irrefutable archaeological findings from
1996-2001 proved that the origin of Orheiul
Vechi citadel is prior to Alexander the Good
or Stephen the Great.21 The archaeological research conducted at Orheiul Vechi by the reputed archaeologist Gheorghe Postic, whose
findings were gathered in a book,22 revealed
the existence of a medieval town at Orheiul
Vechi and confirmed the rectangular plan of
the stone citadel.23 He also points out the peculiarity of the town-castle during the reign of
Stephen the Great in terms of the uniqueness
of its siting and functions.24 As his predecessors, he cannot help but notice that Orhei Castle seems to be the joint effort of nature and
civilisation as its building combines architectural elements formed by nature and architectural components crafted by man.25
Only some scattered remains of the former castle of Chilia can be seen at present.26
There is no mention whatsoever of the plan of
the castle. It was situated on an island in Chilia
channel and linked, if not identified, with the
old Greek castrum of Licostomo (the Mouth
of the Wolf );27 according to the chronicle, eight
hundred masons helped by seventeen thousand workers built it in less than a month: from
June 22 to July 16, 147928. Interestingly enough,
Cetatea Alb has also been subject to debate as
regards its alternative names.29
Roman disappeared without a trace.30
However, archaeological work at Gdini, near
Roman, on the bank of the Siret river, showed
that the castle discovered here is the only one
entirely built during the reign of Stephen the
Great in two stages: 1466 and 1483. Cetatea
Nou de la Roman, as it was called, had semicircular bastions and a rectangular outer bailey.31
Only remains of the foundation can be seen
at cheia. They are those of what was intended
as a rectangular castle.32
58
The fragment of a wall, the foundations of

a tower and a stone stairway are the testimony
of the existence of eina.33 A certain amount
of data is available for the castles mentioned
above, but this is not enough for a standardised
analysis.
A number of historians like L. Rdvan, D.
Cprroiu and architects like T.V. Poncea wrote
important books in which they proposed various typologies of the medieval towns in the Romanian Principalities. They stress the fact that
the genesis of urbanism in the Romanian Principalities was influenced by economic and socio-political factors. Cprroiu emphasises the
impact of the political factor in the creation/
formation/foundation of the medieval town in
the area outside the Carpathians. Therefore,
since the current article is confined to a certain
word limit on account of its intended publication, I find myself compelled to leave out such
criteria as siting/location, builders and building stages, trade routes as these aspects are already so well researched and only refer to the
medieval Moldavian castles in terms of their
type/shape and functions.
Patterns of Building Functions,
Meanings, and Images
The possibility of identifying a character
of Moldavian castles for the period from the
second half of the fourteenth century, through
the fifteenth and the first half of the sixteenth
century is related to the mosaic of images resulting from comparing the castles from the
point of view of the already mentioned criteria: location, plan, origin of type, builders and
periods of building, and functions.
Of all these criteria analysed in my MA thesis, I chose to include only the (origin of ) type
in this article, as an example of my approach
to late Moldavian castles. The reason behind
this choice is that the other criteria have more
or less been extensively dealt with whether directly or indirectly by both historical and architectural studies.
Type and origin
As results from the analysis above, the medieval Moldavian castles were rectangular34
and the propensity for building rectangular
fortifications in Moldavia was noticed by A.
Andronic in the fortifications discovered at

Corlteni35 whose earthworks date back to the
early Middle Ages. This fact evinces a continuity in the building the medieval Moldavian
fortification system: the building programme
of rectangular castles began prior to Petru
I Muat, continued with Petru I Muat and
Alexander the Great, and was essentially reinforced and maintained by Stephen the Great
and Petru Rare.36
Viewed from the outside,37 the origin of the
medieval Moldavian type of castle seems to be
a controversial issue in Romanian historiography. As with other disputable issues, chronological layers of opinions have to be examined
before reaching a conclusion. The first trend
emerged in the 1960s, with Virgil Vtianu as
the leader. He launched the long-cited idea of
Polish-Baltic influence, evinced in his opinion
by the regular rectangular (square) four-tower plans of Suceava, Cetatea Neamului and
cheia.38 This idea, resulting merely from a
formal architectural analysis, came to be supported by archaeologists as well.
Gh. Diaconu and N. Constantinescu39 stated that in fourteenth century Moldavia there
must have been a school of builders whose
ideas have come down to us through the plans
and the techniques of building. The plan was
old but the technique was new. The plan was
originally designed for the plains and its starting point has to be sought in the Danubian
and north Pontic space; it may have been typologically associated with Roman-Byzantine
fortifications. Constantinescu40 does not have
a clear-cut conclusion; he vacillates in attributing the influence either to the southern regions
of the Balkan-Danube area or to the northern
regions of Europe. These pioneering studies
referred to three of the Moldavian castles.
Gh. Anghels article from 197841 made a
thorough and wide-ranging analysis. For the
first time in the literature, he emphasised the
originality of the medieval Moldavian castles
which consists in: 1) creating a unitary defence
system of fortifications in southeast Europe;
2) thickening the walls of precincts and towers (their thickness was doubled or tripled); 3)
developing a tendency to hide stone constructions with earthworks; 4) establishing technical innovations, for instance Cetatea Alb42
has a parapet in the escarpment of the ditch;

between the parapet and the curtain there is
a platform on which cannons could be placed.
All these point to a gap between the castles
built before the reign of Stephen the Great
and those built during his reign or afterwards
and to a difference from the fortified system of
Transylvania, Hungary and Poland of that time
with respect to conception, tactics, planimetry
and components.
According to Gh. Anghel, inferring Byzantine influence can only be justified by the fact
that some of the Moldavian castles have circular and semi-circular towers. Byzantine castles
were built everywhere in the empire from the
sixth to the tenth century, using mostly rectangular plans with circular, semi-circular and
horse-shoe-shaped towers. These elements
were taken over by Crusaders in the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries who combined them
with the European experience when building
such castles as Coucy, Chateau Gaillard, Boulogne, Morisson, Pierrefonds in France, and
Rhunddlan Castle, Harlech Castle, Caernarfon Castle, Conway, Beaumaris and so on in
England. However, Anghel points out, circular
and semi-circular towers can also be seen in
Europe in the military architecture from the
twelfth to the fifteenth century. Practically,
there were no longer Byzantine fortifications
starting with the twelfth century and especially after the crusade of 1204, when Byzantium
ceased to be a military force and therefore to
exert any influence in the domain of fortifications. As Anghel shows, the Byzantine world
was confronted with a new phenomenon: the
thirteenth century saw the formation of small
Frankish kingdoms on the Byzantine possessions, continental Greece, Morea, the Aegean
Sea and Cyprus; in the fourteenth century
Genoa and Venice replaced these kingdoms.
The result was that the old Byzantine castles
were rebuilt and reshaped in a European manner. A new style of fortification was created,
that with circular, semi-circular and horseshoe-shaped towers, which became dominant
in the second half of the fourteenth century
and spread all over Europe in the second half
of the fifteenth century. Anghel believes the
fortifications of Stephen the Great are part
of the same tendency, although the architects
that were employed did not come directly
59
from the south or north. Despite all these new

elements revealed by Anghel, there is no clearcut conclusion as to the influence affecting the
Moldavian type of castle. The only conclusion
that can be drawn is the fact that the Byzantine or the Polish-Northern influences taken
individually cannot stand due to insufficient
evidence. What Anghel brings new to illuminate the whole issue is the presence of Italian
elements43 in the context: architectural elements of late Gothic and Renaissance origin at
Suceava and Cetatea Alb; an Italian architect,
Provana, being mentioned as the alleged architect of Chilia; the tombstone of an Italian architect at Suceava; Stephens connections with
the Genoese castles on the Black Sea coast;
Italian financiers, physicians, and scholars in
the voievodes company.
Gh. Postic also emphasises the oriental
origin of certain architectural elements at Orheiul Vechi. The small full towers at the corners were called guldasta in the oriental tradition. In addition to that, the masonry signals
the presence of oriental influence. The chronology and dating of Orheiul Vechi indicates
that it was built during the domination of the
Golden Horde, from 1366 to 1369.44
Regardless of any such influence, what was
made certain by archaeological work at Suceava
and Neam is that these castles were built by local craftsmen who were very much aware of the
building techniques and processes used at the
time throughout Europe. Such evidence ruled
out any postulation of a German influence, a
hypothesis also proven by the lack of resemblance of the medieval Moldavian castles with
the castles alleged to have been built by the
Teutonic order on the territory of Romania.45
In 1984, Imre Holl46 remarked that three
of the castles in the Moldavian group, namely
cheia, Suceava-Cetatea de Scaun, and Cetatea
Neamului, belonged to the ancient castellum
type group of Byzantine origin. Only Cetatea
Neamului evinces some traces of Central European influence (the Anjou model) such as
the interior towers. General work in art history by Cristian Moisescu47 asserts a northern influence indeed, but filtered through one
coming from the south: the regular rectangular four-tower type of fortification can be
found in Byzantine-Arabian fortifications, but
60
its origin seems to be fourth to sixth century

Byzantine architecture. It was taken over by
the Crusaders and transposed to France, England and Germany during the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries, especially by the Teutonic Order. They also spread it into some of the
countries in the north of Europe, from where
it exerted a heavy influence on the Moldavian
fortifications from the fourteenth to the sixteenth century.
The solution that Imre Holl (indirectly)
and Cristian Moisescu propose with respect to
influences that Crusaders brought back from
the East, and that the Moldavians must have
borrowed such elements via Poland or the
Baltic countries, is counter-argued by Kennedy, citing Fossier: As Fossier recognised,
the Crusaders brought back from the east new
methods of attacking castles, not new theories
of military architecture.48 It is known that new
methods of attack trigger innovations in the
military techniques. Therefore the castles the
Crusaders built after having returned home
must have used some of the architectural solutions acquired in the East. Nevertheless, Kennedy does not believe in pure imitation:
The Crusaders could draw on a number
of different styles of military architecture but
how important these borrowings were is more
problematic. There is a model suggesting that,
in cultural matters, people only borrow from
others what they are on the verge of inventing themselves. If there were borrowings of
military technology it was because the Franks
could appreciate that such devices were useful
and served their immediate purposes. There is
no question of slavish imitation but of adaptation of particular designs whose utility was
apparent. At the same time, we should never
underestimate the pragmatism and inventiveness of castle builders.49
The last hypothesis, put forth by Holl and
Moisescu, seems to be more comprehensive,
integrative, or globalising. Gh. Anghel uses
the word eclectic. An approach that tries to
account for the regular rectangular four-tower
plans of the Moldavian castles by one single
influence or by applying a disjunctive sentence
(it may be one influence or it may be another)
seems simplistic. Nevertheless, the eclectic
approach has its drawback as well; it ignores
the originality of the Moldavian castles, which

were indeed no parrot-fashion imitation. Rather this type of plan must have been fashionable
throughout Europe starting with the twelfth
century, and the Moldavian voievodes were no
exception when initiating their building plans.
To synthetise, the building programme of
regular rectangular castles initiated by Petru I
Muat in the second half of the fourteenth century with Suceava (cheia and thereafter Cetatea de Scaun), and Cetatea Neamului, was
continued by Alexander the Good in the first
half of the fifteenth century. He is attributed
with the building of Tighina and, more recently of Cetatea Alb. There is no information as
to the ground plan of Tighina.50 Cetatea Alb
is described as an imposing rectangular castle
with four square towers at its corners, situated
in the northern part of the fortification system
of the city which lies near the Dniester port.51
It could not have been built earlier than the last
decades of the fourteenth century52 and it was
included within the frontiers of Moldavia during the reign of Petru I Muat (1376?-1391?).53
Hotin, with its irregular plan, also attributed
to Alexander the Good, and Soroca, which has
a round ground plan, do not fit into this analysis. If one were to fully accept lapacs dating
of the central fort at Cetatea Alb, the result
is that four regular rectangular castles were
built in half a century or so by two voievodes
belonging to the same dynastic line. cheia
reinforces this programmatic castle politics.54
More recent archaeological work uncovered
the rectangular plan in two other castles: Orheiul Vechi55 and Costeti (however, the latter
is mere earthwork, not a stone castle, and its
dating is uncertain).56
Another element suggests the idea of programmatic ideology: location. The fact that efforts were made to reconcile a type of castle
characteristic to plains to steep promontories
or hilltops by means of a building technique
that proved to be successful shows how much
the Moldavian voievodes wanted to promote
a certain image of their rulership and power
through the physical image of the castles they
built, which have comparable areas: 1,000 to
1,500 sq. m.
To answer the question why the Moldavian

voievodes chose to stick to this plan is already
the domain of speculation, since there are no
explicit or implicit written or other kind of
sources that could shed a ray of light on this
matter. If one assumes that this type of castle
was, at that time, taken to be the image or the
representation of the castle par excellence,
then the reason for choosing it must have been
prestige. If one accepts the solution proposed
by Imre Holl and Cristian Moisescu with respect to castle type, namely a Polish, and possibly a Northern-Baltic influence, plus the Central-European elements posited by Gh. Anghel
(possibly coming from Hungary through Transylvania), the following hypothesis can be postulated: Moldavian castles were seen as prestige representations, as they seem to have been
built as a replica of the Polish and Hungarian
castles. This could make sense in the political
context of the age57 if one remembers that both
Poland and Hungary tried to gain Moldavia in
their sphere of influence the dispute over the
access to the Black Sea commerce which yielded substantial income. Moldavias resistance to
both powers manifested, among other things,
in building castles. Not any kind of castles,
because the best fighting strategy is to fight
against your opponent using its own type of
arms. It can therefore be suggested that Moldavian voievodes might have taken as model,
to a certain extent, the Polish and Hungarian
castles. The Moldavian castles would then assert the centralised power the Muat dynasty
strove to impose and perpetuate. Nevertheless, other influences (Byzantine, Italian) were
filtered and infused into the model.
After mentioning the fact that the Moldavian chroniclers clearly stated the idea that the
medieval Moldavian castles had been built by
any other than local Romanians, Adrian Andrei Rusu insists that this idea should be kept
and modulated. His modulation is that the
craftsmen employed to build the castles belong to the German ethnicity, they were foreign local craftsmen, a phrase which he explains as craftsmen born or raised in Moldavia
but speaking a language other than Romanian.
This contribution goes hand in hand with the
hypothesis expressed by M.D. Matei who used
61
the phrase specialised craftsmen of German

origin as early as 1989.58 A.A. Rusu also stresses the fact that ideas circulate and that it is yet
necessary to uncover the connections whereby
ideas and models were transferred.59 However,
more relevant and interesting are his considerations gathered in a chapter dedicated to Ethnic origins and fortifications.60 He indirectly
raises the question of the relation between
ethnic identity and the type of material culture
built by a certain ethnicity. He asserts that.
On the other hand, since many people
considered the Saxons rightfully to a great
extent to be the most agile creators of material culture, their castles should be seen as a
barometer measuring the achievements of the
co-inhabiting ethnic groups.61
Referring to the type and style of castle
building, Kennedy produced a commonsensical statement: A different landscape also produced different styles of castle building.62 In
the fourteenth century and later, in fifteenthcentury Moldavia, a certain kind of landscape
(namely hilltops) appears to have been intently
sought and one style of building was used, ingeniously adapted both to the ground plan and
to the nature of the terrain. It is the so-called
building in steps style which allows the builder to use a regular rectangular ground plan on
heights without levelling or regularising the irregularity of the hilltop. This solution is known
to have been applied at Scheia,63 Suceava and
Cetatea Neamului.64
It should be noted that most of the assertions in Romanian historiography with regard
to the typology of Moldavian castles rely heavily on only three of them: cheia, Suceava-Cetatea de Scaun, and Cetatea Neamului. This
can be as well considered as a question of perception: these three castles were viewed as the
core or the prototypical image of the Moldavian medieval castles.
Functions
Starting from Kings definition mentioned
in the Introduction, two functions seem to be
essential for a castle, namely the military and
the residential ones: Typically, a castle is a fortified habitation,65 Like any other functional
object, the castle develops through time by accumulating new functions.
62
The strengthening of fortifications over

time suggests a strengthening of the military
function. This is also paralleled by accommodating other functions within the castles,
which can be perceived in the dynamic of
building and rebuilding. As the addition of a
curtain wall and bastions, or the thickening of
a wall was meant to respond to the advances of
military techniques, especially of artillery, the
interior space in the central fort was divided
and given new contours so as to keep up with
new views on comfort and fashion. Here is the
description of the typical Muatin castle by
Matei and Emandi:66
Along the curtains, on their inner part,
above large cellars, there were two-storey
storerooms, workshops for arms, and the soldiers rooms, all of them situated mostly on
the groundfloor; above, there were terraces for
guards patrol. Along the other sides of the inner
precinct, there were the voievodes apartment
and guest rooms. Such a castle also included a
long armoury hall, a banquet hall and a council
hall, as well as the chapel, that was linked with
the voievodes apartment, the rooms of the garrison, the servants rooms, the childrens rooms
and so on. In order to look like this, the old castles were transformed by Stephen the Great.
One can infer from this passage that beginning with the reign of Stephen the Great a
major shift in the functionality of Moldavian
castles had occurred. They were transformed
to better fit the need for comfort. Adding up
to comfort and decoration also speaks about
a need for representation and prestige: the
voievode needed to make public his power
by displaying it under this form. Not only
comfort and decorations signal the prestige
function, but also the shape of the castle: this
started in Moldavia with Petru I Muats implementing the regular rectangular four-tower
type and ended with Petru Rare building the
perfectly round and, therefore unique in the
country, castle of Soroca. And castles did not
only represent the power and prestige of each
individual voievode, but also of the continuity
of the dynastic line. Their way of being built
signals not only the presentation of the self 67,
but also the membership to a certain group (or
family in our case).68
Just like the other factors that have been

taken into consideration so far, the functions
of the Moldavian castles varied through time.
Change over time brought about change and
development in the (multi)functionality of the
Moldavian castles. From almost purely military objects cheia - whose guards resided in
the towers because there were no buildings inside the rectangular fort,69 castles like Cetatea
de Scaun (Suceava) evolved to palaces. These
examples illustrate the development in one
castle, because cheia and Cetatea de Scaun
can be regarded as interfaces of the same identity the castle protecting the capital city of
Suceava. cheia is perhaps a good example
in point for the pioneering of medieval castle
building in Moldavia. Hotin, Tighina, Soroca
came to incorporate a customs house due to
their location on the border. At Hotin, as it can
be seen from the ground plan, the customs,
otherwise separated from the central fort by a
brook, was incorporated in the castle when the
curtain wall was built. It added and emphasised
the commercial function to the castle. For this
incorporation to take place, the location of the
castle was essential.
Functions ascribe meaning to the built environment and meaning is the image projected
by the onlooker. According to Rapoport
meaning also gains in importance when it
is realised that the concept of function, goes
far beyond purely instrumental or manifest
functions. When latent aspects of functions
are considered, it is quickly realised that meaning is central to an understanding of how environments work.70
This statement goes hand in hand with postulating core/inherent/denotative and latent/
additional/connotative functions of a castle.
The core functions of a castle are the military and the residential ones. The commercial
function raises some problems since all Moldavian castles surveyed seem to have been intently built along trade routes and near market
towns (or settlements of an urban type that
had a definite commercial orientation). Consequently the Moldavian castles might have
been perceived as essential to the security and
maintenance of trade routes, and perhaps the
commercial function could be regarded as in Revista de istorie militar
herent in this case. The connotative functions

which all the surveyed castles seem to have
had are probably the administrative and prestige representation. King pleads for an image
of the castle as a purely functional object71 and
he argues strongly against the prestige function as the only function a castle had.72 And
this is where he is wrong, because nobody
seems to support this idea. Rather the prestige
representation function comes to complete the
corollary of functions that one usually expects
a castle to have. On the basis of all these functions that Moldavian castles may be assumed
to have had, one can re-construct (again a
rebuilding stage) their image as perceived by
contemporaries: far from being merely functional objects with a clear-cut military and
residential destination, they were placed in
a socio-economic context and employed for
prestige representation purposes.
Tadhg OKeeffe speaks about a meaning of
the castle:
We might ask how deeply can we penetrate
the world of the Middle Ages by standing in
front of a castle and allowing it to be our guide.
The building will always be silent, but if it communicates ideas to us bout itself, about its erstwhile inhabitants, or about the world for which
it was built, it does so because its physical form
is seen as constituting a system of signs into
which we, though our own experiences and interpretations of the world, are capable of reading meaning (Eco, 1986).73
He states that the dominant meaning of a
castle is power-related which is visible in the
architectural signage of the castle and intuitively recognizable in certain features of the
castle: the manipulation of natural resources
which intimidates us, the imitation of the
natural landscape (e.g. a high wall or tower
imitates a cliff ).74 He further on explores the
relationship between architectural signs and
their readers, and since castles are architectural signs, their meanings are intricate sets
of ideas about the individual and the collective,
and about the worlds in which both belong or
of which both have experience. Secondly, the
individuals and collectives mentioned here are
not just those who lived at the time the buildings were constructed but include all those
63
who engage with the architecture at some intellectual level, including modern spectators:
meaning, after all, is not fixed at the time of
construction but, as the poststructuralists remind us (see Leach, 1997: 283-390, especially
283-4, for a useful overview), is multifarious
both synchronically and diachronically. As
a simple illustration of this it might be noted
how certain castles have been selected for
conservation and presentation to the modern
public. These castles in State care are generally those which are regarded as important
in the present, possibly for reasons of history
but possibly also because other comparable
examples are not so spectacular or well-preserved. This is not to question the legitimacy
of preserving certain buildings at the expense
of others, but to argue that the castles which
enjoy this level of protection are those which
possess the sorts of meaning which are valued
most today in this heritage-conscious environment, and that what they mean to us is not
necessarily what they meant to any spectator
in the middle ages (Figure 3). In other words,
the meaning of the architecture can and does
change.75
Again, like King, OKeeffe is wrong simply
because his vision about the representational
function of the castle seems to be one-sided.
While King considers the castle to be a predominantly functional object, OKeeffe argues
in favour of the substantially representational
function of the castle. As with castles everywhere the Moldavian castles in question can
be ascribed both functionality and representation, whether simultaneously or not because
time is a critical factor in their perception.
More recently, following trends all over the
world, the Moldavian castles have become part
of cultural landscapes which are exploited economically by means of cultural tourism. Therefore, one could say that they have regained an
economic function. At the same time, they
appear to have retrieved the representation
function, as now they stand for the values of
an entire nation.
conclusions
What I have tried to do in this study was a
search for functions, images, and perceptions
64
of late medieval Moldavian castles by contemporary people. I meant to distance this work
from the traditional chronological story-like
descriptions used so far in Romanian literature
by introducing a standard. I am fully aware
that such a standard can sometimes be rigid
and not quite a workable formula for some of
the castles that are less well researched.
What I found is firstly an aspect that has
only been slightly touched upon in Romanian
historiography, namely castles from the point
of view of landscape history. The relationship
between Moldavian castles and their location
has been noted and was correlated with the
building technique. Not all Moldavian castles
were built on a promontory, hill or height; Soroca and Tighina do not follow this rule. In any
case, their regular rectangular (square) plans
are not in accordance with this aspect and historians agree that an irregular plan to follow
the roughness of the topography would have
been far more suitable. Soroca is not an example in point, being circular, and neither is
Hotin, of irregular plan. What we have here is
a constant effort to reconcile a type of castle
characteristic to plain with steep promontories
or hilltops by means of the building technique.
In addition, the sizes of the castles are comparable. These facts speak about how much
the Moldavian voievodes wanted to promote
a certain image of their rulership through the
physical presence of castles. For the Romanian
principalities did not promote that phenomenon called by medievalists castellation the
building of castles by noblemen to represent
and enhance their power.76
There are other natural factors in the location, such as water and an adjoining settlement that the castle depended upon. Moreover, in some cases (see the castles situated on
the River Dniester), water seems to have had a
defensive potential. Most studies point out the
importance of a pre-existing settlement near
the castles in question, but none has made it
clear that these settlements were all market
towns. This comes to reinforce the connotative commercial function that castles had. The
fact that all the Moldavian castles surveyed in
this research were situated on trade routes was
already a commonplace in Romanian historiography.
Yet another commonplace was constituted

by the discussions of their type. Three mainstream orientations were noticed: 1) a PolishBaltic influence 2) a Byzantine influence, and
3) a Byzantine influence filtered through the
Central European experience. What the issue is here is rather the fact that the regular
rectangular four-tower type was in fashion
in Europe during the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries, and that the Moldavian rulers were
consistent in using it. Their consistency, correlated with the fact that the voievode was the
sole proprietor77 of all the castles, plus the fact
that the building programme was initiated and
perpetuated by one ruling family the Muat
dynasty inevitably leads toward one conclusion: this castle type performed the function
of prestige representation, in the sense that it
represented the voivodes power. They were
viewed (and acted as) as insignia of power.
Moreover, the building programme of castles
was reinforced by building churches and monasteries (some monasteries are fortified) which
gave rise to an architectural style.
An understanding of the Moldavian pattern
of castle building emerged from this study. It
consists in the fact that a programme seems to
have been initiated, promoted, and carried out
by voievodes of one ruling house. This is part
of the larger European framework wherein a
dynasty concentrated on castle building as a
means of consolidating both its internal and
external power. What was peculiar to medieval Moldavia, and in this sense the Moldavian
castles do not resemble their European counterparts, is the fact that all of them (although it
is true that they are not many) belonged to the
voievode. The idea of a systematic programme
or policy was supported by the following arguments: a certain location, incorporating an
elevation and water as natural components,
and a commercial settlement as part of a trade
route, seems to have been preferred by voievodes belonging to one dynasty. A certain
castle type (regular rectangular square fourtower) was selected and employed rather consistently. There were stages in the programme
(two salient ones and another two which were
less important), a fact emphasised later on by
Alexandru Madgearu as well;78 during these
stages new functions were added to castles:
they started mainly as fortified habitations,

then the habitation turned into a residence,
then the residence was provided with comfort,
richness, and decorations and became an image of the voievodes power and prestige.
A comparably relevant point for the image
and perception of late medieval Moldavian
castles is the travellers accounts. Although
quite few, they are indicative of the fact that
foreigners from the west identified Moldavian
castles as such, that is the western and eastern images of the castle overlapped in their
imaginaire. What did not match the western standards was the number of Moldavian
castles, as they were few, and the character of
the nearby settlements, whose building were
wooden ones.
The elevation, the nearby market town,
water source, and trade route, the regular rectangular (square) four-tower type, the fact that
castles were built to consolidate and represent
a dynasty from the end of the fourteenth century until the beginning of the fifteenth, all
these are particulars of the late medieval Moldavian castles and, in our understanding, reconstruct an image and perception other than
the ones we were used to. They make one postulate the existence of a castle civilisation in
medieval Moldavia if not in quantitative terms
(their reduced number) at least with respect
to quality.
NOTE
1
Part of my MA thesis was published in Analele
Asociaiei Naionale a Tinerilor Istorici din Moldova: Anuar Istoric, 5, 2004. The current article is
simply an update of my thesis with works published
subsequent to June 2003.
2
Jacques Le Goff, The Medieval Imagination.
Tr. Arthur Goldhammer, Chicago, The University
of Chicago Press, 1988. The intention grew out
of my previous study written as a diploma paper
The Multicultural Identity of the English Medieval
Castle, defended at the University of Bucharest,
Faculty of Foreign Languages, English-French specialization, 1998.
3
Grigore Ureche, Letopiseul rii Moldovei,
Bucureti, Editura Academiei R.P.R., 1958, 71.
4
Miron Costin, Cronica polon, in Opere, ed. P.
P. Panaitescu, Bucureti, Editura Academiei R.P.R.,
1958, 205.
65
John Steane, The Archaeology of Medieval England and Wales, Athens: The University of Georgia
Press, 1984 (henceforth Steane, Medieval England
and Wales); The Archaeology of Medieval English
Monarchy, London, B. T. Batsford, 1993 (henceforth Steane, English Monarchy); The Archaeology
of Power, Charleston, Tempus Publishing Ltd, 2001
(henceforth Steane, Power).
6
David Austin, Private and Public: An Archae
ological Consideration of Things, in Die Vielfalt
der Dinge. Neue Wege zur Analyse mittelalterlicher
Sachkultur, ed. Helmut Hundsbichler et al, Vienna,
Verlag der sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1998, 163-206.
7
Michael Aston, Interpreting the Landscape.
Landscape Archaeology and Local History, London,
Routledge, 1997, 91 (henceforth: Aston, Landscape
Archaeology).
8
Otto Brunner, Land and Lordship: Structures
of Governance in Medieval Austria, tr. Howard
Kaminsky and James Van Horn Melton, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992.
9
Herwig Ebner, Die Burgenpolitik und ihre Bedeutung fr die Geschichte des Mittelalters, Carinthia I, 164, 1974 (henceforth: Ebner, Burgenpolitik), 33-51.
10
Erik Fgedi, Castle and Society in Medieval
Hungary (1000-1437), Budapest, Akadmiai Kiad,
1986.
11
Secular Medieval Architecture in the Balkans,
ed. Slobodan uri and Evanghelia Hadjitryphonos, Thessaloniki, AIMOS, 1997.
12
L. Chiescu, Fortificaiile Moldovei n secolele
XIV-XVI ceti voievodale i fortificaii oreneti
Rezumatul tezei de doctorat, Bucureti, Academia
de tiine Sociale i Politice a R.S.R., 1970 (henceforth Chiescu, Fortificaii).
13
Gh. Anghel, Cetile medievale ale Moldovei
din timpul lui tefan cel Mare, Apulum, 16, 1978,
(henceforth Anghel, Cetile medievale), 239-259.
14
See Denis Cprroiu, Oraul medieval
n spaiul romnesc extracarpatic (sec. X-XIV),
Trgovite, Cetatea de Scaun, 2014 (henceforth
Cprroiu, Oraul medieval). See also Laureniu
Rdvan, Oraele din rile romne n evul mediu,
Iai, Editura Universitii Alexandru Ioan Cuza,
2011 (henceforth Rdvan, Oraele).
15
The current article is an adapted version of
the second chapter of my MA thesis defended at
the Central European University (Department of
Medieval Studies) in June 2003. The thesis was entitled Late Medieval Moldavian Castles: Functions,
Images, Perceptions. I decided to give up the word
late due to its relativism: terms such as early medieval and late medieval vary from East to West
and are constant subject of debate.
5
66
Although the structuralist approach is nowadays regarded as outdated because of the methodological and theoretical problems it raises, there is
nevertheless an important advantage that it offers: it
highlights the systematic properties of phenomena.
In a nutshell, structural analysis does not explain; at
best, it helps to clarify what needs to be explained.
See Dan Sperber, Explaining Culture. A Naturalistic Approach, Oxford, Blackwell Publishers, 1996
(henceforth Sperber, Explaining Culture), 47.
17
See D. J. Cathcart King, The Castle in England and Wales: An Interpretative History, London,
Routledge, 1988 (henceforth King, Castle), 1.
18
Following the map, they have been listed
clockwise, from the north to the east, south and
west.
19
In 2003 I had drawn two maps of historical
Moldavia in order to render the historical context
and changes that occurred from the end of the fourteenth century to the beginning of the fifteenth century which are however not included in this article
due to space limitations.
20
Exceptions are, to some extent, cheia and Orheiul Vechi where archaeological research was done
and the results were published. Orheiul Vechi is
mentioned as a settlement founded by the Mongols,
therefore a town of the Mongol type, in Cprroiu,
Oraul medieval, 136-137; cheia is postulated
to have been an earlier rectangular, rudimentary
version, a failed experiment of Suceava by the
same author, and the hypothesis is supported with
both documentary and archaelogical arguments
(Cprroiu, Oraul medieval), 260.
21
Gheorghe Postic, Cetatea Orheiului n
strategia lui tefan cel Mare, Tyragetia, Serie Nou,
2007, vol. I [XVI], 2 (2007) (henceforth Postic, Cetatea Orheiului), 11.
22
Gheorghe Postic, Orheiul Vechi. Cercetri
arheologice 1996-2001, Iai, Editura Universitii
Alexandru Ioan Cuza, 2006 (henceforth Postic,
Orheiul Vechi).
23
Postic, Orheiul Vechi, 11, 41.
24
Postic, Cetatea Orheiului, 9.
25
On the north, east and south sides, Orheiul
Vechi was protected by water and abrupt Rut
banks. Ibid.
26
Grigore Ionescu, Istoria arhitecturii n
Romnia, vol. 1, Bucureti, 1963, 208.
27
There has been an ongoing controversy in the
Romanian historiography as to whether Chilia is Licostomo or not. Historians such as Octavian Iliescu
and his followers support the existence of two fortifications: there is no identity Chilia=Licostomo. See
Octavian Iliescu, De Nouveau sur Kilia et Licostomo, Revue Roumaine dHistoire 33, 1994, 159-167.
16
On the contrary, Petre Diaconu proves with lots of

arguments that in fact Chilia is Licostomo. See Petre
Diaconu, Kilia et Licostomo ou Kilia=Licostomo?,
Revue Roumaine dHistoire, 35, 1986, 301-307.
28
Cprroiu classifies Chilia as a Genovese town
and differs from the view that it would have been
one and the same with Licostomo, agreeing with t.
Andreescu whom he quotes. See also t. Andreescu,
O cetate disputat: Chilia n prima jumtate a secolului al XV-lea, in Din istoria Mrii Negre (Genovezi,
romni i ttari n spaiul pontic n secoleleXIVXVII), Bucureti, Editura Enciclopedic, 2001, 35.
29
Raluca Verussi-Iosipescu wrote a comprehensive study of the documents in which Cetatea
Alb is mentioned as either Maurocastrum or Asprokastron and their variations. See Raluca VerussiIosipescu, Cetatea Alb Cetatea Neagr, Revista de
istorie militar, 3-4, 2012, 18-23.
30
Chiescu, Fortificaii, 16.
31
Alexandru Andronic, Fortificaiile medievale din Moldova, Memoria Antiquitatis, 2, 1970
(henceforth Andronic, Fortificaiile), 414.
32
Cprroiu, Oraul medieval, 260.
33
Anghel, Cetile medievale, 239-259.
34
Or variants of the rectangular type of fortification, according to Alexandru Madgearu, Sistemul
de fortificaii al Moldovei n epoca lui tefan cel
Mare (1457-1504), Revista de istorie militar,
3, 2004, (henceforth Madgearu, Sistemul de
fortificaii, 9-16.
35
Andronic, Fortificaiile, 404-416.
36
As pointed out in the sub-chapter Builders and building stages of my MA thesis available
at https://www.academia.edu/4362593/Late_Medieval_Moldavian_Castles or http://www.scribd.
com/doc/101505081/Medieval-Moldavian-CastlesSabina-Stanila#scribd.
37
I come from the domain of philology.
38
Virgil Vtianu, Istoria artei feudale n rile
romne, vol. 1, Bucureti, Editura Academiei RPR,
1959 (henceforth Vtianu, Istoria artei), 293-307.
39
Gh. Diaconu, N. Constantinescu, Cetatea
cheia, Bucureti, Editura Academiei RPR, 1960
(henceforth Diaconu and Constantinescu, cheia),
106-117.
40
N. Constantinescu, Date noi n legtur cu
Cetatea Neamului, Studii si cercetri de istorie
veche, 1, 1960 (henceforth Constantinescu, Date),
13.
41
Anghel, Cetile Moldovei, 239-259.
42
Its fortifications were extended during the
reign of Stephen the Great, the enlarge castle being
able to host a garrison of 2000 soldiers. See Vitalie
Josanu, Statutul politico-juridic al oraului Cetatea
Alb n cadrul rii Moldovei, in Anuarul Insti
tutului de Cercetri Socio-Umane, Sibiu, 20, 2013,

169-194.
43
An influence also mentioned as early as 1970
in Andronic, Fortificaiile, 404-416.
44
Postic, Orheiul Vechi, 54-55.
45
Ibidem.
46
Imre Holl, Ngysaroktornyos szablyos vrak
a kzpkorban (Regular four corner towered fortresses in the Middle Ages), Archaeologiai rtesit,
III (1984), 192-217.
47
Cristian Moisescu, Arta romneasc veche
vol. 1, Bucharest: Meridiane, 2001, 86.
48
Kennedy, Crusader Castles, 189.
49
Kennedy, Crusader Castles, 20.
50
Tighina is mentioned as early as 1408 as customs on the Dniester. It used to be a point on the
Moldavian route which deviated from the main
route Iai-Cetatea Alb. The older fortifications
were probably of wood and only two moats located
near the stone castles built later on by the Ottomans. See Rdvan, Oraele, 586.
51
Victor Spinei, Comerul i geneza oraelor
din sud-estul Moldovei (secolele XIII-XIV), in
Universa Valachica. Romnii n contextul politic
internaional de la nceputul mileniului al II-lea,
Chiinu, Cartididact, 2006 (henceforth Spinei,
Universa Valachica), 714.
52
Ibidem.
53
Ibidem, 725.
54
Cprroiu believes that cheia must have
been an unsuccessful attempt to implant the regular
rectangular castle which was inadequate to a hilly
area. It was practically demonstrated by archaeological evidence that its numerous building deficiencies soon turned cheia into a place that was
not frequented and therefore its completion was
abandoned. To compensate this failure, as it were,
the entire creating effort focused on Suceava Castle
(Cetatea de Scaun) which benefited from the strategic maturity and accrued experience of its builders. These are proven by the almost perfect building
solutions and execution implemented at Cetatea
Neam. See Cprroiu, Oraul medieval, 260.
55
Postic, Orheiul Vechi, 11.
56
Spinei, Universa Valachica, 732.
57
This was the situation in the fourteenth century and at the beginning of the reign of Stephen
the Great as well. See erban Papacostea, Moldova nceputurilor ntre regii Ungariei i Poloniei
and Relaiile internaionale ale Moldovei n vremea lui tefan cel Mare, in Evul Mediu Romnesc,
Bucureti, Corint, 2002, 41-45, 139-178.
58
M.D. Matei quoted by Cprroiu. See
Cprroiu, Oraul medieval, 253. See also M.D.
Matei, Civilizaie urban medieval romneasc.
67
Contribuii (Suceava pn la mijlocul secolului al

XVI-lea), Bucureti, Editura Academiei Republicii
Socialiste Romnia, 1989, 70-72.
59
Adrian Andrei Rusu, Mnuirea apei n Cetatea Sucevei, Suceava. Anuarul Muzeului Bucovinei, 41, 2014, 94-95.
60
Adrian Andrei Rusu, Castelarea carpatic:
fortificaii i ceti din Transilvania i teritoriile nvecinate (secolele XIII-XVI), Cluj-Napoca, Editura
Mega, 2005 (henceforth Rusu, Castelarea), 620-622.
61
Rusu, Castelarea, 621.
62
Kennedy, Crusader Castle, 62.
63
Rdvan states that cheia was abandoned by
Alexander the Good due to the instability of the terrain on which it had been built. Part of the stone of
which it had been built was later on used at Suceava,
whose restoration works undertaken by Stephen the
Great, made it inexpugnable. See Rdvan, Oraele,
575.
64
Constantinescu, Date.
65
King, The Castle, 1.
66
Matei and Emandi, Suceava, 116-117.
67
See Amos Rapoport, The Meaning of the
Built Environment: A Nonverbal Communication
Approach, Beverly Hills, Sage Publications, 1982
(henceforth Rapoport: The Meaning of the Built Environment), 15: In fact, the meaning aspects of the environment clothes, furnishings, buildings, gardens,
streets, neighborhoods, and so on is used in the
68
presentation of self, in establishing group identity.

68
Ibidem.
69
Matei and Emandi, Suceava, 78.
70
Rapoport, The Meaning of the Built Environment, 13.
71
72
73
Tadhg OKeeffe, Concepts of castle and the
construction of identity in medieval and post-medieval Ireland, Irish Geography, 34, 2001, 1, 69-88.
74
Ibidem, 73.
75
Ibidem, 75.
76
Madgearu, Sistemul de fortificaii, 9-16.
77
Ibidem. Alexandru Madgearu emphasizes the
fact that Moldavian castles during the reign of Stephen the Great were managed by prcalabi heads
of garrisons with authority to do repairwork on castles and with authority on the villages surrounding
the castles.
78
Conducting his analysis on a larger scale and
in broader lines, A. Madgearu identifies two broad
stages of castle building in medieval Moldavia. See
Madgearu, Sistemul de fortificaii, 9-16.
Istorie modern`
Romnia de lnga noi.

Mrturii romneti la Liov
GEORGE TEODORESCU *
Abstract
Few cities meant so much to the history of Moldavia and Wallachia like the city of Lviv, now
in present Ukraine. Often overlooked, it represented am important centre for the two Romanian
Principalities, both commercially and politically. The article below details some of the most
important episodes that shaped the history of the two and the still visible signs of Romanian
presence.
Keywords: Lviv, Moldavia, Wallachia
n istoria tulbure a principatelor danubiene, un loc aparte l ocup oraele occidentale

negustoreti din proximitatea acestora. Sibiul,
Braovul sau Sighioara erau de o importan
vital pentru Moldova i ara Romneasc nu
doar prin prisma schimburilor comerciale i culturale pe care acestea le facilitau. Proximitatea
lor de trectorile Carpailor i regimul special al
acestora n cadrul regatului maghiar le fceau
ns i locuri ideale pentru culegerea de informaii i comploturi de tot soiul pentru voievozii
moldoveni i munteni sau pretendenii la tron.
Un loc aparte ns n aceast ierarhie l-a ocupat
ns o metropol azi aproape uitat n memoria
colectiv a istoriei acelor timpuri, printre uliele
creia pn n ziua de astzi se pastreaz urme
ale prezenei moldovene i valahe.
Liovul, cci despre el este vorba, este un ora
cu o istorie fascinant. Azi parte din Ucraina i
centrul unui puternic curent naionalist, de-a
lungul celor aproape 900 de ani ai istoriei sale
a fost stpnit pe rnd de principatul kievean,

regatul Poloniei, imperiul Austro-Ungar, Rzeczpospolita interbelic, i Uniunea Sovietic.
Pn i numele su, rostit chiar i n ziua de azi
n diverse forme Lww, Lviv, Lvov, Liov sau
Lemberg, st mrturie a influenelor istorice
care i-au dat oraului aerul divers i cosmopolit pe care acesta l etaleaz pn n prezent.
Importana Liovului pentru negustorii i
elitele politice din Moldova i Valahia a crescut exponenial ncepnd cu veacul al XVI-a.
Slbirea regatului ungar n aceast perioad
nsemna ca un pretendent la tronul principatelor nu se mai putea simi la adapost de
agenii dumanilor si n oraele transilvane.
Asasinarea lui Mihnea cel Ru la Sibiu n 1510
a adncit acest sentiment de nesiguran, iar
zdrobirea regatului maghiar n 1526 de ctre
turci la Mohacs i transformarea Ungariei n
paalc a lsat Polonia ca ultima putere cretin din zon ca loc de refugiu pentru cei ale c-
* Avocat, n prezent Managing Attorney la firma de avocatur Vernon David.
69
ror interese ar fi coincis cu vectorul geopolitic

occidental ale acelori timpuri. n acest context,
atenia voievozilor romni se ndreapt asupra
Liovului metropola vestic cea mai apropiat
de cele dou principate (n afara voievodatului
Transilvaniei, deja tributar turcilor i deci nesigur).
Liovul este la 350 de km nord-vest de
Suceava, i curajoii care se avnt azi pe oselele ucrainiene vor gsi de-a lungul drumului
locuri ale caror ecouri istorice compenseaz
din plin gropile de pe traseu. Distana este important nu doar pentru a estima viaa amortizoarelor, dar pentru a avea o idee a drumului
pe care negustorii polonezi, nemi i moldoveni l fceau ntre Suceava i Liov. Cum treci
grania cu Ucraina prin vama Siret, coteti vest
spre Storojine, moia nobilului habsburg i
unionistului bucovinean Iancu Flondor. La 40
de kilometri de acesta treci prin Sniatyn, ora
care n perioada interbelic marca grania dintre Polonia i Romnia. Astzi un orel linitit, Sniatyn a fost n Septembrie 1939 martorul
unor scene disperate cauzate de exodul masiv
al armatei poloneze i refugiailor civili spre
Romnia n urma ofensivei germano-sovietice spre inima rii (scene surprinse de ctre
70
jurnalistul italian Alceo Valcini n cartea sa,

Il Calvario di Varsavia 1939-1945). De acolo
ncepe Pocuia istoric, teritoriu care a facut
obiectul unei dispute mocnite moldo-polone
de mai bine de 100 de ani ntre secolele XV i
XVI. Treci prin Colomeea, capitala proviciei
i locul jurmntului de credin dat de tefan
cel Mare regelui polon Cazimir al IV-a ca parte
a alianei anti-otomane ntre cei doi suverani
jurmnt considerat ulterior de ctre voievodul moldovean ca fiind o greeal. Lai n
partea dreapt satul Obertin, scena btliei din
1531 dintre Petru Rare i hatmanul polonez
Jan Tarnowski care a pus punctul final litigiului
asupra Pocuiei n defavoarea moldovenilor.
Iar dup un drum lung i istovitor ctre inima
Galiciei, ajungi ntr-un trziu la Liov.
La prima vedere, nimic nu pare a prevesti c acest ora istoric, cu izul su medievalpolonez, s-ar putea mndri cu vreo urm de
istorie romneasc. i totui, personaliti din
principatele romne cu precdere din Moldova au avut o contribuie aparte la istoria,
arhitectura i cultura oraului.
Am vizitat acest oras cu mare plcere un
numr de ori, i n rndurile ce urmeaz voi
ncerca s trec n revist cteva din aceste
Biserica Valaha
Biserica Sfnta Paraschiva
71
tangene istorice cu meniunea c sunt convins c rmn destule care au scpat probabil
ochiului meu de istoric deocamdat amator.
I. Cldirile
Ca urmare a poziionrii sale pe falia dintre
lumea catolic i cea ortodox i a vremelnicei
stpniri austriece, majoritatea populaiei Liovului este astzi de confesiune greco-catolic.
nainte de secolul XVIII ns, Liovul era majoritar catolic, cu o nsemnat minoritate ortodox format n general din ruteni (ucrainieni), greci, i armeni. Pentru voievozii romni,
finanarea de biserici ortodoxe n marea metropol polonez sau nzestrarea acestora cu
icoane preioase nsemna mai mult dect un
mod de a ctiga favoarea regelui polon era
de asemenea o modalitate eficient de a se ngraia influentelor comunitii comerciale ale
grecilor i armenilor ortodoci, care la rndul
lor aveau urechea demnitarilor de vaz ai regatului. Era aadar, pe lng unghiul spiritual
al afacerii, i o investiie dictat de un anumit
impuls de realpolitik.
n centrul oraului, la colul strzilor Pidvalna i Ruska, se gsete biserica ortodox
nlarea Maicii Domnului. n forma sa actual, biserica a fost ridicat ntre 1591 i 1629,
iar printre ctitorii lcaului s-au numrat i
voievozii moldoveni Ieremia i Simion Movil
ambii protejai ai polonezilor. Edificiul ns
se afl pe locul unei alte biserici ortodoxe mai
vechi, completat n 1549 i ctitorit de domnitorul moldovean Alexandru Lpuneanu.
Din acest motiv, o plac pe zidul bisericii o
identific cu numele folosit n popor pn n
ziua de azi: Voloka erkva, adic Biserica
Valah1. Moldova este evocat n interiorul
bisericii inclusiv prin simbolul ei capul de
bour sculptat n colurile inferioare ale cupolelor edificiului.
Ceva mai la nord de Biserica Valah, dup
Dealul Castelului, se afl biserica Sfnta Paraschiva, ctitorit n 1645 de alt voievod polonofil, Vasile Lupu (dealtfel, Vasile Lupu este i
cel care a adus moastele Sfintei Paraschinei la
Iai n 1641, relicve care azi se afl n Catedrala Mitropolitan). Este o biseric relativ mic,
ns, ca i n cazul Bisericii Valahe, pe peretele
interior al acesteia se regsete stema Moldovei. Ctitorul bisericii merit ns o meniune
aparte, pentru c din pcate pentru el, asocierea cu polonezii i-a adus necazuri i tragedie.
Cu toate c vroia s ii mrite fiica cea mic
Ruxandra cu un so din os domnesc, Vasile
Lupu a fost silit sa i-o dea lui Timu Hmelniki
fiul rzboinicului cazac Bogdan Hmelniki,
aflat pe atunci n plin revolt armat mpotriva regatului polon cnd acesta a invadat
Moldova mpreun cu aliaii si ttari pentru
a-i lua n primire mireasa. Un an mai trziu,
ns, noul sau ginere este mort, ucis n asediul
Sucevei dup nfrngerea oastei moldo-cazace
de ctre Matei Basarab la Finta. Vasile Lupu
ncearca s i recapete tronul, dar este nchis
de turci i moare la Istanbul, iar domnia Ruxandra este ucis mai trziu la cetatea Neam
de o band de cazaci. Ca ironie cartografic,
biserica ctitorit de Vasile Lupu se afl astzi
pe strada din Liov ce poart numele cuscrului
su Bogdan Hmelniki, rsculatul cazac care
i-a sabotat nrudirea cu o familie nobil.
II. Oamenii
72
Istoria principatelor romne nu se ntretaie

ns cu cea a Liovului doar prin prisma zes Revista de istorie militar
trei arhitecturale lsat oraului. Cteva dintre personalitile de origine romna, al cror
nume este legat de acest ora, au lsat n urm
i o important motenire cultural sau spiritual. Alii, mai puin norocoi, au fost prini
n tvalugul politic al vremii i i-au gsit sfritul n marea metropol.
De-a lungul anilor, piaa principal a
Liovului a servit i ca loc pentru execuii att
pentru criminali de drept comun, ct i pentru capete ncoronate. Printre acetia din urm
s-au aflat i civa voievozi moldoveni majoritatea aventurieri notorii executai uneori la
cererea turcilor, care n secolul al XVI-lea i
nteiser presiunea asupra statului polonez pe
fondul slbiciunii generale a acestuia. Printre
ei se numar de exemplu tefan Toma (domn
al Moldovei ntre 1563 i 1564) care, dup ce
i ucisese predecesorul, se refugiase n Polonia odat cu pierderea susinerii turcilor n favoarea lui Alexandru Lpuneanu. Sau Iancu
Sasul, alt caracter colorat, voievod al Moldovei ntre 1579 i 1582. Fiu ilegitim al lui Pentru
Rare cu o ssoaic pe care acesta o ntlnise
n timpul asediului euat al moldovenilor asupra cetii Braovului n 1529, Iancu Sasul este
o figur curioas n istoria Moldovei. Nicolae
Iorga l caracterizeaz enigmatic i laconic ca
un ciudat Iancu-vod, cum nc n-a mai fost
vreodat n Moldova.2 n realitate, acesta aflase de secretul naterii sale i plecase la Istanbul
s-i ncerce norocul de unde s-a ntors cu
firmanul sultanului pentru tronul Moldovei. n
urma uneltirilor oponenilor si i a propriilor
afaceri veroase odat ajuns pe tronul Moldovei, dup civa ani turcii decid mzilirea sa.
Iancu le-o ia ns nainte i prsete Moldova
cu o caravan de care pline de bunuri i bani,
ns este reinut la Liov. Dupa ce i se confisc toate bunurile, este executat n septembrie
1582 de polonezi la cererea turcilor.
Cel puin unul din domnitorii romni executai n piaa mare a oraului ns se bucura
de o reputaie local impecabil i de o statuie
n centrul Liovului. Ivan Pidkova a fost un hatman cazac care a profitat de slbiciunea militar a Moldovei pentru a-l alunga pe favoritul
turcilor Petru chiopul i a se nscuna voievod n 1577. A pretins c este fratele lui Ioan
Vod cel Cumplit i a ncercat s strneasc
o revolt regional antiotoman susinut de
trupe cazace, ns domnia sa a durat mai puin

de 2 luni i a fost nevoit s se retrag n faa
inevitabilei invazii turceti. A fost executat la
Liov la insistena sultanului turc i n prezena
ambasadorului Porii n regatul polonez, ns
faima sa de lupttor anti-otoman l-a consemnat printre voievozii buni ai Moldovei i un
erou naional att n Ucraina, ct i n Polonia.
Este cunoscut n Romnia sub numele de Nicoar Potcoav (sau Ioan al IV-lea Potcoav3)
i apare n literatura regional att n romanul
omonim al lui Mihai Sadoveanu, ct i n poezia Ivan Pidkova a bardului naional ucrainian
Taras Shevchenko. n Piaa Ivan Pidkova din
centrul oraului troneaz statuia creat n cinstea sa: un monument al unui cap imens de
cazac alturi de un tun stilizat de epoc, cu o
potcoav intuit sub numele su de botez.
O contribuie deosebit la cultura spiritual
ucrainian o aduce un alt rezident legendar al
Liovului de origine romn. Petru Movil (cunoscut n Ucraina ca Petro Mohyla) a fost fiul
lui Simion Movil (domn al rii Romneti
ntre 1600 i 1602, i al Moldovei ntre 1606 i
1607). Dup moartea tatlui su, tnrul Petru se stabilete la Liov, unde urmeaz studiile
teologice la seminarul ortodox din acest ora.
73
lterior, va studia la Academia Zamostia uniU

versitatea polonez de elit din acele vremuri
completndu-i studiile superioare n Frana i
Olanda. A luptat ca ofier polonez mpotriva
turcilor n btaliile de la uora (1620) i Hotin
(1621), ns chemarea luntric ctre cele sfinte l determin s se calugreasc. Are parte de
o ascensiune fulminant, i ca arhimandrit i
membru al Dietei poloneze l convinge n 1632
pe regele Wadysaw IV Vasa s restabileasc
legalitatea Bisericii Ortodoxe Ucrainiene n regatul polonez. n 1633 este uns ca Mitropolit
al Kievului chiar n Biserica Valah din Liov,
lucru consemnat astzi printr-o plac memoriala pe zidul bisericii. Are un rol crucial n
protectia i reorganizarea Bisericii Ortodoxe
Ucrainiene ntr-o perioad n care aceasta era
sub presiune din partea clerului i statului catolic polonez, iar n 1996 este canonizat de Biserica Ortodox Ucrainian.
Odat cu prima mparire a Poloniei n
1772, Liovul devine parte a imperiului austriac
i este redenumit Lemberg. Oraul cunoate o
rapid dezvoltare, iar prezena romn n ora
se face simit din acest moment mai degrab
prin funcionarii imperiali de origine romn
(cu precdere ardeleni), ca de exemplu juristul
Ioan Budai-Deleanu (1760-1820).
74
Liovul rmne un ora fascinant pn n

ziua de azi, deopotriv cosmopolit i istoric.
Rolul acestuia n istoria principatelor romne
nu este deloc neglijabil, iar apropierea sa de
grania Romniei l recomand ca o destinaie
accesibil i surprinztoare pentru iubitorii de
istorie.
NOTE
1
Aici valah este folosit in sens de vlah, care
era denumirea generic pentru romni in acea epoca, fie c erau valahi sau moldoveni. n realitate, ambele principate romneti erau uneori numite Valahia de ctre strini, ceea ce strnea confuzii. Vezi,
e.g. Michael Bocignboli di Raguza, care scria la 1512
despre ara Romneasca c aceast Valahie este
mrginit dinspre rsrit de cealalt Valahie care
e numit de Unguri Moldova, sau mesajul lui tefan cel Mare ctre veneieni din mai 1478, n care
se referea la Moldova ca cealalt Valahie (laltra
Valachia). Fiica sa Elena, casatorita cu Ivan cel Tnar (fiul arului rus Ivan al III-a), a rmas cunoscut
in Rusia sub numele de Elena Voloanca, sau Elena
Valaha.
2
N. Iorga, Istoria lui tefan Cel Mare pentru
poporul romn, Editura pentru Literatura, 1966
(p. 97).
3
Pidkova nseamna potcoav n limba ucrainian.
Al Doilea R`zboi Mondial
Romanias Raoul Wallenberg:

The Untold Story of Constantin
Karadja*
YOSEF GOVRIN **
Abstract
The article below is a tribute to Constantin Karadja, the Romanian diplomat who played
an important role in saving the lives of thousands of Jews during World War 2. During his
tenure as consul general of Romania to Berlin from 1931 to 1941 and, later, as director of
the Consular Department of the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 1941 to 1944, he
opposed the racial policies of Nazi Germany and fascist Romania, thus being at odds with the
very government he represented, and managed to protect a large number of Jews with Romanian
citizenship from certain death. For his acts of courage and integrity, he received the title of
Righteous among the Nations posthumously, at a ceremony held in Berlin in 2005.
Keywords: Constantin Karadja, Romania, World War 2, France, Nazi Germany, Yad
Vashem, Righteous among the Nations
Disobeying orders from their ministries, a
handful of foreign diplomats posted in Europe
wrote one of the most inspiring chapters in the
terrible history of the Holocaust. In so doing,
they set an example of courage, dignity, and
humanity for future diplomats. These foreign
service officers saw the horrifying plight of
Jews caught in the Nazi whirlwind and sought
to rescue as they could even in the face of
the indifference or hostility of their superios.
The best known of these, of course, was Swedens Raoul Wallenberg, who was later apprehended and killed by the Soviets. But others,
such as Dr. Aristides de Sousa Mendes (Portuguese Consul General in Bordeaux), Carl Lutz
(Swiss Consul in Budapest), Dr. Feng Shan
Ho (Chinese Consul General in Vienna), Selahattin lkmen (Turkish Consul General in
Rhodes), Chiune Sugihara (Japanese Consul in
Kaunus), and Florian Manoliu (Romanian economic counsellor in Bern), acted with similar
heroism. The fact that many of these individuals served as consuls was no coincidence. With
the authority to issue visas, consuls often held
the power of life and death over imperilled
Jews.
* Translated from the Hebrew by Yvette Shumacher.

** Yosef Govrin was director of the East European Department of Israels Ministry of Foreign Affairs (197685); ambassador to Romania (1985-89); deputy director-general of the ministry (1989-93); and ambassador
to Austria, Slovenia, Slovakia, and the UNO in Vienna (1993-95). Since his retirement in 1996, Dr. Govrin has
been a research fellow at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He is the author of several books on diplomatic
history, including Israeli-Romanian Relations at the End of the Ceauescu Era: As Seen by Israels Ambassador
to Romania 1985-1989. His memoirs of surviving the Holocaust in Romania were published as In the Shadow
of Destruction: Recollections of Transnistria and the Illegal Immigration to Eretz Israel.
75
Since the early 1960s, Yad Vashem, the Holocaust memorial in Jerusalem, has been commemorating the deeds of those who rescued
Jews. In recognizing the work of diplomats, it
made clear that the title of Righteous among
the Nations should be conferred upon those
who extended help, whether by issuing visas
or other travel documents, against the instructions of the governments they represented. In
so doing, they often risked their own careers
and reputations. Some of them actually died
disgraced and in penury. The story of these
men has been chronicled by Mordechai Paldiel,
who for many years served as director of Yad
Vashems Department of the Righteous, in the
2007 book Diplomat Heroes of the Holocaust.
But that story is not complete and Yad Vashem
continues to receive new information on people
whose deeds have yet to be recognized.
One such case that has recently been
brought to the attention of Yad Vashem is that
of Constantin Karadja (1889-1950)1, a Romanian diplomat who served as consul general of
Romania in Berlin from 1931 to 1941 and later,
as director of the Consular Department of the
Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs from
1941 to 1944. Born in Holland to Prince Jean
Karadja Pasha and Marie Louise Smith of Sweden (Princess Mary Karadja), Karadja married
Princess Marcela Elena Caradja of Romania. He
specialized in international law and studied in
England. Karadja was also a passionate bibliophile and a polyglot. It is said that in addition to
Romanian, he spoke English, French, German,
Swedish, Danish, Norwegian, Latin, and Greek.
Following his marriage, he settled in Romania
and joined the countrys diplomatic service, for
which he had extraordinary qualifications.
Because of his activity to help Jews of Romanian citizenship in Germany, the German
authorities eventually decided to declare Karadja persona non grata. Numerous letters exist
detailing Karadjas relationship with Ion Antonescu, the Fascist dictator of Romania from
1940 to 1944, and then Deputy Prime Minister
and foreign Minister Mihai Antonescu, in which
he warned of the urgent need to take appropriate measures to enable Romanian Jews residing in Germany to return to Romania. Karadja
displayed courage and fearless-ness in his messages to those leaders, who initially adopted his
positions but later changed their minds under
76
the influence of German pressure and Nazi

German policies toward the Jews. However,
thanks to the relentless efforts of Karadja, the
Romanian government again changed its mind
in favour of the Jews living in Germany returned to Romania (until July 1942), and from
January to May 1944, approximately 600 Jews
with Romanian citizenship from France and
51,536 from Hungary. In the latter case, this
took place just days before the local Jews were
sent to Auschwitz. Karadjas efforts were based
on principles of human rights and international
law, and he did not flinch from warning both
Ion and Mihai Antonescu that if Romania did
not behave according to these principles, it
would be held accountable after the war.
From 1938 to 1939, Karadja continuously
reported on manifestations of Nazi Germanys
anti-Semitic policies, including, of course,
Kristallnacht. He diligently informed Bucharest about sanctions against the Jews, and the
policy of expulsion from the German borders.
Among other things, he noted, If the unfortunate deportee (having Romanian citizenship) is not allowed into Romania or any other
non-European country, he is likely to be imprisoned in a concentration camp, where very
many disappear without a trace. Therefore, he
continued, The applications of the Jews of Romanian citizenship who wish to return to Romania must be taken care of without delay, and
be assigned top priority.
While serving as consul general in Berlin
in 1941, Karadja received a directive from the
Romanian Foreign Ministry to stamp the word
Jew on the passports of Jewish Romanians.
He objected to this, and sent a letter to the Romanian foreign minister on March 24, 1941, in
which he demanded that the order be rescinded. He explained his reasoning as follows:
From a humanitarian perspective, we will further worsen the
situation of the unfortunates [Jews
with Romanian citizenship in Germany] by placing unnecessary obstacles before their exodus, an administrative procedure from which
we will drive not benefit. We can be
sure that by the end of the war, the
American and Anglo-Saxon public opinion, which even now is not
overly positive, will interpret this

procedure as an inhumane provocation and in time will settle accounts with us.
He suggested that the letter X be marked
in their passports, the meaning of which would
be known only to the Romanian authorities,
but on no passport should the word Jew appear. Karadjas suggestion was accepted and
the order was rescinded.
Upon his appointment as director of the
Consular Department of the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Karadja was able to convey an order on behalf of the Romanian Foreign Ministry, which was sent on November
11, 1941, to the Romanian diplomatic and consular missions in Germany and German-occupied countries, which stated that all Romanian
citizens abroad should be protected equally,
and reports should be filed on people or property subject to discrimination. This meant that
Romanian missions were to intervene with the
German authorities to provide protection for
Romanian Jewish citizens, whether from deportation or the nationalization of their assets,
by granting travel visas bearing the words Bon
pour se render en Roumanie.
However, the situation changed for the
worse in August 1942. The Germans claimed
that they had come to an agreement with
Antonescu to cancel the directive, and to treat
the Jewish citizens of Romania like the German
authorities treated local Jews. No reference
was found to this agreement in the German archive. For his part, Karadja could not reconcile
himself to the cancellation of the instruction
from November 1941. He continued his efforts
to have the new directive, which was supported
by the Romanian foreign minister, revoked, citing that that agreement had no legal footing.
Only in April 1943 did Karadja manage to
have the edict rescinded, proposing that the
Jews who returned stay temporarily in Romania until allowed to emigrate to either Palestine
or to other countries beyond Europe. The Romanian foreign minister approved Karadjas request to allow Jewish nationals from Germany,
France, Greece, and Italy to return to Romania,
provided that upon reaching the country, they
be relocated temporarily to Transnistria until
they found refuge in other countries outside of

Europe. That condition was abolished by Ion
Antonescu himself, with Karadjas intervention, but also because of the advance of the Soviet Army and the seemingly imminent defeat
of Nazi Germany.
Although Nazi Germany was an ally of Fascist Romania, Karadja wrote an angry memo to
the foreign minister of Romania on November
24, 1943 about the German attitude toward
Romanian Jewish nationals, and to Romania
itself, stating that ... international law, principles of universal morality, and fundamental
human right were not taken into account by
the German authorities and they even denied
our right in implementing a policy of discrimination against our citizens. Expressing such
sentiments at that time took great courage.
With the acceleration of the deportation of
the Jews from occupied France to death camps
at Auschwitz, the Vichy authorities allowed
Jews with Romanian citizenship to return to
Romania on condition that it absorbs them.
The Vichy authorities issued an ultimatum,
stating that if they did not get an answer by the
end of December 1943, the Jews would be deported. Thanks to Karadjas vigorous activity,
and to pressure he exerted on the Romanian
authorities, the foreign minister of Romania
approved the arrival of Jews by train from Paris
via Vienna to Bucharest. In a letter from Karadja to the interior minister of Romania on February 29, 1944, he informed him that the first
convoy of Jews from France had left by train on
its way to Romania on February 25; the second
train was to leave on March 6, and the third on
March 26. The total number of people moved
was deliberately not mentioned, as Karadja
and the interior minister had tense relations
over the governments attitude toward Jews
with Romanian citizenship in foreign countries; however, estimates for the number of
Jews saved range between 600 and 4,000.
With the start of deportations of Hungarian Jews to extermination camps in May 1944,
Karadja again acted vigorously to allow those
Jews who held Romanian citizenship to move
to Romania. The Romanian interior minister
conditioned the transition on the number entering being the same as that of the number of
Jews leaving for Hungary (those who held Hun77
garian citizenship). Karadja objected strongly

and won the approval of the Romanian foreign minister on this issue. As a result, more
than 51,000 were able to escape deportation to
Auschwitz. It is noteworthy that in Karadjas
memorandum to the Romanian foreign minister on June 30, 1944, he stated that if these Jews
in Hungary were not to be allowed to return
to Romania, they may find their death there
and the future Hungarian authorities will not
miss the opportunity to tell the English and the
Americans that we sent a large number of unfortunate Jews to their deaths.
In October 1944, after the coup that toppled Antonescu and brought about a Romanian
volte face, Karadja was relieved of his duties.
However, the new foreign minister, Constantin
Vioianu, reappointed him shortly thereafter.
On September 1, 1947, with the Communist
takeover of the country, he was dismissed
again, this time permanently. Disgraced, he
died of natural causes on December 29, 1950.
There is no doubt that the intense activity of Karadja on behalf of Romanian nation-
78
als of Jewish origin in Germany, France, and

Hungary led to the rescue of many thousands
of people who would have perished were it not
for this efforts. It required extraordinary courage to act as he did through diplomatic means.
Even if Karadja did not necessarily endanger
his life by engaging in these rescue activities,
he certainly put his own career at stake. He is
undoubtedly worthy of the title of Righteous
among the Nations which was bestowed
upon him posthumously at a ceremony in Berlin in 2005, at which his granddaughter was
present and of the everlasting gratitude of
the Jewish people. His story should also be a
source of inspiration to future diplomats.
NOTE
1
This article is mainly based on documents contained in Yad Vashems Righteous among Nations
File 10472, containing material from the archives
of the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well
as on documents from the archives of the United
States Holocaust Memorial Museum.
Istorie recent`
O istorie zbuciumat:
Georgia dup sfritul
Rzboiului Rece
IOAN BOGDAN MATEESCU *
Abstract
This paper will present the modern and contemporary history of Georgia. We will be concentrating on Georgian international relations after the end of the Cold War till the present
day. The interest of Georgia as well of Russia and the United States are going to be presented.
We are going to analyze and explain the present international relations of Georgia. The papers
is going to analyze also the internal situation of Georgia (after 1991), pointing out the main
features of Georgian politics and preferences. The situation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia will
be presented. We consider that Georgia was situated but also situated itself between the West
and Russia. The paper is going to explain why and how did this process occur.
Keywords: West, Georgia, Russia, policies, capabilities, interests, power
Scurt istoric
Georgia este un caz reprezentativ din punct
de vedere istorico-geografic. De-a lungul istoriei sale (antice, medievale, moderne i contemporane) a trecut prin diverse faze att ca
putere medie de sine stttoare ct i ca stat/
regiune, state/regiuni aflate sub dominaie
strin (greci, romani, turci, persani mongoli,
rui).1 Istoria modern i contemporan pare
s stea sub semnul dominaiei ruseti, mai nti ariste apoi sovietice. Conform lui Nicholas V. Riasanovsky n 1586, Georgia a dorit s
fie protejat prin statutul de vasal al Rusiei, n
faa perilor i otomanilor (dei vasalitatea era
mai mult nominal). Conform aceluiai autor, n 1801 partea rsritean a Georgiei s-a
alturat Rusiei, pentru ca ocupaia Rusiei s
se extind i n vestul rii n perioada 18031810. Riasanovsky consider c aceasta era cea
mai bun alegere pentru o ar mic. Pe de

alt parte, pentru aceast regiune va avea loc
un rzboi ntre Rusia i Persia (1826-1828), iar
ntre 1850-1859 ntreg Caucazul se va revolta
mpotriva Rusiei.2
Capabilitile Georgiei i analiza lor pot fi
neltoare. n ecuaia de putere din perioada
celui De-Al Doilea Rzboi Mondial, Georgia
putea fi considerat ca fiind nesemnificativ.
Totui, particip cu 700.000 de oameni (cifr
uria dac de raportm la o populaie de trei
milioane) i, avnd n vedere desfurarea rzboiului pe Frontul de Est, cifr semnificativ
(avnd ca pierderi 300.000 de oameni).3 Putem spune c, Georgia a avut capacitatea de a
juca un rol important pentru Uniunea Sovietic, ns clar nu avea capacitatea militar de
a se desprinde de Uniunea Sovietic. Trebuie
spus c n perioada modern i contemporan,
Georgia a fost independent de dou ori n
* Director-adjunct, Departamentul de Cercetare i Publicaii, Muzeul Armatei Austriece.
79
perioada menevic, i dup 1991. Dac analizm spaiul european din 1939 vom observa c
existau marile puteri Germania, Frana, Marea Britanie, Italia care puteau fi independente
fa de presiunile exterioare (avnd o mare capacitate de a rezista n faa unui atac, puterile
medii (Romnia, Polonia), care aveau un grad
de independen mai redus, i puterile mai mici
(rile baltice). Georgia era deja ncorporat n
Uniunea Sovietic i trebuie reinut faptul c
n mod vizibil, deciziile lui Gorbaciov, declinul
Uniunii Sovietice, (i doar indirect presiunea
Occidental) au dus la ideea de a se pune problema ieirii din federaia sovietic. Cu alte
cuvinte Georgia a depins clar i substanial de
deciziile i situaia Uniunii Sovietice.
Istoria Georgiei este foarte reprezentativ pentru relaiile internaionale din secolele
XX i XXI. Iniial; n 1918, Georgia i declar
independena, ns va fi ocupat rapid de trupele sovietice. Dup revoluia bolevic din octombrie 1917, pentru scurt timp, va face parte
din Federaia Transcaucazian, ce mai cuprindea Armenia i Azerbaidjan, federaie care se
va destrma repede. Astfel, pe 26 mai 1918,
Georgia va deveni o republic de sine stttoare condus de menevici. Va fi o perioad caracterizat de reforme sociale. Pe plan extern,
menevicii georgieni se vor pune sub protecia
german (Georgia va fi ocupat pentru un timp
de armata german4), dar vor semna n 1920
un tratat cu RFSR ( Republica Sovietic Federativ Socialist Rus). Efectul acestuia va fi de
scurt durat, dat fiind faptul c, n februarie
1921, Ordzhonikidze n fruntea Armatei Roii
cucerete Tbilisi. Va primi ajutor de la bolevicii locali i va nltura guvernul.5
Georgia va face parte din Republica Sovietic Transcaucazia, apoi va deveni o republic de sine stttoare n Uniunea Sovietic. De
remarcat este faptul c, nc dinainte de 1917,
partidul bolevic era foarte puternic n Georgia, aceasta ar oferind ulterior lideri ai Uniunii Sovietice (Stalin, evarnadze).
Extinderea NATO
Situaia intern i extern a spaiului georgian de dup 1990 este reprezentativ att pentru aceast ar ct i pentru spaiul geopolitic
al Europei de Est, i este legat de relaiile EstVest. Din 1991 pn n 2008 asistm la o extin80
dere NATO de la Vest la Est. Fostul preedinte

rus Boris Elin a oscilat ntre a se opune extinderii NATO i a accepta aceast extindere.6
n final, n 1997 la summit-ul de la Helsinki,
Elin a acceptat c Rusia nu poate opri expansiunea NATO.7 Cum putem s privim aceast
decizie? n primul rnd, dup i n timpul destrmrii Uniunii Sovietice, Rusia a ieit mult
slbit (inflaie, probleme economice, instabilitate politic, instabilitate social, dorinele
separatiste ale diverselor regiuni, rzboiul din
Cecenia). Scena politic era mprit ntre
democrai, comuniti, extremiti naionaliti.
n plus corupia i privatizrile cel puin discutabile erau la ordinea zilei. Regimul Elin, dei
unul dintre cele mai democratice din istoria
Rusiei, avea multe probleme. Cu alte cuvinte,
Rusia era slbit i vrnd nevrnd a trebuit s
accepte extinderea NATO. Regimurile lui Putin au obiectat din ce n ce mai mult fa de
extinderea NATO i au refuzat ca NATO s
nainteze. Acest lucru se vede din declaraii,
dar i din aciuni (rzboiul din Georgia din
20088, Ucraina 2013 n acest caz Rusia refuza
nu numai apropierea NATO, ct i apropierea
ntregului Occident prin Uniunea European).
Putem spune c Rusia s-a schimbat n timpul
lui Putin i pentru o putere revigorat a Rusiei
jocul european rmne n zona realist a puterii, interesului i influenei.9 Cu alte cuvinte,
competiia pentru putere se reia.
Dup 1990, Georgia nu numai c nu a ieit
din sfera de influen rus, dar a depins de
Rusia.
Capabilitile Georgiei n anii 2000
Din punctul de vedere al capabilitilor,
Georgia este o putere mic, avnd n 2005 un
Produs Intern Brut de 16.1 miliarde dolari.
Economia se bazeaz pe servicii (57,2%), industria ocupnd 26,8% din economie iar agricultura 16%. La o populaie de 4.501.000 de
oameni avem o armat de 11.320 de oameni.
Dup cum se poate vedea, Georgia nu se
poate compara din punct de vedere al capabi
litilor cu Rusia (dei acelai lucru se putea
spune i despre Cecenia)10. n anii 90 i prima
parte a anilor 2000, Georgia pare s fi ales o
cale de mijloc ntre Rusia i Occident (cale
parial determinat i de evoluia intern).
Iniial la putere este preedintele Zviad Gamsakhurdia, acesta avnd o puternic retoric
naionalist care mai degrab dezbin Georgia. La numai civa ani, Georgia va accepta
prezena armatelor ruseti n Abhazia i Osetia de Sud11, la putere fiind fostul ministru de
externe al Uniunii Sovietice i lider comunist
al Georgiei. Totui, Georgia devine partener al
NATO i chiar i exprima dorina de aderare.12 n privina Abhaziei i Osetiei de Sud, la
nceputul anilor 90 situaia a fost foarte complicat. Abhazia i Osetia de Sud i declar
independena. Vor ncepe dou rzboaie ntre
regiunile separatiste i Georgia. Acordurile
de ncetare a focului vor fi semnate n 1992.
Acestor rzboaie li se adaug insurgena din
Samegrelo (cnd din nou evarnadze cheam
n ajutor trupele ruseti). Aciunile respective
au dus la reapropierea de Rusia. Georgia va
adera la Comunitatea Statelor Independente,
iar trupele ruseti vor fi prezente pe teritoriul
su (inclusiv la grania cu Turcia).13 Aadar, din
punctul de vedere al securitii statului, n anii
90 Georgia a fost dependent de prezena trupelor ruseti.
Un sistem internaional aflat in schimbare
Sistemul internaional, mai ales n anii 2000,
n opinia noastr a trecut de la unipolaritate la
multipolaritate. Astfel, de la i pe lng Statele Unite ca singur superputere, avem China,
Uniunea European, Japonia, Rusia (militar i
politic), dar i India, Brazilia. Atacurile de la
11 septembrie au demonstrat anarhia i nesigurana sistemului internaional. Mai recent,
revolta din rile arabe, crimele din Paris, revoltele din Marea Britanie i SUA demonstreaz fragilitatea sistemului internaional i intern
(din rile respective). Avem o lume prins ntre naionalism i internaionalism, ntre globalizare i statalitate. Legturile financiare internaionale i naionale se mresc i asistm la
un proces de puternic evaziune fiscal n multe ri (chiar membre ale Uniunii Europene)14.
Mai concret putem s ne ntrebm dac Ungaria se ndreapt ctre un tip de autoritarism de
dreapta15, i ce se va ntmpla cu Grecia.
i lista poate continua. Mai mult, n Uniunea European (prima for economic luat
ca ntreg) omajul atinge cote ngrijortoare
mai ales n rndul tinerilor16. Argumentm c

problemele istorice sunt omniprezente n sistemul relaiilor internaionale n cadrul tuturor regiunilor (UE, Europa geografic, Extremul Orient, Orientul Apropiat, Africa, America Latin, chiar Statele Unite). Mai mult, Statul
Islamic reprezint apariia unui nou tip de stat
foarte sngeros i intolerant ca reprezentant al
islamismului extremist.17 Considerm c exist o lume n stare de schimbare. Liderii occidentali, de-a lungul Rzboiului Rece, s-au axat
clar pe evitarea conciliatorismului, pe ideea c
statului imperialist cruia i se fac concesii va
deveni i mai agresiv.18 ns, n Rzboiul Rece,
pericolul cel puin la nivel teoretic era mai clar
- comunismul, micrile comuniste revoluionare i chiar comunismul naionalist19 (de tip
Vietnam). Uniunea Sovietic se axa pe lng
micrile revoluionare din Asia, Africa, Americi, i pe pstrarea status quo-ului european
i chiar asiatic.20 China ncepea perioada de
reconstrucie, de reforme radicale i apoi de
deschidere fa de SUA.
Georgia rmne legat de politica regional n primul rnd legat de Caucaz, dar i de
Marea Neagra ca ntreg. Din punct de vedere
politic, militar i economic nu i se poate opune ntr-un rzboi Rusiei. Mai mult ca oricnd,
dup 1991 Georgia a fost prins ntre Rusia i
NATO mai ales SUA. Mai mult, considerm
c evarnadze a oscilat ntre cei doi poli de putere, dar i de ideologie, aflndu-se, dac putem spune aa, cu un picior n fiecare luntre. n
fapt evarnadze a cutat relaii bune cu Rusia
pentru stabilitatea teritorial a Georgiei21, poate chiar i pentru a se menine la putere, dar i
un parteneriat cu SUA, ca viziune pe termen
lung. Putem spune c viziunea lui evarnadze
a nsemnat ca Georgia s fie un punct de legtura ntre SUA i Rusia, i s fie oarecum sub
influena amndurora.
Interesul i capacitatea de aciune
ale Georgiei
Georgia poate fi privit att din punct de
vedere istoric, ct i geopolitic. Din punct de
vedere geopolitic, avem cteva noiuni cheie
care ne ajuta s nelegem situaia unei regiuni
,i anume interesele juctorilor, capacitatea de
aciune, spaiul disputat.22
81
Care ar fi interesele Georgiei exprimate

pn acum de lideri i de populaie?
Dup cum am vzut, anii 90 au reprezentat
o oscilaie ntre Rusia i Occident. Apropierea fa de Rusia a fost de dou tipuri. Pe de
o parte, Georgia voia s pstreze sub suveranitatea sa (autoritatea deja o pierduse)23 Abhazia i Osetia de Sud. Ambele regiuni au un
naionalism puternic, istoric, susinut ca i n
cazul Georgiei de o percepie puternic asupra
propriei istorii.24 Printr-un proces logic, Osetia de Sud i Abhazia au intrat sub influen
rus, iar Rusia are i avea prin ele o prghie de
control asupra Georgiei. Pentru a-i pstra suveranitatea dar i pentru a pacifica cele dou
regiuni, liderii georgieni au acceptat prezena
trupelor ruseti25. Pe de alt parte, evarnadze
fcea parte din vechea i puternica elit politic sovietica. Aceasta parte a trecutului istoric
georgian are o semnificaie deosebita. Georgia
a fcut parte din Rusia arist timp de o suta de
ani, apoi din Uniunea Sovietic cu o scurt intercalare reprezentat de perioada menevic.
Trecutul sovietic si comunist al Georgiei sunt
foarte importante. Pe de alta parte evarnadze
a purtat numeroase discuii cu NATO. Cu alte
cuvinte, n timpul lui evarnadze, Georgia a
oscilat ntre puterea regional de care era legat prin trecut i un proiect viitor legat de
Occident. Din acest punct de vedere, politica lui Saakashvili este o continuare posibil a
politicii externe a lui evarnadze (nu singura
posibil). De la aceast oscilaie s-a trecut clar
la avansul ctre NATO i rcirea relaiilor cu
Rusia26. Mrturie stau participarea georgian
la rzboiul din Irak, legturi militare puternice
cu SUA i Israel.27 Invazia Georgiei a Osetiei de
Sud (invazie pe teritoriul propriului stat) poate
fi interpretat ca pe o ncercare de a recupera
de facto aceste teritorii nainte de integrarea
n NATO. ns reacia rus a fost prompt,
ocupnd pentru cteva zile Georgia.28 Georgia
dup 2008 pare s fi rmas un stat tampon ntre Occident i Rusia. Elita georgian i chiar
populaia i exprim n continuare dorina de
a intra n NATO. Pe de alt parte, curentul pro
rus i anti NATO pare s devin din ce n ce
mai puternic. 29
Interesele Rusiei exprimate n primul rnd
de elita politic, dar i de o parte din populaie,
sunt complexe. nc din anii 90, Rusia i-a creat prghii de control prin regiuni disputate
82
(Abhazia, Osetia de Sud, Transnistria), prghii

de control asupra fostelor state membre ale
URSS (cum pot aciona acestea se poate vedea
n Ucraina). Rusia a vrut dintotdeauna o zon
de control sau de influen ct mai mare. Acest
lucru se poate vedea prin staionarea trupelor din aceste regiuni, mai recent, prin contactele Rusiei cu spaiul European (Ungaria,
Grecia)30. Dup 2008, Rusia a recunoscut imediat independena Abhaziei i Osetiei de Sud,
aducndu-le i mai mult de facto n sfera ei de
influen. Deocamdat, Rusia pare s accepte
statutul de facto neutru al Georgiei.
Statele Unite nu i-au exprimat clar interesul fa de Georgia. Pe de o parte, au fost
semnale c se dorea integrarea ei n NATO. n
primul mandat Saakashvili, Statele Unite au investit i sprijinit foarte mult armata georgian.
Nu ntmpltor n aceast perioad Saakashvili
i-a exprimat dorina de a intra n NATO, iar
trupe americane erau prezente pe teritoriul
Georgiei.31
ns SUA nu au reacionat fa de ocuparea militar a Georgiei de ctre Rusia. Putem
s privim extinderea NATO n cadrul luptei
antiteroriste, dar i n cadrul fortificrii Occidentului chiar i n faa Rusiei (cele dou pri
avnd interese i viziuni diferite)32. Pe de alt
parte, i SUA par a accepta la ora actual statutul neutru al Georgiei.
Uniunea European nu a avut n timpul
rzboiului din 2008 o poziie unitar. Acest lucru este reprezentativ pentru poziia Uniunii
aflat ntre colaborare i compromis dar i interes propriu naional al diverselor state membre. n 2008, Germania i Frana preau s adopte o politic mai conciliatoare fa de Rusia,
n timp ce Romnia, Polonia i rile Baltice
au fost destul de tranante.33 De altfel, Georgia
depinde de relaiile Est-Vest. Criza georgian
din 2008 i mai mult criza ucrainean din 2013
ne arat cteva lucruri. n urma nclcrii unor
tratate de ctre Rusia, Occidentul este dispus
s fie mai dur fa de aceast ar (embargo
economic, mobilizare de trupe). ns legturile de afaceri i mai ales cele energetice sunt
eseniale. Dependena de gazul rusesc poate
fi observat nc din 1981, cnd se punea problema construirii unei conducte ntre URSS i
RFG. Pe atunci, Statele Unite s-au opus, ns
,fr succes.34
Spaiul disputat
Dup cum am artat n lucrare, Georgia
reprezint o zon extrem de important de
tranzit de energie. Pierre Emanuel Thomas
considera c Rusia ar dori parial crearea unui
spaiu pan european, a unei uniuni dintre
Europa i Rusia. Acest deziderat pare s se fi
sfrit odat cu reacia Rusiei la protestele din
Kiev legate de apropierea dintre Ucraina i
Uniunea European.35 Regiunea este important att din punctul de vedere al tranzitului
de energie, ct i ca poziie geografic. Georgia
se afl la confluena dintre Europa i Asia, dintre NATO i Rusia. Tot Pierre Emanuel Thomas consider c rzboiul din Georgia arat
trecerea de la unipolaritate la multipolaritatea
sistemului internaional pentru c superputerea american nu a reacionat n timpul rzboiului din Georgia. Dup rzboiul din 2008,
Rusia i-a asigurat un acces i mai mare la
Marea Neagr prin Abhazia. Pe de alt parte,
Rusia ar putea s taie ruta energetic, ruta care
leag Azerbaidjan de UE i NATO ( Baku-Poti-Ceyhan). Zbigniew Brzezinski consider c
Pentru America principalul scop ar fi influena
n Eurasia.36 ns, avnd n vedere evenimentele din Ucraina, poziia occidentului pare s fie
mai mult defensiv.
Situaia politic intern
ntr-o lucrare anterioar artam c teoria
presiunilor sistemice poate fi aplicat i forelor
politice interne. Astfel, tratatul de la Maastricht
i adoptarea lui au constituit un anumit tip
de presiune sistemic pentru forele politice
britanice (eurosceptice sau proeuropene).37
Pentru Georgia, nceputul disoluiei URSSului a constituit o presiune sistemic, dar i o
oportunitate. Primul preedinte Zviad Gamsakhurdia fusese un opozant al Uniunii i s-a
caracterizat prin discursul naionalist. Unii
autori consider c mai degrab stilul dect
aciunile sale erau dictatoriale. Gamsakhurdia
s-a bazat pe o propagand naionalist puternic dus prin pres i prin puternicul grup de
susintori. n afara rzboaielor cu regiunile
separatiste, se va desfura un adevrat rzboi
civil n urma cruia Gamsakhurdia probabil a
fost ucis.38 Forele de moment l vor chema pe
evarnadze. Este adevrat c n timpul guvernrii sale presa a devenit din ce n ce mai liber, ns Georgia se va confrunta cu mari probleme economice, srcie, inflaie, i politice,
cum ar fi corupia la nivel nalt.39 Guvernarea
nceput de Saakashvili va nsemna reforme i
un contact mai mare cu UE (dei n perioada
2004-2008 s-a pus serios problema respectrii
drepturilor omului40).
Cum poate fi privit politica intern a
Georgiei n relaia cu politica extern din perioada 1991-2012?
n primul rnd, naionalismul a aprut i
ca reacie la ocupaia sovietic de aproape 70
de ani. Naionalismul era o cale de exprimare georgian pentru dorina de independen,
de afirmare, chiar de suveranitate (politic i
cultural)41. n acest fel ne putem explica puternicul discurs naionalist istoric urmat de
intelectualitatea georgian la nceputul anilor
90. Tot dorina de afirmare, de emancipare
chiar de autonomie i independen a caracterizat Abhazia i Osetia de Sud. Amndou au
urmat un puternic discurs naionalist istoric de
emancipare. Gamsakhurdia s-a bazat pe propaganda naionalist, ajungndu-se la rzboaie
civile. Armata a intervenit i n final l-a sprijinit
pe evarnadze s preia puterea. Gamsakhurdia,
prin atitudinea sa, a creat un vacuum de putere
n jurul su, iar structurile de putere georgiene
au optat pentru calea stabilitii.42 Pe de alt
parte, rzboaiele din Abhazia i Osetia dintre
trupele guvernamentale i cele separatiste au
putut s fie oprite numai prin intervenia rus
i prin continua participare rus la operaiunile
de peace-keeping.
Pentru toate statele i societile exist puternice mituri istorice. Nu de puine ori ele sunt
legate de adevr, dar nu ntotdeauna. n parte
pentru a-i consolida naionalismul, n parte
pentru a crea o baz istoric, unii autori georgieni au dus miturile istorice foarte departe, considernd c georgiana este una dintre primele
limbi vorbite.43 Miturile istorico lingvistice nu
lipsesc nici din Abhazia. Astfel, unii autori pun
accentul pe vechimea poporului abhaz.44
Problema Abhaziei i Osetiei de Sud
Exist clar o disput ntre Georgia i cele
dou republici separatiste. Dup 1991, cele
83
dou regiuni i exprim clar dorina de separare sau de autonomie extins, dar care nsemna
tot o separare de facto. n fapt, pn la rzboiul
din 2008, cele dou erau separate de Georgia,
existnd o influen mai mare rus (de exemplu prin acordarea de paapoarte ruseti45). Din
punct de vedere istoric, problema este complex. De altfel, toate cele trei popoare mai ales
au o istorie statal veche. Primele referine la
populaiile protogeorgiene sunt nc din Antichitate. Perioada de maxim expansiune a fost
n secolele XI, XII, pentru ca apoi la 1500 Georgia s cear suzeranitatea rus.
Dup cum se poate vedea, istoria Georgiei
este foarte complex. Rolul istoricului ar fi determinarea echidistant a populaiilor care au
locuit pe aceste teritorii. Pe de alt parte avem
de-a face cu un fapt istoric recent cert. Abhazia si Osetia nu au dorit s fac parte din statul
georgian din anii 90 pn n momentul actual.
Din punct de vedere al situaiei interna
ionale a Georgiei, avem de-a face cu vechea
confruntare dintre idealism i realism (dintre
legea internaional, i legea celui mai puternic). Din punct de vedere internaional cele
doua regiuni aparineau Georgiei, ns ele au
refuzat aceast apartenen, iar Rusia le-a sprijinit. La fel de important n anii 90, Georgia a
fost pacificat i prin prezena trupelor ruseti.
n perioada postcomunist a mai existat n
sud vest o alt regiune separatist, Samagrelo.46
n anii ce au urmat, dei aceasta fcea parte nominal din Georgia, a fost condus separat. Acest
fapt este reprezentativ pentru incapacitatea
Georgiei de a-i exercita influena asupra unor
regiuni i mai ales pentru dorina de autonomie
sau chiar independen a acestor regiuni.
Pe de alt parte, vecinii Georgiei (celelalte
membre ale Republicii Transcaucaziene din
1918) au propriile probleme legate mai ales de
Nagorno-Karabah.47 Realitatea politic, economic i social sovietic a acionat ca un liant
(deseori prin for) vis a vis de zona Caucazului (i nu numai). Practic, toate aceste conflicte
ngheate au fost motenite i prin apartenena
la Uniunea Sovietic i prin aciunile acesteia.
Concluzii
Din fericire, de-a lungul istoriei moderne i
contemporane, Georgia i-a pstrat identitatea
84
naional. Mai mult, nivelul educaiei a crescut.48 n lucrarea Another Frozen Conflict on
the Political Map of the Black Sea? Georgia and
Russia, afirmam c este vorba de dou viziuni
diferite, cea occidental i cea rus.49 Ambele
sunt caracterizate de conflicte interne (e adevarat c vorbim de dou ordini de mrime diferite). ns putem afirma c Georgia se afl n continuare prins ntre Occident i Rusia. Pe de alt
parte, rzboiul din 2008 i cel din Ucraina arat
pericolele escaladrii unui conflict cu Rusia i
sau cu protejaii si. Din acest punct de vedere,
Georgia a urmat calea prudenei din 2008 pn
n ziua de astzi. Principalele concluzii sunt c
Georgia a fost i este prins ntre Occident i
Rusia att din punctul de vedere al relaiilor
internaionale, dar i a celor interne din aceast ar. Pe de alt parte, Georgia a oscilat ntre
a aceste dou entiti. Saakashvili a fost clar n
favoare accelerrii integrrii n NATO, ns att
puterea regional Rusia ct i problema regiunilor separatiste i-au spus cuvntul.
NOTE
Encyclopaedia Britannica, Medieval Geor

gia, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/
topic/230186/Georgia/44321/Medieval-Georgia,
accesat 25.05.2015, Review by George Huxley of
David Braund, Georgia in Antiquity, A History of
Colchis and Transcaucazian Iberia, 550 BC-AD
562, Hermathena, nr 160, 1996, accesat pe Jstore,
18.05.2015.
2
Nicholas V. Riasanovsky, O Istorie A Rusiei, Institutul European Iai, Iai, pp. 169,323.
3
About Georgia: History after the Rose Revolution, http://www.aboutgeorgia.ge/history/index.
html?page=13, accesat 01.05.2015.
4
Vladimir Volkov, The Elections in Georgia: An
Analysis of Schevardnadzes Victory, 2002, http://
www.wsws.org/en/articles/2000/05/geor-m02.
html, accesat 21.05.2015.
5
Martin MacCauley, Russia Since 1914,
Longman, Londra i New York, p.130.
6
Roger Cohen, Yeltsin Opposes Expansion Of
NATO In Eastern Europe, 1993, http://www.nytimes.com/1993/10/02/world/yeltsin-opposes-expansion-of-nato-in-eastern-europe.html, accesat 2.
05.2015.
7
Thomas W. Lippman, Clinton, Yeltsin Agree
on Arms Cuts and NATO, 1997, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/longterm/summit/
summit.htm, accesat 18.05.2015.
8
A se vedea lucrarea Ioan Drago Mateescu,
Another Frozen Conflict On the Political Map of the
1
Black Sea? Georgia and Russia., First International

Conference on EU and Black Sea Regions,vol. 1,
Editura Mineo Giovanni, Bagheria, 2012, pp.92-105,
trupele Georgiene atac Osetia de Sud iar Rusia va
ocupa o parte din Georgia pentru cteva zile. Conform EU, Rusia a avut dreptate sa apere Osetia, nu
s ocupe restul Georgiei, Independent International
Fact-Finding Mission on the Conflict in Georgia,
p.5, http://www.ceiig.ch/pdf/IIFFMCG_Volume_I.
pdf, accesat 11.04.2012, pp. 22, 23, 24, Benjamin
Bider, 2009 News Report on Russia-Georgia war,
EU investigators Debunk Saakashvilis Lies, Spiegel Online, http://www.spiegel.de/international/
world/0,1518,652512,00.html, accesat 11.04.2012.
9
Irina Kobrinskaya, 2008, The Black Sea Region
In Russias Current Foreign Policy Paradigm, Ponars Eurasia Policy Memo No.4, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Moscow,
December 2008, http://www.ponarseurasia.org/
sites/default/files/policy-memos-pdf/pepm_041.
pdf, p.3, accesat 20.05.2013, A se vedea Ioan Drago
Mateescu, op.cit., pp.92-105; i Ioan Drago Mateescu, The relationship between the United States
and Russia regarding the Black Sea Region, Second
International Conference on EU and Black Sea Region, 2013, vol.1, Italian Academic Publishing, 2014,
Geopolitical Perspectives and Development, pp.89115.
10
Encyclopedia.com, Georgia, http://www.encyclopedia.com/topic/Georgia.aspx, accesat 5.05. 2015.
11
Ioan Drago Mateescu, Another Frozen Conflict
on the Political Map of the Black Sea? Georgia and
Russia, First International Conference on EU and
Black Sea Regions,Vol. 1, Editura Mineo Giovanni,
Bagheria, 2012, Black Sea: History, Diplomacy, Policies and Strategies, pp.92-105.
12
Vladimir Volkov, The Elections in Georgia: An
Analysis of Schevardnadzes Victory, 2002, http://
www.wsws.org/en/articles/2000/05/geor-m02.
html, accesat 21.05.2015,i NATO, Prague Summit,
21, 22 November 2002, Statement by President of
Georgia Eduard Schevardnadze at EAPC Summit,
http://www.nato.int/docu/speech/2002/s021122h.
htm, accesat 18.05.2015.
13
Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on the Conflict in Georgia, p. 5, http://www.
ceiig.ch/pdf/IIFFMCG_Volume_I.pdf , p.13, accesat
1.04.2012.
14
Abdrea Guillot, Greece struggles to address its
tax evasion problem, 2015, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/feb/24/greece-collecting-revenue-tax-evasion, accesat 22.05.2015.
15
Gyorgi Peteri, Should We Be Really Be Surprised By Where Victor Orbans Hungary is Heading?, Institute for Human Sciences, http://www.
iwm.at/read-listen-watch/transit-online/reallysurprised-viktor-orbans-hungary-heading, accesat
22.05.2015, i Hungary turning Eastwards, Ignoring EU Standarts costly, http://www.euronews.

com/2014/04/03/hungary-turning-eastward-ignoring-eu-standards-costly/, accesat 22.05.2015.
16
De exemplu, Trading Economics, Italy, Unemployment Rate, 1983-2015, http://www.tradingeconomics.com/italy/unemployment-rate, accesat
18.05.2015.
17
BBC News, Iraq Syria: The Islamic State Militant Group, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-24179084, accesat 22.05.2015, Mail Online, The Islamic State Killing Fields: Terror group
releases horrifying video showing drive-by shootings,
suicide bombings and dozens of other victims rounded up and executed, http://www.dailymail.co.uk/
news/article-2709433/The-Islamic-State-KillingFields-Terror-group-releases-horrifying-videoshowing-drive-shootings-suicide-bombings-dozens-victims-rounded-executed.html, accesat 22.
05.2015.
18
Hans Morgenthau, Politica ntre Naiuni,
Lupta pentru putere i lupta pentru pace, Polirom,
Bucureti, 2007. p. 109.
19
Anthony Best, Jussi M. Hanhimaki, Josep
A. Maiolo, Kirstern E. Schulze, International History of the Twentieth Century, Routledge, Oxon,
2004, pp. 288,300 i History, George Kennan sends
long telegram to State Department, http://www.
history.com/this-day-in-history/george-kennansends-long-telegram-to-state-department, accesat
25.05.2015.
20
A se vedea interveniile militare sovietice din
Ungaria i Cehoslovacia i lipsa reaciei SUA, Rzboiul din Coreea, Acordurile de La Helsinki din 1975.
21
Ioan Drago Mateescu, Another Frozen Conflict on the Political Map of the Black Sea? Georgia
and Russia, First International Conference on EU
and Black Sea Regions,Vol. 1, Editura Mineo Giovanni, Bagheria, 2012, Black Sea: History, Diplomacy, Policies and Strategies, pp.92,93.
22
Constantin Hlihor, Geopolitica i Geostrategia n Analiza Relaiilor Internaionale, Editura
Universitii de Aprare Carol I, Bucureti, 2005,
p. 19.
23
Ioan Drago Mateescu, Another Frozen Conflict on the Political Map of the Black Sea? Georgia and Russia, First International Conference on
EU and Black Sea Regions,Vol. 1, Editura Mineo
Giovanni, Bagheria, 2012, Black Sea: History, Diplomacy, Policies and Strategies, pp. 92-105.
24
Graham Smith, Vivien Law, Andrew Wilson,
Annette Bohr, Eduard Allworth, Nation-building in
the Post-Soviet Borderlands, The Politics of National Identities, Routlege, Londra i New York, 2000,
pp.53-65.
25
Ioan Drago Mateescu, Another Frozen Conflict on the Political Map of the Black Sea? Geor85
gia and Russia, First International Conference on

Giovanni, Bagheria, 2012, Black Sea: History, Diplomacy, Policies and Strategies, pp.92-105.
26
Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on the Conflict in Georgia, p.5, http://www.
ceiig.ch/pdf/IIFFMCG_Volume_I.pdf, p.13, accesat
11.05.2012.
27
Peter Wilby, Georgia has won the PR war,
The Guardian, 2008 http://www.guardian.co.uk/
media/2008/aug/18/pressandpublishing.georgia,
accesat 9.04.2012, Ioan Drago Mateescu, Another
Frozen Conflict on the Political Map of the Black
Sea? Georgia and Russia, First International Conference on EU and Black Sea Regions,Vol. 1, Editura
Mineo Giovanni, Bagheria, 2012, Black Sea: History, Diplomacy, Policies and Strategies, pp.92-105.
28
Ibidem, p.92.
29
Shalva Dzidziguri, Russia-NATO Relations,
High Stakes in Russia, Diplomatic Courier, 2012,
http://www.diplomaticourier.com/newsregions/
eurozone/283-russia-nato-relations-high-stakes-in-georgia, accesat 21.05.2015, Svante I Cornell, Is Georgia Sliping Away, The American Interest, 2014, http://www.the-american-interest.
com/2014/11/13/is-georgia-slipping-away/, accesat
21.05.2015, LeksiKa, Between Ukraine, Georgia:
Moves and Countermove, 2015, http://www.leksika.org/tacticalanalysis/2015/2/5/between-ukraine-georgia-moves-and-countermoves, accesat 25.
05.2015, DW, NATO still a distant prospect for
Ukraine, Georgia, http://www.dw.de/nato-still-adistant-prospect-for-ukraine-georgia/a-17538225,
accesat 25.05.2015.
30
Tim Marcin, Russia Hungary Nuclear Deal:
Putin says Refusal to Energy Agreement will damage
Hungarian Economy, International Business Times,
2015, http://www.ibtimes.com/russia-hungary-nuclear-deal-putin-says-refusal-energy-agreementwould-damage-1908758, accesat 22.05.2015.
31
Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on the Conflict in Georgia, p. 5, http://www.
ceiig.ch/pdf/IIFFMCG_Volume_I.pdf, pp. 14, 15,
accesat 11.04.2012.
32
Charles-Philippe David and Frdric Ramel,
THE BUSH ADMINISTRATIONS IMAGE OF
EUROPE:FROM AMBIVALENCE TO RIGIDITY,
The Journal of Peace Studies, http://www.gmu.edu/
programs/icar/ijps/vol8_1/David%20and%20Ramel.htm, accesat 29.05.2015.
33
The Christian Science Monitor Russia-Georgia Conflict, Why Both Sides Have Valid Points, August 18, 2008 http://www.csmonitor.com/World/
Europe/2008/0819/p12s01-woeu.html, accessed on
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12th April 2012, 4.10 p.m., p. 2, Sergei Markedonov,

2010, Wiki Leaks reopens debate of Russia-Georgia
War, in Russia Beyond The Headlines apud Ioan
Drago Mateescu, Another Frozen Conflict on the
Political Map of the Black Sea? Georgia and Russia,
First International Conference on EU and Black Sea
Regions, Vol. 1, Editura Mineo Giovanni, Bagheria,
2012, Black Sea: History, Diplomacy, Policies and
Strategies, p.97, nota 49.
34
Ioan Drago Mateescu, Marea Britanie ntre Uniunea European i Statele Unite, Editura
Universitii din Bucureti, 2014, pp. 63-67.
35
Pierre Emanuel Thomann, 2008, Russia-Georgia, the multipolar worlds first war, La Revue Geopolitique, Dfense nationale et scurit collective,
http://www.diploweb.com/Russia-Georgia-themultipolar.html accesat 12.04.2012
36
Zbigniew Brzezinski ,1997, The Grande Chessboard, American Primacy And Its Geostrategic Imperatives, Basic Books, New York, p.30.
37
Ioan Drago Mateescu, Marea Britanie ntre Uniunea European i Statele Unite, Editura
Universitii din Bucureti, 2014, p.152.
38
Ghia Nodia, Contested Borders in the Caucasus, Political Turmoil in Georgia and the Ethnic
Policies of Zviad Gamsakhurdia, http://poli.vub.
ac.be/publi/ContBorders/eng/ch0201.htm, accesat
25.05.2015.
39
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40
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europecentral-asia/georgia, accesat 29.05.2015.
41
Graham Smith, Vivien Law, Andrew Wilson,
Annette Bohr, Eduard Allworth, op.cit., pp. 53-65.
42
Ibidem.
43
Ibidem, p.179.
44
Ibidem, pp.53-58.
45
Benjamin Bider, 2009, News Report on RussiaGeorgia war , EU investigators Debunk Saakashvilis
Lies, Spiegel Online, http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,652512,00.html, accesat 11.04.
2012.
46
Kakha Kakhani, Stories of Samegrelo-Zemo
Svaneti, http://www.oseweb.org/regions/samegrr
lo-zemo-svaneti, accesat 25.05.2015.
47
Graham Smith, op.cit., pp. 50, 51, 52.
48
Ibidem, p.168.
49
Ioan Drago Mateescu, Another Frozen Conflict on the Political Map of the Black Sea? Georgia and Russia, First International Conference on
Giovanni, Bagheria, 2012, Black Sea: History, Diplomacy, Policies and Strategies, p.98.

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General-maior (r) dr. MIHAIL

Dosar 1914-1918. Primul Rzboi Mondial

du Sud-est europen dans la Grande Guerre (1915). Trois reportages dAlbert

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Dosar 1914-1918. Primul R`zboi Mondial

Comandamentul armatei romne

Antant sau de Puterile Centrale, otirea s se

* Director adjunct, Institutul pentru Studii de Aprare i Istorie Militar.

Revista de istorie militar

General de divizie Alexandru Averescu,

cluziile reieite i din discuia cu Alexandru

internaional care a cunoscut multe momente

funciilor ncredinate, astfel c au trebuit s

Dup aceast dat, modalitatea a fost

ulterior general, Dumitru Iliescu. Accederea

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Revista de istorie militar

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Compararea celor dou situaii evideniaz

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Cotescu C.2A; Constantin Tnsescu C.3

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da neutralitii s-a resimit de pe urma evoluiilor anterioare, pstrnd anumite caracteristici

Pentru evoluia organismului militar romnesc n perioada 1878-1912 a se vedea, ntre

Revista de istorie militar

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Les pays du Sud-est europen

Lors de nos promenades habituelles chez

reportages crits pour le Petit Journal1 sur les

Revista de istorie militar

15: Pourquoi la Bulgarie regarde (23 juillet

cres10. La Tcheka, qui depuis deux ans a le droit

Fernand Xau, lditorialiste du Journal lavait

ce allemande devant Chteau- Thierry. Cette

Lhommage postrieur de ses confrres

qui lembauche sur-le-champ pour couvrir

La srie darticles qui traite de la bataille

avaient t, depuis plus dun demi-sicle, ses

rcit de la mission que lui avait confie, en aot

beaucoup pri des nuits entires jusqu ce que

croise. La rue est joyeuse et chatoyante. Les

Les Allemands, malgr le langage quils leur

La Roumanie fait savoir quelle maintient

Trois jours aprs on en donnait une autre.

Est-il pour les Allemands

les uns contre les autres, pour se donner de

voite, les Bulgares nauraient pas eu besoin

vous cacher la vrit plutt que de vous dire