nr.

10, (An V), 2012

EUROPA 10
Central and Eastern European Online Library

Revist de tiin i art n tranziie Magazine about science and art during the transition
Fondat n anul 2008 la Novi Sad. / Founded in Novi Sad in 2008. Apare bianual / It is released two times a year Fondator i redactor ef / Founder and Editor-in-Chief Pavel Gtianu Redactor ef adjunct dr. Virginia Popovi Consiliul consultativ / Consultative Board dr. Annemarie Sorescu Marinkovi Belgrad; dr. Olivier Peyroux Paris; dr. Iveta Kotrkov - Bansk Bystrica; dr. Nicolas Trifon Paris; lect. dr. Vladimir Barovi Novi Sad; lect. dr. Laura Spriosu Novi Sad; lect. dr. Daniela Sitar-Tut Baia Mare; drd. Rare Iordache Cluj; drd. Ivana Janji Novi Sad; dr. Redep krijelj Novi Pazar; dr. Mircea Mran- Vre; dr. Eugen Cinci Vre; dr. Christian Eccher Roma; dr. Cristina Piuan Nuic Bucureti; lect. dr. Luiza Caraivan Timioara; lect. dr. Sperana Milancovici Arad; lect.dr. Teodora Rodica Biri Arad; conf. dr. Alpr Losonsz Novi Sad, conf. dr. Zoran eri Novi Sad; Miroslav Kevedi, masterand Novi Sad; dr. Mihaela Iorga Lazovi- Novi Sad; asist. drd. Rodica Ursulescu Milii Novi Sad; dr. Zoran Arsovi Banja Luka; Lucia Todoran, masterand Cluj-Napoca; drd. Oana Ursulescu Novi Sad; Vladimir Mitrovi, masterand Novi Sad; Consiliul tiinific / Scientific Board prof. dr. Marina Puia Bdescu (Universitatea din Novi Sad) prof. dr. Silviu Angelescu (Universitatea din Bucureti) conf. dr. Carmen Cerasela Drbu (Tech. Univ. Cluj-Napoca, North Univ Center Baia Mare) prof.dr. Mariana Dan (Universitatea din Belgrad) prof. dr. Octavia Nedelcu (Universitatea din Bucureti) prof. dr. Mihaela Albu (Universitatea din Craiova) prof. dr. Marco Lucchesi (Universitatea Federal de Stat, Rio de Janeiro, Brazilia) prof. dr. Elena Prus (Institutul de Cercetri Filologice i Interculturale, Chiinu) dr. Biljana Sikimi (Academia Srb de tiine i Arte SANU, Belgrad) conf. dr. Ludmila Brnite (Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza, Iai) conf. dr. Diana Vrabie (Universitatea de Stat Alecu Russo, Bli) prof. dr. Ciprian Vlcan (Universitatea Tibiscus, Timioara) lect. dr. Dan Lazea (Universitatea de Vest, Timioara; New Europe College - Institute for Advanced Study - Bucureti) prof. dr. Nikola Strajni (Universitatea din Novi Sad)
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Traducere n limba englez/ Translation in English: dr. Luiza Caraivan Traducere din limba srb: Vladimir Mitrovi Lectura / Language Editor: dr. Carmen Cerasela Drbu Design / Design: Marin Mohan, Marina Gtianu Webmaster: Saa Mustacovi (www.fotosasa.net) Editor/ Publisher Fundaia Europa/ str. Gagarinova 16/13, 21000 Novi Sad, Voivodina, Serbia, tel. 063-7858-632, e-mail: europa.novisad@gmail.com Web Site: http//www.europango.com Tehnoredactare/ Preparation for printing: Grafit, Pavle Bajazet - Novi Sad Tipar/ Printed by ALFA TIM, Petrovaradin Tiraj 300/ Circulation 300 copies ISSN 1820-9181 Coperta1./ Cover1.: Marin Mohan Coperta 2./ Cover 2.: Marin Mohan Lucrrile din acest numr aparin artitilor: This issues art works by: Marin Mohan, Marina Gtianu

SUBCULTURA/SUBCULTURE
Subcultura Un cunoscut scriitor sud american a declarat c, n momentul actual, divertismentul i sportul sunt pe primul plan dup popularitate n lume, iar cultura propriu-zis este pe plan secund. Folk-diva srb Lepa Brena (Frumoasa Brena, cu numele adevrat Fahreta Jahi) n anii 90 ai secolului trecut a reuit s detensioneze relaiile sociale ncordate din Bulgaria i Romnia prin organizarea unor concerte de mare amploare la care au participat 60-70 de mii de spectatori din Sofia, Bulgaria n anul 1990 i 1984, Timioara, Romnia, pe marile stadioane ale oraelor respective. Lepa Brena coboar dintr-un elicopter cu sigla Balkan inscripionat cu litere chirilice, iar apoi n limba bulgar salut pe cei prezeni (caut imaginile pe You Tube). Au urmat aplauze frenetice. Dup 28 de ani, Lepa Brena ncearc s organizeze un nou concert la Timioara pe stadionul Dan Pltinieanu n luna iunie, dar este contramandat de dou ori, se pare din cauza dezinteresului sczut al fanilor. n preajma unei conferine de pres Lepa Brena este ateptat la trecerea de frontier Stamora Moravia, aproape ca un om de stat, cu maini de escort etc. Reproul romnilor de pe timpul odiosului a fost c aplauzele de la Timioara au fost mai puternice dect cele acordate preedintelui Romniei i c bnenii prin intermediul cntreei Lepa Brena au introdus manele n ara lor. Tema respectiv cere unele cercetri minuioase ale sociologilor pe care eu nu am putut s-i gsesc. La Timioara Lepa Brena a fost ridicat pe un excavator, iar ea declar n pres c, n jurul stadionului a vzut tancuri. Important este c spectatorii au cntat cntecul srbesc Zivela Jugoslavia, Triasc Iugoslavia, de fapt Triasc libertatea, asta s-a cntat ntr-un sistem totalitar n anul 1984, la Timioara n Romnia. Anul acesta revista Europa marcheaz jubileul de 5 ani de apariie i 10 numere cu aproape 1700 de pagini. Aceasta a devenit istorie, restul e normalitate. Pavel Gtianu, redactor-ef Subculture A very well known South American writer declares that, at present, entertainment and sports are the focus of public attention in the world according to popularity, while culture comes second. During the 1990s, the Serbian folk-diva Lepa Brena (Beautiful Brena is her stage name, her real name being Fahreta Jahi) managed to relax the tense social relations in Bulgaria and Romania, by organizing large concerts: 60-70 thousand spectators attended the concerts in Sofia, Bulgaria in 1990 and in 1984, Timioara, Romnia. The concerts were organised on the largest stadiums in these two cities. Lepa Brena descended from a helicopter on which the logo Balkan was written with Cyrillic letters, and then, she greeted everybody in Bulgarian (you should search on You Tube). The audience applauded frenetically. 28 years later, Lepa Brena tries to organise a new concert in Timioara on the Dan Pltinieanu stadium in June. However, the concert is postponed twice, apparently due to the low interest from fans. Before her press conference, Lepa Brena received a very warm welcome at the border at Stamora Moravia, almost as a head of state, with escort cars, etc. Romanian people say that the round of applause she got in Timioara was louder than the Romanian president received at the time. They also reproach that people in Banat introduced the first manele-like music in the country, by accepting Lepa Brenas songs. This topic needs thorough research from sociologists, who, unfortunately, I could not find. In Timioara, Lepa Brena was lifted with the help of an excavator, and she declared for the press that she saw tanks around the stadium. The important thing is that everybody who was on that stadium sang the Serbian song Zivela Jugoslavia, Long live Yugoslavia, in fact, they sang Long live freedom, during the totalitarian regime in 1984, in Timioara, Romania. This is the 5th year of publication for Europa magazine, which means 10 issues and almost 1700 pages. This has become history, the rest is normality. Pavel Gtianu, Editor in Chief

IDEI EURO PENE

Darko Gavrilovi

MITOLOGIA PATRIOTIC IUGOSLAV 1945-1990

gavrilovicdarko@yahoo.com Mit i ideologie Cnd este vorba de cuvntul mit, primul lucru la care majoritatea oamenilor se gndete este o poveste inventat, fantastic i fabuloas, ceva ce probabil nu are prea mult (sau deloc) legtur cu adevrul sau cu realitatea. Mitul i politica sunt legate indisolubil. Intenionat le menionm aici mpreun, pentru c politica nu se poate imagina fr folosirea miturilor limbajul politic din istoria antic a fost att de conectat i mpletit cu miticul, astfel c fr acest element supranatural sau iraionaleste aproape imposibil de a nelege. nc n timpul celui de-al doilea rzboi mondial, filosoful german Ernst Cassier (1874-1945) a semnalat asupra pericolului care vine de la o manipulare statal (instituional sau oficial) cu mituri nazismul este construit, printre altele, pe mitul de superioritate a rasei arian, precum i pe mitul de jertf etern a poporului german. Consecinele acestui mit Germania le-a simit (precum i ntreaga Europ, la urma urmelor) timp de mai multe decenii dup rzboi. Deoarece materialul pe care-l conin miturile este att de multistratificat, polisemantic, cel mai bine ar fi de a ine (ntr-o lume ideal) miturile departe de politic, dar noi nu trim ntr-o lume ideal, iar ntrebarea este dac ar fi existat n general politica aa cum o cunoatem astzi fr o folosire (respectiv manipulare) a miturilor. Ideologia i sistemul ideilor ajut oamenii s neleag i s raionalizeze lumea n jurul lor. ns ea este, n acelai timp, i o arm puternic a elitelor la putere, care prin controlul politic direct sau (n unele aspecte mai subtile) influena indirect asupra mijloacelor de comunicare (n primul rnd, mass media) tind la toate celelalte pri ale socitii s impun imaginea particular a lumii sale ca unica posibil. Aceast imagine a lumii, impus de deasupra, se bazeaz pe modele mitice, care includ (printre altele) elemente precum sunt rezisten moral i diligen, eroism, suferin, jertf, precum i necesitatea de a ajunge n ara promitoare, undeva la finalul drumului. Ea este caracteristic att pentru perioada contemporan, pentru statele dezvoltate i puternice, ct i pentru rile n curs de dezvoltare i pentru statele aa-numitei lumi a treia. Subiectul acestui articol l constituie exemplele pentru modelele mitice ale Iugoslaviei socialiste. Constructele ei mitice nu au fost originale. Ele au urmrit exemplul Uniunii Sovietice, precum i ale celorlalte ri comuniste, i conform acestor exemple, i-a construit i celelalte ri socialiste cultura i bastionul ideologic. Miturile care au modelat viaa de zi cu zi a Iugoslaviei Dezvoltndu-se i consolidndu-se, Iugoslavia socialist n frunte cu Partidul Comunist al Iugoslaviei, care i-a pstrat puterea pn la sfritul existenei statului, schimbndu-i n durata puterii sale i numele su n Uniunea Comunitilor Iugoslaviei, a dezvoltat sistemul miturilor patriotice, al simbolilor i al ritualilor, care au fost un instrument eficient al puterii, construit n conformitate cu cel sovietic. n mintea oamenilor obinuii, conform inteniei partidului, nu a mai trebuit s fie loc pentru Dumnezeu, Hristos i sfini. Partidul i-a glorificat pe eroii ei.1 Dei n urma conflictului Tito-Stalin din anul 1948, sistemul iugoslav a devenit tot mai diferit n comparaie cu sisteme1

Vjekoslav Perica, Balkanski idoli. Religija i nacionalizam u jugoslovenskim dravama. Prevele s engleskog, Slobodanka Glii i Slavica Mileti, Beograd, Biblioteka XX vek 2006. , II svezak, poglavlje 6 Zajedno opstajemo, razdvojeni propadamo. O slabostima i problemima legitimisanja jugolsovenskog nacionalnog i drutvenog sistema vidi: Sabrina Petra Ramet, The three Yugoslavias: state-building and legitimation, 1918-2005., Washington, DC : Woodrow Wilson Center Press; Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2006.

le comuniste construite potrivit modelului sovietic, toate sistemele comuniste, i cel iugoslav, au acordat importan ritualurilor, ceremoniilor i miturilor. Cu alte cuvinte, revoluiile conduse de comuniti, i n Iugoslavia la urma urmei, au schimbat ntregul discurs ideologic i l-au introdus pe al lor. Prin aceasta, s-au schimbat identitile individuale i cele de grup. Contrar modului n care s-au prbuit regimurile comuniste n anii 90, precum a fost prbuirea regimului n Iugoslavia, naionalitii au atacat n mod furios simbolurile, ritualurile i miturile. Atunci au nceput s se ntoarc la putere, iar cu aceast revenire ei au ntors i simbolismul naionalist, care a avut n sine seminele rului, ale discoridei i ale urii. n comparaie cu naionalismele etnice brute din anii 90, iugoslavismul multietnic promovat de comuniti a fost legitimitat de mitologie, care s-a construit pe lupta comun cu succes pentru eliberarea naional de ocupani i de colaboratorii lor locali, n cel de-al doilea rzboi mondial, respectiv prin construirea socialismului cu forele unite ale tuturor popoarelor din cadrul federaiei iugoslave. Ideea Unitii i frieimultietnice, pe care a prezentat-o mitologia patriotic socialist, a asigurat iugoslavismului nu numai legitimitatea i armonia relativ n relaiile interetnice, ci i solidaritatea social i productivitatea relativ pe o pia imens, iar astfel i nivelul prosperitii, pe care majoritatea statelor motenitoare nici acum nu l-au atins.2 Din momentul n care Iugoslavia s-a confruntat cu Infrombiro, n anul 1948, i cnd a obinut un grad mai mare al suveranitii internaionale, sub noul sistem social-economic, fiind o ar non-aliat, mitul partizanilor, respectiv cultul liderului naional i al nvingtorului lui Hitler, iar apoi i al lui Staljin, al lui Iosip Broz Tito au devenit obiective apoteotice i coloana vertebral a ideologiei comuniste cu accentul pe frie multietnic prin armele popoarelor iugoslave i prin armata multinaional pe care a creat-o Tito. Mitul excepionalismului sau al selectivitii iugoslavilor a fost extrem de dezvoltat. El a fost consolidat de introducerea sistemului socialist de autoguvernare, care prin promovarea solidaritii sociale i a interdependenei, ca sistem economic i social-politic unic n lume a devenit un fel de experiment. Apoi aici a fost prezent un numr mare de ritualuri patriotice i de comemorri, care ntr-un mod simbolic au legat diferite naionaliti i au pstrat coeziunea rii
2

ca a unei comuniti naionale, precum a fost tafeta tinereii, care a fost numai unul dintre aceste ritualuri, dar, n sensul adevrat a legat fiecare parte a teritoriului naional. n fine, printre altele, poate cel mai important, sfntul principiu de unitate i frie, de care nu s-a putut atinge, precum i de imagina lui Tito, care nici nu a fost supus unei critici, pentru c, conform cuvintelor lui Tito noi am vrsat snge pentru aceasta i armonia dintre diferite naionaliti i minoritile naionale sau etnii a trebuit s se pstreze ca lumina ochilor. Inspiraia pentru mitologia eroic a micrii de partizani iugoslavi, care dup aceea a fost instituionalizat ca Ordinul de Onoare al Eroilor Naionali ai Iugoslaviei, a fost un amestec al influenelor mitului partizan, cultului de stat sovietic cu experiena micrii popular-iugoslave de eliberare, a rzboiului civil spaniol i a tradiiei popoarelor iugoslave, care n special se recunosc prin eroism. Deja din luna februarie a anului 1942, n Buletinul efului de Stat Majorau fost numii 22 de eroi naionali. Primul a fost veteranul primului rzboi mondial i unul dup vrst, dintre cei mai vechi eroi naionali, Petar Lekovi, cioplitor de la Uika Poega, n Serbia. Cu ordinul eroului popular au fost decorai 1 322 de participani la Lupta popular de eliberare NOB (Tito de trei ori, toi ceilali, cte o dat), iar dintre acetia, 955 erau decedai; acest ordin de asemenea l-au primit i 19 de ceteni strini, care au participat n Lupta popular de eliberare sau ntr-un fel sau altul i-au ajutat pe partizanii iugoslavi - 16 din Uniunea Sovietic, un ceh, un polonez i un italian; apoi 32 de uniti ale armatei partizanilor, 4 organizaii politice, respectiv 8 orae iugoslave.3 Fapte istorice s-au transmis prin sistemul colar generaiilor mai tinere, care astfel se sensibilizeaz la erosmul prin care s-au obinut victorii pe cmpul de lupt, astfel i martiriul care a devenit o traum, care a intrat adnc ncrustat n psihicul lor. Cel mai bun mod ca miturile despre partizani s se introduc n memoria colectiv a fost prin intermediul mass-media. Autoritile au folosit filme, muzic, romane, poezie, benzi desenate, mbrcminte, care au trebuit s reaminteasc i s in cont de trecutul eroic. De la benzi desenate despre doi partizani mici i curajoi, Mirko i Slavko, care au provocat inamicii i au fost rezisteni la gloane, milioane de tricouri tip3

Grupa autora: Mitovi epohe scoijalizma, Novi Sad 2009, str. 95.

Darko Gavrilovi, Zatoenici mitova nacionalizma i komunizma svet i Jugoslavija, Kairos, Sr. Karlovci 2010, str.119.

rite cu semntura lui Iosip Broz Tito,cu imaginea lui, dar i imaginile eroilor, precum este Ivo Lola Ribar, care printre tinerii din Iugoslavia a fost ceea ce Che Guevara a fost n lume, n anii 60, apoi melodiile trupelor de rock i interprei care au srbtorit lupta partizanilor, i n fine,filmul iugoslav de partizani ca un gen specific de filme, comunitii au ncercat, cu o energie destul de mare, s atrag societatea cu ideologia lor. Indiferent de faptul c tinerii au purtat tricourile cu mesajele ideologice, c au citit benzile desenate i literatura partizan obligatorie din programa colar, cea mai mare influen asupra maselor au avut-o filmul i muzica. Cnd este vorba de film, comunitii iugoslavi s-au condus, de la bun nceput, conform modelului comunitilor sovietici. Ei au urmrit modelul deja stabilit, adugnd, cu timpul, ndeosebi dup conflictul cu Informbiro-ul, propriile caracteristici ale rii noastre. Astfel, n urma celui de-al doilea rzboi mondial, ca model de film a servit filmul autorului rus Abraham Rom, n munii Iugoslaviei.4 Fotii asisteni ai lui Abraham Rom la filmul n munii Iugoslaviei, Vjekoslav Afri i Nikola Popovi, au devenit regizori poteniali de film, iar cameraman, separat de ceilali, a fost cunoscutul autor al fotografiilor artistice din rzboi (n special al portretelor lui Tito) - or Skirgin. Scenaritii au fost alei dintre cei mai buni scriitori iugoslavi, ntre care s-au remarcat: Branko opi, Oskar Davio i Joa Horvat.5 n perioada ntre anii 1947 i 1990, dintre circa 890 de filme, 250 au avut ca tem partizanii, care au avut n primul rnd sarcin s trezeasc, la popoarele Iugoslaviei, sentimentul de trecut eroic comun, sub conducerea partidului, care a trebuit s fie fondat pe mitul celebrei micri de rezisten a partizanilor.6 Punctul culminant al acestui gen au fost filmele western de partizani ale autorilor Hajrudin Krvavica i ika Mitrovi, Valter brani Sarajevo, Most, Kapetan Lei i alte filme similare, care artau ca filme western, numai c eroii lor n loc de plrie purtau epci numite Titovke i cti germane, n timp ce apropirea cu pop-cultura i benzile desenate a aprut n aproape fiecare dintre scenele de aciune. Trebuie evideniat c cinematografia iugoslava fost creat n spaiul cuprinztor, n toate centrele rePetar Ljubojev, Evropski film i drutveno nasilje, Novi Sad 1995, str. 216. 5 Isto, str.217. 6 Predrag Markovi, The Imagination of the WWII, Resistance and Collaboration in Yugoslav and Serbian Visual Media, u zborniku Shared History, Seville 2008, p.44.
4

publicane i provinciale, iar rezultatele au fost ntradevr iugoslave (n special n filmele despre partizani, precum sunt Neretva i Sutjeska, unde unitatea i fria dintre srbi i croai, s-a rspndit ntr-un mod evident simpatic i patetic, prin personajele camarazilor de rzboi ai srbului Bata ivojinovi i ai dalmaianului Boris Dvornik). Amestecate (republicane, conform cu modelul-cheie), echipele de filmare i de actori, cea mai activ cas federal de producie solicita participarea Armatei populare iugoslave JNA, cu aprobarea vrfului de partid, i atenia mass-mediei din ntreg statul, au separat filmele de partizani de caracteristicile naionale accentuate. i muzica a avut rolul su n pstrarea puterii, n crearea miturilor. Alturi de revoluia comunist, a aprut i revoluia muzical. S-au cntat cntecele despre partizani, ale cror texte au fost create mai ales n timpul rzboiului, iar melodiile au fost preluate din rzboiul civil spaniol sau din Uniunea Sovietic, pentru ca mai trziu, din Iugoslavia sau din alte ri socialiste s fie exportate n Orientul ndeprtat, ca o hran pentru suflet a comunitilor vietnamezi sau nord-coreeni. Limba niciodat nu a fost o piedic.7 Astfel, spre exemplu, n timp ce partizanii au preluat de la sovietici melodia Po umama i gorama, cntecul partizanilor iugoslavi Drue, tvoja kua gori; neka, neka gori, ja ne mogu poi, nau borbu ostavit i-a gsit calea pn la lupttorii din Vietkong.8 Pe lng cntarea general a cntecelor de partizani la mitinguri, tafeta tinereii, aciunile de munc, un alt gen de muzic a atras un numr tot mai mare de asculttori. A fost vorba de jazz i rock and roll, care din mijlocul anilor aizeci au nceput s ocupe locul lor n societate. Atunci s-au prezentat Elipse, Bijele strijele, Crveni koralji. Dar cu timpul, rockerii au nceput s ating i alte teme de zi cu zi din via, pentru ca n anii 80 s critice toate anomaliile societii. Comunitii au renunat la lupt impotriva muzicii rock and roll, ca un gen american de muzic. Ei au decis s accepte i s foloseasc acest gen muzical, care a avut o influen mare asupra tineretului, care nu numai c nu a crescut n timpul rzboiului, ci
Despre filmul despre partizani, mai mult la Darko Gavrilovi, Jugoslovenski partizanski film u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji danas i nekad., The Croatian Serbian Cooperation in Politics and Culture in the 20th Century, CHDR, Novi Sad 2010, pp.29-48. 8 Aceast informaie am aflat-o de la istoricul croat Igor Graovac de la Institutul Croat de Istorie (cruia i mulumesc pentru aceast informaie) .
7

nici nu s-a nscut n timpul acela. Dei rock and roll a reprezentat un bunt social, comunitii au reuit s ncorporeze n el mesajele de Unitate i frie, s srbtoreasc revoluia, mitul despre partizani, despre Tito i fidelitatea fa de propria-i patrie. Primul angajament politic important al unui muzician de rock s-a ntmplat n anul 1971, chiar n timpul Micrii de mas din Croaia (Maspok), cnd pe postul de televiziune din Belgrad a aprut trupa Corni (Korni grupa), interpretnd melodia etrdesetprva, versurile fiind scrise de Branko opi, scriitorul legendar, pe tema unui erou necunoscut al luptei populare de eliberare. Cntecul a trebuit s le aminteasc tinerilor despre nceputul revoluiei, s dezvolte mai puternic mitul despre partizani, spotul muzical n care s-au putut vedea srm ghimpat i bandulierele de mitraliere a fost de mare folos scopului propus.9 Totui, dac nu cea mai mare, atunci cea mai sentimental i cea mai bine, pn n ziua de azi, memorizat contribuie trupei Korni, la dezvoltarea miturilor despre partizani, a fost balada Ivo Lola, pentru prima dat prezentat n anul 1973. Ea a fost dedicat eroului naional Ivo Lola Ribar, legendarului lider al tineretului comunist din Iugoslavia. i ceilali interprei, ns nu din lumea muzicii rock, au contribuit la pstrarea statului i la continuarea miturilor de partizani. Printre cei mai importani a fost Zdravko oli, trupa Ambasadorii, Lepa Brena i ore Balaevi, care puin mai trziu a renunat la hitul su despre aciunile de munc i de la adunrile de mas ale tineretului - Raunajte na nas. Nu ar trebui s fie uitat c dintre toate elementele miturilor tipice din comunism, cultul personal al lui Tito a fost accentuat prea mult n raport cu celelalte elemente ale religiei titoismului. Totui, greeala a fost a analitilor Iugoslaviei socialiste, din vest, precum i a unei pri a oamenilor de tiin moderni din ar, din cauz c au exagerat n accentuarea cultului lui Tito, pentru ca totul s mearg n direcia acestui Balcan Strongman, ca i cum el ar fi fost unica surs a legitimitii naiunii. Analiznd, astfel, Iugoslavia, analitii din vest i-au ajutat pe naionalitii localnici, dintre care unii i n ziua de azi sunt acei oameni de tiin care sunt pregtii n acelai mod s-l analizeze pe Tito. Tot ceea ce s-a referit la persoana i la faptele liderului iubit, Josip Broz Tito, a fost mistificat i mitologi9

zat. Venirea lui Tito n fruntea partidului, aciunile lui n culise, pentru a elimina oponenii sau concurenii, de asemenea au fost acoperite cu vlul unei mistificri puternice. Rolul lui Tito n Rzboiul de eliberare naional, ofensive mari i aparent decizii geniale militare, toate acestea, cu un machiaj ideologic i cu o retuare, au fost politic strnse i puse n conformitate cu ordinul ideologic, astfel ca nimic s nu mpiedice versiunea idilic a istoriei partidului. Dezvoltarea de dup rzboi, conflictul cu Stalin, Golgota de la insula Goli otok, introducerea autoguvernrii muncitorilor, nfiinarea micrii nealiniailor, flirtul constant cu Vestul, modificrile constituionale, Legea muncii asociate, curirea mare a partidului (schimbarea lui Rankovi, micarea n mas din Croaia - Maspok, liberalii din Serbia i alii), toate acestea sunt evenimente care au fost organizate astfel ca s armonizeze imagina realitii socialiste a partidului, respectiv rolul de nenlocuit i inconfundabil al lui Josip Broz n ea.10 Miturile despre Tito au construit o literatur imens. Pn la nceputul anilor 80 ai secolului trecut, au fost publicate 117 de cri despre viaa lui, n care s-au srbtorit peste msur viaa i faptele sale. Despre el s-a cntat, a constituit loc moral de jurmnt n coli, la aciunile de munc ale tineretului. Monografiile dedicate lui Tito erau n numr impresionant.11 Bineneles, Tito nu a fost unicul separat i srbtorit. ntregul partid comunist al Iugoslaviei, respectiv mai trziu Uniunea Comunitilor din Iugoslavia, a fost un uria. Ca oameni cu caliti deosebite, noi am spune oameni alei, comunitii a trebuit s devin un exemplu pentru ceilali ceteni i s nu separe viaa lor public de cea privat. Pregtrile pentru o eventual aderare la Uniunea Comunitilor din Iugoslavia i stabilirea printre cei alei, au nceput deja n coala general, cnd copiii clasei nti erau primii n organizaia de pionieri.12 Cnd este vorba despre mituri cu privire la inamici, pe care Iugoslavia socialist le avea nu un numr mic, de la capitaliti din Vest pn la comuniti din Est, peste inamicul intern care a fost ideologic inacceptabil, apoi inamicul din rndurile sale care a greit ideologic, ar trebui s inem cont de faptul c comunitii iugoslavi s-au rzboit n modul cel mai sever cu bisericile, pentru c ele nu erau bine protejate, n afar de o poziie puin mai bun cu puin mai trziu a bisericii
Pasaj dup Lj. Despotovi, n cartea Mitovi epohe sociajlizma, CHDR, Novi Sad 2010, p. 19,20. 11 Sran ljuki, isto, str. 39. 12 Ibidem, p. 53.
10

Dup Vjekoslav Perica din Labui pjev civilne religije titoizma. Conferina internaionl Relaiile croato-srbe; colaborare politic i cultural, Golubi 2010, n tipar.

romano-catolice, i aceasta doar din cauz c sediul ei a fost n afara rii, la Vatican. n confrunrile cu biserica, conducerea comunist iugoslav s-a condus dup modelul sovietic. O lovitur n viaa spiritual au primit-o toate comunitile religioase din Iugoslavia. Dup preluarea puterii n anul 1945, Partidul Comunist al Iugoslaviei imediat a nceput procesul adoptrii de Legi, care au schimbat relaiile de proprietare, neateptnd nici alegerile pentru Adunarea constituant. Astfel, Partidul Comunist al Iugoslaviei, dorind, practic, s realizeze lozinca pmntul - ranilor, a nceput elaborarea Legii privind reforma agrar i colonizarea. Legea a fost adoptat deja pe data de 3 august n anul 1945, i aceasta la nivel federal. n conformitate cu aceast atitudine, Partidul comunist al Iugoslaviei a cerut exproprierea pmntului aflat n proprietatea bisericii, lund n calcul un anumit maximum.13 Autoritile comuniste au fost contiente c reforma agrar va duce la conflictele cu comunitile religioase, i de aceea au depus eforturi s pregteasc publicul ct mai bine pentru realizarea planului, astfel atacnd n ntreaga mass-media bisericile ca inamici, folosind atunci mitul de inamic aproape n acelai mod precum comunitii sovietici. Comunitii iugoslavi au prevzut precis c cel mai mare sprijin l vor primi de la rnimea srac, pentru c ei erau cei mai pregtii s cear pmntul , indiferent de faptul dac el a fost n proprietarea unui mare proprietar sau a comunitilor religioase.14 Desigur c Legea provocat nemulumirile i protestele comunitilor religioase, iar printre ele, cele mai afectate au fost Biserica Ortodox Srb i Biserica Romano-Catolic. La nemulumirile i protestele n scris, Partidul Comunist al Iugoslaviei a rspuns, folosind ntreaga mass-media disponibil, paralel dezvoltnd mitul despre inamic. Precum s-au strduit bisericile cretine n Uniunea Sovietic, n asemenea mod au fost atacate, nbuite i proprietatea li s-a confiscat n Iugoslavia. Pe teritoriul Voivodinei, au fost expropriate, de la biserici i mnstiri, 679 de proprieti - 128.912 de jugre.15 Dei aceste date subneleg prorpietile confiscate ale tuturor bisericilor pe teritoriul Voivodinei, Biserica Ortodox Srb i Bi13 M.Maticka, Agrarna reforma i kolonizacija u Hrvatskoj 1945-1948, Zagreb 1990, str. 20, u Miroslav Akmadza, Provedba agrarne reforme na crkvenim posjedima u Pakrakom dekanatu 19451948, zbornik Povijesni Zbornik, br. 1 i 2, Osijek 2006/2007, str.167. 14 M.Maticka, nd, str.44. 15 AV.F.185.a.j.7. U knjizi N. Petrovi,nd,str.218.

serica Romano-Catolic, cele mai mari i cele mai bogate, au suferit cele mai mari pagube. Din cele menionate, este clar c comunitii iugoslavi s-au condus n conformitate cu exemplul tovarilor lor sovietici. Indiferent de ct de dedicai au fost comunitii n lupta mpotriva bisericii, pe cel de-al doileainamic nu l-au vzut. Era vorba de un naionalism n cretere. Extinderea lui nu a venit numai de la emigrri politice i naionaliti, ci i de la un numr tot mai mare al membrilor Uniunii Comunitilor, care au aderat n partid din interes, i care, datorit presiunii crizei economice, tot mai mult au revenit la protejarea intereselor republicilor proprii, ceea ce treptat a dus la separatism. ara au nceput s-o divizeze i din interior, dar i din afar. Situaia au ngreunat-o, cadrul ncrcat i incapabil de conducere al Armatei populare iugoslave, organizaiile strine de securitate, precum i politicienii strini, care au profitat de nenorocirea iugoslav. n urma spargerii Republicii Socialiste Federative Iugoslavia, n rile fostei Iugoslavii, mai ales n Croaia i Serbia, revizionitii au ncercat s reabiliteze nu numai colaboratorii cu ocupantul, ci i ideologiile. Totodat, cu aciunile de purificare etnic din anii 90 ai secolului trecut au fost eliminate i simbolurile antifascismului i ale erei socialiste. Abia astzi, n cel de-al doilea deceniu al secolului al 21-lea, monumentele antifasciste se revitalizeaz ncet, i aceasta datorit politicianilor i istoricilor, care sunt sincer de partea antifascismului. Titoism, mituri de partizani despre un popor invincibil, precum i despre o ar mare, care nu mai exist, s-au mutat n alte sfere i pn n ziua de azi triesc n culturi diferite de memorie i nostalgii. Peste tot n religie, mitologia de partizani nu i-a pstrat statutul nici aproape celui din trecut, dar nici msura de pietate, pe care, n rile europene, tradiia antifascist le pstreaz. Astzi, n pofida eforturilor unor politicieni, n regiune cu succes supravieuiete naionalismul i toat ura este direcionat spre cel care nu aparine naiunii dominante i pe care a purtat-o n sine ntotdeauna cu success. Numai pe alocuri apare iugonostalgia, care ar putea fi explicat ca fenomen i care a aprut odat cu dizolvarea Iugoslaviei. Ea este consecina unui numr mai mare a schimbrilor sociale, care au afectat rile fostei Iugoslavii, dar este limitat n general la indivizi sau grupruri mai mici, care i-au petrecut cea mai mare parte a vieii n Republica Socialist Federativ Iugoslavia - SFRJ, considernd-o pozitiv i fericit n raport cu perioada rzboiului i cu incertitudinile economice, care au aprut ncepnd cu anul 1991.

Summary Yugoslavian Patriotic Mythology 1945-1990 The article deals with the problem of the place and the role of Yugoslav patriotic mythology in socialist Yugoslavia. Within a larger theme, that of analyzing civil religion in communist Yugoslavia, this article analyses some segments of this phenomenon related to political myths of socialism new heroes, leader cult, partisan movies and rock music. Based on these facts, it becomes clear that Yugoslav communists have been guided by their Soviet comrades. The past was ideologically adapted, so that the degree of consciousness of the Christian world was suppressed. A justification was the fact that new codes of communication were found, that tended to explain the world around people (an important characteristic of myths) by messages and morale, which used examples from the period 1941-1945, with the unique system of political and ideological ideas and with testaments that gave the party its authority, presenting it naturally as if it had evolved from the historical process begun in 1941. Key words: Yugoslavia, myth, ideology, socialism, communities.

10. Perica Vjekoslav, Labui pjev civilne religije titoizma, The Croatian Serbian Cooperation in Politics and Culture in the 20th Century, CHDR, Novi Sad 2010. 11. Peri Dimo, Crkveno pravo, Beograd 1999. 12. Petrovi Neboja, Politika na selu 1945-1950, odnos vlasti prema selu u Vojvodini, Novi Sad 2009. 13. Ramet Sabrina, The three Yugoslavias: state-building and legitimation, 1918-2005., Washington, DC : Woodrow Wilson Center Press; Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2006. 14. Stefanovi Jovan, Odnos izmeu crkve i drave, Zagreb 1953, str.142. 15. ivojinovi Dragoljub, Srpska pravoslavna crkva i nova vlast 1944-1950, Srbinje, Beograd, Valjevo, Minhen 1998.

Din periodice Borba, 19.06 1945 Borba, 18.11 1945 Narodne novine, br.21, 18.rujna 1945
Traducere de Vladimir Mitrovici

Bibliografie
1. Akmada Miroslav, Provedba agrarne reforme na crkvenim posjedima u Pakrakom dekanatu 19451948, zbornik Povijesni Zbornik, br. 1 i 2, Osijek 2006/2007 2. Bondi Dragomir, Prosveta i nauka u Srbiji i Jugoslaviji 1945-1990, Istorija 20.veka Srbi i Jugoslavija 1918-1991, Beograd 2/2008 3. Gavrilovi Darko, Zatoenici mitova nacionalizma i komunizma svet i Jugoslavija, Kairos, Sr. Karlovci 2010, str.119. 4. Gavrilovi Darko, Jugoslovenski partizanski film u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji danas i nekad., The Croatian Serbian Cooperation in Politics and Culture in the 20th Century, CHDR, Novi Sad 2010 5. Grupa autora: Mitovi epohe scoijalizma, Novi Sad 2009 6. Ljubojev Petar, Evropski film i drutveno nasilje, Matica srpska Prosveta, Novi Sad 1995. 7. Markovi Predrag, The Imagination of the WWII, Resistance and Collaboration in Yugoslav and Serbian Visual Media, u zborniku Shared History, Seville 2008 8. Milievi Nataa, Stvaranje nove tradicije: praznici i proslave u Srbiji 1944-1950, Tokovi istorije, br.4, Beograd 2007. 9. Perica Vjekoslav, Balkanski idoli. Religija i nacionalizam u jugoslovenskim dravama. Prevele s engleskog, Slobodanka Glii i Slavica Mileti, Beograd, Biblioteka XX vek 2006. , II svezak.

Ioana-Iulia Olaru

GRAFFITI ART SAU NON-ART?

olaruioana2004@yahoo.com ...Sau o form de manifestare vizual foarte controversat, n care cele dou aspecte se pot ntlni? Dei termenul este propriu mai ales secolului XX fenomenul fiind aprut o dat cu urbanizarea postbelic puternic1 , graffiti (provenind din grecescul graphein, a scrie) denumea n Antichitate semnele gsite mai ales n Grecia i n ntreg Imperiul Roman, la Pompeii, Roma (catacombe, Domus Aurea a lui Nero), Tivoli (Villa lui Hadrianus)2, Ephesus, dar i n Egipt3, scrijelite (atunci) pe ziduri de cldiri, de ruine, de morminte4. i atunci, ca i acum, scopul era n primul rnd de a aduce la cunotina interesailor diferite informaii, sub form de mesaje stradale scrise sau desenate. Constituia un mijloc de comunicare, aadar. n general, n Antichitate erau reclame, njurturi, proteste mpotriva politicienilor vremii, declaraii de dragoste, citate literare, caricaturi. ntre timp, motivaiile producerii graffiti-ului s-au mbogit, viznd ns tot publicul, rmne o manifestare public, deschis spre ceilali, doar c acum se completeaz cu necesitatea recunoaterii i a consolidrii prestigiului (bandei sau membrului n band) (un stil artistic sau altul fcnd diferena), cu exteriorizarea problemePentru amnunte, vezi Cosmin Paulescu, Grafitti, in Marilena Preda Sanc (ed.), Arta n spaiul public, Bucureti, 2007, p.83/95. 2 Dar i n America Central (site-ul maya Tikal Guatemala). Cf. Jane Turner (coord.), The Dictionary of Art, vol.13, New York, GroveDictionaries, p.269, s.v. graffiti. 3 Cosmin Paulescu, op. cit., p.85. 4 Poate tot un fel de graffiti sunt i picturile rupestre din peterile paleolitice, omul primitiv (cel talentat, desigur) realiznd picturile, desenele, scrijeliturile (prin diferite tehnici, inclusiv prin suflarea culorii ca n cazul sprayului folosit n graffiti!) pentru informarea celorlali membri ai tribului asupra animalului pe care el l cunotea i ceilali nu, sau n cadrul ritualurilor vntoreti.
1

lor de identificare sau de auto-negare, cu personalizarea unui spaiu lipsit de individualitate, cu dorina aproprierii acelui spaiu (n continuare urban, dar transformat, prin graffiti, din spaiu public n spaiu privat) sau doar ca simpl manifestare a unui talent artistic. Graffiti-ul bandelor este unul dintre genurile cele mai rspndite, n care apartenena membrului la o comunitate, la un grup, se completeaz cu marcarea limitelor teritoriale ale grupului. Dar i graffiti-ul politic este un exemplu tipic, ivit ca mijloc de comunicare a unor grupuri politice mai mult sau mai puin legale, mai mult sau mai puin revoltate, care utilizeaz, ca i primul tip (graffiti-ul bandelor), elemente de subcultur. Manipularea ns este o constant i face parte n continuare din strategia acestui gen de comunicare vizual anonim, i poate de aceea, mai puternic dect n cazul interaciunii directe. O comunicare anonim dar i ilegal deopotriv. Oricum, aceast problem, a ilegalitii, a vandalismului este i ea foarte controversat. n general, suprafeelesuport nu aparin realizatorului graffiti-ului, astfel nct intervenia asupra lor, dac este fcut fr consimmntul proprietarului, nu poate fi considerat dect o infraciune, pedepsit, ce-i drept, n grade diferite (amenzi, n general). i acest lucru pentru c i gradele de agresiune vizual sunt destul de variate. Iar o dat cu apariia unui alt gen de graffiti, graffiti art, problema capt conotaii noi, suprafaa vandalizat nemaireclamnd o reparaie att de urgent i ...obligatorie. nii artitii sau... artitii se situeaz pe niveluri diferite: de la aa-numiii artiti ai strzii5, autori care rmn anonimi sau a cror tag6-uri nu reflect
n anul 1973, sociologul Hugo Martinez, profesor la City College din New York, promoveaz graffiti-ul nfiinnd Uniunea Artitilor de Graffiti i organiznd expoziii. http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Graffiti 6 Semntura scriitorului, adesea reprezentat ntr-un stil stilizat exagerat. Cf. Jane Turner, op. cit., p.270.
5

10

numele lor reale, ci sunt porecle, pseudonime7 la artiti sau grupuri de artiti de diferite niveluri. nsi arta graffiti poate ajunge de la simple notaii la lucrri complexe numite piece (de la cuvntul masterpiece) i chiar la lucrri aparinnd unor artiti profesioniti, cum ar fi Keith Haring, pictor care s-a orientat spre arta destinat locurilor publice, cu lucrri cu personaje stilizate8, prezent n circuitul galeriilor de art i pe piaa de art, cutat de colecionarii americani, care a dobndit recunoatere internaional prin stilul su influenat de opera lui Andy Warhol. Sau Jean-Michel Basquiat, influenat de arta lui Dubuffet, care a parcurs drumul invers, de la autor ilegal de graffiti stradal (SAMO era pseudonimul su), la pictura de tablouri i colaborarea cu artiti newyorkezi precum Andy Warhol, Francesco Clemente, Keith Haring i Kenny Sharf9. Tehnica obinerii unui graffiti este i ea foarte variat, de la scrijeleli cu dalta, la pictura cu sprayul-vopsea foarte potrivit datorit rapiditii cu care poate fi manevrat oricnd i oriunde, pulverizarea coninutul su necesitnd un timp extrem de scurt, precum i datorit facilitilor care in de dimensiunile sale mici, fapt ce-l face foarte uor de transportat i, mai ales, de ascuns. n acelai timp, sprayul este un instrument suficient de ofertant n ceea ce privete obinerea rafinamentului liniei, dar i a savorii clarboscurului. Dar orice instrument i material sunt, mai nou, folosite: peria, markerul, degetul, creta cerat ntr-o er post-graffiti10, inovatoare i eliberat de tradiii-

Il. 1

le clasice. La fel, i suprafaa-suport s-a extins de la ziduri de cldiri la ui i ferestre, perei de garaje, toalete publice, staii de metrou, obloanele protectoare din metal ale tonetelor, monumente, stlpi, scri de blocuri, vagoane, maini. i, la rigoare, chiar pnza tratat a pictorului, atunci cnd graffiti-ul are atingere cu arta. Dar, n general, numitorul comun este o tehnic, un material, un instrument ct mai uor i rapid de manevrat, toate cu aplicabilitate n spaiul public.

Il. 2 Unul dintre primii writers (scriitori) a fost Cornbread din Philadelphia, care i-a pictat semntura pe un elefant de la zoo. Cf. Nicholas Ganz, Graffiti. Arta strzii pe cinci continente, Bucureti, Ed. Vellant, 2004, p.8. 8 Patricia Friede R. Carrassat, Isabelle Marcade, Curente n pictur, Oradea, Ed. Aquila 93, 2001, p. 210. 9 http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Graffiti 10 Nicholas Ganz, op. cit., p.7.
7

Il. 3

Aadar, aproape totul n cazul acestui fenomen se situeaz ntr-o sfer foarte larg, variind ntre dou extreme.

11

Il. 4

Il. 6

Cert este ns existena acum n cultura urban a acestei forme de manifestare vizual, n complexitatea ei, care iese din anonimat i marginalizare, practicanii si fiind uneori recunoscui de publicul interesat sau chiar fiind artiti profesioniti. Cert este i importarea culturii hip-hop new-yorkeze (creia i aparine i graffiti-ul) i de ctre rile europene11 i nu numai12, printre care i Romnia postdecembrist. La nceput erau la noi nume de formaii, apoi, treptat, i crew-uri (grupuri de artiti). Dup 1990, fenomenul graffiti cunoate o oarecare dezvoltare n diferite orae mari ale rii, printre care i oraul Iai, urmrind elementele caracteristice ale graffiti-ului american al anilor 70. A ajuns s fac parte din cultura urban, oferind o experien vizual aparte, animnd i nviornd spaii uneori neateptate, impactul asupra spectatorilor strzii fiind de diverse grade, n funcie de mentaliti, de la admiraie spontan, la respingerea la fel de prompt. Formele acestei exprimri vizuale sunt i ele foarte multe i deosebite ntre ele: diverse inscripii, mai mult (il.1) sau mai puin elaborate (il.2), cu abunden de jocuri (il.3) (toate trei imaginile de

Il. 7

Il. 8

Il. 5
11 La Paris, lucrri de stencil, fr legtur cu micarea hiphop, existau dinainte de graffiti-ul american. Ibidem, p.126. 12 Dar, desigur, fenomenul cuprinde ntreaga lume. Ibidem, p.329 i urm., pentru amnunte i imagini.

12

Il. 9

Il. 10

mai sus provin din Str. Cuza-Vod) sau nu (il.4) (zona Carrefour Market Hala Central). Stilul artistic poate fi impresionant uneori, cu linii rotunjite (il.5) (Str. Cuza Vod) sau angulare (il.6) (pasaj, P-a Unirii), cu efecte de lumin-umbr (il.7) (zona P-a Independenei) i de tridimensionalitate (il.8) (Str. Cuza-Vod). Dar ntlnim i desene ilustratoare ale unui anumit mesaj (il.9) (zona Carrefour Market Hala Central), compoziii mai ample (il.10) (zona Ttrai) sau realizri cu ablonul (tehnica stencil) (il.11) (Str. Cuza-Vod). Nu lipsete nici pictura profesionist cu sprayul (il.12, 13) (cartierul Ttrai), (pe lng picturile pe calcanele blocurilor din cadrul proiectului de modernizare a cartierelor, iniiat de Asociaia (de artiti profesioniti) Vector). De asemenea, chiar tipurile de manifestri se extind de la notaii rapide i clandestine, la manifestri orga-

Il. 12

nizate pentru ncurajarea artei urbane: evenimente, concursuri, expoziii, ca cea de la supermarketul Carrefour Era Shopping Park, din 2010 (un proiect mai amplu, care implica i muzic i streetdance), sau cea stradal de zilele trecute (il.14, 15, Str. Lpuneanu, fotografii fcute n data de 27 mai 2012), care implic stu-

Il. 11

Il. 13

13

Il. 14

Il. 18

Nimic nu scap minii artitilor, inventndu-se stiluri noi, creativitatea regsindu-se i n acest tip de exprimare care permite imaginaiei jocuri nesfrite: (...) spontaneitatea primei afirmaii i firescul unui gest se transform n formul recognoscibil i transmisibil ntr-un cod nescris al practicanilor13.
Il. 15

Bibliografie
1. Preda-Sanc, Marilena, Arta urban contemporan, Bucurei, Ed. UNARTE, 2008 2. Preda Sanc (ed.), Marilena, Arta n spaiul public, Bucureti, 2007 3. Friede R. Carrassat, Patricia, Marcade, Isabelle, Curente n pictur, Oradea, Ed. Aquila 93, 2001 4. Ganz, Nicholas, Graffiti. Arta strzii pe cinci continente, Bucurei, Ed. Vellant, 2004 5. Turner, Jane (coord.), The Dictionary of Art, vol.13, New York, GroveDictionaries 6. http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Graffiti

deni i elevi provenii de la diverse licee i faculti (nu doar cele cu profil artistic). Galerii comerciale sprijin diferite asociaii care susin micri underground.

Summary Graffitti Art or Non-Art?

Il. 16 Il. 17

14

Spaiile folosite sunt i ele dintre cele mai variate: de la ziduri de cldiri, nlimile la care sunt amplasate fiind n general cele uor accesibile privirii trectorului, dar sunt i excepii, il.16, 17(detaliu) (zona P-a Independenei) , la pasaje subterane, ganguri, tonete (il.18) (zona P-a Independenei).

Sometimes art, sometimes just a street event, graffiti has always declared intention to interact with the public. In the first place, to present authors talent and then to display his personal opinions, to personalize dull or even unaesthetic spaces. Gang graffiti, political graffiti, graffiti art influenced urban life, even in Romania, and sometimes subliminally manipulates viewers. Keywords: graffiti, subculture, spray, tag, crew, stencil
13 Marilena Preda-Sanc, Arta urban contemporan, Bucureti, Ed. UNARTE, 2008, p.105.

Dubravka Vali - Nedeljkovi

Reality show-ul ca divertisment popular i/ sau promovarea comportamentului discriminatoriu prin acceptarea de roluri. Studiu de caz: Seria srbeasca Ferma 3
dnvalic@gmail.com 1. Introducere Definirea formatului Reality show Reality show sau programul de tip reality, mai cunoscut n terminologia anglo-saxon ca programul factual de televiziune (factual TV) se poate defini ca un program de televiziune faptic, acela prin care auditoriului i se transmite, fr intervenie, o parte a lumii reale. Aceasta ar trebui s subneleag faptul c un minut al evenimentului este egal cu un minut al programului difuzat; acesta se petrece doar la baz. Esenial, aceasta este transmisiunea n direct a lumii pseudo-reale. Deci, n conformitate cu aceasta este pseudo-evenimentul creat de o Producie mass-media pentru participaniicompetitori, care prin auto-prezentarea ncurajeaz publicul ca prin votri s le asigure victoria, pentru c ea determin i un premiu financiar mare. Aceast lume complicat a pseudo-realitii rezist numai din cauz c este inclus n mod activ i auditoriul datorit tehnologiilor digitale (Vali Nedeljkovi 2011a, 2011b). ntr-o relaie de triad producia-participanii din reality-publicul fiecare dintre actorii triadei are scopul su i pentru a-l realiza fiecare joac jocul su. Obiectivul produciei este ca n cadrul unui reality show s inventeze un format care va duce la o audien ct mai mare, pentru c aceasta asigur evaluarea mai bun n ceea ce privete programul de publicitate, iar prin aceasta - i venituri mai bune din publicitate. Pentru partcipanii la un reality, scopul este popularitatea care contribuie la cucerirea premiului mare n bani. Pentru a atinge acest scop, ei definesc imagina sa prin faptul, potrivit prerilor, publicul proiectat/ presupus ar recunoate comportamentul valoros, nu ca pe un model, ci pentru a cuceri premiul. Cel de-al treilea element al triadei este auditoriul. Obiectivul telespectatorilor (auditoriului) unui reality show este s se distreze fr niciun fel de angajment ateptat de la un public creativ (Vali Nedeljkovi 2011 a). Se mulumete cu divertismentul popular, ceea ce se subnelege numai includerea n reality show, prin intermediul mesajelor SMS, i astfel, n mod direct, s influeneze asupra destinului participanilor din show. Publicul face aceasta fr nici o nevoie personal ca s ia decizia pe baza unor criterii clare, a regulilor formatului, respectiv conform valorilor sociale ncurajatoare, care ar putea influena n mod educaional asupra unui auditoriu mai larg. Auditoriul este aparent creatorul activ al show-ului, avnd iluzia c de reacia fiecrui individ depinde deznodmntul final. n acelai timp auditoriul, prin mesajele de tip SMS pe care le trimite, se include n reality show pe sine nsui i viaa sa particular. Ceea ce-l motiveaz este transmiterea n mod direct i fr cenzur la un post de televiziune, prin burtiera din partea de jos a ecranului sau pe site-urile fanilor de reality pe Internet, respectiv printr-un comentariu asupra textelor din presa on-line de zi cu zi. Astfel, auditoriul pentru scurt timp, trece din sfera privat n cea public i mparte spaiul i timpul mass-media cu participanii show-ului de tip reality, care sunt, de multe ori, vedetele lumii show-biz-ului, ale spectacolului, deci promotorii aceluiai divertisment popular. Ele sunt indisponibile unei audiene medii n viaa real, astfel este o provocare cel puin pentru scurt timp s se influeneze asupra destinului lor, mcar n programul de tip reality, stimulentul fiind suficient pentru a participa. Muli autori (Cohen J, Weiman G, Glynn, K, Hill, A, Hillard, R.L, Holmes, Sue and Jermy Deborah, Kraidy M. Marwan and Ketherine Sender) au definit formatul

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triadei controversate i aceasta din mai multe puncte de vedere. Ceea ce s-ar putea extrage ca un numitor comun, este: a) realitatea creat de ctre Producia, care impune participanilor anumite roluri; b) partcipanii n mod voluntar au acceptat roluri impuse de Producie i s interpretarea lor sub supraveghere video timp de 24 ore; c) partcipanii care, n mod suplimentar, fiecare dintre ei i alege rolul prin care i vor ntrece pe ceilali i vor cuceri premiul; d) partcipanii care sunt cel mai des persoanele VIP, dar i oameni obinuii (competitori) pui ntro situaie creat, complex i controversat; e) publicul care poate influena asupra destinului lor; f) toatet aceseta parial n direct, iar parial montat pentru difuzarea amnat, dar n ambele cazuri fr cenzur, se transmite la un post de televiziune. Acest element mijlocitor al relaiei de triad producia-participanii din reality-publicul este subiectul analizei n aceast lucrare. Istoria formatului de tip reality show nceputurile programului de tip reality sunt n legtur strns cu anul 1940 i cu difuzarea emisiunii autorului Alan Hant, intitulat Camera ascuns Camera adevrat. Prima expansiune, ns, a venit odat cu anii nouzeci ai secolului XX-lea prin serialele populare Big Brother i Survivor. Programul de tip reality, folosind senzaionalismul pentru a atrage telespectatori i pentru a profita de veniturile aduse de publicitate, deseori prezint o realitate regizat i schimbat. Participanii n astfel de program sunt expui situaiilor i locaiilor neobinuite, ncurajai foarte des prin influene externe: ei sun filmai cum reacioneaz, lucreaz i funcioneaz n timpul n care iluzia se menine prin regizarea i montarea foarte precis (Murray, Susan, and Laurie Ouellette 2004:35). Pentru a cuceri premii mari n bani, participanii sunt pregtii pentru acest scop - s construiasc un stil controversat al comprtamentului, al relaiilor cu ceilali participani, precum s-a menionat, s joace joculpentru a oca auditoriul, s difere de ceilali, s fie observai i recunoscui nu numai prin imagina pozitiv, ci mai ales prin cea negativ. n genurile de baz ale programelor de tip reality sunt incluse, printre altele, i urmtoarele formate: stilul documentar (Victorian Farm, Colonial House: 1628, Plymuth Colony, The 1940s House, The 1900 House)

competiii i jocuri (Survivor, Ferma) transformarea personalitii (Schimbul de soie) transformarea obiectivelor (Aciunea de munc, experimente sociale (Kids Nation) programul de tip reality de dragoste (Nunta n 48 camera ascuns (Camera ascuns@TV Pink) programul de tip talk-show (Momentul adevrului) programe despre supranatural (Young Witches of
Salem) Programul de tip reality, Ferma, a aprut n Suedia n anul 2001, ca produs al unei case de producie, Strix, n anumite ri a fost realizat n producia casei olandeze Endemol, care a devenit cunoscut prin difuzarea show-ului Big Brother. Formatul original a fost difuzat pn n anul 2004, cnd a fost preluat de un numr mare de ri. Aparine categoriei de competiii i jocuri. Spre deosebire de Serbia, unde Ferma a fost difuzat semianual, n rile menionate s-a difuzat un serial la fiecare doi sau trei ani. n peste treizeci de ri, n total au fost 52 de nvingtori al acestui program de tip reality1. Pe lng formatul VIP, n alte ri s-au difuzat i seriale ale Fermei cu persoane necunoscute, respectiv cu persoane de diverse profiluri sau oameni obinuii. Interesant este i c Ferma n celelalte ri nu a atins popularitatea celorlalte programe de tip reality, iar n 2011, numai cinci ri au anunat noi seriale Bulgaria, Brazilia, Republica Dominican, Norvegia i Germania. Cel de-al doilea sezon al programului de tip reality Ferma Serbia, n medie a fost vizionat de circa trei milioane de oameni, iar n unele seri acest numr a crescut la cinci sau ase milioane. La mijlocul lunii mai 2010, audiena Fermei a depit tot ceea ce a nregistrat ratingul n anul 2002, atunci cnd Agenia AGB Nielsen Media Research i-a nceput afacerile sale n Serbia. Cercetarea audienei a artat c Ferma este una dintre 10 cele mai vizionate emisiuni TV n Serbia (Taboo 44, mart 2011. str.65-67). n cursul celor trei luni de difuzare al celui de-al treilea serial de tip reality n Serbia, n total 30 de participani (cntrei, politicieni, modele, acrtie, scriitoare, ziariti) au avut ocazia s lupte pentru premiul principal care s-a estimat la 100 de mii de euro. Pe lng suma principal, toi participanii au primit bani pentru fiecare zi petrecut pe proprietatea de la Lisovi. Suma de bani, stabili1

Renovarea casei) de ore)

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Data preluat de pe site-ul http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ The_Farm_(TV_series).

t n contractul anterior semnat, a variat n funcie de popularitatea participantului. n timpul colectrii eantionului la Ferma 3, au participat 18 persoane. Postul de televiziune Pink, prin difuzarea vreme de trei luni a Fermei 3, a preluat o mare parte a profitului de marketing, care pe piaa srb se estimeaz la 80 de milioane de euro anual (este mprit ntre 7 posturi de televiziune naionale, 26 de posturi regionale, 186 de posturi locale i 200 posturi de televiziune prin cablu). Se apreciaz c profitul anual al postului de televiziune Pink este ntre 30 i 35 de milioane de euro, n timp ce Serviciul Public, Radio Televiziunea Serbiei are 22 milioane2. Datele menionate analizeaz de ce posturile de televiziune achiioneaz licenele formatelor de tip reality, respectiv de ce creeaz i formatele proprii. Pentru ca triada s poate funciona, nu poate lipsi niciun actor, nici nu se poate permite ca fiecare dintre ei s nu joace jocul/rolul corespunztor care asigur profit pe o pia foarte slab de mass/media din Serbia, indiferent de faptul dac aceasta se poate considera de bun-gust sau de divertisment popular. Explicnd fenomenul, cunoscutul scriitor i bloggerul cotidianului Danas, Svetislav Basara (Danas 19.02.2011) evideniaz: Iat-m, din nou mi arunc privirea n globul de cristal i susin c: nu va trece niciun an, i vom viziona n Ferme, Safariuri altei asemenea show-uri transmisiuni directe de acte sexuale. Cu o not: Decadena roman era, totui, puin mai elegant. Dei poporul roman i Senatul au tolerat bacanalele din acelai motiv ca elita noastr - pentru cretinizarea i pacificarea maselor situaia la Roma era mult mai bun, pn n momentul cnd barbarii au aprut la porile acestui ora. La noi este altfel, totul este, i n popor, i la senat, precum n aren, pardon - n Reality show. Kevin Glynn (2005:9), explicnd modelul televiziunii pe care-l numete media liber, ca o concuren la presa galben de senzaionalism, evideniaz c mass-media de tabloide produce aproape cu tot attea obsceniti i insulte, ct i satisfacii. 2. Scopul Scopul lucrrii este s arate ce tip de jocuri joac participanii pentru a cuceri voturile publicului, prin care i asigur posibila victorie i cucerirea marelui premiu, indiferent dac prin aceasta contribuie la kitschul divertismentului popular.
2

3. Ipoteza Ipoteza de baz a acestei lucrri este c participanii reality ai formatului Ferma 3 Serbia au insistat intenionat pe comportamente controversate i discriminatorii, pentru a se separa de alii i astfel pentru a cuceri ct mai multe din voturile publicului, oferindu-i divertismentul popular, care aparine culturii mixte de mass-media a kitsch-ului i a prostului-gust. Tolernd astfel de comportamente ale participanilor Produciilor Ferma 3 Serbia, n esen a ncurajat tipuri de comportament caracteristice pentru subcultur. 4. Metoda, corpusul i contextele3 4.1 Metoda n lucrare s-a folosit analiza cantitativ-calitativ critic a coninutului emisiunilor de televiziune, reality show-urilor Ferma 3 inclusiv, mesajele de tip SMS ale auditoriului. Pentru aceasta a fost n mod special creat un protocol de codificare. Metoda de baz este analiza critic a discursului mass-media, despre care Teun van Dijk (300) spune c ea include analiza relaiilor dintre discursurile puterii, al dominaiilor, al inegalitilor sociale i poziia analitilor discursului n astfel de circumstane sociale. Analitii discursului includ informaii contextuale n interpretarea rezultatelor obinute prin tehnica analizei cantitativ-calitative a coninutului, interpretndu-le din punct de vedere critic. Unitatea analizei a fost partea autonom, care a reprezentat o perioad de timp definit n cadrul materialului audio-vizual de eantioane i subnelege unitatea locului, actorilor i aciunilor. 4.2 Corpusul Au fost filmate i analizate coninuturile difuzate ale reality show-ului Ferma 3 n cursul unei zile ntre3

Data preluat de pe: http://www.politika.rs/rubrike/Tema-nedelje/Zasto-se-Srbiji-dogodila-Farma/Niske-strasti-podizu-gledanost.It.html.

n lucrare sunt prezentate rezultatele cercetrilor fcute n cadrul proiectului 47020 Tehnologii ale mediilor digitale i ale schimbrilor social/educaionale, finanat de ctre Ministerul nvmntului i tiinei al Republicii Serbia (2011-2014). La aceast cercetare au participat studenii DAS tiinele Comunicrii, Departamentul pentru Studiile Mass-media din cadrul Facultii de Filozofie din Novi Sad, n anul academic 2010/2011, n cadrul obiectului obligatoriu Analiza critic a discursului de media, coordonator profesor uiv. doctor Dubravka Vali nedeljkovi i lector univ. dr. doctor Dejan Pralica.

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gi. n totalitate, ase termeni n medie, stabilii zilnic cu o durat diferit (cel mai scurt a fost de 15 minute, iar cel mai lung, de 180) pe care televiziunea Pink le-a oferit auditoriului n perioada analizat ntre 28 noiembrie i 5 decembrie 2010, respectiv perioada ntre cea de-a 76-a zi i a 83-a a difuzrii Fermei 3. O parte reprezint transmisiuni n direct ale evenimenteler n reality show-ul Ferma 3, iar o parte este montajul celor mai interesante evenimente petrecute pe tot parcursul zilei sau a unei pri a zilei. Din eantion n total fac parte 40 de ore de material filmat (Vali Nedeljkovi 2011a : 298). Eantionul este codificat printr-un protocol n special creat pentru acesta (cuprinde 28 de categorii) pentru analiza cantitativ-calitativ a coninutului, ca instrumentul de baz pentru analiza discursului mass-media, metod de baz a cercetrii. 4.3 Contextualitatea 4.3.1 Reality show Ferma Serbia n satul Lisovi s-a construit ferma cu facilitile auxiliare ntr-un spaiu de aproximativ dou hectare. Facilitile auxiliare includ hambar, ateliere de lucru grdin, grajd, obor .a.m.d. cu 62 de animale, care au fost lsate la grija fermierilor (cnterei, politicieni, modele, actrie, scriitoare, jurnaliti), crora li s-au distribuit sarcini. Precum se spune pe site-ul oficial al Fermei: De cte ori v-ai gndit c viaa la ferm este mai uoar, mai simpl, mai fr griji. Credei c ntr-adevr este aa?4 Condiiile care au dominat activitile de la ferm au fost relativ grele i au simulat viaa fermierilor adevrai, din perioada de acum o sut de ani i chiar mai devreme. La ferm nu era curent, apa folosit era cea din fntn, participanii au dormit n paturi de lemn, au folosit o toalet veche, nu au dispus de hrtie igienic, alimentele au fost preponderent legume pe care le-au cultivat sau le-au primit ca premiu. la baz, ideea a fost stimulativ i pozitiv, pentru c a trebuit s ncurajeze auto-organizarea, soluionarea creativ a problemelor de echip, ntreinerea fermei n condiii grele, s se arate cum nivelul dezvoltrii tehnologice influeneaz n mod direct schimbrile sociale. ns Ferma 3, prin faptul c a nceput ntr-o perioad cnd nu sunt actuale lucrrile agricole, n centrul ateniei au pus nu munca i valorile care ca4

racterizeaz soluionarea creativ a problemelor, ci intriga, comportamentul controversat care nu poate fi un model pentru nimeni, precum i jocul de rol, scopul fiind mai ales manipularea i ocarea auditoriul, nu educarea lui. Reality Ferma a fost conceput astfel ca n fiecare sptmn s se aleag un Proprietar care-i alege doi servitori. Unul dintre servitori, care primete cele mai multe beioare, respectiv cele mai multe voturi ale celorlali fermieri, particip n duelul pentru eliminare, n timp ce al doilea candidat pentru eliminare este ales de public. Ei se lupt n aren, ntr-un test de cunotine sau de competene. nvingtorului i se dubleaz voturile publicului i acela care are mai multe voturi nvinge i rmne n cas. De asemenea, participanii primesc sarcinile sptmnale i zilnice, iar pentru fiecare sarcin bine ndeplinit cuceresc premiul i condiii mai bune de trai. Dimpotriv pentru fiecare sarcin nerealizat primesc pedepse, cel mai des acestea se manifest prin reducerea pachetelor de igri i a cantitii de alcool. 4.3.2 Pink International Company Pink International Company5 este corporaia particular de mass-media din care fac parte televiziunea comercial (TV Pink), postul de radio (Radio Pink) i complexul produciei de film (Pink Films International). A fost nfiinat n anul 1993, ca una dintre primele companii de mass-media n proprietatea privat. Din anul 1998, televiziunea Pink domin ratingul, realiznd 40-45 % din toate veniturile pieei de marketing n Serbia. Coninuturile la acest post de televiziune sunt dominant comerciale i nu se pot considera exemplu de bun-gust, ci mai ales al kitsch-ului. Analiza Participanii la show-ul Ferma 3, n total 30 (n perioada cnd a fost format eantionul acesta pentru cercetare au fost 18) au jucat trei roluri: primul este cel cu care au venit la ferm din lumea real, n care au avut anumite roluri sociale, conform crora au fost marcai apartenenii sferei VIP, create potrivit modelului de cultur a mass-media mixte TV Pink; cel de-al doilea este acel care le-a fost menit prin formatul reality show-ului Ferma 3 i benevol l-au
5

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RTV Pink Viaa la ferm (disponibil la http://farma.rtvpink.com/?strana=11).

www.pinkmediagrup.net

acceptat prin semnarea contractului cu Producia, care la rndul su a stabilit regulile sale de joc; cel de-al treilea este cel pe care ei nii l-au impus (creat), intrnd n lumea virtual a reality-ului. Aici, ntr-un nou context, lipsit de simboluri nsoitoare ale vieii lor de zi cu zi de kitsch, ei au fost nevoii s joac jocuri noi, precum i s redefineasc rolurile impuse de ctre Producie. Scopul personal al lor este s fie diferii fa de ceilali participani i s cucereasc premiul principal. Primul rol, pe scurt, este rolul cu care au ajuns la Ferm 3: K (21) cntreaa, a crei singur referin a fost participarea n show-ul Zvezde Granda, difuzat pe acelai post de televiziune, a fost i nvingtoarea Fermei 3. MR (53) preedintele unui partid mai puin cunoscut, n afara reality-ului, este printe, so, agricultor, astfel c este i singurul participant care a mprit rolul din realitate i rolul din lumea virtual a reality-ului. JP (21) cntereaa din show-ul Zvezde Granda nc necunoscut n lumea showbiz-ului. EJ (50), tat, so, needucat. De pe marginea social a unui emigrant economic fr succes n Statele Unite ale Americii, printr-o adevrat fars a ajuns n centrul ateniei auditoriului YouTube, cu o pies muzical lipsit n totalitate de calitate textual sau muzical. ZP (45) cntreaa cu mai multe cd-uri nregistrate, suporter al achipei de fotbal Partizan, nemritat. BJB (27) fotbalist, model, nensurat, seductor, deja participant al unui format de reality pe un alt post de televiziune. VVV (39) cntrea, actri ntr-un film porno. AB (40) muzicianul, care i-a creat cariera n anii controversai nouzeci, divorat. ZPP (46) moderator n ediiile anterioare ale show-ului Ferma, tat, divorat. JA scriitoare, n focar are romane de dragoste, n relaie cu cineva. NKL (44) oadt cu intrarea n Ferm, preocupat de muzica hard rock, nregistreaz n special piesemenite Fermei, prelucrri ale pieselor sale de muzic rock la instrumente tradiionale (tambura). n topul popularitii a fost n anii nouzeci, iar azi este n penumbr, angajat politic. ER (69) actri, scriitoare, laureat a mai multor premii, cunoscut i n afara Serbiei, vduv, predispus la scandaluri. NS (39) cntrea, dansatoare, soie i mam. AIA cntre, a nregistrat 10 cd-uri, nsurat. BJB 13 (24) moderator, animator, cntre, travestit, cu comportamentul controversat. SG (24) rapper. JS (24) model. Ceea ce este comun pentru cei 10 este faptul c naintea Fermei au participat n emisiunea Zvezde Granda la acelai post de televiziune. Majoritatea dintre ei, n esen, doar la prima vedere aparin sfe-

rei VIP. Ei se lupt n continuare cu crearea rolului, care le-ar asigura recunoaterea n lumea subculturii, spre care tind i cucerirea popularitii n rndurile publicului, iar prin aceasta, i banii. Cel de-al doilea rol este cel pe care Producia Fermei 3 n calitatea sa de Cooperativ decident l impune prin formatul, participanilor fermierilor. Este clar c prin ierarhie participanii sunt repartizai prin statutul subordonat ori superior, pe care-l asigur rolul Proprietarului, respectiv al subordonatului, rolul opus celui de servitor, i rolul neutru al celorlali fermieri. Rolurile se pot modifica, conform voinei Cooperativei, iar jocul rolurilor este supravegheat de Proka, adevratul fermier n rolul inspectorului. Premii i pedepse dicteaz numai Cooperativa. Toi fermierii sunt liberi s interpreteze rolul Proprietarului, n raport cu faptul cum el consider c ar trebui s fie gzduii la ferm, precum i dezvoltarea ei, respectiv ca toate lucrrile s se realizeze la timp i cum trebuie, ca n piaa public, pe care o viziteaz o dat pe sptmn, s fc schimbul de obiecte produse de ei pentru produse necesare pentru viaa la ferm. Aceasta nu este o sarcin grea, pentru c rolurile pe care participanii n reality show le-au jucat n realitatea nu au nimic n comun cu rolurile nou-impuse de rani n gospodrie, care pe lng tot aceasta este destul de primitiv. Rolul nou de Proprietar aduce alte beneficii i simboluri de statut - Casa proprietarului, care dispune de mai mult confort dect cea n care triesc ceilali ntr-un dormitor comun, precum i buctria nghesuit, unde se petrec socializrile zilnice. Rolul Proprietarului are un anumit termen. Aceasta este o alt circumstan de contextualitate, care influeneaz n mod direct comportamentul persoanei, care joac acest rol ntr-un spaiu i timp limitat. Servitorii, n comparaie cu Proprietarul i cu ceilali femrieri au n totalitate un statut subordonat. Sunt obligai s ndeplineasc toate sarcinile ct mai bine cu putin, pentru c de aceasta depinde cum vor vota ali femrieri cnd este vorba de nominalizarea lor pentru eliminare. n urma acestui vot, urmeaz duelul, creat conform modelului de concursul cunotinelor despre agricultur, despre care participanii au foarte modeste cunotine anterioare, iar pentru pregtire au numai o anumit perioad de timp. Duelul poate fi i testul de rezisten, ceea ce de asemenea nu este avantajul comparabil cultivat n rolurile sale primare, pentru c nimeni dintre participanii la emisiune nu s-a ocupat cu sportul profesionist sau cu o alt activitate asemntoare, care i-ar fi ajutat pentru astfel de competiie.

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Monopolizarea timpului de pregtire este nc o exprimare a puterii rolurilor superioare n ierarhie (Proprietar, Cooperativ). Servitorul care a pierdut, este eliminat. n acelai timp poziia Servitorului, care rmne n cas, nu este una de invidiat, pentru c este contient cine a votat contra lui, pentru c nominalizrile sunt publice i este necesar s fie argumentate. Aceasta creeaz un teren potrivit pentru conflict, dup ce Servitorul i ntrerupe jocul acestui rol i din nou devine membrul egal al grupului compus din ceilali fermieri. Un teren similar pentru conflict l ateapt i pe cel nominalizat n cazul n care va supravieui duelului. Deci este prevzut ca individul/individa s se afl n dou roluri diametral opuse, ntr-o perioad foarte scurt de timp i limitat: Proprietar Servitor, ceea ce n realitate, n spatele camerelor, nu se ntmpl des. Aceast dicotomie este foarte atractiv pentru public, pentru c individul aflat ntr-un statut brusc schimbat, care contribuie substanial la modificarea condiiilor de via, reacioneaz n general imprevizibil. Tot acest fapt contribuie foarte mult la dinamica unui format, iniial nu foarte atractiv din punct de vedere dramatic. Celelalte roluri pe care participanii Fermei le ocup sunt rezultatul mpririi muncii, tipic pentru o familie de la sat de pe vremuri. Aest lucru au recunoscut i telespectatorii prin mesajele lor de tip SMS, postate pe burtier de ctre Producie, n timpul difuzrii reality show-ului. n cadrul acestui al doilea rol impus, rolurile sunt i sarcinile pe care Cooperativa le impune participanilor Reality show-ului, pentru a-i pune ntr-o poziie i mai dificil. Prin aceasta se ridic rating-ul show-ului, ceea ce i este obiectivul de baz al produciei n rolul Cooperativei. n perioada analizat, acestea au fost trei sarcini: procese, filmarea serialului spaniol i predrile publice. Nicunuul dintre fermieri n realitate nu a avut experien n rolul care i-a fost atribuit prin sarcini. Rolurile au fost interpretate prin strategia imitaiei i a copierii. Atunci cnd sarcina a fost procesul, judectorul6 s-a comportat conform stereotipului pentru acest rol social preluat din industria de film (a dat i a luat cuvntul, a emis deciziile confirmate cu ciocanul de lemn de judector, printr-o lovitur n mas, a luat hotrri definitive, a dat verdicte).
ntr-un caz, acest rol l-a jucat BB13, deci o persoan fr credibilitate pentru astfel de important funcie social cum este cea de judector.

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Sarcina, filmarea telenovelei spaniole, a prevzut dou roluri-cheie: regizorul i scenaristul. Cooperativa a distribuit aceste roluri lui ER care i n realitate a jucat acest rol, i lui B13 - care nu a avut aceast experien. Pentru ca sarcina s fie realizat cu succes, s-a preluat modelul rolurilor prototipice din telenovele (fiul, soia, amanta, mama vitreg i bunica) comploturi, dialogurile provocatoare i intrigi. Rolurile sunt repartizate participanilor de ctre regizor i scenarist, folosind strategia combinaiilor imposibile. Mai clar, spre exemplu prietenii, precum i amanii ntr-o telenovel spaniol sunt persoane care n reality show-ul Ferma 3 cultiv ostilitatea reciproc ca un rol dominant personal. Cel mai puin educat participant al Fermei 3, EJ, a primit sarcina ca pentru 1 decembrie s in un curs tiinific despre educaia sexual i aceasta cu ocazia zilei internaionale 1 decembrie a luptei mpotriva SIDA. Importana zilei internaionale i analfabetismul persoanei care a preluat acest rol de profesor, semnat ca dr. EJ (dealtfel nu are niciun fel de educaie n realitate) reprezint un decalaj total, ceea ce confirm i teza lui Glynn (2005:9) c mass-media de tabloide produce aproape tot att de obsceniti i insulte, ct i satisfacii. Cel de-al treilea rol este cel pe care participanii singuri l-au menit lor, pentru a se poziiona ct mai bine fa de telespectatori, ca prin voturile lor s cucereasc premiul. Toi participanii/participantele au folosit avantajele sale comparabile i i-au construit o imagine care a trebuit s fie recunoscut n mesajele SMS ale auditoriului. Ei au preluat roluri prototipice de dram: amanta tradat, intrigant/intrigant, muncitorul harnic (cel care creeaz), cel care distruge ceea ce s-a creat, persoana controversat, care n fiecare dram bun are sarcin s provoace sentimentele extreme telespectatorilor. Acest model prototipic din mediul teatral l-au preluat i participanii Fermei 3, ca modelul verificat cu care publicul este bine socializat n cursul ultimilor 20 de ani, urmrind telenovele spaniole, latino-americane i acum turceti. K, care a nvins la sfrit n Reality show-ul Ferma 3, a ales rolul iubirii tradate i l-a jucat n continuu (a plns nefericit n faa camerelor de filmare) n totalitate ignornd rolul impus, cel de fermier. Aceasta nseamn c nu s-a ocupat de lucrrile cu privire la economie la ferm. Cele mai multe mesaje SMS, postate pe burtier, au coninut comentarii despre K. Telespectatorii au considerat c este frumoas, interesant i sincer, au simpatizat cu ea i au inut cu ea, au dorit ca iubirea ei nefericit totui s se realizeze,

tnjind dup sfritul fericit al povetii sale de iubire. Cele mai mari dezavantaje i-au fost lenea i lips de sinceritate, rareori constatate n mesajele SMS ale publicului, dar n totalitate vizibile pentru telespectatorul critic al Fermei 3. Cea mai mare virtute a lui BJB a fost chiar relaia de dragoste cu K, ceea ce auditoriul evideniaz n chiar 47 la sut din mesajele SMS. Pentru cel de-al doilea clasat, care n Reality show a venit cu rolul agricultorului din realitate, MR, cea mai mare virtute i-a fost hrnicia, pe care au evideniat-o aproape jumtate din mesajele SMS dedicate lui. El a fost singurul fermier al Fermei 3, suprapunnd rolul cu realitatea. El s-a consacrat muncii, evitndu-i pe ceilali participani ai Reality Show-ului. Lumea realitii i lumea Reality show-ului pentru MR nu a avut grania definitiv , pentru c rolul pe care l-a jucat a fost identic n amndou. Aceasta a cauzat dezorientarea lui n realitatea virtual a Reality show-ului. n timp ce alii s-au jucat, el a ndeplinit obligaiile sale de zi cu zi i nu i-a neles pe ei. Auditoriul a recunoscut acest fapt clar, n favoarea cruia vorbesc i 20 la sut din SMS-uri, n care se menioneaz c foarte des se ceart cu ceilali participani. Caracteristicile clasatei pe locul 3, JP, n general nu au fost menionate n mesajele SMS, iar n cazurile cnd au fost, cea mai mare virtute, ca i a celui de-al doilea poziionat, a fost hrnicia. Ea, n afara Fermei 3, a avut aceleai roluri sociale ca nvingtoarea K, dar la Ferma 3 au ales roluri diferite. JP a ales s munceasc i s fie fiicavrednic, iar Katarina - s fie ce mai frumoas fiic care dorete s se mrite cu orice pre. ntre ele dou, voturile publicului aproape au fost mprite, ceea ce s-a dovedit a se menine i n clasamentul final. Rolurile pe care le-au ales VVV i EJ, le-au considerat interesante aproximativ 40 la sut dintre SMS-uri. Ei doi au mprit rolurile de amani la nceput. Ei au fost vzui veseli i sinceri, iar aproape toate SMS-urile trimise mpotriva lor nu au menionat motivul pentru care ei nu merit victoria. Pentru EJ, 18 la sut din SMS-uri au susinut c interpreteaz. Aceasta arat faptul c rolul personal creat al participanilor este recunoscut de auditoriu ca acel adevrat al lor. Astfel, n mod implicit, auditoriul a acceptat jocul formatului c Reality este televiziunea faptelor i nu transmisiunea n direct a lumii pseudoreale, ceea ce este esena lui. VVV i EJ au preluat rolurile de animatori, din ce cauz s-au poziionat aa de bine n clasamentul final, dar naivitatea lui EJ deseori a stricat distracia i a trezit compasiunea telespectatorilor, astfel c la urm a pierdut victoria. Cultivat ca publicul TV, cu telenovele, auditoriul Serbiei a artat c aceast cer-

cetare valoreaz numai roluri pure, pentru c ele sunt clare i previzibile, astfel c nu exist nevoie pentru efort n decodare. n general, cele mai bune virtui le-au avut ZP moderator i ZP cntreaa. Cei care au dorit eliminarea moderatorului ZP nu au menionat un motiv pentru acest lucru. Pentru cntreaa ZP, auditoriul a considerat c nu este sincer. Doi femrieri i-au unit pe toi telespectatorii privitor la rolul pe care l-au ales: JA i NKL. Nicun comentariu bun nu s-a vzut cnd este vorba de JA. 34 la sut din sms-uri au considerat-o neinteresant. Cel mai des comentariu pentru NKL a fost c este vrednic, n 50 la sut de cazuri, n timp ce comentarii negative nu s-au nregistrat. Acest muzician, pentru a intra la Ferma 3, i-a schimbat direcia n muzic, considernd c prin acest rol nou va obine popularitate mai mare, ceea ce nu s-a ntmplat n totalitate. ER a intrat la Ferma 3 cu un foarte clar conturat rol de actri controversat, de pictori i scriitoare, care cteva decenii a atras atenia nu numai auditoriului Serbiei, ci i ntregi ex-Iugoslavii i rilor vecine. Imagina sa n Ferma 3 a construit-o n raport cu rolul real i conform anilor si, respectiv experienei n lumea show-biz-ului, dar i n conformitate cu tipul altor participani. Auditoriul a caracterizat-o ca vrednic, dar nu i sincer. ER la Ferma 3 a fost singura persoan ntr-adevr VIP, ns acest rol din lumea real nu a contribuit la poziionarea ei n clasamentul final. BJB 13 i-a construit imagina inacceptabil pentru cultura tradiional a Serbiei nc naintea intrrii la Ferma 3. Rolul lui de travestit i de persoan conflictual, cu care a insistat i n acest Reality, a contribuit la faptul ca el s aib un mare procentaj de oponeni (chiar 70 la sut). Audiena, prin SMS, nu a menionat clar motivul pentru care nu sprijin acest rol, dar la nivelul implicit, mesajul a fost lipsit de ambiguitate. Telespectatorul mediu al astfel de Reality-uri n Serbia aparine consumatorilor coninuturilor de subcultur, nu sprijin orice fel de diversitate, iar n special nu experimente cu roluri sociale, pentru c nu se ncadreaz n valorile tradiionale. i ceilali participani ai Fermei 3, aparinnd acestui corpus nu au artat o toleran fa de aceast diversitate. Analiza a artat c cel de-al treilea rol, personal ales, a contribuit cel mai mult la victoria K n Ferma 3 Serbia. 6. Concluzii Analiza critic a discursului de 40 de ore de material nregistrat i difuzat, a Reality formatului Ferma 3

21

Serbia (noiembrie-decembrie 2010) a confirmat ipotezele. A artat faptul c participanii formatului Reality Ferma 3 Serbia, intenionat i-au ales anumite roluri, n cadrul crora au insistat pe comportamente controversate i discriminatorii. Obiectivul le-a fost s se separe de ceilali i astfel s cucereasc ct mai multe voturi ale publiculu, oferindu-i divertisment popular, care aparine culturii mass-media mixte a kitsch-ului i prostului-gust. Publicul, prin mesajele SMS, a sprijinit i a condamnat rolurile jucate de participani, ns nu conform atitudinii sntoase fa de valorile sociale pozitive, ci cu banalitile zilnice n care i cel mizerabil (Vali Nedeljkovi 2011b) particip, ignornd c este vorba de un Reality virtual creat. Tolernd astfel de comportamente ale participanilor Produciei Ferma 3 Serbia, n fond s-au ncurajat modele de comportament care aparin subculturii, prin care se exclude tot ce este diferit, se premiaz rolurile de stereotip ale iubirii tradate, se sprijijn analfabetismul i stupiditatea uman pentru c aceasta este amuzant. n acelai timp nu se ncurajeaz valori cum sunt munca, creativitatea, contribuia la progresul comunitii. Rolurile pe care le-au jucat participanii n viaa real au diferit (cu o excepie) de la cele impuse de ctre producie n rolul cooperativei, precum i de la cele create de ei pentru a cuceri voturile publicului. S-a artat c tocmai acest alegerea personal a rolurilor a contribuit n mod direct la alegerea nvingtorului.
Traducere de V.M.

10. Holmes, Su and Jermyn Deborah (2004). Understanding reality TV. London and New York:Routledge. 11. Kraidy, M. Marwan and Katherine Senderedd. (2011). The politics of Reality Television: Global Perspectives. London and New York:Routledge. 12. Rot, Nikola (1974): Psihologija linosti, Beograd: Zavod za udbenike i nastavna sredstva. 13. Vali Nedeljkovi Dubravka (2004). Kratka novinarska pria iz svakodnevnog ivota; u Uvod u TV novinarstvo, (ur.) Danica Aimovi, edicija Medijske reference, NN, 13-33. 14. Vali Nedeljkovi Dubravka (2010). Strategije netolerantnog govora medija. Medijska kultura: medjunarodni naunostruni asopis, br 01, Novi Sad-NikiDubrovnik: Civilni forum, str. 199-213. 15. Vali Nedeljkovi Dubravka (2011a). Rialiti programi: izjednaavanje javnog i privatnog diskursa. Kultura 133. Beograd. Str 289-305. 16. Vali Nedeljkovi Dubravka (2011b). Koliko je rijaliti ou zaista rijaliti? Studija sluaja Farma 3TV Pink. Saoptenje na medjunarodnoj konferenciji Jezici i kulture u vremenu i prostoru, Novi Sad, 26.11.2011. Saeci/Abregas/Abstracts, str 56. 17. Vali Nedeljkovi Dubravka (2007). O novinarstvu i novinarima, Filozofski fakultet, Novi Sad. 18. The Farm, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Farm_%28TV_ series%29, stranica je obnovljena 5.10.2011, pregledana 7.10.2011. 19. Van Dijk, T., Principlesof Cristal Discourse Analzsis. In Discourse Theory and practice a Readered by Wetherel, M., Taylor, S., Yates. S. J., SAGE Publication, London, str. 300-317. Summary

Bibliografie
1. Andrejevic, Mark (2004): Reality TV: The work of being watched, Oxford. 2. Anonim, (2011), Pregled TV scene Srbije za 2010.godinu, Taboo 44, mart 2011, str. 65-67. 3. Basara, Svetislav (19.02.2011). Moj ugao: Dvorske stvari. Danas. 4. Bern, Erik (1984). Koju igru igra? Beogra: Nolit; Psiholoka biblioteka. 5. Cohen j, Weiman G. (2008). Whos Afraid of Reality Shows?: Eksploring the Effects of perceived Influence of Reality Shows and the Concern Over TheirSocial Effects on Willingness to Censor, Communication Research, Vol. 35, No 3, str. 382-397; http://crx.sagepub.com/content/35/3/382 6. Eko, Umberto. (1973). Kultura informacija komunikacija. Beograd: Nolit. 7. Glynn, K. (2005). Tabloid culture, Durham and London: Duke University Press. 8. Hill, A. (2000). Reality TV audience and popular factual television. London and New York:Routledge. 9. Hillard, R.L. (2008). Writting an television, Radio and New Media, Tomson Wadsworth.

Reality showfolkentertainmentand/orpromotion ofcontroversial anddiscriminatory behavior throughrole-playing. Case Study:Serbian seriesFarm 3 Critical discourse analysis of 40 hours of broadcasted material ofreality showFarm3 Serbia(November / December 2010 TV Pink) confirmed the main hypothesis of this study. The analysis show ed that Farm 3 participants deliberately chose rolesduring whichthey insistedon acting in a controversial and discriminatorymanner.Their goalwas todifferentiate themselvesfrom one another and, in so doing, win as many audience votes as possible. The roles selected and simulated offered the audiencefolkentertainment, amediamixof kitschandbad taste.By sending SMS messages, the public supported and evaluated the roles played out by the participants as if they occurred in a real-life environment and not an orchestrated reality show. Key words: reality shows, roles, discriminatory behavior, audience, SMS messages

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Manojlo Maravi

Relations between the Art and Video Games

manem@sbb.rs When discussing the art of video games, three different contexts need to be considered: the high art (video games and the art)- new media artists; commercial video games (video games as the art) designers and fan art- fans.1 The first case is the least arguable point of encounter of art and video-games, as there is a general consent nowadays between theoreticians and artists, claiming it to be art, beyond any doubt. Video games take part in the creation of a contemporary cultural context, and have become as such, an interesting and challenging point of encounter with the new media artistic practices in times of culture. There are two tendencies distinguished in works of art the first one referring to the criticism of society and culture and the second one dealing with the status of human body during game playing. The issue whether commercial video games are a new form of art or not, has aroused interesting debates in recent years, involving theoreticians, artists and players. Many of those supporting the commercial video games as art claim that they will take the same way of recognition, by theoreticians, critics and cultural institutions, as was previously the case with the film. The art of fans or fan art represents a creative relationship of players, who are generally not artists, towards video games as popular culture texts. Political relation between video games and art is reflected in the following question: who is entitled to claim the status of a work of art for a particular video game, does the fun character of commercial video games present a restrictive factor in securing that status or is that right reserved only for subversive methods of video games deconstruction? A phenomenological question is the following: what kind of novelty do vi1

deo games ensure in terms of a direct physical perception of audience when they encounter a work of art? Art and Video Games High art, in this context, is based on technology, iconography and narration of video games and the body of the player, referring to aesthetic and cultural issues in the society and era of the new media. Works of art, in relation to video games, may be placed in the frame of the new media art, requiring a special perception of the work of art through interaction. Kants aesthetic distance, essential in understanding the content and structure of the work of art and making a critical assessment, is reduced for the sake of the work of arts perception. In this case, the viewers perception is determined by their choice of how they will experience the structure of the work of art, and in this respect, the viewer becomes a co-creator of the work of art. On the other hand, the creator sets the rules of the game, and if the recipient fails to observe or does not accept them, there will be no perception either.2 The idea of interactive art and co-creation does not originate from the period of the rise of computer technologies, but from a much earlier period of the first avant-garde movements, Futurism and Dadaism, in which the audience was invited to take part in performances. A similar practice was also continued in neo-avantgarde performances and happenings during the sixties, in which the central position was designated to participants, and not the author. The relationship between the art and video games may also be considered from the point of view of Ecos concept of open work, according to which a work of art depends on the interaction with
2

A similar classification was suggested by James Newman in the book titled Playing with Videogames. His contribution to this classification is manifested in taking into consideration the fan art.

Please refer to Michael Hammel, Towards a Yet Newer Laocoon. Or, What We Can Learn from Interacting with Computer Games, http://www.chart.ac.uk/chart2001/ papers/hammel.html (13.11.2010.)

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modern audience or its progressive version following the theory of games the work is organised as a game, and viewers, depending on the level of freedom, as the players.3 The suggested categorisation is based on different modes of communication between the work of art and audience: by representations or a specific physical relationship. Criticisms of representations and narrations in video games are the most frequent form of works of art, pertaining to the criticism of military, gender and racial policy. On the other hand, there are works analysing various effects the playing has on the players body. Artistic Criticism of Social Policies Considering the fact that FPS (First-Person-Shooter) games are the most popular genre of video games, most frequent artistic criticisms refer to them, i.e. their iconography. Following September 11th, the USA faced a genuine and overwhelming desire for games providing a symbolic revanchism, by transferring the antiterrorism combat in the virtual world of games. Several critical artistic interventions and games have appeared as a response to that. Velvet Strike is a project created by Brody Condon and Joan Leandre, dedicated to conveyance of anti-war messages, by writing graffiti on virtual walls, floors and ceilings of buildings, in an online game called Counterstrike. Counterstrike is a very popular video game whose game play is based on a battle between two teams, representing terrorists and anti-terrorist special forces. A player may download various anti-war graffiti from the Internet, in the form of images uploaded by artists and other website visitors. The design of some of these images, such as those showing hearts or terrorists kissing, does not subvert the military culture only, but also the macho-man ideology. These interventions have gone through severe criticisms and have been perceived by fans as the subversion of game itself. Velvet Strike is an activism-motivated criticism of the American war in Iraq, as well as criticism of a number of FPS games (Kuma War, Americas Army and Full Spectrum Warrior) making profit on account of that. These games are not just an ordinary entertainment, but products of the propaganda, whose purpose is to spread the effects of the American war policies and recruit the future freedom fighters.

Gonzalo Frasca, a theoretician and artist, who advocated the idea of large political potentials of the critically oriented video games, has created the work entitled September 12th . It is a simple game created in the Flash programme, presenting a typical Middle East city with a large population, where only several citizens have been presented in a typical terrorist gear. The task of the player is to hit the terrorist by a missile, but considering the distance between the shooting and explosion, it is impossible to attack without the collateral damage, resulting in an even greater number of terrorists. Frustration of players tells us of the failure that may be found in the model and policies not only of the anti-terrorism war, but also of the war-themed video games. Frasca is of the opinion that for political video games, September 11 was the trigger if it had happened in the sixties, people would have grabbed their guitars and written a song about it. Now theyre making games.4 Therefore, to this author, video games are a medium representing a tool in the contemporary culture, having a Utopian potential of changing the world. The artist and cyberfeminist Mary Flanagan created the interactive work entitled Domestic (2003), which is a modification of the FPS computer game called Unreal Tournament. Flanagan constructed a threedimensional virtual space on whose walls she incorporated fragments of texts and family photographs, presenting her childhood memories. A traumatic event was emphasised, which took place during the authors childhood spent in the rural part of the State of Wisconsin, when she was coming back from the church and noticed, while passing through the forest, the smoke coming out of the window of the house her father had lived in. The players task is to enter the house and extinguish the fire in the rooms. According to the author, this work does not represent a criticism of the aggression associated with FPS games, but an attempt to use the political potential of video games and question their social and cultural meanings. The work seems to echo the post-feminist slogan personal is political and the author wonders: Can high tech game spaces, often violent, cold, or impersonal, be subverted to create the inverse experience: an affective game
4

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Oliver Grau, Virtuelna umetnost, Beograd, Clio, 2008, 208.

Quote according to Henry Lowood, Impotence and Agency: Computer Games as a Post-9/11 Battlefield from Andreas Jahn-Sudmann and Ralf Stockmann (eds), Computer Games as a Sociocultural Phenomenon: Games Without Frontiers War Without Tears, United Kingdom, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, 85.

that personalizes the space and therefore politicizes it? Can navigation in a 3D game operate as a means of challenging or un-playing the conventional workings of shooter games?5 The key to reading this work is in its very title Domestic, which may be either a noun or an adjective, depending on the context. As a noun, it refers to someone who works in a household, including a servant, maid or housekeeper, while as an adjective, it denotes something relating to a household or family. Such a hierarchical work establishes an ironic relationship towards the policy of girl-friendly games created for girls only, because it places the game in a claustrophobic virtual space denoted as domestic or family-related, which is, unlike the public sphere of men, a traditional environment for women. The narrative part of the game abounds in notions that seem to crave for a psychoanalytical interpretation: childhood, a little girl, church, forest pathway, fire, father. Although according to the author, it is a true story, it resembles the opposite version of the famous dream dreamt by a Freuds female patient whose pseudonym was Dora, only this time the girl gets to save her father. If we leave aside Oedipuss connotations and put an emphasis on Lacans version of the father as someone representing the Symbolic order, in other words, ideology, it is possible to interpret Domestic as putting a woman in the active role of a political subject, whose actions are something the destiny of the symbolic order will depend on. Phenomenological Aspects of Relations between the Art and Video Games The general issue frequently mentioned in negative criticisms of video games is the phrase referring to the passive body of the player that turns into a vacated shell, while the players mind is loosing itself in a virtual vastness of the game, which is an echo of the old Decartes rationalist idea of a human subject being situated not in the body, but in the mind. Works of art are attempting to put the players body in the focus during the process of playing, meaning they deal with modes of establishing the relations between the player and the game. What needs to be underlined is that these artists are primarily interested in neuro-physical reactions of an unsignified
5

https://wiki.brown.edu/confluence/display/MarkTribe/ Mary+Flanagan (13.11.2010.)

body, while whether it is black, white, soldiers, male or female, is of minor importance. Pain Station is an artistic project carried out in 2001 by Volker Morawe and Tilman Reiff, during their studies at the Academy of Media Arts in Cologne. The title Pain Station is a pun, ironically resembling the title of the famous Sony console Play Station. Their work is based on the construction of a specific interface with a new haptic perception. The authors created a playing console for a classical game called Pong, intended for two players, in which each player uses command controls with the right hand, placing the left palm on a metal plate. When one of the players makes a mistake, his left hand is punished by an electrical shock, lashing with a small whip or burning. When the player is no longer able to stand the pain and removes the hand from the plate, the game is over. In addition to a great success at exhibitions, Pain Station has attracted much attention by the media and a broad audience, with the authors facing demands to create a substantial number of these devices. However, a number of problems have obstructed the commercial production of the advanced version of Pain Station 2, such as a possible instigation of a lawsuit by Sony for violation of the protected title of the console, as well as the fact that it causes pain to its user, which has all made it impossible to distribute this game to game rooms. In this manner, it is intended to exclude the infliction of physical pain from the domain of entertainment, whose use is legitimate only in the framework of the repressive state apparatus instruments, i.e. the police and the army. This project is about the need of new media artists for solid knowledge of technology, if they intend to base their works on modifications or constructions of the playing hardware. Although the haptic interface is not a novelty in commercial games, interaction is placed on a new level in this case. Apart from extending the player into the world of the game, which takes place through the players actions, in this case, the very game (its hardware) gets transformed into the real world by imposing discipline and punishing the players body. Competitions of players result in actual consequences, which are not determined by external conditions, but are integrated in the game as its rule. Unlike commercial FPS games, the violent content is not present in the Pong game itself, being benign in terms of representation of violence (two lines bouncing a ball between each other), but in the relationship of one player towards the body of the other

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one. Therefore, the idea of the catharsic violence, leading to the purification of aggressive impulses and avoidance of actual violence, is subverted and altered in a strange manner. On the contrary, instead of a symbolic covering up of the Real, the Real is here laid bare (the physical pain itself), while the symbolic relation only serves as a cause. Pain Station is in a no mans land of the old aesthetic question: Where is art is it in the work of art (objectivism) or in the viewers perception (subjectivism)? But instead of an uninterested and distant viewer, this work needs a player, i.e. a user who will be intentionally and physically focused and interested. Immersion is a project by Robbie Cooper, a photographer, launched in 2008, in the framework of which he analysed a physical relationship of combining people and contemporary media. Cooper made a short video showing childrens faces when playing video games of violent contents. He managed to do that by projecting the display onto the glass of a teleprompter, behind which a high resolution camera was installed, so the children seemed to look directly at the viewers. His idea was to record the USA and Great Britain children of different ethnic and racial affiliation and then ask the psychologists and sociologists to interpret their faces. The media have placed this project in the frame of the effects the violent games have on children, adding comments such as a picture is worth a thousand words, which was also suggested by Cooper himself, who claimed that there is a possible relationship between violent games and social aggression. The recorded children responded differently when playing a game, while the facial expressions they made along the way resulted from a relationship between high concentration and things happening in the game. Their faces become a display of an individual relationship with the game play, varying from a complete lack of expression to exhilaration. This work does not insist on an interactive relationship with the player/audience, as reference to video games interacting has been reduced only to their effects on the players faces. A viewer is under impression of being inside a video game, which indeed was the authors intention, as he intended to present this video in a room which would be provided with tones from the video game, to ensure that people in the audience could perceive themselves as elements of the virtual word. Taking into account this fact, along with the childrens comments heard in the video, addressing their virtual ri-

vals, such as: Come back hereIm gonna stab you, How do you feel about the bullets? and Ha, haYoull get a knife!, Coopers work, in terms of ethics, may be placed on the side of the moralistic panic mongers, thus assuming a dominant ideological position. The society/audience becomes an innocent victim of the hypnotised children, with the entire situation being a metaphor of numerous shootings in the USA, for which video games were to blame. Immersion is a good example of crossing the political discourse, which establishes the control over the lives of children (upbringing), and the phenomenological perception of the players body, through which social reality is constructed. This involves the participation of social structures with a powerful position in the knowledge construction; thus, this work may be found on the website of the famous New York Times, while Cooper himself is looking for interpretations from psychologists and sociologists. Immersion is an example embodying Massunis idea that ideology and affect make good political allies. References
1. Espen J. Aarseth. (1995). Cybertext: Perspectives on Ergodic Literature. (University of Bergen). 2. Oliver Grau. (2008). Virtuelna umetnost. (Beograd: Clio). 3. Henry Jenkins. (2005). Games, The New Lively Art in Joost Raessens and Jeffrey Goldstein (eds.). Handbook of Computer Game Studies. (Massachusetts London: The Mit Press Cambridge). 4. Henry Lowood. (2007). High-Performance Play: The Making of Machinima in Grethe Mitchell and Andy Clarke (eds). Video Games and Art. (Bristol UK: Intellect Books). 5. Henry Lowood. (2008). Impotence and Agency: Computer Games as a Post-9/11 Battlefield in Andreas Jahn-Sudmann and Ralf Stockmann (eds). Computer Games as a Sociocultural Phenomenon: Games Without Frontiers War Without Tears. (United Kingdom: Palgrave Macmillan). 6. Brett Martin. (2007) Should Videogames be Viewed as Art? in Grethe Mitchell and Andy Clarke (eds). Video Games and Art. (Bristol UK: Intellect Books). 7. James Newman. (2008). Playing with Videogames. (London and New York: Routledge). 8. Marie-Laure Ryan. (2001). Narrative as Virtual Reality: Immersion and Interactivity in Literature and Electronic Media, (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press).

Web resources
9. Michael Hammel, Towards a Yet Newer Laocoon. Or, What We Can Learn from Interacting with Computer Games, http://www.chart.ac.uk/chart2001/papers/hammel.html accessed November,13,2010,

10. http://www.opensorcery.net/velvet-strike/sprays.html accessed november, November,13,2010, 11. http://farm1.static.flickr.com/73/205992926_0aab302647_o. jpg accessed November,13,2010, 12. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gRZBBA1HWsk accessed November,13,2010, 13. https://wiki.brown.edu/confluence/display/MarkTribe/ Mary+Flanagan accessed November,13,2010, 14. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AmFPURsKKh8 accessed November,13,2010, 15. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HfOUhwhdUV0 accessed November,13,2010, 16. http://vimeo.com/6743011 accessed November,13,2010, 17. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JVHGy9XEF9I&feature= related accessed November,13,2010, 18. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9BAM9fgV-ts accessed November,13,2010,

Summary Relations between the Art and Video Games When discussing the art of video games, three different contexts need to be considered: the high art (video games and the art); commercial video games (video games as the art) and the fan art. Video games are a legitimate artistic medium subject to modifications and recontextualisations in the process of creating a specific experience of the player/user/audience and political action by referring to particular social problems. They represent a high technological medium that increases, with practically each new commercial game, the aesthetic potential of audio-visual performances and includes more complex narrations and characters/avatars. A number of artists take part in their creation: designers, composers and actors. Video games are a medium through which the fans of commercial games are trying to secure their position in the contemporary technologised culture. Key words: video games, art, artists, politics, phenomenology, body, experience, aesthetics, interactivity

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Veronica Szinculics

FORME DE SOCIALIZARE CULTURAL A MUNCITORILOR MINERI DIN PERIOADA COMUNIST N BAZINUL MINIER MARAMURE
veroniquesz@yahoo.com Demersul nostru surprinde un aspect de istorie colectiv a societii miniere din perioada comunist. Considerat o perioad prosper i bogat, datorit valorii generate de munca de extracie a resurselor din adncul pmntului, guvernarea comunist consider necesar s-i asume n totalitate socializarea muncitorilor din bazinul minier, crendu-le condiiile necesare de culturalizare, de implicare n activiti sportive, dar i necesitatea angrenrii n aciuni de voluntariat a fiecrui muncitor. Aprut odat cu industrializarea masiv a Romniei, nregimentarea clasei muncitoare care implica i educaia cultural, a fost una din principalele preocupri ale vremii. Clasa muncitoare era prezent n spaiul urban sub forma unui grup sociocultural de o relevant importan. Relevana era dat de diversele forme de educaie, de culturalizare, de socializare pe care sindicatele, mpreun cu conducerile unitilor miniere, le-au conceput pentru fiecare exploatare minier n parte. Identitatea grupului muncitoresc a fost experimentat de muncitori prin diversitatea gruprilor sociale, unite ns la nivel de ramur: grupuri sportive, grupuri culturale, brigzi de agitaie, cluburi tiinifice, cercuri de informare i de educare, lectorate - toate fcnd parte din ,,planul guvernrii comuniste de a socializa i culturaliza masa muncitoreasc din sectorul minier. O surs important de bibliografie care ne permite evidenierea subculturii miniere o constituie documentele oficiale arhivate la nivel de Exploatare sau de Regie minier pentru minele aflate n bazinul minier Maramure. Avnd ca principal rol asigurarea condiiilor necesare pentru realizarea planului stabilit, organizaiile sindicale organizeaz edine i ntlniri cu reprezentanii muncitorilor, n cadrul crora se aduc la cunotin i se discut articole care compun Contractul Colectiv de munc, msurile pentru mbuntirea condiiilor de munc i de trai stipulate n Contract, Dri de seam asupra activitilor evaluate periodic, programele culturale i de educare stabilite pentru fiecare an. Adunrile generale de Dri de seam i alegeri ale organizaiilor sindicale constituie un prilej important de analiz a muncii depuse, discutarea planului de munc; organizarea tiinific a produciei muncii, folosirea complet a timpului de lucru, ntrirea disciplinei n munc, mbuntirea continu a condiiilor de munc i de via a celor ce muncesc, mobilizarea muncitoreasc pentru activitile cultural-educative. Se supun discuiei Contractele Colective de munc, angajamente ale conducerii cu termene stabilite i se numesc responsabilii pentru finalizarea propunerilor. n afar de aprarea intereselor muncitorimii, documentele semnaleaz o munc susinut a sindicatelor n asisten social, se aloc sume pentru ajutoarele de boal, pentru ajutorarea vduvelor, a orfanilor, dar i o atenie i o implicare serioase n culturalizarea i n alfabetizarea membrilor lor, punnd problema comportamentului, a alcoolului, a respectrii orarului de lucru. Prima preocupare cultural a organizaiei sindicale a fost nfiinarea bibliotecilor. Starea acestora, precum i buna sau proasta gestionare, este semnalat n toate documentele cu caracter specific. n cadrul Congresului Asociaiei Inginerilor i Tehnicienilor din industria minier susinut la Bucureti n anul 1932, se cere la pct. 7 ,,Reorganizarea coalelor de maitri minieri prin modificarea programelor analitice i a condiiilor de admisibilitate, astfel c se dau maetrilor minei o pregtire tehnic i tiinific egal cu cea a conductorilor tehnici[1]. Contractul colectiv de munc pe anul 1955 ncheiat ntre Conducerea ntreprinderii de Deschideri miniere Baia Mare i ntre Comitetul de ntreprindere. Sectoare cuprinse Ilba, Bia, Wilhelm, Cavnic, ible, Biu, Valea Roie, Rzoare, la capitolul [2] Munca cultural de

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mas: Art.59. Comitetul de ntreprindere se oblig: s-i educe permanent pe muncitori, tehnicieni, ingineri i funcionari n munca de educare politic i cultural de mas, folosind din plin colul rou; s organizeze pentru muncitori, funcionari i elevi din colile ntreprinderii cel puin 12 conferine i lecii avnd teme politice, sociale, tehnice i literare; s organizeze biblioteci volante la sectoarele de producie, care s fie aprovizionate cu cri tehnice i literare n limita prevederilor bugetare; s organizeze i s amenajeze un col rou la Bia. Art. 60. n cadrul activitii clubului pe anul 1955, Comitetul de ntreprindere se oblig s atrag n rndul cititorilor bibliotecii cel puin 150 de salariai. Art.61. Comitetul de ntreprindere se oblig s popularizeze prin toate mijloacele, metodele de munc ale fruntailor sovietici i ale fruntailor notri din ntrecerile socialiste (imaginea nr.1).

Imaginea nr.1. Gazeta de perete, modalitatea de a promova i populariza activitile cultural-sportive.

Art.62. Comitetul de ntreprindere se oblig s organizeze pomul de iarn cu fonduri puse la dispoziie de ctre organele competente n acest scop. Art.63. Comitetul de ntreprindere se oblig s asigure desfurarea activitii artistice prin: organizarea brigzii artistice compuse din 2-3 tovari; atragerea a cel puin 30 de salariai pentru ntrirea formaiunilor artistice, ca echipa de teatru i dansuri. Art.64. Comitetul de ntreprindere se oblig s dea atenie deosebit ridicrii de noi cadre din rndurile tineretului i ale femeilor pentru trimiterea la cursuri superioare a unui numr de doi tovari. Art.65. Conducerea ntreprinderii i Comitetul de ntreprindere se oblig la intensificarea muncii de alfabetizare a netiutorilor de carte prin urmtoarele mijloace: s organizeze cursuri de alfabetizare pe sectoarele de producie, n aa fel nct s cuprind analfabeii din sector; s iniieze o aciune de mas prin alfabetizarea netiutorilor de carte; cei care s-au evideniat n munca de alfabetizare vor fi premiai, iar muncitorii care au terminat coala de alfabetiza-

re n condiii bune vor fi stimulai prin ncadrarea lor n coli de calificare pe meseriile respective. Art.66. Conducerea ntreprinderii i Comitetul de ntreprindere se oblig s sprijine organizaia ARLUS n ceea ce privete desfurarea cursurilor de limba rus prin crearea condiiilor necesare bunei desfurri a acesteia. Cultur fizic i sport: Art.68. Comitetul de ntreprindere se oblig s mobilizeze un numr de 50 de salariai pentru urmtoarele munci obteti: amenajarea terenului de volei pe Valea Roie; amenajarea terenului de fotbal de la Valea Borcutului. Art.69. Comitetul de ntreprindere se oblig s nfiineze urmtoarele secii pe ramurile de activitate sportiv: secia de fotbal cu dou echipe, dintre care una la Baia Mare i una la Bia; secia de popice cu o echip; secia volei cu 2 echipe; secia tenis de mas cu 2 echipe; secia de tir cu o echip. Art. 70. Comitetul de ntreprindere se oblig s sprijine seciile sindicale n vederea mobilizrii muncitorilor i a funcionarilor la excursii, conferine, coli, edine; s duc munc de lmurire n cadrul colectivului sportiv ca membrii colectivului s achite cotizaiile la timp; s foloseasc toate mijloacele de agitaie i de propagand existente, ca: panouri, gazete de perete, filme sportive; s mbunteasc biblioteca cu un numr de 30 de volume cu coninut sportiv; s organizeze un schimb de experien cu un alt colectiv sportiv din Baia Mare. n Procesul verbal/1960 al Adunrii Generale a Conferinei Sindicale a ntreprinderii de Exploatri Baia Mare [3], tov. Muste Ioan de la Sectorul uior i exprim mirarea c n planul de dotare pe anul 1960 sectorul uior nu a fost prevzut cu o staie de amplificare i cu nfiinarea unei biblioteci, solicitnd totodat s se asigure amenajarea unui teren de volei, a unei mese de ping-pong i obinerea unui numr de schiuri pentru muncitorii sectorului. Tov. Ing. Chiu Vasile spune urmtoarele: n privina culturalizrii muncitorilor din sectorul Valea Roie, dei acest sector se gsete n imediata apropiere a sediului ntreprinderii, totui prea puini muncitori au reuit s ridice cri din biblioteca acestui sediu, reuind mai de grab s ridice cri din biblioteca central din ora, din cuz c biblioteca ntreprinderii s-a gsit ntr-o serie de mutri, necunscndu-se locul n care se gsete. n privina vizionrii filmelor, dei salariaii sediului au reuit s vizioneze o serie de filme n colectiv, la nivelul sectorului nu s-a dus o munc de informare i mobilizare a muncitorilor pentru a participa la astfel de vizionri, dei muncitorii sectorului sunt dornici de a-i mri gradul de cultur i prin astfel de ocazii. Tov.

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Puca Dumitru de la Ilba sesizeaz c organizarea excursiilor la locuri istorice, fa de angajamentele luate n contractul colectiv, nu s-a realizat i cu membrii sindicali de la sectoare, iar dac s-a fcut, acesta crede c s-a fcut numai n cadrul ntreprinderii. n cadrul E.M. Baia Sprie - uior [4], la dispoziia muncitorilor este pus o bibliotec cu un numr de 7000 de volume de carte i 5 biblioteci volante, unde crile sunt schimbate trimestrial, se organizeaz 18 conferine tematice ,,Mecanizarea ncrcrii i transportului n abataje; ,,Creterea productivitii muncii la prelucrarea pe strunguri; ,,Rezervele interne de flotaie, factor important n aciunea de reducere a consumului specific i a preului de cost, precum i 29 de conferine politice. Funcioneaz un cerc de art plastic, un cerc de acordeon i unul de croitorie, la care particip 68 de tovari. n cadrul cminului vechi se pun la dispoziia muncitorilor table de ah i se vizioneaz programe la televizor, tenis de mas, spectacole. Tablourile de la Cercul de arte plastice sunt expuse la expoziii regionale, iar unele sunt trimise la expoziii n ar. Tot n anul 1965 funcioneaz formaiile artistice: orchestra de muzic popular i uoar, formaia de dansuri, soliti vocali i instrumentali, brigada artistic de agitaie. (imaginile nr.2-4).

Imaginea nr. 2. Grup de femei de la E.M. Ssar la munc patriotic, 1984.

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n primele luni ale anului 1965 ia fiin Ansamblul folcloric muncitoresc, n cadrul cruia activeaz 60 de muncitori, i care susine n primul an de nfiinare peste 18 spectacole. Tovarii care s-au evideniat n activitatea cultural au fost: tov. Kovacs Geza, Petrescu Gheorghe, Csepregi Zoltan, Bojan Veronica, Ojegar Iuliana, Ilie Nicolae, Trif Plgua, Meszaro Vasile. n cadrul E.M. Ssar, [5] n anul 1967 exist un numr de 2651 de salariai n ntreprindere, toi fiind

membri de sindicat. n cadrul organizaiei culturale de sindicat se desfoar 154 de conferine pentru un nr. de 15.862 de participani, 7 lectorate, 3 simpozioane de cultur general cu 3.150 de participani; o formaiune de dansuri cu 12 membri i 15 manifestri; o brigad artistic cu 20 de membri i 5 manifestri; o orchestr de muzic uoar cu 13 membri i 16 prezentri; o orchestr de muzic popular cu 15 membri i 15 prezentri; o fanfar cu 30 de membri i 8 prezentri; 6 cercuri cu 115 membrii i 61 de aciuni susinute. Comitetul Judeean a ajutat comisiile femeilor din cartiere i comune la antrenarea femeilor n ntrecerea politic pentru buna gospodrire i nfrumuseare a localitilor respective i la ntreinerea fondului de locuine. Formele de popularizare au fost: conferine, coala mamei, seri de ntrebri i rspunsuri, ntlniri cu medicul, filme educativ-sanitare, emisiuni radio locale, articole de pres, materiale de propagand. Comitetele comunale de partid au contribuit la susinerea organizrii de activiti cultural-educative pentru femeile de la sate, innd seama de categoria de femei, de vrst, de preocuprile lor specifice, de cerinele lor, mobiliznd masele de femei sa participe la activiti, s fac propuneri n legtur cu aciunile ce urmau s se organizeze: ,,Comitetele sindicale din ntreprinderi i instituii vor fi ndrumate s iniieze i organizeze activiti cultural-educative menite s mbogeasc nivelul de cunotine politic i de cultur general a femeilor salariate. O dat pe lun se va organiza o activitate destinat femeilor [6]. Se stabilesc forme obligatorii de educaie sanitar prin popularizarea urmtoarelor lectorate/1968: ,,c o ala mamei; ,,Sfatul gospodinei [7] n cadrul Clubului Femina din oraul Bora [8], anul 1980, s-au derulat lectorate cu temele: ,,Avortul i consecinele lui, ,,Alimentaia raional, ,,Ce trebuie s tie o tnr n pragul cstoriei, ,,Ce trebuie s tie o tnr mam despre modul cum se cresc copiii, ,,Ce nseamn comportare civilizat, ,,Respect-m i te respect, ,,Relaia familie-copil, ,,Regimul zilnic al copilului, ,,Pentru cminul dvs., ,,Despre feminitate, ,,Am un so i un tat model, ,,Arta de a fi calm, ,,Bugetul familiei. n cadrul Comitetului municipal Baia Mare se organizeaz lectorate la Casa de Cultur cu titlul Femina Club [9], cu temele: ,,Vocaia creatoare a femeii i un simpozion cu titlul ,,Funcia educativ a femeii n societate, o expunere despre etica modei urmat de o parad a modei. Cu sprijinul Organizaiei oreneti Baia Mare se organizeaz, n colaborare cu Comitetul

orenesc de femei Vieul de Sus, simpozioane pe temele: ,,Pagini din trecutul de lupt al partidului; ,,Pe 50 de trepte de lumin. Pentru cunoaterea i respectarea legilor rii de ctre femei - muncitoare, stence, intelectuale - unele comitete de femei au organizat ntlniri ntre femei i juriti, au mobilizat femeile la expuneri, consultaii juridice cu temele: ,,Respectarea legalitii socialiste datorie a fiecrui cetean; ,,Respectarea regulilor de convieuire social; astfel, n tematica lectoratelor din municipii i orae au fost incluse i expuse teme: ,,Unitatea i fora moral a familiei n socialism, ,,Mama, factor activ n educaia copiilor, ,,Responsabilitatea prinilor privind formarea conduitei morale i a inutei adolescenilor, ,,Comportarea civilizat a tineretului, ,,Dragoste i prietenie n cadrul Organizaiei de femei din Baia Sprie exist un nr. de 7.614 femei n anul 1978. n cadrul E.M. Cavnic activeaz un numr de 214 femei. Implicarea femeilor este slab, se propune nfiinarea unei brigzi artistice.

Imaginea nr. 3. Echipa feminin de popice, E.M. Nistru, 1979.

La Cavnic [10] se organizeaz concursul ,,Prietenii donatorilor de snge. Se obine locul III la concursul judeean dedicat Semicentenarului Crucii Roii, la care au participat muncitoarele de la E.M. Cavnic. Cu un an n urm au obinut locul I la acelai concurs i au reprezentat judeul la faza pe ar. Aspectele negative prezentate asupra activitii colectivului de femei din Cavnic, 1978, au fost: participarea n prea mic msur la Cntarea Romniei; nerealizarea grupului de cor; nerealizarea adunrii numrului de borcane planificate pentru oraul Cavnic, femeile de la locul de munc neachitndu-se absolut deloc de aceast sarcin; realizarea planului economic al femeilor din Cavnic pentru fondul pomului de iarn 1978 doar pe jumtate. Lectorate desfurate n Cavnic,

1977-1978: ,,Igiena copiilor de vrsta mijlocie, ,,Rolul mamei i al familiei n formarea i educarea personalitii copilului, ,Importana lucrurilor mici n educaie, ,,Rolul activitilor pioniereti n formarea profilului moral al elevilor, ,,Dragostea pentru munc i patrie ncepe n familie, ,,Viaa n familie depinde de noi, ,,Timpul liber i rolul lui n formarea omului integru. Comitetul Orenesc al femeilor din Cavnic planific pe semestrul II, anul 1980, urmtoarele: I. Activitatea economico-educativ i cultural-artistic a femeilor; Continuarea activitii de susinere a lectoratelor: ,,Aportul familiei la formarea deprinderilor de conduit civilizat a tineretului, ,,Apariia vieii pe pmnt. Evoluia speciilor, ,,Igiena intim a femeii, De ziua ta, Republic iubit. II. Participarea femeilor la aciuni edilitar-gospodreti i de nfrumuseare a oraului: concursul ,,Blocul, casa cea mai ngrijit, III. Educarea mamelor n spiritul ocrotirii mamei i copilului: organizarea de aciuni comune de colectare a borcanelor i sticlelor; diversificarea i mbuntirea formei de munc voluntar i politic; ,,Sanitarii pricepui, ,,coala mamei. n iarna anului 1980, Comitetului de femei de la E.M. Baia Sprie, particip ,,cu mult plcere [11] la lectoratele cu femeile din Tuii de Sus i Chiuzbaia. Se deschid cursuri n cadrul Universitii cultural-tiinifice 1980-1981 cu temele: ,,Medicina i viaa, ,,Igiena n alimentaia public, ,,Operaia oarb, ,,Consecinele avortului, ,,Ferirea copiilor de accidente. La E.M. uior, comisiile de femei, pe lng realizarea i depirea planului economic, au organizat aciuni de colectare a ciupercilor din pdure necesare cantinei muncitoreti din ntreprindere, la fel Comisia de femei din Chiuzbaia particip la organizarea celor dou expoziii de artizanat.

Imaginea nr.4. Grup folk dans, E.M. Nistru, Bia, Valea Borcutului, 1948.

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nscris n festivalul naional ,,Cntarea Romniei, concursul ,,Munca, tineree, frumusee ajuns la a aptea ediie, deschide pori spre o larg afirmare a potenialului creator al tinerelor fete n diverse domenii [12]. Prin programele propuse, Partidul reuete s pun o masc cultural peste perioada studiat, rezistent n timp, care exprim totala dedicare a muncitorului, femeie sau brbat, n toate formele de socializare impuse. Toate aceste mti nu au reuit s ascund realiti din viaa dur a muncitorilor mineri, a familiilor acestora sau a femeii, att de des clamat n documentele vremii. Bibliografie
1. Analele minelor din Romnia, februarie 1932, p. 40. 2. Consiliul Judeean al Sindicatelor MM. Consiliul local Sindical. Sindicatul deschideri miniere Baia Mare - 1955, Fond. Nr. 84, dosar 16, p. 16-30. 3. Documentele Conferinei Sindicale 1960, Fond. Nr. 990, dosar nr. 50, p. 1-12. 4. n Dare de seam a Comitetului sindical Baia Sprie, 1965, fond nr. 84, dosar 128/1966. 5. Dare de seam a Comitetului sindical Baia Mare, Exploatarea Minier Ssar, dosar 148, 1968, p. 27-30). 6. Plan de munc a Comitetului de femei/1968, Comitetul Regional P.M.R. Maramure. Arhiva de partid. Fond nr. 52, dosar 4, p.28. 7. Conferina Judeen a femeilor din judeul MM, Fond documentar nr. 52, dosar nr. 5, p. 40. 8. Dare de seam asupra activitii desfurate de comitetul orenesc de femei din oraul Bora. Comitetul orenesc al femeilor Bora. Fond nr. 55, dosar nr 10/1981, p. 10-18. 9. Informare privind contribuia comitetelor i comisiilor de femei Maramure, Fond 52, dosar nr.8/1971 p. 12-14. 10. Comitetul Judeean al femeilor MM, Fond 52, dosar nr. 18, anul 1978, p.34-68, 48-50, 63-68. 11. Comitetul orenesc al femeilor Baia Sprie, fond 52, dosar nr.28, anul 1980, p. 16-18. 12. Comitetul UTC de la TAGCM Maramure, manifestare cu o profund valoare educativ n Pentru Socialism, 4 iulie 1989, p. 2.

variant of subsistence. The enlightenment conception of the workers, as form of socialization accepted by the political rgime, had as foundation the partys need of domination and standardization. The cultural, social and sportive programs had a double role: to create an organized and supervised way of socialization and to stimulate the implication in the life of community. Using the syndicate and the management of the mines, the party gets to create a trend of cultural, social and educative prosperity. Keywords: miners, communist party, propaganda, working-class cultural activities, socialization, Maramures mines.

Summary Types of Cultural Socialization of the Miners in the Communist Epoch in the Maramures Area Strongly promoting the policy of industrialization, the communist party created, by the subordinated cultural levers, an efficient propaganda for the mines workers. Considered as a hard job, because of the rudimentary working conditions and the feeble social protection, the mining industry was accessible for common people, without a special qualification, as

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Laura-Rebeca Precup Stiegelbauer, Rodica Teodora Biri, irban Narcisa

The Roma Subcultures in European Projects a Wish for Academically and Socially Inclusion
Introduction cyp4d@yahoo.com; birisrodica@yahoo.com; narcisa_tirban@yahoo.com protection, preservation, affirmation, development and free manifestation of cultural ethnic identity, linguistic and religious national minorities in Romania. It promotes the spirit of ethnic tolerance, mutual respect, intercultural dialogue, and collaboration. Hence, it is noticeable that in the last year, with the help of the local/national/international institutions, to the Roma Subculture it was given a emphasized attention. The people designated as Roma or Gypsies generally occupied an economic niche of commercial nomads (travelling smiths, musicians and so forth). This is reflected even in their name ever since in their own identity as Gypsies, these nomads of the plains have been labeled less-suitable by the host nations ranging from India; Tigani or Zigeuner relating to a long sejour in Persia; and Egyptians replicating their former residence in little Egypt or the bend of Pelopones near Mount Gype from which the English term gypsy is derived. Many current stereotypical depictions still construct the Roma as a wandering people, but in fact, since the first Romani targeted policies in South-Eastern Europe and their position was consigned to the margins of economy and society, where they experienced increased hostility throughout the 19th and 20th century. Even when Nicolae Ceauescu came to power, he tried to include them in the local workforce, but generally, they are traditionally understood as a heterogeneous group of beggars and thieves, which was accompanied during the 19th century with romantic understandings of them as a separate people with an own exotic culture and foreign language. Even the poverty problem accompanying Romanias transition from communism to EU accession played an important role, since the transition

The word subculture is a word, which has been, used a lot lately in various contexts. Its presence in the everyday life has been noticed and recognized. Unfortunately, according to our personal research, its Romanian translation, without any further explanation can bring confusion in the mind of the common listener. However, in order to get the population used to the term and more important than that to its meaning, after Romania joined the European Union in 2007, the Romanians became privileged as many European funds were allotted to different educational projects, which had as focus a subculture. The Faculty where the three of us come from, participated in various European/International projects, which went even deeper, namely they focused on a specific wellknown subculture: the Roma Subculture.

Are Roma people/the Gypsies a Subculture? In Romania there are 20 minorities, which are recognized by experts. Some examples include Bulgarians, Jews, Germans, Italians, Hungarians, Poles, Roma, Tatars, Turks, and Ukrainians. In agreement with Romanian Constitution, each minority is represented in the Deputies Chamber, with the exception of the Hungarian minority, which is even represented by a political party, due to the large number. Recently also the total number of immigrants from China and Moldavia has risen. As the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage even has an office for its minorities, this is in charge of facilitating the inter-cultural dialogue. The Minority Culture Department is accountable for several programs which are responsible for a framework for the

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years which have registered some progress towards integration in the light of Europes insistence on a stronger commitment to Gypsies welfare. We focus on the crucial matter of education and examine the policy initiatives of the last 15 years and the Gypsies response, with particular reference to Banat since this ethnically-diverse part of Western Romania has a distinguished record for social integration, as the it has been demonstrated, to the point where it may provide a model for progress in other parts of the country. Leaving aside historical differences, we can observe nowadays that on both sides a number of common components have influenced policy making on the issue of trying to include Romani or Roma minorities in the daily life of Romania and maybe in the regular educational system where some can even function as a positive example for some others. European Projects In the last years, the projects from which our Faculty was a part of, always had in a small or large part something to do with the abovementioned subculture. Everybody knew that if there was a project to be written, in order to be approved by the European Union, there should be somehow, something with Roma Subculture. In this paper, we will briefly focus just on the two main ones. A first project was a Grundtvig project. In an international educational attempt to help alleviate increasing social problems the European Union, a region faced withflailing recession, goes through, colleagues from Bristol University of East England (UK) and Bekescaba (Hungary) Tessedik Samuel University have been working alongside Vasile GoldisWestern University, our university (Arad, Romania) for two running years aiming at developing insights into intercultural dialogue on topics of mutual social and economic concern for the countries involved, in order to develop programmes of study and empowerment in and with the help of higher educational institutions in the respective countries. Courses designed for underprivileged groups of lower socio economic status (SES) to which the Roma population belongs. The definition of intercultural dialogue that informed our work extends this notion as an open and respectful exchange of views between individuals and groups belonging to different cultural backgrounds that leads to deeper understanding of diverse world views and practices, to a way of finding soluti-

onsto similar, transnational social -educational problems and applying them in local communities/ in local subcultures. The target groups and hence beneficiaries of the newly devised programs in local universities were decided upon by each countrys participating university according to the following criteria: the degree to which the social problem affected young and old and posed the risk of becoming a further social jeopardy, enhancing social and domestic violence, lack of social adjustment and the ever increasing unemployment rate; the degree of poverty and lack of institutionaleducational support; the degree offinancialand/or other forms of assistance needed in order to alleviate the causes AND effects of existing circumstances; the potential of further dissemination within the same group in other regions and in theinternational community. Another international project, this time an Erasmus IP, with students from our faculty, had a significant part, which involved the Roma subculture. Always when there was a topic which the Romanian team should debate upon and on which to do some research and bring footage, everybody, from all the participant countries agreed that it is best for us to have the topic related to the Roma Subculture. For everybody it seemed that we had the most experience with this type of subculture, that we understood it better and that we could bring something interesting. In the eyes of the foreigner or of the European Union, the Roma subculture society needed to be included in everything. However, there still remained the question, after all the projects, do they still really want to be included? From an academical point of view, in the last years big efforts have been taken to offer free tuition for this subculture, in order to increase the number of the educated ones. Along with this, came the so called positive discrimination, which the other persons belonging to the Romanian society were faced with. Why just them and not us? Why free for them and not for us? The irony is that, very often the free of charge places at the university remained vacant as they did not want to go to school, or even worse, they could not go to school, as they did not graduate high school. Social and Academic Inclusion of certain subcultures has proved to be very difficult if the will is not pre-

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sent on both sides. Which project can be considered to be successful and how much success is really a success, this we believe that it cannot be compared as no good deed is better than another good deed and no successful project involving humans and their problems can be compared to another in an oversimplifying attempt at stereotyping. Conclusions Encouraging people to take action is giving them permission to replicate attitude, behaviour, projects, programmes, empowerment techniques, boosting their self-confidence and dynamic involvement. Offering encouragement and coherent, pragmatic, visible help to people who find themselves in dire need can boost their motivation and help them persevere during times of strife. Showing our empathy and support was the most effective way of offering encouragement to the idea that academically and social inclusion of the Roma Subculture is doable in all the projects, but we should always remain grounded and appreciate the minimum or the maximum of what we can get as an outcome of our projects. The targeted Roma subculture people is offered an educational framework within which they can develop plenary their abilities, competencies and innate potential without having the feeling of being put in a second hand citizen situation, can extrapolate the outcomesto various domains and lead normal lives. References
1. Chan, Jennifer (2006) Between Efficiency, Capability, and Recognition: Competing Epistemes in Global Governance, Comparative Education. Vol 43(3), pp.359-376 2. Biraimah, Karen (2003). Transforming Education, Transforming Ourselves: Contributions and Lessons Learned. Comparative Education Review, vol. 47, no. 4. 3. Ovando, C., & McLaren, P. (2000). Cultural recognition and civil discourse in a democracy. In Ovando & McLaren (Eds.), The politics of multiculturalism and bilingual education: Students and teachers caught in the cross fire. Boston: McGraw-Hill. 4. Tomasevski, K. (2003). Education Denied: Costs and Remedies, Zed Books, London and New York. 5. Westheimer, J. and J. Kahne (2003) What Kind of Citizen: Political Choices and Educational Goals, Encounters on Education, 4, Fall, 47-64.

Rezumat Subculturile rome n proiecte europene o dorin pentru includerea academic i social Lucrarea de fa se dorete a fi o scurt introducere a cititorului ntr-un domeniu de larg interes in ultimii ani pentru societatea academic romneasc si nu numai, i anume, Subcultura Rom. Proiectele academice europene ale facultii de unde provin cele trei autoare au avut ntotdeauna n componea lor, ntr-o msur mai mare sau mai mic Romii. Dorina existent a Uniunii Europene de a include academic i social aceast Subcultur s-a dovedit a fi o real provocare din care trebuie, organizatorii de proiecte s fie nelepi i s ia tot ce e e mai bun, neavnd ateptari foarte mari de la o subcultur imprevizibil. Summary The Roma Subcultures in European Projects a Wish for Academically and Socially Inclusion This paper is meant to be a short introduction of the reader into a domain, which, lately, has become interesting for the Romanian Academic Society and not only, namely, the Roma Subculture. The European Academic Projects of the Faculty where the three authors come from were always composed of, in a small or big part the topic of the Roma. The existing wish of the European Union to include Academically and Socially this Subculture, proved itself to be a real challenge, out of which the project organisers need to smart enough, and take only the best, not having big expectations from an unpredictable subculture Keywords: Roma, subculture, university, challenge, project, privileged, Romania

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INTERVIU

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Daniela Sitar Tut

n dialog: Daniela Sitar-Tut- Libua Vajdov

danielasitar@yahoo.fr

mai este un factor care srcete i depriveaz exilul romnesc diferenierea pe naiuni dac ne ocupm exclusiv de exilul literar, srcim faa lui adevrat Daniela Sitar-Tut: Stimat doamn Libua Vajdov, v-am cunoscut n toamna anului trecut, la Universitatea Comenius, la un simpozion internaional Exilul literar romnesc, nainte i dup 1989, unde ai prezentat o comunicare despre acest subiect, vzut ns prin prisma exegezelor, istoriilor i studiilor literare. Cum se vede exilul prin ocheanul cercettoarei de la Institutul de Literatura Universal al Academiei Slovace de tiine? Libua Vajdov: n primul rnd, ar fi bine s ne lmurim despre ce fel de exil vorbim. Faptul c noi toi (romnii, slovacii, cehii, polonezii, ungurii, ruii etc.) trim ntr-o zon unde exilul este un fenomen tradiional, des i variat, ne d voie s discutm ore ntregi numai despre diverse modaliti ale exilului. Faptul acesta s-a manifestat i la simpozionul amintit. Presupun totui c ai ntrebat de exilul romnesc. Exilul romnesc a fost nu numai masiv, dar i foarte diversificat, din variate domenii i specializri. Mi se pare ns ciudat c n pofida variabilitii i istoriei lungi ale exilului romnesc se discut aproape exclusiv despre cel literar. Cred c este un fel de a-l falsifica. ncerc s atrag atenia spre alte moduri ale exilului i anume dou: primul existena i activitatea diverselor ziare, reviste, cenacluri, redacii, partide politice, emisiuni de radio sau televiziune etc., cu alte cuvinte comunitilor mai mari sau mai mici, care aveau rolul de contact, de via social n lumea strin i erau

foarte necesare; al doilea activitatea oamenilor de cultur plecai din Romnia care nu scriau literatur beletristic, ci activau n domenii ca filosofia, religionistica, critica literar, istoriografia, dar i sociologia, antropologia, artele plastice, i de ce nu, i n tiinele exacte, medicin, matematic, IT etc. Mi-am dat seama de variabilitatea exilului romnesc rsfoind Enciclopedia exilului romnesc 1945-1989 (2003) a lui Florin Manolescu unde cititorul are direct sub ochii lui varietatea i modalitile fr sfrit ale existenei romneti n strintate. Dar i din experiena proprie am ntlnit foarte muli romni n lume, chiar nainte de anul 1989. Pe lng polonezi, ei au fost ntotdeauna cei mai numeroi i mi aduc aminte cum forfoteau tinerii pe culoarele lui EHESS la Paris, de am crezut c mi-am greit locul. De asemenea, la congresele comparatiste ICLA prin Germania, Frana, Canada. i nu mai vorbesc despre oamenii din domeniul filmului, muzicii care de multe ori i-au schimbat numele. Din Cehoslovacia nu era n strintate nimeni pe atunci. Cred c dac ne ocupm exclusiv de exilul literar, srcim faa lui adevrat. Chiar n cazul literaturii propriu-zise trebuie s ne dm seama c fr munca zilnic i nu prea spectaculoas a celor care nu erau scriitori, dar scriau recenzii, articolae de popularizare, articole pentru diverse enciclopedii, exilul literar nu s-ar fi fcut cunoscut, nici nu ar fi putut rzbate. Nici n strintate, nici n Romnia. i mai este un factor care srcete i depriveaz exilul romnesc diferenierea pe naiuni. Ai observat c nti i nti se discut despre naiune? Arat cam aa: M, zi, cine e sta? E de origine ungureasc din Transilvania? Sau evreiasc din Moldova? A, sta nu e exilatul romnesc, nu aparine nou. i cum a scris n Romnia? n german? A, nu e al nostru. i n final: Noi nu vrem Premiul Nobel care nu e al nostru.

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E ca i cum a auzi glasurile sceptrelor de acum dou sute de ani. Tocmai exilul a dat posibilitatea romnilor s dovedeasc n ce msur sunt capabili s realizeze valorile apreciate mondial, trecnd peste graniele naiunilor. S-i mprim n ai notri i ne ai notri n funcie de limb sau naionalitate....? Interesant. Daniela Sitar-Tut: Cnd a nceput apropierea Dvs. de cultura romn i care a fost prima provocare (traducere)?

Libua Vajdov:
nainte de a ncepe studiile universitare nu m-am interesat de fenomenul romnesc, nvam numai limba francez. Dar la liceu am avut latina care la facultate, poate, m-a ndreptat spre o alt limb romanic, cea romn, n combinaie cu franceza. Momentul decisiv a fost cltria n Romnia cu colegii mei de la universitate n timpul vacanelor dup anul nti de studii. Atunci, Romnia ne-a cucerit absolut de tot i am rmas aa pe via. E interesant c acest lucru se repet. S-a ntmplat i colegilor mei i se ntmpl i astzi studenilor notri (din Slovacia, Cehia, Polonia etc.). Din clipa aceea nu m-a fi rzgndit s prsesc aceast limb i cultura deloc. Am citit pe urm i cte ceva din literatura contemporan i m-a fermecat o scriitoare emblematic a epocii respective sau a modernitii noastre de generaie, Snziana Pop, cu nuvela ei Nu te lsa niciodat. Asta era prima mea traducere i cred c i credoul meu. Pe urm am aflat mai multe din istoria romnilor, iar din literatura romn de atunci m-a fascinat modul ei de a construi miturile, de a le dezvolta, de a imagina inuturile mitice cu elementele rurale, din natura sau din istoria romneasc desfurat n inutul acesta ntortocheat, plin de rmie istorice i culturale din diverse pri ale Europei Occidentale, Estice, Sudice sau din Balcani. Niciodat nu am crezut c Balcan nseamn ceva dehonestator. Din contra. Pentru mine Balcanul sau mai bine Balcanii au rmas inuturile acelea fermecate precum le-am cunoscut pe de o parte pline de mituri, obiceiuri populare, art plastic fascinant (pictura i sculptura) fie cea bisericeasc din nordul Moldovei, fie cea modern, iar pe de alt parte o lume sever de nvai, de educaie, de cunotine, lumea n care se discutau crile occidentale care n Cehoslovacia nici nu puteau s apar. Din motivul acesta Romnia are un loc aparte n orientarea i pregtirea mea. n Cehoslovacia aveam pe timpul meu o bun pregtire structuralist sau formalist. Dar pe se-

mioticieni, chiar dac ar fi fost un Iuri Lotman, era imposibil s-i gsim. De aceea, din Romnia mi aduceam regulat teancurile de cri de specializare, fie de autori romni, fie traduse din limbile mondiale, aprute de obicei la Editura Univers. n plus, triam n sisteme aproape identice. M-am mprietenit cu muli colegi din domeniu ca Mircea Anghelescu, Andrei Nestorescu sau Monica Spiridon, instruii i informai, cu care am discutat la Institutul de istorie i teorie literar George Clinescu al ARS, cu care sunt nc n contact i care m-au orientat. Dar cel mai mult l-am admirat pe prof. Alexandru Duu care m-a introdus n operele de La Nouvelle Histoire din Frana i n teoria mentalitilor sau pe prof. Marino cu care am comunicat mai ales pe tema literaturii comparate. Nici n limba slovac, nici n cea ceh nu apreau traducerile din lucrrile acestor coli, de fapt eram nevoii s le citim n polon. Cu limba mea romn am avut un mare privilegiu, am putut s le citesc ca n a doua limb matern. Pe de alt parte, ca s art cititorului slovac i cealalt fa a Romniei, fascinant, necunoscut, am inut mult s ntocmesc antologia nuvelelor romneti din secolul 20, traduse mpreun cu colegii mei, care a aprut la editura Slovensky spisovatel exact n anul 1989 sub titlul Pierdui n Balcania. Acest titlu era preluat i puin schimbat dup titlul unei nuvele de Fnu Neagu. Dar, trebuie s accentuez, nu era gndit absolut deloc n sensul peiorativ, dimpotriv. Balcania era o ar mitic, ireal, de imaginar, fantezie i de mpletirea ruralului cu natura, cu istoricul interpretabil, dar cu att mai fascinant, unde mai putem simi reziduurile basmelor orientului dublate de ideile i sobrul occidental. Cred c este acel ceva care-i atrage pe tinerii notri studeni i astzi, aceast variabilitate i multiplicitate cultural, capacitatea de primire i de creativitate. i cred c este i motivul pentru care literatura romneasc este att de bun i diferit de celelalte din lume. Sitar-Tut: Care este autorul de care v simii cel mai legat sufletete din literatura romn? Dar din cea universal? Motivai. Libua Vajdov: Doresc s spun aici c primul meu roman tradus din literatura romn a fost ngerul a strigat de Fnu Neagu. Am avut norocul c domnul Fnu Neagu m-a primit n cercul familiei Dumnealui i c a fost dumnealui cel care m-a fcut s cunosc Romnia, s o vd cu ochii mei, s vizitez nenumrate monumente isto-

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rice i culturale care mi-ar fi rmas ascunse altfel. Graie dumnealui, mi-am dat seama de diversitatea i bogia geografic, cultural i social a Romniei. Graie operei lui, mi-am dat seama i de alte spaii ale literaturii romne, ceea ce nu puteau s mi le dea traducerile din Liviu Rebreanu, el fiind foarte asemntor cu autorii slovaci. Spre exemplu, literatura criptic din ultimul deceniu al lui Ceauescu am neles-o ca principiu prin operele lui. Chiar dac e subestimat, s nu pierdem din vedere c e un fenomen foarte special a literaturii romneti. E o limit a literaturii de coninut contra unui regim politic, interesant ca metod, ca gen, cu imaginarul ei, dar incomunicabil dup pierdera circumstanelor i foarte greu sau practic imposibil de tradus. Datorit acestor orientri am putut sa m dirijez pe urm spre gndirea despre literatura unde am devorat Viaa i opiniile lui Zaharias Lichter de Matei Clinescu sau Craii de Curtea Veche de Mateiu Caragiale care este o surs de inspiraie sau de reflectare pentru mine i astzi. n ce privete literatura universal, i asta se leag de Romnia. Un lucru extrem de interesant la Bucureti este teatrul. Am vzut o mulime de piese din literatura universal pe scen romneasc, spre exemplu Hamlet n versiunea neprescurtat i n limba romn declamatoare, tragic, puternic (prima i ultima dat, nimeni nu-l mai d aa), Meterul i Margareta de Bulgakov, piese de nceput de Gorki, Cehov, cteva piese de Viniec i multe alte piese din literatura universal i romneasc. Din cultura romneasc m-a cucerit pe deplin teatrul. De la punerea n scen, concepie regizoral, cteodat foarte stranie, dar nu vulgar, declamare emfatic cu voce tare, emoie, pasiune, condescen i nelegere, dublate de ironie i supralicitare, cu care este jucat repertoriul clasic, mai ales cel rusesc, n plus pantomim ... e un deliciu. Cred c teatrul romnesc face parte a formaiei i a orientrii mele profesionale spre romnitate i motivul c citesc cu plcere textele lui Proust, Borges, y Gasset sau Pamuk. O mare iubire n poezie a fost Bacovia, Blaga, dar i Arghezi, pe alocuri, dar n ultima vreme m-am ntors la Blaga i Baudelaire, dar i la Crtrescu. Desigur, opera lui Eliade, fie de specialitare, fie de beletristic, e pentru mine o surs de cunoatere, dar i de ptrundere n lumile necunoscute, de a tri ntr-o pur nchipuire. Cu mare interes am citit Jurnalul lui Sebastian despre care am i scris i n care m-a interesat mai ales atmosfera interbelic a fluxului de modernizare amestecat cu conservatorismul. Admir analizele lui Matei Clinescu sau eseurile lui Horia-Roman Patapievici din care am i tradus. Cred c Patapievici e

unul din puinii autori care au o viziune extrem de clarvztoare, fr s-i fie fric de a spune deschis ce consider el realitate n diverse evenimente istorice sau culturale din istoria Romnilor pierdute sub stratul de mistificri sau idealizri. Desigur, e problematic s fie acceptat de toi i nici nu e nevoie s fie el pune ntrebrile necesare. E un fenomen asemntor cu cel exprimat de opera colectiv, publicat n englez de ctre Marcel Cornis-Pope i John Neubauer Istoria culturilor literare (History of Literary Cultures, I-IV, Benjamins 20062010) care se ocup de literatura i cultura romneasc ntr-un mod cu totul neobinuit, foarte potrivit situaiei din Europa din ultimele dou secole, plin de fenomene eterogene i contradictorii, ca plurilingvism, multietnicitate sau religiozitate diversificat i schimbtoare. Nici aceast oper nu e corect sau tradiional istoricoliterar, dar e foarte inspirativ. Daniela Sitar-Tut: Rumunsk literatra v slovenskej kultre (1890-1990) /Receptarea literaturii romne n Slovacia ntre 1890 i 1990, publicat n anul 2000 la Bratislava, de ctre Academia Slovac de tiine, n cadrul coleciei Strun dejiny umeleckho prekladu na Slovensku (Scurt istorie a traducerilor literare din Slovacia) constituie o lucrare de pionierat, fiind prima monografie, primul studiu sintetic ce valorific procesul de difuzare/traducere/receptare a scriitorilor i oamenilor de cultur romni n acest areal geografic. Cum v-a venit aceast idee? Relevai, v rog, circumstanele. Libua Vajdov: Nu era o idee care mi-ar fi venit. Dac cineva studiaz o literatur din afar de contextul ei de origine sau dac traduce din ea, o privire la ceea ce s-a fcut sau cum se prezint aceast literatur cititorului strin (aici slovac) este de nenlturat, se contureaz automat i se actualizeaz tot timpul. Nu se poate traduce o oper fr ca traductorul s tie dac era tradus deja i cum. Un rol important are nu numai momentul contemporan de schimb, dar i tradiia recepional, deci imaginea unei literaturi strine n contextul de cultur (atenie, nu de literatur) primitoare. Lucrarea menionat este rodul unul studiu ndelungat. n plus, cum lucrez n cadrul unui institut de istorie i teorie a literaturii universale, unde se face literatura comparat spontan, problema m-a interesat i din punctul de vedere teoretic ca proces al receptrii. Despre acest fenomen am scris un studiu n care am ncercat s-mi clarific noiuni ca strin, strinismul, alteritate, deschidere

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spre altul sau invers, al nostru i ne al nostru, istoria ori tradiia receptrii unei literaturi, poziia traducerii fa de literatura ei de origine, poziia traducerii fa de operele originale din literatura primitoare, funcia traducerii n acest context, valoarea ei, aspectul ei material, financiar, contexte i motive de alegere, rolul edituilor, grupurilor de literai, traductori, critici literari, gtilor literare, funcia concurenei bunurilor simbolice, evaluri, distincii de tot felul, spus n limbajul lui Bourdieu etc. Toate acestea le-am folosit pe urm i n lucrarea mea despre receptarea literaturii romne in cultura slovac. La nceput am lucrat n cadrul grupului mpreun cu specialitii n mai multe literaturi unde ne-am dat seama treptat c exist unele probleme, dac nu chiar identice, atunci foarte asemntoare, n procesul de receptarea a literaturilor strine. Din acest motiv au fost publicate la Institutul de literatura universal ASS volumele colective nti pe tema procesului interliterar i pe urm volumele indviduale pe tema receptrii literaturilor strine n contextul cultural slovac (italian, rus, ungureasc, croat, romneasc, german etc.). Faptul acesta ne-a furnizat ocazia s formulm i unele constatri mai generale i ne-a inspirat s cutm nu numai specificul receptrii fiecrei literaturi strine aparte, dar s ne gndim i la practicile culturale n general sau la canoane literare a contextului de receptare. Una dintre ntrebrile majore era cum, de ce i datorit cror condiii sau n ce contexte se scrie despre literaturile strine sau se traduce din ele ntr-un fel i nu ntr-altul. Punctul nostru de plecare nu era s aflm cum se prezerv originalitatea sau specificul unei opere traduse, dar ce motiveaz cultura slovac s iniieze traducerile ntr-un fel sau altul, fie ele bune sau nu. Valoarea traducerii este relatabil n primul rnd la contextul de receptare i pe urm la contextul literaturii de origine. Traducerea poate s nu fie reuit (dup noi) i s aib un rol puternic n mediul n care a intrat. Foarte puini critici din literatura de origine sunt n stare s neleag adnc motivele unei soluii n traducere i dac rolul traducerii e important sau nu. Trebuie s fie un cunosctor bun al ambelor contexte culturale i literare i n plus un bilingv. Daniela Sitar-Tut: Care ai fost dificultile majore ale definitivrii acestui proiect? Libua Vajdov: Problema numrul unu n studierea receptrii e c totalitatea traducerilor receptate niciodat nu corespunde cu literatura strin respectiv. Receptarea este

nu numai parial, dar i altfel dect literatura original. Aa ceva ca o imagine fidel a literaturii strine nu exist. Chiar dac numrul traducerilor este ridicat, niciodat nu e de ajuns. Din literatura romn au fost traduse n limba slovac cam o sut de titluri n volume i cteva sute n periodice. Materialul, dei interesant i diversificat, nu mi s-a prut ns suficient s descifrez vreo tendin, vreo opiune artistic care s-ar repeta n el. n momentele de cumpn mi-au venit n ajutor ntotdeauna traducerile din literatura romn n limba ceh care au fost de multe ori paralele sau uneori chiar substituiau traducerile n limba slovac. Cum e posibil? ntre limbile ceh i slovac exist o mare apropiere lingvistic, care permite o comunicare direct fr probleme de nelegere, datorit creia oricine poate citi n ambele limbi direct. Bilingvismul acesta s-a artat ca un factor cultural important i n cunoaterea literaturii romne n Slovacia. Spre exemplu, n unele perioade nu se mai traducea un titlu (un roman sau o culegere de liric) care a fost tradus deja n cealalt limb (ceh sau slovac) dar n altele, se traduceau tocmai aceste titluri deja traduse, pentru c se considera c e nevoie de a compara traducerile, de a decide care dintre ele este mai bun. Criticii literari slovaci scriau despre traducerile n limba ceh ca i cum s-ar fi tradus n limba slovac. Imaginea literaturii romne n Slovacia este deci construit nu numai din traduceri n limba slovac, dar i din cele n limba ceh. Pe deasupra, studiul limbii i al literaturii romne ca disciplin n Cehia i Slovacia are rdcini comune i a avut relaii intensive coexistnd ntr-un stat cehoslovac comun aproape un secol. Multe traduceri din literatura romn au fost citite, recepionate, deci prezente n amndou culturile paralel. De aceea m-am ferit s precizez n titlul lucrrii dac e vorba numai de traduceri n limba slovac. O alt dificultate era c materialul traducerilor i articolelor a fost necunoscut i dispersat prin periodicele vremii. Trebuie s spun c depistarea traducerilor, articolelor, autorilor, pseudonimelor i titlurilor originale prin reviste i ziare slovace pe perioada de opt, nou decenii, efectuat pe la diverse biblioteci, a durat un timp considerabil, poate mai mult de un an. i nici acuma nu e complet, foarte des se mai gsesc nite lacune i imprecizii. Trebuie s spun c personal am avut acest material pregtit mai devreme pentru c unul dintre stadiile de nceput al studierii unei literaturi strine la institutul pentru literaturi strine era considerat o bun cunoatere a trecutului disciplinar, deci studierea obligatoare a materialului literar existent, ceea ce s-a scris.

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Daniela Sitar-Tut: Vorbii n cartea Dvs. despre etape distincte ale receptrii literaturii romne, datorate i interferenelor culturale. V rog s le sintetizai, pentru cei care nu au avut acces la aceste informaii. Libua Vajdov: Imaginea literaturii romane n Slovacia ncepe s se contureze cel puin de la jumtatea secolului al 19-lea. La nceput s-a manifestat prin activitile cultural-politice n cadrul Parlamentului naiunilor nemaghiare din Ungaria de la Budapesta, concentrate pe probleme ale naiunilor ca cea romneasc, slovac i altele, ori evocate de schimburile darurilor simbolice, folclorice, pentru cercurile culturale pronaionale (Milan Hoda, S. H. Vajansk, Memoranditii transilvneni etc.). Acest stadiu a durat pn la sfritul secolului al 19-lea cnd a cptat o calitate literar mai pronunat. Spre exemplu, viitorul poet slovac simbolist, Ivan Krasko, care a dat nite traduceri excepionale din lirica lui M. Eminescu, a nvat limba i literatura romn la Liceul romnesc din Braov (1894-1896) dup ce a studiat un an la Liceul protestant german la Sibiu (1893), de asemenea ca i viitorul om de politic slovac Milan Hoda. Mai muli tineri slovaci au studiat n liceul german protestant din Sibiu datorit situaiei politice opresive n Slovacia i condiiilor mai bune pentru naionalitile nemaghiare n Transilvania. Impulsul mare la aceast schimbare l-a dat publicistul slovac Gustv Augustny care a fost ani ntregi redactor la Tribuna i la Tribuna poporului i mai trziu la Bucureti, secretarul personal al lui Ioan Raiu i un mare animator al relaiilor culturale dintre oamenii de cultur slovaci i romni. Era momentul hotrtor n receptarea literaturii romneti n Slovacia. Poetul Ivan Krasko a nvat la Braov limba romn i a tradus i publicat unsprezece poezii din lirica eminescian nc n primele decenii ale secolului 20 n reviste i ziare slovace. Titlurile traduse erau dintre cele mai frumoase, ca spre exemplu O, mam, Peste vrfuri, Pe aceiai ulicoar i altele. n 1956 au aprut i n volum sub titlul Umbre pe pnza vremii. Datorit lui Krasko, care a fost poetul cel mai important din lirica modern slovac, literatura romn i Eminescu au cptat un loc aparte n cultura slovac. Celelalt perioad important a receptrii o constituie anii 40 ai secolului 20, cnd a aprut un rnd de traduceri n volume dintre care cele mai importante romanele din prima jumtate a secolului 20 (cu precdere ale lui Liviu Rebreanu, M. Sadoveanu etc.).

Aceste traduceri se datorau situaiei literare, dar i celei politice, Slovacia i Romnia fcnd parte din blocul progerman. Pe urm, avem anii de dup 1945, cnd traducerile din limba romn fceau parte aproape obligatorie din planurile editurilor, datorit blocului rilor socialiste. Mai trziu, se deosebete perioada anilor 60 care a nceput de fapt prin traducerea Moromeilor lui Marin Preda. n acest deceniu de eliberare ideologic traducerile din literatura romn se orientau spre producia contemporan i s-au publicat nu n volume, ci prin ziare i reviste, fapt foarte interesant, provocat de necesitatea cunoaterii ct mai rapide i intensive a creaiei actuale (Nichita Stnescu, Marin Preda, Ana Blandiana). Anii 70 prezint un fenomen recepional deosebit. n cultura slovac au fost anii cnd a nceput ocupaia Cehoslovaciei de ctre armatele blocului prosovietic i aa-zisa normalizare. Romnia, care a refuzat s ia parte la aceast represiune, a fost considerat mai liber, i faptul era consemnat, spre exemplu, prin traducerea romanelor Prins al lui P. Popescu sau Psrile i Apa de A. Ivasiuc exprimnd reacia contra situaiei pe de o parte, iar pe de alt parte resemnarea n faa ei (poveti pentru copii, piese de comedie, romane poliiste). Dup anul 1989 atenia s-a reorientat mai ales spre literatura cea nou i recuperarea locurilor goale, ca spre exemplu operele lui Mircea Eliade, fie beletristice, fie de istoria religiilor, care prezint un moment de interes major s-a tradus romanul Noaptea de Snziene i o culegere mai mare de nuvele, binnteles, n afar de opere de istoria religiilor. A fost publicat o culegere reprezentativ din literatura ultimelor dou decenii (Crtrescu i alii), s-au pus pe scen cteva piese de teatru dintre cele mai noi i au nceput s apar i opere de specialitate ca cea despre receptarea literaturii romne n Slovacia cu bibliografia traducerilor, o nou traducere din Eminescu, introducere despre opera lui, monografia despre romanul romnesc interbelic (Jana Plenkov) i mai multe volume colective la colocviile dedicate problemelor literaturii romne, organizate la Bratislava i la Praga. Cunoaterea literaturii romne a trecut n stadiul cnd trebuie s fie nu numai lrgit, dar i reflectat. Acum numrul traducerilor a crescut mult peste o sut de titluri n volum, dar mai ales a permis dezvoltarea contiinei tradiiei acestor studii n Slovacia.

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Rare Iordache

Impactul viral al social media

metarockam@gmail.com 11. Introducere2 Evoluia exponenial a Internetului a condus la o explozie manifestat prin apariia web 2.0, Tim OReilly fiind cel care a conceptualizat termenul la o conferin din 2004. Distinciile fa de mai vechiul intitulat web 1.0 erau evidente, totul fiind centrat pe un soi de elemente prietenoase utilizatorului. Google Adsense, torentele, platformele de tip blogging (Wordpress sau Blogspot), reelele de socializare i alte asemenea ustensile au devenit indispendabile utilizatorului. Boomul const tocmai n posibilitatea utilizrii lor la scar larg, datorit principiului accesibilitii. De asemenea, unul dintre ctigurile mari ale erei internet software a fost trecerea de la perceperea acestuia ca produs la perceperea lui ca i serviciu. Practic este vorba despre ndreptarea privirii nspre un tip de relaie precum Netscape Google. Netscape3 a ncadrat the web as platform n termenii vechii paradigme software: principalul lor produs era browser-ul, o aplicaie desktop, iar strategia lor era s i foloseasc poziia dominant pe piaa browser-ului pentru a stabili o alt pia pentru produsele server la preuri mari. Din contr, Google i-a nceput viaa ca o aplicaie web nativ, niciodat vndut sau mpachetat, dar distribuit ca i serviciu, avnd clieni care pltesc, direct sau indirect, pentru
1 Aceast lucrare a fost posibil prin sprijinul financiar oferit prin Programul Operaional Sectorial Dezvoltarea Resurselor Umane 2007-2013, cofinanat prin Fondul Social European, n cadrul proiectului PO SDRU / 107/1.5/S/76841, cu titlul Studii doctorale moderne: internaionalizare i interdisciplinaritate 2 Text conceput pe baza conferinei cu acelai titlu, care a fost susinut pe 6 martie 2012 la Universitatea ELTE din Budapesta, Lectoratul Romnesc, Catedra de Filologie. 3 Este vorba despre celebrul navigator Web, care a cunoscut gloria n anii 90. Declinul acestuia a fost apariia browser-ului Internet Explorer de la Windows, care venea instalat direct pe calculatoarele utilizatorilor.

acel tip de serviciu (OReilly, 2005, 1). Netscape a fost continuat ulterior de ctre proiectul open source Mozilla prin browser-ul Firefox, devenit un competitor real, la acea vreme, pentru Internet Explorer, browser-ul de la Microsoft. Practic, apariia sistemelor Windows de la Microsoft cu Internet Explorer integrat a cauzat declinul Netscape Navigator, revitalizat ulterior. Sistarea suportului pentru acest browser a venit relativ trziu, n 2008. Gama serviciilor Google s-a extins tot exponenial, de la an la an, acoperind o palet extrem de vast: email (gmail), motor de cutare (celebrul Google), traductor (Google translate), platform de blogging (blogspot), sistemul hrilor (prin Google Earth i recent prin MapsGL4), reea de socializare (Google+), documente n format electronic (Google docs), arhiv i element de editat poze (Picasa web) i alte asemenea servicii/ aplicaii. Situs-ul tehnologic a creat un adevrat miraj pentru utilizator. Acesta a nceput s-i pun din ce n ce mai mult problema dualismului real i enigmatic offline - online. Toate ustensilele puse la dispoziie prin intermediul web 2.0 sau toate elementele new media5 l fac pe user s lucreze tot mai mult timp n
Tehnologie Google, oferit prin WebGL, prin care utilizatorul poate vizualiza 3D anumite cldiri, poate vedea din zbor imagini aeriene din unghi de 45 de grade sau poate s coboare n Street View fr niciun plug-in auxiliar. Trebuie tiut din start c nu orice utilizator are acces la un astfel de serviciu, calculatorul trebuind s ndeplineasc anumite cerine minimale: browser folosit Google Chrome 14+, Firefox 8+ sau Safari 5.1+; OS (sistemul de operare): MAC OS Snow Leopard 10.6 +, Lion 10.7+, Windows Vista or 7, Linux; Video Card Hadrware: GPU cu Direct X 9.0c (Shader Model 3+). 5 Termen nc destul de general i vag. Lev Manovich vorbeste n Language of New Media despre adevrate principii atribuite new media, care o fac att de diferit de old media. Manovich analizeaz pe rnd: reprezentarea numeric, modularitatea (structura fractal a new media),
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spaiul online, n spaiul virtual. Principalul instrument care i permite utilizatorului accesul n acest nou spaiu este computerul. 2. User-ul preia controlul Computerul trece de la stadiul de ustensil a produciei, aa cum era n anii 60, la cel de main media universal, n 1995 la Ars Electronica din Linz. Este introdus conceptul net-art. Computerul este o ustensil utilizat nu numai n producie, ci i pentru stocare, distribuie sau playback (Manovich, 2005, 31). Ca atare, computerul devine mai mult dect un mediutransmitor de mesaje. Accesibilitatea oferit utilizatorului este cauza de transgresare a statutul computerului, trecnd n plan secund relevana i importana sa ca mediu. nainte de aceasta trebuie menionat conectarea la reeaua de internet, prin care se regndete rolul computerului. Un computer conectat la internet poate, ntr-adevr, s schimbe cursul evenimentelor. Pe internet, investindu-se n mod inteligent resursele, se poate obine n scurt timp o putere cultural care poate fi folosit politic i economic(Pasovsky, 2000, 1). Puterea manipulativ a internetului poate fi sesizat n mod concret dup evoluia web 2.0. Tocmai de aceea, accesiblitatea i schimbarea statutului computerului prin intermediul internetului trebuie gndite n aceeai schem. Dualismul offline-online devine astfel prin aceasta mai pronunat, iar interogaiile asupra cyberspace-ului se nmulesc. Ce este acest nou spaiu i cum circul informaia prin el sau care este principalul su rol? Este cert c nsi paradigma comunicrii a fost influenat n mod decisiv, distribuia fiind centrat pe un singur canal, computerul. Cyberspace-ul este o stare a minii. Mediul n sine nu face diferena. Ceea ce conteaz este cum l folosim. Mesajul este mesaj, cine se intereseaz de mediu? (Friedman, 2003, 2). Aceasta afirmaie funcioneaz perfect n tandem cu sloganul: Nu exist spaiu n cyberspaiu (There is no space in cyberspace), ca premis principal a programatorilor, n calitate de creatori de spaii n spaiul virtual. Totui, spaiul digital al computerului este perceput ca un meta-mediu capabil s fundamenteze o nou revoluie sau o schimbare paradigmatic. User-ul poate avea acces prin intermediul su la o lume iluzorie, privind la ea ca printr-o fereastr i, mai nou, particiautonomia (rezultat din primele dou), variabilitatea (posiblitatea unui obiect new media de a exista ntr-o infinitate de versiuni) i transcodarea (new media poate fi gndit prin dou tipuri de straturi cultural i computational).

pnd activ la ceea ce se ntmpl dincolo, n spaiul virtual6. De asemenea, situat n faa ecranului, user-ul l vede ca pe un Control Panel plat, care este ncrcat cu o mulime de butoane, ce stau la distan de un click de decla narea unor operaii sau procese ale sistemului. Sedu cia clicurilor l face pe utilizator s navigheze de la un folder la altul, s exploreze spaiul coninut de computer i spaiul deschis de acesta prin conectarea la reea. Se poate spune c user-ul preia controlul prin aciune, prin hoinrirea n spaiile nchise i deschise intermediate de computer. El este situat n faa unui template care i se desfoar n faa ochiului n ntregime. De aceea, trim ntr-o template culture7, n care utilizatorul este asaltat de alegeri, de panel-urile ncrcate cu gadget-uri i widget-uri. Ar prea c totul este fcut n sensul consumului, ns user-ul intete n prim faz eliberarea imaginaiei sale i ruperea determi naiilor, a barierelor impuse de viaa offline. Nomadismul utilizatorului n virtual space l face asemntor trntorului (le flaneur) lui Charles Baudelaire sau asemntor acelui Data Dandy al lui Geert Lovink. Exist, totui i o difereniere destul de clar. Data Dandy iubete s-i expun colecia sa de date altor utilizatori, ns este similar unei non-identiti, corespunde perfect ascensiunii internetului. Net-surferul este echivalentul acestui the flaneur al lui Baudelaire, n vreme ce user-ul navignd n spaiul virtual, precum spaiile din jocurile video, este identic cu exploratorul secoului XIX (Manovich, 2005, 232). Voi zbovi asupra acestei chestiuni importante pentru pasul urmtor. Lev Manovich discut despre stagiul actual n sensul unei data culture (cultur a datelor). Totul este stocat ntr-un panel, iar de acolo utilizatorul are posibilitatea de a selecta meniuri sau operaii pe care sistemul le pune n aplicare. Mai mult, trecnd de partea hardware-software a computerului, n spaiul online mecanismul este identic: user-ul are o gam variat de ustensile, grupate mereu n tot soiul de tablouri, din care are la ndemn s aleag operaii, simboluri sau altfel de procese. Voi exemplifica prin Picasa. Utilizatorul poate s-i creeze un cont online, prin intermediul contului
Apariia Second Life a dat posibilitatea explorrii de ctre utilizator a unor trmuri imaginare, imateriale, dar care pot afecta cursul firesc al Real Life. Acesta a fost unul din dezideratele exprimate de ctre net-artitii din Second Life: transgresarea barierelor dintre cele dou lumi i trecerea produselor imateriale din Second Life n Real Life. 7 Termen folosit de Ewa Wojtowicz ntr-un interviu realizat de Rare Iordache i publicat n Net-Art 2.II Journal, disponibil aici: http://net-art.ifilosofie.ro/2012/03/15/open-windows-to -the-next-template-interview-with-ewa-wojtowicz/.
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Google, i i poate stoca acolo fotografiile. Mai mult, acesta i poate instala n computer programul Picasa, poate modifica pozele cu ajutorul operaiunilor de editare i le poate uploada direct n cont su online sau le poate face un export file n spaiul de stocare al computerului. Cheia ntregului mecanism, generaliznd acum, este operaia de editare a fotografiilor, contului online sau a coninutului web, direcia fiind indirect asumat: conceperea realitilor false. Dac scopul iniial era acela al unor ajustri sau mbuntiri aduse aciunilor utilizatorului, de tipul celor care l ajutau s vad mai bine realitatea, ulterior inta se schimb. Kevin Warwick8 a dotat un robot, n timpul unui experiment din 2011, cu mai multe camere video conectate la un computer. Astfel, n timplul deplasrii robotului, Warwick a avut acces la un ansamblu de vederi, a putut vedea efectiv n mult mai multe coluri dect ar fi putut-o face cu ochiul liber. Acesta este un exemplu ar cyborgizrii omului pentru a putea suplini sau ajusta anumite disfuncionaliti sau limitri ale funciilor sale. User-ul situat n faa ecranului reuete s vad n n coluri, n funcie de numrul camerelor video amplasate pe robot, poate nghea imaginea obinut de la o camer pentru a observa un detaliu prin zoom-ul aplicat. n cazul acestui experiment, totul era centrat pe a vedea mai bine realitatea. Complexitatea informaiei, care a fost obinut n acest mod, este una viral, existnd dorina cert a utilizatorului de a mprti, de a o mprtia. Principiul care funci one a z n acest sens este urmtorul: eti online, eti vizibil, deci informaia ta este mprtiat. Astfel, se face trecerea din spaiul nchis al computerului nspre deschiderea oferit de ctre spaiul virtual. Se instaleaz nomadismul, hoinreala prin acest spaiu nou, iar user-ul este nevoit s mbrace o form corespunztoare. 3. Deteritorializare i reteritorializare Ptrunderea user-ului n spaiul virtual a coincis cu startul, aproape simultan, a nomadismului su n acest nou teritoriu. Accesibilitatea oferit de web 2.0 a con8

dus la mrirea numrului celor care puteau depi graniele real life (RL). Internetul este o unealt foarte eficient a globalizrii, iar Zygmunt Bauman afirm c sunt deja globalizai. Totul este ntr-o continu micare i schimbare. We are almost ready to turn to the more difficult and more pressing challenge of looking anthropologically at the complexities of societies in global historical change. But first, the theoretical orientation we have gained needs reinforcement. We need to pause to tie together theoretical loose ends, reinforce the analytical powers that will be needed to interpret a more complex and vast-scale world9 Ewa Wojtowicz discut ntr-un eseu recent10 despre translocalism i globalizare, doi termeni care presupun transgresarea de ctre individ a unor bariere existente n RL. Astfel, cetenii internetului11 reuesc s sparg graniele specifice zonelor lor geografice, conducnd la un soi de sfrit al geografiei n realitatea virtual (VR). Ce ar presupune acest lucru? VR presupune un soi de externalizare a minii. Ceea ce era cndva unic, individual, un proces mental, devine un obiect al sferei publice (Manovich, 2005, 74). Iat o prim dorin care l face pe utilizator s fie online: informaia oferit de el poate deveni public, ea poate fi accesat de un anumit numr de ali utilizatori. Uneltele avute la ndemn: blogging-ul12, photosharing-ul (Flickr, My Space, Picasa), video-sharing-ul (Youtube, Vimeo) sau altele. Ceea ce distribuia utilizatorul era iniial compus din texte (n fapt, hypertexte), filmulee (video blogging), muzic (MP3 blog) sau fotografii (photoblog). Ceea ce a prins a fost tocmai ideea de spaiul meu virtual, distribuit celorlali utilizatori pentru a schimba informaii. RL este descompus n momentul trecerii n VR, iar user-ul i reconstruiete un alt spaiu, virtual, care transgreseaz limitele existente. Invitaii si sunt ceilali, care au sau nu un astfel de spaiu, iar mesajul i distribuia devin foarte imporCioban, Florin, Disclosing the hidden dimension of everyday practices/ Perspectives on Cultural Anthropology, Editura Palamart, Budapesta (2010). 10 Wojtowicz, Ewa, Translocal Art of the Internet, or Where does the Art Happen?, Academy of Fine Arts, Poznan, 2002 (revizuit n 2010). 11 Citizens sau Netizens, ca i comuniti online 12 Prin intermediul unor platforme de tipul Wordpress sau Blogspot. Acetia invitau i invit n continuare utilizatorii s-i creeze bloguri gratuit pe platforma lor, cu specificarea i asumarea de ctre user a unor restricii de spaiu sau de trafic de date. Prncipiul aplicat pare destul de simplu: you push the button, we create your world!
9

Profesor de cibernetic la Universitatea din Reading, Anglia, unde face cercetri n domeniile: inteligena artificial, control, robotic i inginerie biomedical. Unele dintre cele mai interesante i cunoscute proiecte ale lui Warwick sunt legate de proiectul Project Cyborg, n cadrul crora i-a implantat un cip n bra pentru a deveni cyborg. De asemenea, una dintre lucrrile sale relevante se intituleaz: I, Cyborg, aprut n 2004 la University of Illinois Press (Reprint edition),

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tante. Ceea ce conteaz acum este cum anume s-i faci invitaii s stea mai mult timp n noua ta cas. Utilizatorii pot depi spaiul ngust al realitii, pot cltori n locuri de care au auzit sau au citit, avnd acum ansa de a le vedea prin intermediul VR. Dup explozia web 2.0 i accesul oferit utilizatorului, a devenit imperios necesar apariia unei metode de m prtiere a coinutului sau a noutilor din extrem de numeroasele spaii virtuale, concepute de aceti Data Dandy. Soluia a fost Social Media. Andreas Kaplan i Michael Haenlein13 afirm faptul c exist ase tipuri de social media: proiectele colaborative (de tipul Wikipedia), blogurile i microblogurile (platoformele Wordpress i Blogspot), comunitile online (Youtube), site-urile de socializare (de tipul Facebook), lumea jocurilor virtuale (World of Warcraft) i lumile sociale virtuale (Second Life). Ce au adus nou aceste mecanisme? Reeaua social (network) a adus utilizatorului iluzia de a fi n mijlocul lumii i totui a rmne ascuns lumii. Astfel, conectarea la internet i distribuirea informaiei ofer posibilitatea de a fi plecat, departe de cas i n acelai timp a te simi ca acas. Utilizatorul folosete un set de gadget-uri pentru a rmne conectat la reea i dup prsirea ecranului computerului. Dar, ceea ce este viral este tocmai reco nstru ct ia spaiului user-ului n spaiul virtual, modul n care se realizeaz acest lucru. Dac blogging-ul oferea iniial ansa conceperii, conturrii unui spaiu virtual exclusiv pe baza informaiilor utilizatorului, ntr-un spaiu oferit sub form de mprumut fr costuri, ulterior reteritorializarea virtual s-a conceput n maniera urmtoare: spaiul propune oportunitatea oferirii de informaii n moduri variate (foto, video, text, etc.), iar cel care primete de data aceasta este user-ul nsui. Dac iniial spaiul su virtual propunea o schem de tipul transmitor receptor, el jucnd rolul emi torului, acum spaiul este conceput pentru a primi feedback. Totul este realizat ntr-o relaie strns cu reeaua, cu comunitatea online, iar fiecare postare este doar pretextul unui feedback. Analiznd n particular cazul reelei de socializare Facebook, maniera de concepere a spaiului virtual al fiecrui individ a reprezentat marele atu al reetei succesului. Avatarul i afieaz informaiile n spaiul su pentru a recepiona semnale i feedback, iar ceilali utilizatori i contruiesc acestuia spaiul. Colul virtual devine viral prin legtura n reea: peretele pe
Kaplan, Andreas M.; Michael Haenlein (2010).Users of the world, unite! The challenges and opportunities of Social Media. Business Horizons53(1): 5968.
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care sunt inserate fotografii, informaii, link-uri, filmulee sau comentarii este spaiul personal al utilizatorului, fcut public. Acesta asum aceast poziie n momentul n care i creeaz contul n reea. Terminologia este iari un element cheie n ecuaie: Add friend (nu conteaz ara, interesele sau sexul, att timp ct miile de friends i contruiesc user-ului spaiul), Wall (peretele propriu fiecrui user i public tututor prietenilor din reea), teleprezena prin urmrirea pe viu (live) a unor aciuni sau evenimente, construirea unor grupuri n numele unor idei, a unor pagini pentru anumite personaliti (de multe ori fr acordul acestora sau poate chiar n mod deliberat) sau News feed-ul (ceea ce spune sau face fiecare user n reea n momentul acesta). Succesul Facebook este cldit pe astfel de ingrediente care au adus noul, iar utilizatorul a gsit n acelai loc o palet ademenitoare de servicii. Poate cel mai important este tocmai reteritorializarea unui cmp-spaiu inexistent n cyberspaiu prin intermediul altor utilizatori. Acesta reprezint preambulul sau mobilul nceperii contruciei virtuale nsei. Totui, exist i teorii care pun publicitatea i consumul la baza succesului unei astfel de reele, proceduri care sunt postume conceperii spaiului efectiv. Argumentul desicisv pentru medialitatea Facebook-lui este relaia acestei reele de socializare cu publicitatea i consumul. Odat cu ea, i publicitatea, semnul distinctiv al medialitii astzi, devine personalizat, interactiv i mult mai bine intit. E ca un recurs publicitar la influena grupului de apartenen la reea, pentru c pe Facebook publicitatea i ndemnul la consum - e adevrat, ntrun sens larg apare ca o recomandare din partea prietenilor ti (Codoban, 2011, 60). 4. Micro-blogging-ul i liveticker-ul Nomadismul Data Dandy-ului este accentuat de ctre dorina utilizatorului de a sta/ fi online, n sensul de a fi live (permanent online). Mai mult dect att, imaterialitatea produciilor din spaiile virtuale transgreseaz bariera impus de real i afecteaz realitatea indivizilor, materialitatea produciilor. Este vorba despre, mai curnd, un transfer14. Exemplul oferit n acest caz de Domenico Quaranta este Second Life
14

46

Domenico Quaranta vorbete, citndu-l pe Aron Bartholl, despre transferul ctre materialitatea produciilor, cum anume se pot transforma convenii i obiecte din VR n realitate. In your Computer, 2011.

(SL), insistnd asupra avatarului Gezira Babeli15. Produsele marca Babeli din SL au fost transpuse n RL, distrugnd astfel bariera dintre cele dou lumi. Noi nc nu putem nelege ce este viaa i vorbim deja despre o a doua. Cte o via pe rnd, v rog! Poate aceste viei (RL i SL) nu sunt att de diferite (Quaranta, 2011, 45). Eu voi lua n considerare un alt caz, unul de pe Facebook. Acolo, avatarurile indivizilor din RL ncearc s influeneze cursul unor evenimente reale cu ajutorul unui spaiu virtual, similar n multe moduri cu SL. Mesajele transmise, ndemnurile sau paginile false create pot fi unelte utile n a influena comportantele unor oameni din realitate. Pagina unui eveniment care urmeaz s aib loc n RL este un produs n spaiul virtual, care funcioneaz dup schema corespunztoare n SL. Avatarurile sunt live, transmit mesaje, sunt diferite de cei care sunt n spatele lor i ncearc s intre n RL. Modul n care este gestionat o astfel de situaie este mixarea celor dou lumi: RL i SL (vzut aici ca exemplu relevant pentru un spaiu virtual). Platforme precum Twitter i Facebook se bazeaz mult pe aceste dou componente relevante pentru activitatea avatarurilor: micro-blogging, sub forma transmiterii de informaii sau mesaje concise, scurte la care se ateapt feedback, i prezena online simultan cu un continuum de informaie transmis (acel status update sub forma unui liveticker). Ceea ce atrage, cum am menionat deja, este acest corpus de elemente simultane: transfer de informaie, prezen online (live) i feedback. De asemenea, posibilitatea interconectrii cu ali utilizatori necuno s cui sau ct mai necunoscui cu putin, prin reea, devine un mobil al construciei colului virtual. Celebritatea, notorietatea prin comunicare, e cea care te face puternic, iar Facebook-ul procur o celebritate ntre egali. Prin comunicarea ca relaionare ne etalm, ne cretem narcisic expunerea eului, ne supradimensionm existena, devenind fa de alii nite strini intimi. Internautul e prieten, e n conexiune cu oameni pe care se poate s nu-i fi vzut niciodat. Ceea ce conteaz pentru ei este stabilirea de contacte, conectarea, comunicarea, prezena n reea, fluiditatea transmiterii, dialogul (Codoban, 2011, 61).
Este un avatar n Second Life creat de un grup de artiti. Gezira Babeli are propriile opere de art n Second Life, propriile expoziii, iar n RL acestea au fost materializate prin anumite produse cu nsemnele ei din SL. Ulterior, creatorii acestui avatar l-au conceput n manier open body, codul su putnd fi rescris de ali utilizatori ai SL, care puteau mprumuta nsemnele Babeli, fr a se identifica cu ea.
15

Rmne n discuie dac aceste spaii rmn la limita realitii sau devin mult prea iluzorii. Precum cafeaua decofeinizat miroase i are gustul precum cea real, fr a fi una, la fel realitatea virtual este experimentat ca fiind realitate, fr a fi una (Zizek, 2001, 1). Acest lucru ar face realitatea virtual un trm cultural cu propriile reguli, culturi, jargon i iconografii. Ceea ce ofer nou noile platforme este tocmai facilitatea ca user-ul s regseasc toate ustensilele ntr-un singur col, ntr-un singur panel/template. Aceasta este reeta succesului unui spaiu conceput s-i redea user-ului simultan: controlul iluzoriu16 al informaiei i reconstrucia spaiului su virtual prin intermediul reelei, prezena live n spaiul tu creat de ali utilizatori i postarea unui mesaj doar pentru perceperea unui feedback. Comunitile virtuale ofer oamenilor libertatea de a se reprezenta pe sine i aceasta rezid n noi posibiliti pentru societate, n mod special n abilitatea persoanelor de a explora noi roluri ntr-un mod sigur i de mult ori, util. Identitile virtuale permit oamenilor s se simt mai confortabil n poziii ciudate, iar multe dintre ele demasc aspecte de care nu ar capabili n viaa real (Radovanovic, 2011, 10-11). 5. Concluzii Dorina user-ului de a zbovi n virtual space este deja o chestiune material, care a fost pus n practic dup aplicarea principiului accesibilitii n ceea ce privete utilizarea internetului i a instrumentelor de acces. Viralitatea sa este determinat de transgresarea barierelor realitii, iar avatarul poate da fr niciun fel de problem like oricrui lucru sau link, datorit detarii (spaiale n primul rnd). Avatarurile utilizatorilor propun personaliti mai tari dect ale idivizilor din RL, pot face mult mai multe lucruri i, de ce nu, pot fi cum vor. Avatarurile voastre vor deveni mai relevante pentru viaa real dect suntei voi, iar aceast afirmaie pare c se ndreapt ncet i sigur nspre materializarea sa. Bibliografie
1. Codoban, Aurel, (2011), Imperiul comunicrii, Editura Idea, Cluj-Napoca;
16 Informaia eliberat scap de sub controlul utilizatorului, care poate face doar dou lucruri: fie s asiste la irul ntreg de rspunsuri, fie s tearg ntreg postul, rpind altui user online posibilitatea decodrii informaiei.

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2. Manovich, Lev, (2001 ) Language of New Media, MIT Press; 3. OReilly, Tim, (2005) What is web 2.0, disponibil la http://oreilly.com/pub/a/web2/archive/what-is-web-20.html?page=1 (accesat pe 2.03.2012); 4. Pasovski, Uri, (2000), Life imitates art and art imitates itself, n Haaretz, disponibil la http://www.0100101110101101.org/ texts/ haaretz_mave-vati-hell-en.html, accesat pe 23 martie 2011. 5. Quaranta, Domenico, (2011), In your Computer, LINK Editions, Brescia; 6. Radovanovic, Danica, (2011) Do you have a Face?: Identity, imagination and affection in online communities, in Irregular F, nr. 3; 7. http://revista.ifilosofie.ro/wp-content/uploads/2012/01/radovanovic-revised.pdf (accesat pe 15.12.2011); 8. Zizek, Slavoj, (2002), Welcome to the Desert of Reality, Verso, Londra/ New-York; 9. Wojtowicz, Ewa, (2002/2010), Translocal Art of the Internet (Or Where Does the Art Happen?), Art Inquiry. Recherches Sur Les Arts, vol. IV (XIII), pp. 299-307, revizuit i publicat n 2010 pe scribd.com. 10. *** (2005), Education to human rights in the age of globalisation, editor Florin Cioban, format electronic n cadrul proiectului Atlante Project Comenius, Universitatea Oradea. 11. *** (2010), Cultura, identitate, globalizare, coordonator Florin Cioban, Editura Universitii Oradea.

Summary The Viral Impact of Social Media The social impact of internet is in connection with the exponential growth of science and technology. Web 2.0 created a friendly space for users and transformed internet in a mass service. The user transgressed the boundaries of Real Life (RL) with this type of relocation: reteritorialisation. The virality of entire mechanism is presented via how is set this new space. So, in a space without space, the users create their space with others. Information is spread here for feedback and for develop the this cyberspace. Keywords: social media, new media, cyberspace, virtual space, real life, user, viral impact, web 2.0, user.

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Nicolae Iuga

Condiia uman postmodern i Filosofia ca subcultur

nicolaeiuga@yahoo.com Postmodernismul presupune, nainte de toate, negarea antecedentului su, anume a modernismului. n contextul n care sunt luate n discuie conceptele aici, modernitatea se caracterizeaz prin prezena marilor ideologii iluministe, liberalismul i socialismul1. Epoca modern s-a fundamentat pe primatul iluminist al ideilor, pe o anumit ordine instituional, pe afirmarea individualitii, pe proprietate privat, libertate i egalitate a oamenilor n faa Legii. Idei pe care postmodernismul le descompune, considerndu-le metanaraiuni ilicite. Istoria i cunoaterea istoriei aveau de asemenea n modernism o importan aparte, deoarece evenimentele trecutului aveau un sens pentru prezent. Din punctul de vedere al prezentului, evenimentele din trecut trebuiau cercetate i cunoscute, n msura n care consecinele lor se regseau n atingerea obiectivelor prezentului. De altfel chiar importana i relevana unui fapt al trecutului, caracterul acestuia de fapt istoric, erau judecate prin bogia, durata i profunzimea consecinelor pe care le-a produs pentru prezent. Orice fapt determinat din prezent nu este altceva dect propria sa istorie, ntreaga sa istorie, istoricitatea sa. Cunoaterea prezentului presupunea cunoaterea faptelor din trecut ca pe o condiie indispensabil. Iar faptele din trecut care s-au consumat fr s fi produs consecine importante pentru prezent, sunt fapte care in de ordinul accidentalului, lipsite de sens i ca atare neinteresante pentru cunoaterea istoriei. Totodat, cunoaterea trecutului relev un sens nu doar pentru prezent, ci i pentru viitor. Aa s-a nscut ideea hegelian c istoria n ansamblu are un sens i c acesta este progresul ctre libertate. Aceasta a fost paradigma dominant pn ctre sfritul secolului XX.
1

Postmodernismul n plan ideologic nseamn, dimpotriv, o respingere radical a trecutului2, deconstrucia oricrei componente a culturii fiind marota sa fundamental. n postmodernism, trecutul nu trebuie s existe ca un ceva care ar avea o consisten de sine stttoare, ci trebuie deconstruit, resemnificat ca fiind nesemnificativ, pentru a-i elibera pe oamenii din prezent de concluziile la care ne-ar putea obliga. n politic, postmodernitii susin c nu exist un criteriu obiectiv de evaluare, ci toate poziiile sunt subiective i arbitrare. Politica a devenit o preocupare frivol i lipsit de nsemntate pentru modul n care oamenii de rnd i triesc viaa. Se creeaz ceea ce s-a numit o nou generaie de stiluri politice, care caut s resping trecutul i tradiiile ideologice3. Nu mai exist o istorie i o identitate fixe, ci totul se relativizeaz: naiunea, religia, etnia, doctrinele politice, pn chiar i sexul. Se pretinde politicii i politicienilor s se adecveze n raport cu aceste identiti labile i volatile, renunnd la fermitate i consecven ideologic. Partidele i personalitile care fac politic nu mai trebuie s fie preocupate de principii i identitate doctrinar, ci de imagine. Este adevrat, postmodernismul se acord prioritar cu politicile liberale, dar dac toate poziiile politice pot fi considerate ca fiind la fel de adevrate sau false, atunci susinerea totalitarismului apare ca fiind la fel de legitim ca i aceea a liberalismului. n fond, aceast destrmare programatic a amintirii istorice nu este ceva cu desvrire nou. Regimurile totalitare din secolul XX au fost primele care au acionat metodic pentru distrugerea acestei fore identitare. Bolevismul a desfiinat practic istoria, ntruct a resemnificat-o n totalitate ca lupt de clas. Nazismul a falsificat masiv istoria, resemnificnd-o
2 3

Andrew Gamble, Politics and Fate, New York, Blackwell Publishers Ltd, 2001, p. 19.

Andrew Gamble, op. cit., p. 18. Andrew Gamble, op. cit., p. 21.

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prin prisma pretinsei excelene a unei rase. Falsificrile de factur totalitar nu ar fi fost posibile, dac nu ar fi fost creat o anumit receptivitate psihologic n rndul maselor care constituie inta manipulrii. Un contemporan i un observator atent al mistificrilor naziste, l-am numit aici pe psihiatrul i filosoful Karl Jaspers, a descris detaliat, n perioada imediat postbelic, aceste mecanisme psihologice ntr-o manier valabil i azi. Puterea politic de tip totalitar este interesat n desfiinarea culturii istorice, pentru c istoria este o surs a independenei umane, pentru c un om care i-a rupt punile cu trecutul triete n pura instataneitate i se livreaz cu mai mult uurin situaiei date i ntmplrii4, adic este incomparabil mai uor de manipulat politic. Oamenii au, mai susine Jaspers, o enigmatic nclinaie spre obedien5, ba chiar fac dovada unei adevrate abjecii, atunci cnd se pune problema s aprobe un regim politic dictatorial. Fr o astfel de complicitate a omului de rnd, instaurarea dictaturilor nu ar fi fost cu putin. Cei mai expui s consimt sunt apatrizii, dezrdcinaii, constrni s triasc de pe azi pe mine, lispii de orizontul unui plan propriu de via... Atari oameni sunt n ntregime la cheremul aparatului politic6. Cnd patria, originea etnic i familia devin ceva indiferent, cnd tradiia este eliminat, iar educaia se reduce exclusiv la nsuirea de cuntine utile, atunci putem fi siguri c omul se ndreapt ctre un abis. Putem spune c Jaspers a anticipat magistral situaia dezrdcinailor de azi, care constituie o clas muncitoare migrant la scar planetar. Dac este adevrat c apatrizii i dezrdcinaii despre care vorbete Karl Jaspers sunt cumva constrni s se afle la discreia manipulrii politice, exist i o alt tendin care creeaz condiii propice pentru masificare i manipulare, anume nclinaia cvasigeneralizat ctre un stil de via hedonist. Apatrizii sunt constrni s evolueze n sensul manipulrii politice, hedonitii, n schimb, vin voluntar n ntmpinerea ei. Hedonismul contemporan const, n primul rnd, n consumul nemsurat. Ieitul la cumprturi, o activitate tranzitorie n fapt, a devenit un scop n sine, stimulat i de lumea iluzorie a reclamelor TV. Termenul de shopping a devenit concept i a cptat o circulaie internaional. Shoppingul devine hobby i ocup o parte considerabil a timpului omului de azi. OameKarl Jaspers, Texte filosofice, Ed. Politic, Bucureti, 1986, p. 82. 5 Karl Jaspers, op. cit., p. 91. 6 Karl Jaspers, Essais Philosophiques, Paris, Payot, 1970, p. 116.
4

nii intr n supermarketuri ca s se relaxeze i s priveasc la mrfuri, ca ntr-o galerie de art. Doamnele nu i mai etaleaz toaletele la biseric, ci la shopping. Hedonismul ca atare a fost teoretizat nc din antichitate, de ctre Platon n Gorgias (491a492c). Aici omul era conceput ca un vas, sub raportul dorinelor sale7. Satisfacerea unei dorine i reapariia ei ulterioar, sau apariia altei dorine noi, era vzut ca un proces succesiv de umplere i golire a sufletului. Dar vasul omului postmodern nu se umple niciodat. De cealalt parte, societatea de consum caut s vnd orice, chiar i lucrurile inutile, n pofida evidentei lipse de necesitate. Se creeaz noi mode i se impun noi modele, prin publicitate excesiv i specioas, nct nevoia nlocuirii produsului demodat devanseaz cu mult orice uzur fizic sau moral. Dac individul nu este mbrcat trendy i dac nu posed lucruri de ultim generaie, de la telefon la automobil, se cheam c imaginea lui are de suferit, c este un nimeni. Nu mai conteaz deloc ceea ce individul este n sine, ci numai imaginea n care el apare n ochii celorlali. De aici i preocuparea obsesiv pentru imagine, fie i neltoare, o preocupare menit s atenueze diferena tot mai mare ntre ambalaj i coninut, ntre a avea i a fi. Dup cum plcerea deinerii n sine i a etalrii obiectuale sunt menite s compenseze toate motivele de frustrare i de refulare, nct hedonismul nscut din posesiune i trecerea pervertit a lui a fi n a avea depete, se pare, cealalt component a hedonismului contemporan, libertinajul sexual. Relaiile interpersonale de ordinul sexualitii pun de asemenea n prim-plan dimensiunea hedonist. Acestea se practic avnd drept scop principal satisfacia libidual, mai puin regenerarea instituiei familiei sau ideea de sacrament indus de religie. Viaa sexual este sustras oricrei normativiti morale, religioase sau juridice. Omul postmodern mediu (Dasein) este amoral i fals religios. Iar n ceea ce privete latura juridic, obiectivul lui pare a fi unul singur, obinerea recunoaterii uniunii homosexuale ca fiind legal. De la homosexualitatea tolerat, privit ca o chestiune strict privat, s-a trecut treptat la impunerea ei agresiv, ca manifestare public. Problema este ca o arm cu dou tiuri. Pe de o parte SUA i statele europene, din motive de calcul i din cinism, ncurajeaz homosexualitatea i manifestarea ei public, deoarece un om depravat, adic rupt de tradiiile i de normativitatea moral-religioas, este
7

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Platon, Opere, vol. I, ESE, Bucureti, 1975, p. 349 sq.

mai uor de manipulat. La fel ca individul captiv shoppingului, cel captiv hedonismului sexual va fi dezinteresat de politic, dezangajat, lipsit de opinii proprii i de o anume fermitate a caracterului, o prad relativ uoar pentru manipularea politic circumstanial i periodic. Asta pe termen scurt. Pe de alt parte i pe termen lung ns, este de prevzut c homosexualitatea i libertinajul n spe sunt de natur s slbeasc grav instituia familiei tradiionale i s conduc la o scdere progresiv a natalitii, pn la o catastrof a civilizaiei occidentale. Viitorul nu foarte ndeprtat al Europei va fi, demografic vorbind, adjudecat de ctre musulmanii poligami i de ctre micile comuniti etnice care se vor ncpna s triasc tradiionalist cretin. n rest, Europa se va scufunda singur n mocirl, din cauza propriei sale depravri. Peste tot, lumea musulman cunoate o adevrat explozie demografic8. Populaia islamic a crescut, de la 12% din populaia globului, ct reprezenta la anul 1900, la aproximativ 20% n anul 2000. Frecvent, n rile islamice un singur brbat, mpreun cu cele 34 neveste legitime, formeaz o singur familie, care poate procrea pn la 2030 de copii. Pierderile reprezentate de tinerii mori n rzboaie sau n atentate sinucigae sunt acoperite i depite cu o repeziciune uimitoare. Astfel c ceea ce nu au reuit s fac turcii cu sabia, timp de secole, sau jihaditii de azi cu atentatele teroriste, vor face musulmanii aparent inofensivi, stabilii legal n Europa de Vest, cu o sexualitate bine disciplinat moral-religios. A recomanda europenilor autohtoni de azi s treac la poligamie instituionalizat i s renune la metodele contraceptive, n scopul contracarrii creterii demografice a concetenilor lor musulmani, pare a fi nerealist. A mai fcut-o cineva, filosoful austriac Christian von Ehrenfels, dup primul rzboi mondial i a fost luat n derdere. Dar reorientarea ctre concepia cretin cu privire la sexualitate i la familie este un lucru realist i la ndemna oricui. Apoi, trecnd de la planul vieii cotidiene la cel al cunoaterii fundamentale, trebuie s constatm c Filosofia nsi devine subcultur. ine de specificul cultural european un anumit tip de cunoatere, o cultur a cercetrii i cunoaterii sistematice..., o anume reflexivitate intelectual9. Am putea spune c aceast cunoatere de tip reflexiv, atotcuprinztoare
S. P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilisations, New York, Simon & Schuster, 1996, p. 94. 9 Andrei Marga, Filosofia unificrii europene, EFES, ClujNapoca, 2006, p. 51.
8

sub raport cauzal, i are rdcinile n gndirea lui Aristotel. n Metafizica sa (1013a), filosoful nostru vorbete limpede despre patru tipuri de cauze: (a) materia imanent din care ia natere un lucru, (b) forma sau modelul, (c) punctul de plecare al schimbrii i (d) scopul n vederea cruia se face un lucru. Este vorba de fapt de enumerarea binecunoscutelor cauze: material, formal, eficient i final10 [10]. Este celebru i exemplul extrem de simplificat pe care l d Stagiritul. S ne gndim, zice el, la un sculptor care vrea s fac o statuie. Piatra neprelucrat nc este cauza material, forma este statuia care va rezulta, activitatea sculptorului este cauza schimbrii pietrei amorfe n statuie, iar reprezentarea anticipat a statuii n mintea sculptorului este cauza final. Noi nu avem altceva de fcut dect s extrapolm ideea la scara universului i s ni-l imaginm pe Bunul Dumnezeu pe post de sculptor. Prin acest tablou cauzal, Aristotel instituie un model de explicaie raional atotcuprinztoare, exhaustiv, fr rest, a lumii n ntregul ei, model nsuit ca atare n evoluia bimilenar a cunoaterii de tip european. Scrierile lui Aristotel au fost pstrate i studiate n mnstirile medievale din Occident, fiind socotite ca a doua autoritate n materie de cunoatere, dup Biblie. Studierea scolastic-medieval a lui Aristotel, fr o legtur nemijlocit cu experiena i fr aplicaii practice, nu a fost totui un act deplasat sau gratuit, ci dimpotriv a permis prezervarea spiritului alturi de litera textului timp de mai multe secole, a realizat o anumit concentrare de spiritualitate, care au fcut cu putin succesele cunoaterii empirice moderne. Acest fapt a fcut posibil, de exemplu, naterea din metafizic a fizicii lui Newton, pe la sfritul secolului al XVII-lea. Se tie c n fizica lui Newton, impulsul conceput ca produs dintre mas i vitez presupune un impuls iniial colosal, diferitele micri particulare nefiind altceva dect mici pri conservate din acest impuls iniial imprimat cosmosului de ctre divinitate, de ctre sculptorul universului. n acest primum movens al lui Newton se poate recunoate cu uurin cauza micrii (aitia kinoun) din Metafizica lui Aristotel. Cellalt fizician mare al lumii, Albert Eistein, a formulat teoria relativitii plecnd nu din interiorul fizicii, ci, dup cum el nsui mrturisete, de la o lucrare de filosofie, de la Critica raiunii pure a lui Imm. Kant, capitolul Estetica transcendental. Aici, la Kant, timpul i spaiul nu sunt considera10 Aristotel, Metafizica, Ed. Academiei, Bucureti, 1965, p. 161-162.

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te ca obiecte fizice n sine, ci ca fiind relative la capacitatea aprioric a subiectului cunosctor. Despre o filiaie asemntoare se poate vorbi i n tiinele sociale. Cei mai importani filosofi ai istoriei din secolul XX, Spengler sau Toynbee, nu au ajuns la concluziile lor prin generalizare de la cunotine de ordin empiric, ci tot prin deducie de la vechi concepii filosofice abstracte. Oswald Spengler, de exemplu, cel care a formulat i argumentat pertinent teoria ciclic a civilizaiilor n istorie, a aprofundat filosofia Greciei antice i a susinut un doctorat n Filosofie, n 1904 la Halle, cu o tez despre Heraclit. n alt ordine de idei, prin cunoaterea metafizic, speculativ i atotcuprinztoare, cultura european post-medieval s-a devedit a fi apt s preia cunotine i descoperiri tehnice de la alte civilizaii i s le duc mai departe, realiznd o adevrat revoluionare a tehnicii i plasnd Europa n fruntea progresului tehnico-tiinific global. De exemplu vechea civilizaie chinez a realizat descoperiri uimitoare, a cunoscut banii de hrtie (biletele de banc), praful de puc sau acul magnetic. Dar civilizaia chinez rmnea cu toate acestea imobil, iar respectivele descoperiri aveau doar valoarea unor simple bizarerii locale, praful de puc era folosit exclusiv la focuri de artificii etc. A trebuit s vin civilizaia european, cu alte cadre de gndire, cu puternica tendin ctre o cunoatere sistematic totalizatoare i cu un tip nou de raionalitate, s preia aceste invenii i s le plaseze ntr-un plan tehnic, s le transforme calitativ n altceva i s le utilizeze ca fore ale dezvoltrii economice i sociale. Cu praful de puc i acul magnetic chinezesc, europenii au fcut tunuri i busole, logistica marilor descoperiri geografice, pe baza crora s-au format ulterior imperiile coloniale. Cu banii de hrtie inventai de ctre chinezi, europenii au fcut capitalismul i au preluat iniiativa n economia mondial. China a pstrat acele descoperiri timp de o mie de ani, fr s tie ce s fac cu ele, n schimb europenii le-au preluat i, pe baza lor, n dou sute de ani, au schimbat faa lumii. Am fcut aceste scurte paranteze cu scopul de a pune n eviden utilitatea indirect, cu btaie istoric pe termen lung, a cunoaterii general-filosofice, aparent lipsit de o finalitate practic. n general, n secolul XX cunoaterea a evoluat pe dou planuri relativ distincte: o cunoatere cu caracter general i o alta de tip instrumental. O cunoatere fr o utilitate imediat i o alta care ne formeaz imediat anumite abiliti i deprinderi practice. n ali termeni, n cercetarea tiinific se distingea ntre cer-

cetarea fundamental i cercetarea aplicat. Se nelegea cumva de la sine c cercetarea aplicat nu se poate dezvolta normal, dect numai dac este dublat de o cercetare fundamental corespunztoare. Cele dou tipuri de cercetare sunt practic complementare i inseparabile. Parafrazndu-l pe Kant, am putea spune c cercetarea fundamental fr cea aplicat este steril, iar cercetarea aplicat fr cea fundamental este oarb. Cercetarea aplicat singur este oarb, n sensul c este exclusiv empiric, lipsit de concepie, viziune i imaginaie inovativ, este non-exhaustiv, euristic, aleatorie, fr orizont i suflu metafizic, fr o spontaneitate a creaiei disciplinat prin concepte generale i fr certitudinea superioar pe care o procur contiina perspectivei generale atotcuprinztoare. Performanele impresionante realizate de ctre cercetarea tiinific n Statele Unite vizeaz n primul rnd cunoaterea intrumental, cercetarea aplicat. Dar n Statele Unite cercetarea fundamental nu este nici ea neglijat deloc. Cercetarea fundamental a fost preluat din tradiia universitilor europene, mai precis din tradiia universitilor germane. De exemplu, cercetrile de fizic aplicat, care au fost puse n joc la realizarea bombei atomice n Statele Unite, au fost precedate de ample cercetri fundamentale n fizica teoretic, realizate n Europa prin savani precum Einstein, Heinsenberg, Schrodinger .a. Este de presupus c, fr aceste cercetri pur teoretice, nu s-ar fi ajuns la realizarea practic a fisiunii nucleare controlate. In unele universiti i centre de cercetare din SUA au fost atinse performane inegalabile n cercetarea aplicat, n domenii precum fizica energiilor nalte, hig-tech, biotehnologii etc., dar aici cercetarea fundamental nu a fost abandonat practic niciodat. n Europa ns, n prezent, ca urmare a reorganizrii nvmntului superior i a aplicrii principiilor cuprinse n Declaraia de la Bologna din 1999, cercetarea fundamental este pe cale de dispariie. n cursurile universitare de toate nivelurile (licen, masterat, doctorat) nu mai exist dect discipline cu caracter aplicativ. De exemplu n domeniul tiinelor Umaniste, cu excepia specializrii Filosofie, nu se mai pred nicieri Filosofie sistematic (filosofie general) i nici Istoria filosofiei, ci numai filosofii aplicate: filosofie politic, filosofia culturii, filosofia dreptului etc. Este ceva de un comic trist s se predea filosofie politic la politicieni care numai de filosofie nu au nevoie, filosofia culturii la oameni complet lipsii de cul-

tur, filosofia dreptului la oameni profund amorali etc., etc. Aici, n predareanvarea acestor discipline este imposibil prezentarea i utilizarea ntregului aparat conceptual al filosofiei, ci pot fi luate doar cteva concepte n mod selectiv, i acelea luminate doar parial, fr perspectiv asupra ansamblului, concepte care pot fi utilizate doar fracturat i pedestru, pe zona de interferen cu domeniul particular dat. Lucrurile stau, n linii generale, la fel i n cazul celorlalte specializri. Transformarea nvmntului superior n nvmnt de mas, combinat cu predarea-nvarea exclusiv a cuntinelor aplicate, a cobort nivelul universitilor cu aproximaie la nivelul la care se aflau colile medii tehnice sau chiar colile profesionale cu trei-patru decenii n urm. O pierdere uria n ordinea cunoaterii tiinifice, totul sub promisiunea destul de nesigur c n acest fel nvmntul superior va deveni mai eficient din punct de vedere economic. Ceea ce se va pierde pe termen lung, nu se va compensa printr-un eventual ctig mercantil pe termen scurt. Capacitatea inovativ a economiei europene va scdea ntr-o perspectiv mai ndeprtat, prin comparaie cu cea de peste Ocean. Nu se va mai realiza cercetare fundamental, pentru simplul motiv c n Europa nu va mai exista debueu pentru aceasta, de vreme ce nu se mai predau discipline cu caracter general. Foarte probabil, prin aplicarea principiilor de la Bologna, nvmntul european va rmne constant cu un pas n urma celui din SUA, dar i din rile care au fcut reform real n nvmnt, Japonia i, mai nou, China. Pe de alt parte, stimularea i finanarea prin sistemul de proiecte existent n prezent deschide posibilitatea aservirii subtile a cercetrii tiinifice. Se lanseaz un program de cercetare i se primesc proiecte n vederea evalurii i, eventual, a finanrii. Dar... proiectele trebuie s se ncadreze ntr-o tematic dat. Comanditarii nu finaneaz orice, ci numai ceea ce consider ei c merit. Aici nu ncape critic i spiritul critic propriu omului de tiin este inhibat. Marja de libertate a cercetrii este, deci, limitat i dirijat din capul locului, iar originalitatea de asemenea se poate manifesta numai ntre limite date. Dac Albert Einstein s-ar nate azi n Europa, nu ar mai avea nicio ans, pentru c el ar putea s propun proiecte pe teme de cercetare pe care nc nu le-a imaginat nimeni. Exist, desigur, i azi individualiti creatoare puternice n diverse domenii ale tiinei, dar acestea nu numai c nu sunt stimulate ci, mai mult, sunt anihilate indirect, treptat i metdodic. Nu se finaneaz

activiti individuale sau publicarea unor cri. Dac cineva se ncpneaz s lucreze pe cont propriu, nu are dect s-i caute sponsori. Lucrarea va trece ns neobservat, pentru c logistica diseminrii cunoaterii, publicaiile relevante pentru comunitatea de oameni de tiin sunt controlate, tematic i financiar, la fel ca cercetarea nsi. Se finaneaz proiecte de anvergur, care nu pot s fie duse la bun sfrit dect de o echip relativ numeroas. Mrimea i complexitatea echipei devin criteriu de evaluare n vederea finanrii. Se insinueaz astfel anonimatul animalului de traciune i un anume gen de spirit de turm la cel mai nalt nivel de performan a cunoaterii, adic exact acolo unde ar trebui s se manifeste individualitile creatoare cele mai pregnante. Sistemul contemporan de valori ncurajeaz falsa individualitate, vedetismul gol, bunoar n sport sau n muzic, pentru c este o chestiune efemer, inconsistent i inofensiv politic, n timp ce face eforturi de anonimizare i minimalizare a creatorului din tiin, care este oricum mai puin manipulabil. Este posibil ca n unele domenii, n medicin de exemplu, s nu se poat obine rezultate notabile dect prin munca n echip, dar ideea de proiect la care trebuie s se lucreze n echip s-a extins i acolo unde nu este cazul, n tiinele umaniste. n filosofie, de exemplu, concepia nu poate fi dect personal, individual i individualizatoare, la fel ca stilul. S pretinzi ca la o tem de cercetare n filosofie s se lucreze neaprat n echip este ca i cum ai cere mai multor poei s scrie o poezie n echip. Comanditarii cunoaterii sunt anonimi, fundaii impersonale sau centre de cercetare, cu ramificaii globale, care vor ignora complet valorificarea potenialului cultural local, respectiv ceea ce ine de specificul naional. Nici mcar limba naional nu mai conteaz deloc, cercetarea efectiv i comunicarea rezultatelor se deruleaz ntr-o englez fad, iar evaluarea se face n raport de o anumit list bibliografic. n atari condiii, un Lucian Blaga sau un G. Clinescu, de exemplu, nu ar fi avut nici o ans. Neglijarea, destrmarea i degradarea tradiiilor naionale sunt ncurajate din toate direciile, la modul cel mai grosolan cu putin. Filosofia este, probabil, n chip mai evident dominat de o fals cercetare i de proliferarea unor pseudoprobleme. Aici se imit n mod necritic, tocmai aici, ntr-o disciplin eminamente critic. Se crede c obiectul filosofiei ar trebui restrns la analiza logic a limbajului, iar logica ar trebui restrns la limbajul formalizat, simbolic. C filosofia ar trebui s fie cen-

53

trat pe epistemologie, adic s studieze modul n care se constituie teoriile tiinifice, dei nu se poate invoca niciun caz n care epistemologia ar fi fost de vreo utilitate vreunei teorii tiinifice. Orientarea este, pe suprafee mari, un soi de alexandrinism cultural, o sofisticare care ascunde false profunditi. Se poate admite c filosofia analitic de expresie englez este de departe un curent important n filosofia contemporan, dar nu este singurul important. n filosofia contemporan exist i alte curente deosebit de viguroase i n gndirea de expresie german sau francez. Pe de alt parte, filosofia analitic neasimilat, dar transplantat pe decupaje mici, neviabile i incoerente n alte culturi, devine nerelevant. Este exact ceea ce fac promotorii filosofiei analitice n cultura romn. Ei conspecteaz un anumit numr de cri, apoi leag acele conspecte laolalt, fcnd astfel crile proprii. Nu au idei proprii i nici nu au nevoie, important este c sunt trendy. Promoveaz n ierarhiile academice, n administraie, n comisii i agenii guvernamentale sau n politic pe baza acestei maculaturi. Impresioneaz, pentru c se creeaz impresia c producia lor este o prelungire fidel i autentic a problematicii de peste Ocean. Bibliografie
1. Andrew Gamble, Politics and Fate, New York, Blackwell Publishers Ltd, 2001, p. 19. 2. Karl Jaspers, Texte filosofice, E.P., Bucureti, 1986, p. 82. 3. Karl Jaspers, Texte filosofice, E.P. Bucureti, 1986, p. 91. 4. Karl Jaspers, Essais philosophiques, Paris, Payot, 1970, p. 116. 5. Platon, Opere, Vol. I, ESE, Bucureti, 1975, p. 349 sq. 6. S.P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations, New York, Simon&Schuster, 1996, p. 94. 7. Andrei Marga, Filosofia unificrii europene, EFES, Cluj-Napoca, 2006, p. 51. 8. Aristotel, Metafizica, Ed. Academiei, Bucureti, 1965, p. 161-162.

For instance, the rejection of all ideologies, typical for postmodernism, may open the way of the collective mind to a new ideology that we are unaware of and that we cannot assess according to universal ethical norms. Also, the need for individual freedom and the libertine doctrine stimulate under postmodernism a way of life featuring hedonism, anomy and libertine behavior associated with the decomposition of the traditional family, which exposes the individual to the possibility of superior political manipulation, specific to the totalitarian regimes. Or, denouncing the fundamental concepts, the hypostasis ideas as illicit meta-narrations may lead to the fundamental knowledge study, to the acquisition in the further education, of wrongly labeled skills, of exclusively instrumental knowledge, which may have negative repercussions on the knowledge and the individual thinking skills on the long term. It is in the analysis of such circumstances that resides the originality of our approach. Key words: Postmodernism, meta-narrative, decomposition, political manipulation, fundamental knowledge, applied knowledge.

Summary Postmodernist Human Condition and Philosophy as Subculture Postmodernism seems to be a paradigm that we are tempted to assume as something inevitable. One could satisfactorily define Postmodernism as a sum of characteristics of contemporary globalizing societies, but negative effects resulting from noncritical assumptions of everything introduced to us as postmodernism have been less reflected upon.

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FILOLOGIE
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Narcisa irban, Laura Rebeca Precup Stiegelbauer, Rodica Teodora Biri

Culture. Subculture. Romanian Youth's Language

narcisa_tirban@yahoo.com; cyp4d@yahoo.com; birisrodica@yahoo.com Culture involves a shared group of behaviors, values and attitudes. Within major cultures, such as American culture, there are other cultures that are impacted by the dominant culture. Professions, religion, race, immigrant status, common interests, hobbies, beliefs and age all play a part in a group of people joining together and making their own subculture with characteristics that separate it from the dominant culture that surrounds them. It is usually these smaller cultural groups that happen within a culture, but is different in some way or another from the prevailing group. These so called groups are subcultures. Some examples for subcultures include heavy metal music devotees, body-piercing and tattoo enthusiasts, motorcycle gang members, and Nazi skinheads, to name just some here as the list is quite extensive. Members of these subcultures typically make even use of a distinctive language, behaviors, and also clothing, even though they may still accept many of the values of the dominant culture. To some extend even the ethnic groups for example Greek Americans, Italian Americans, Irish Americans, Mexican Americans, and/or African Americans - may also be considered as a form of subcultures. Most of them adjusted themselves to the so called Mainstream America, but then again may still keep many of their cultural customs, traditions and in some cases even their native ethnic language. According to the Merriam-Webster online dictionary, a subculture is an ethnic, regional, economic, or social group exhibiting characteristic patterns of behavior sufficient to distinguish it from others within an embracing culture or society. [1] Table 1 below shows the translation of the word subculture in many different languages.
Language Czech Danish German Estonian Spanish French Western Frisian Indonesian Italian Latvian Lithuanian Hungarian Dutch Norwegian Polish Portuguese Romanian Slovak Slovenian Serbian Serbo-Croatian Finnish Swedish Turkish Translation Subkultura Subkultur Subkultur Subkultuur Subcultura Sous-culture Subkultuer Subkultur Subcultura Subkultra Subkultra Underground Subcultuur Subkultur Subkultura Subcultura Subcultur Subkultra Subkultura Potkultura Potkultura Alakulttuuri Subkultur Altkltr

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As mentioned previously the qualities that define a subculture as distinct may be linguistic, aesthetic, religious, political, sexual, geographical, or a combination of factors. But then again the members of a subculture often signal their membership through a distinctive and symbolic use of style, which consists of fashions, body language, and argot. They also live out particular relations to places. Ken Gelder talks about subcultural geographies along these lines. [2]

On the other hand in sociology, anthropology and cultural studies, a subculture is a group of people with a culture (whether distinct or hidden) which differentiates them from the larger culture to which they belong. If a particular subculture is categorized by a methodical disagreement to the dominant culture, it may be described as a counterculture. As Ken Gelder notes, subcultures are social, with their own shared conventions, values and rituals, but they can also seem immersed or self-absorbed. [3] He categorizes six basic ways in which subcultures can be understood: 1. through their often negative relations to work (as idle, parasitic, at play or at leisure, etc.); 2. through their negative or ambivalent relation to class (since subcultures are not class-conscious and dont conform to traditional class definitions); 3. through their association with territory (the street, the hood, the club, etc.), rather than property; 4. through their movement out of the home and into non-domestic forms of belonging (i.e. social groups other than the family); 5. through their stylistic ties to excess and exaggeration (with some exceptions); 6. through their refusal of the banalities of ordinary life. In 1950 the sociologist David Riesman, a leading scholar that identified what he called subcultures, he differentiated them from the mainstream culture; he connected subcultures with what he termed subversive values. Today, when subcultures are mentioned, people often first think of subcultures who are well thought-out to have rebellious values (such as Punks or Nazis), though a diversity of groups are subcultures. In multifaceted and diverse societies in which people have come from many different parts of the world, they frequently keep much of their original cultural traditions. As a consequent, they are to be expected to be part of a distinguishable subculture in their new society.The common cultural traits of subcultures set them apart from the rest of their society. Some examples from the United States to easily identify subcultures include ethnic groups such as Vietnamese Americans, African Americans, and Mexican Americans. The members of each one of these subcultures share a collective identity, like their food traditions, dialects or mother tongue and many supplementary cultural traits that come from their common inherited background and past experience. As the cultural differences between members of a subculture and the dominant national culture blur and

eventually disappear, the subculture ceases to exist except as a group of people who claim a common ancestry. [4] That is generally the case with German Americans and Irish Americans in the United States today. Most of them identify themselves as Americans first and later just mention their heritage. They also understand themselves as being a crucial part of the cultural mainstream of the American nation. We can observe nowadays a notion among the youth in many countries. The youth also wants to separates themselves from the adults and create a new form of subculture. They created their own spelling rules. They deliberately misspell or have special spellings, which might be hard for an outsider, like their parents for example, to be understood. They are used both for loan words and for words. [5] These new created words have several distinctive functions and are used mainly in e-chatting by the youth online or in the text-messaging on their mobile phones. 1. contextualize subcultural identity. The spelling variants occur both in English loan words and in native Romanian words. spelling of Romanian words according to English pronunciation rules e.g. sh for s shtiu, shi, asha tz for t spunetzi, invatzat, mintzi ph for f marpha, pha, phumezi spelling of English words according to Romanian pronunciation rules e.g. x for cks sux - spelling of English words according to pronunciation e.g. rulz for rules 2. contextualize subcultural originality and creativity e.g. th for t bethon, mathe

ph for p supher, sphune k for c moldovenesk, pupik dulcik k for ca muzica mai comerciala k aia k for ca daka, adik, vad k, ce conteaza k ki for ci pupiki j for ejti o fana, najpa for napa ah for a mah

The strategies for defining a special youth or subcultural identity primarily involve consecrated borrowed usage: all caps, intercaps, all small caps, use of number for letter or number for word. [6] These are graphemic features that function either as orality markers or contextualized cues or simply signal subcultural identity.

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The use of caps is to indicate different feelings and emotions, such as: shouting or exclamation: e.g. BAFTA LA CAPACITATE, CRAAAAZY, HAAAPPY Intercaps: in nicknames IoNiShKa PiShKa, AngelOfRock, GuyS All small caps: time, party, food, arad, maria Use of number instead of letters: 00 for OO c00l, g00d, Hell0 Use of numbers for words: 2morrow, 4 U, Nice 2 meet U Foreign models can be adopted and re-contextualized, which is an instance of how language functions as a resource in the construction of a particular ethnic-social identity. This is the point where local language creativity surfaces to create a unique style. It is the case when special contractions occur: e.g. vb for vorbesc vorbim [speak] nust for nu stiu [dont know] ces for ce este [what is] or ways of address: e.g. greetings sal, salz for salut [hello] addressee pronoun U for tu [you] addresser pronoun Yo, moi, j3 for eu [I, me] Although most formats, linguistic uses, and discourse strategies of written discourse rely heavily on loan words and phrases, a large amount of the local potential for linguistic creativity surfaces and can be identified both in editorial material and in readership feedback. The greater density of colloquial features is readily noticeable in the young peoples written inputs on electronic forum sites. The repetitive uses, the recurrent occurrences, show that this is a normative language whose functions, besides being representational, connotative, emotive, and poetic, also shroud the messages from unknowledgeable outsiders, turning it into a veritable anti-language. Conclusion Within any culture - a group of people may form a subculture different from the main culture. Certain values, rites, or symbols may be shared between the main culture and this subculture, but the subculture will, by and large, stress different beliefs and patterns of action. Subcultures are creating themselves for many different reasons, but as we outlined in this paper, it is especially the youth which tries to differentiate themselves from the adults. In addition to the fashion, appearance,

lifestyle, likes, dislikes and many other obvious noticeable differences, the youth in Romania created their own Romanian language they use in e-chatting. References
1. http://www.merriam-webster.com/ 1,3.Gelder, Ken. 2007. Subcultures: Cultural Histories and Social Practice, Routledge, March 2007 4. Huq, Rupa. 2006. Beyond subculture (Routledge, 2006; softcover ISBN 0-415-27815-5. Hardcover ISBN 0-415-27814-7) 5. Crystal, David. 2001. Language and the Internet. Cambridge University Press 6. Frnas, Johan and Bolin, Goran. 1995. Youth Culture in Late Modernity. SAGE Publications

Rezumat Cultura. Subcultura. Limbajul tineretului din Romnia Aceast lucrare subliniaz diferenele dintre cele dou noiuni: cultura i subcultura. Vor fi prezentate pe scurt semnificaiile cuvntului subcultur din diferite surse. Scopul nostru este s scoatem n eviden cteva exemple de noi reguli de ortografie i de asemenea, de cuvinte noi create care sunt folosite n e-chatting de generaia tnr din Romnia. Tinerii din Romnia ncearc s se diferenieze de aduli, crend i folosind propriul lor limbaj. Cuvinte cheie: cultur, subcultur, e-chatting, Romania, tineri, limbaj Summary Culture. Subculture. Romanian Youth's Language This paper underlines the differences between the two notions: culture and subculture. It will be shown a brief overview of the meanings of the word subculture from different sources. In this paper our aim is to emphasize some examples of ways how new spelling rules and newly created words which are used in echatting by the Romanian youth. The youth from Romania tries to differentiate themselves from the adults, creating and using their own Romanian language. Key words: culture, subculture, e-chatting, Romania, youth, language

58

Carmen Drbu

La recherche du sien artistique. Miroslav Krlea, le retour de Philippe Latinovicz

Les exprimentes artistiques qui provoquent le passage dun code artistique vers un autre traduisent pratiquement problmes de nature intrieure individuels et lments de sociologie de lart la manire dont lartiste se rapporte au soi-mme et la socit, les nouveaux ordres en socit, la perte de quelques valeurs et lobtention des autres. Le dbut du XXe sicle apporte les signes de ce que J. Ortega y Gasset appelle la dshumanisation de lart par la drobade des formes vives; par la prise en charge de lart comme jeu; comme ironie essentielle, devenant une chose sans aucune transcendance (Gasset 2000: 35). Limaginaire littraire reprend, en particularisant au niveau du personnage la recherche de lexpression du sien au niveau artistique, le trajet de la mode de lpoque, de lintgration dans une certaine orientation artistique vers la dcouverte des coordonnes prennes. Contemporain Ivo Andri, lcrivain croate Miroslav Krlea est considr lun des grands crivains exyougoslaves, qui avait utilis comme lment daccs la grande culture du monde non pas la langue, mais, comme il se passe presque dans tous les espaces culturels qui nont pas une langue accs directe luni versalit, un mouvement littraire le modernisme: En crivant dans une langue circulation limite [I. Andri], inaccessible aux lecteurs europens, les romanciers et les potes yougoslaves du dbut du XXe sicle, comme Krlea, Andri et Crnjanski, ct dautres crivains, ont accept et ils se sont appropris les nouveaux modles du paradigme culturel appel <modernisme>, fait qui les ont assur une place potentiellement gal aux modernistes des autres espaces linguistiques europens, comme Whitman, Hauptmann, Verlaine, Mallarm ou Maeterlinck (Nedelcu 2009: 32). Pote, romancier, dramaturge expressionniste, essayiste, Krlea est attach aux valeurs pour lesquelles il avait lutt sur le front antifasciste ct de Josip Broz Tito, fait qui ne lempche pas entrer dans

c.darabus@gmail.com

des polmiques contre le systme pour lequel il avait lutt, quand il constate des graves drapages du celuici, mais pas avec la mme astuce quil avait lutt contre la monarchie croate, vue comme simple marionnette impriale. Le roman Le retour de Philippe Latinovicz (dans la Dalmatie do il est originaire) est le premier roman dun triptyque et considr son chef-duvre -, suivi par Sur le bord de la raison et Banquet en Blithuanie. Le premier reprsente le statut de lartiste et ses hsitations pendant la recherche de sa vocation gnrale et de celle-l individuelle dans le contexte de lexpression choisie; le deuxime la matrialisation des valeurs morales, de lhonntet dans un monde frelate par commodits et par manipulations gnres par des strotypes de comportement ; le troisime limage de la dictature et surtout du dictateur, image qui transcende lespace balkanique luniversalit. Le personnage principale du livre, Philippe Latinovicz, artiste intrioris retourn la maison aprs une absence de dix-sept ans, est lun scind entre le besoin de retrouver sa source dinspiration dans les rgions natales, source qui le pourrait particularis dans le monde de la peinture (le rgionalisme), et son apprciation comme artiste par le centre culturel de lEurope, le Paris (luniversalisme), do il revient pour trouver sa paix. La rupture de sa maison stait produite il y avait vingt-trois ans quand, lge de ladolescence, il a vol quelques argents de sa mre, rapidement dpenss pour les petites caprices et tentations de la jeunesse. Rejet par sa mre, il arrive un miment donn Paris, pour suivre la vocation dartiste plastique. Dailleurs, sa vie entire se trouve sous le signe de la recherche, des incertitudes, en commenant ses origines: fils dune buraliste, Kazimiera Valenti-Latinovicz (dorigine italopolonaise), qui se disait Regina, et fils officiel de lex-valet piscopal Latinovicz, il vit son enfance dans le torturant bavardage de la ville Kaptol quil est, en effet, le fils illgitime de lvque Silvestre. Accabl par ses in-

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certains et instables tats motionnels, par ses drives religieuses et ayant lintuition de ses excs rotiques, Sigismund-Kazimir, qui va changer son nom en Philippe, le nom du pre officiel, pour se convaincre soimme que la descendance paternelle est indubitable, il trouve quelques moments de paix dessinant et peinant dans la cour intrieure de la maison. La brus que rupture de son univers domestiques, au dpit des turpitudes du celui-ci, lui donne la sensation dune ternelle rupture de ralit; devenu peintre fauviste, abstrait, apprci essayiste dans le domaine des arts plastiques, il sent toujours un faim de rel, quil nen peut retrouver ni dans son monde dadoption, ni dans lunivers des livres: il avait toujours senti vaguement que les tableaux, pour tre des vrais tableaux, vivants, devraient parler au moins aussi clairement comme lui avaient, dans la ple lumire du crpuscule, justement ici, dans cette pestilentielle chambre, les cendrs et hachs lambeaux.[...] Depuis quil avait perdu le contact avec la vie, et a savait pass il y avait longtemps, depuis ce temps-l, il y a plus de trente ans, il avait essay, dune manire entt, la rattraper; mais il navait jamais russi (Krlea 1968: 30-31). La faim de ralit, le rel comme forme danimer le rve deviennent les catalyseurs de la recherche, du sentiment de la division, nimporte o se trouve-t-il. Vivant, comme artiste, sous une inconsciente tyrannie de la mode europenne de son poque, il devient un matre formel de lorientation dont il y fait partie, mais la substance recherche cest seulement la libert qui est capable loffrir, la sortie dune certaine coterie artistique. Ce que Raoul Srbu affirme sur Tiziano est valable pour nimporte quelle poque: Si nous vivions 120 ans, nous allons prfrer toujours Tiziano [...]. Avec lui commence la libert dexcution qui contraste la scheresse de ses prdcesseurs et qui signifie la perfection dans la peinture (Srbu 2001: 38). La sensation quil est incomplet en qualit dartiste est un prolongement du mme sentiment de son enfance, de la frustration provoque par lincertitude de la descendance paternelle. La tentation de se retourner en Dalmatie est dicte par le besoin satisfaire du dsire dtre complet, pour gurir un moi fragmentaire, protestataire, dune manire ou dune autre toujours immature; le soif pour la forme, pour la matire, pour le rel est substitu par la fauviste audace chromatique. Pages consistants du livre ont un caractre essayiste, sont des monologues, dnu mrations une toute entire invasion lexicale qui traduit un faim de rel, qui pourraient le runifier.

Dtach de monde dj quitt il y a des annes, il retrouve une Croatie htrogne, dcadente (dans la soi-disant coterie de la haute socit) et une autre barbare, dans lautre couche du sien; la premire reoit lart par des strotypes de jugement et lautre est tout fait insensible lart: Ces brutales et dures frimousses de cannibales portent avec elles-mmes la misre et pour celles-ci la peinture ne reprsente aucun intrt, seulement la misre devient un problme. [...] Chaque individu fluage ses propres immenses cercles concentriques de son existence (Krlea 1968 : 39-40). Bien quils parlent la mme langue, ils restent diffrencis; parce que ce quen approche ou quen la diffrence entre les individus appartient un autre plan que ladhsion un espace commun tout ce que va dire a , mais au monde de lesprit. La symbolisation au niveau de limage connait elle aussi des diffrents degrs, en fonction du milieu formatif; elle est le produit dune manire penser, plus simple ou plus sophistique, mais cette dernire-ci se banalise par lado ption de la part dune classe sociale entire: si le cocher Joa Podravec parlait sur le sexe avec une biblique simplicit, les bourgeons des roses dans les vases parlent sur la mme chose dans le symbolisme petit-bourgeois gnralis. Pour la catgorie du ceuxl pour lesquels les anctres sont plus importants que le sien, que laccomplissement individuel, lalbum photographies ont une valeur sacr et justificative, comme celui de sa mre, couvertures en velours, un objet-tabou qui a marqu son enfance dune manire ngative. Chez lui, dans la Pannonie Suprieure, il est toujours dchir entre la faim de matire et sa rejection, quil la voit comme permanente cloison de la dissimulation de la nature humaine insensible, intresse par la satisfaction des besoins immdiats, comme lment dinhi bition de la pntrations dans le ct profond de lexistence, comme scne, en style romantique, de la rptition, dans un autre dcor, des gestes dpourvus de substance. La matire ne peut pas donner la mesure du moi que par la force artistique de sa sublimation; sa matire et le son crent des associations difficiles capter, qui reprsentent une provocation ds sa pubert. Le moment-clef est constitu par la visite dans le bordel, pendant laquelle la prostitue lui rvle une autre image de sa mre par des informations irrvrencieuses qui le rendent inhib et sur laquelle il se souvient le son prolong, ancestral de la femme, quand il quitte la pice: la peinture na sa disposition quun seul langage pour sexprimer sur la toile. Impossible peindre les sons et les aromes. Mais

est quil est imaginer une toile vraiment accomplie, dpourvue de sons et daromes? (Krlea 1968: 63). La nostalgie pour lart parfait, complet, au-del des expriences modernes, ne peut tre guri que plongeant dans les abmes du moi, annule temporairement par le dpart. Le tableau dont il rve est un immense ventre de femme, celui de la prostitue quitte il y a des annes, qui avait boulevers son passage de la pubert vers ladolescence par ses paroles dits sur sa mre controverse. Evidemment, les allusions feudistes de la priode de formation du jeun homme ne manquent pas de ce roman, dont le modernisme est tributaire aux expriences narratives europennes de la premi re partie du XXe sicle, dans des fragments qui recomposent lhistoire de lespace croate de la deuxime partie du XIXe sicle et le dbut du XXe sicle, en tonalits de fresque dcadente, accents dart nouveau. Le regard en arrire dans la bohme parisienne est, en effet, lchec du sien qui refuse se dtacher de pass, qui na pas encore trouv laccom plissement compensatif dans le prsent:Sous ce vivace rseau, sous la voile par laquelle on peut entrevoir lourdissage, sous cet inintelligible filet, se trouve enterre son identit, mys t rieusement cache quelque part (Krlea 1968: 74). Le regard dans le miroir, une fois arriv dans son pays dorigine, lui confirme quentre le pass et le prsent existe un pont subtile impossible lannuler, qui doit tre pass dans lautre sens aussi pour se confronter avec soi-mme. En effet, le retour entier devient une longue confrontation avec les facette du sien: humaine, artistique, identitaire, biologique, en sentant linsi nuation dune mtamorphose longtemps attendue: penser en images et te rendre ivre la multiple, perptuel renouvellement (Krlea 1968 :74), dune rsurrection de lenthousiasme artistique, qui est en retard aprs larrive dans la rgion dalmatique. Aprs des impulsions longuement recherches, elles jaillissent sp on tanment, dans une banale journe, pendant une promenade sur les champs, en regardant, de loin, une image confuse, celle-l dun enfant mains hautes dans le fort soleil du midi, devant un mur blanc, jetant des sons animalesques, pour constater que cet enfant sourd-muet imitait le rituel du prtre devant lautel. La brusque motion esthtique, trs forte, va le rendre clou devant la toile, qui surprend ce quil dsirait il y a longtemps cumuler limage et le son -, le son perdu de lenfant quil avait t une fois, traumatis par les mots entendus dans le bordel: Il a renonc au djeuner et il a continu peindre jusquau repas de soir et maintenant, dans la

lumire de la lune, dans lespace, parmi les toiles, les oiseaux de la nuit et le bruissement des feuilles, il senti les frissons de lmotion. Les couleurs scoulaient de ses tubes, ses nerfs ont t encore pleins de vigueur, le sans avait encore le pouvoir de se mettre en marche. Vie et sent ! [...] Ses motions revenaient, se retournaient, une par une, comme les oiseaux migrants, en groupes bruyants (Krlea 1968: 127). Lenfant sur les champs, dans son expression dchane, semble une revanche de linhi bition des temps vcus jadis par Philippe, enfant pour lequel il sent un vrai transfert librateur. Les paysage de la Pannonie Suprieure, ennuyants jusqu prsent, et au milieu desquels il ne se retrouve pas, commencent lui sembler des aquarelles, des images picturales tissues en diffrentes expressions luminescentes, en attendant tre ternises sur le chevalet. Le dsespoir au milieu duquel il a t jet, trs tt, par sa mre, commence sestomper, la libration vient au mme temps avec le transfert sur la toile de la manire de la percevoir, moment-limite quand une sorte de rconciliation avec soi-mme en lui redonne le dsire de vivre intensment. Lobsession de la recherche dun stable fondement comme lment de repre au-del dexprimentas, lui offre limpulsion se mettre en danger, entrant dans lincendie mnage pour sauver quelque chose dimportant pour le matre: un autre moment-clef de sa vie, quand il sent que ce geste bien concret met en ordre le chaos de ses angoisses. La relation de sa mre, arriv une honorable dame proccupe se prparer une tranquille vieillesse, avec le jupan1 Silviu Liepach appartenant au domaine du comte Uexhuell-Cranensteeg est vexante pour Philippe, bien quelle ait trouv une forme de stabilit sociale et motionnelle; le portrait de sa mre quil essaye le faire, sa demande, est un chec pour la femme qui se trouve face face avec le dvoilement des sa nature profonde. Ayant sur soi-mme une autre perspective que le filsartiste pour lequel lart est la connaissance et son expression, Regina Valenti est secoue par limage qui prend vie sur la toile et elle comprend, au dpit de la superficialit joue, comme elle est peru par son fils: Avec le premier mouvement de la brosse, il faisait de ce ple masque un point de dpart pour un personnage de pitre et blme, habill en soie noire, portant une broche dmode au cou. [...] Mais quand le pinceau trouv dans la main de son fils commencer pJupan, titre donn, dans le Moyen ge, dans les Pays Roumains, pour les plus importants boyards et fonctionnaires; sl. upan (http://dexonline.ro/definitie/jupan).
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ntrer plus profondment sous la peau, quand sous les pres fils, lpi derme souvrit comme incise bistouri, quand les couleurs se dilurent sous lacuit du regard et [...] tandis que le pinceau, tremp en trbenthine, nettoya le visage de tout ce quil tait agrable, faux, artificiel, truqu, en arnaquant la grosse couche de fard tir sur les mystres de la peau et le visage cach sortit la lumire, us et scalp bistouri, sa frustration augmentait (Krlea 1968: 99-100). La ralit entire est reue par lil de lartiste, qui traduit audel de la forme, de mouvement leurs significations: lagitation des mains de Liepach typique pour un individu sensuel, cupide, avide et goste. Xnie Radajeva (Boboka), la femme fatale rencontre dans son crpuscule, est la deuxime femme qui influence dune manire dcisive sa vie, en lui redonnant la force smotionner et peindre. Provocante et mprisante par rapport aux conventions sociales, elle est authentique dans sa manire penser et ragir, qualit qui semble une bulle doxygne pour Philippe, touff par la sensation de fausset, de vulgarit dans le monde vers lequel il se tourne initialement comme vers quelque chose rdemptrice. Les opinions de Xnie concernant le rapport nature/culture tablissent la source des ennuis dans le ballaste de la culture europenne, qui avait estamp et falsifi les lans vitaux de la nature humaine. Le retour ltat sauvage dans la vie et dans lart est gnratrice dauthenticit; vivant dans la pleine ignorance de la raison, des normes moraux destins mettre ordre le chaos barbare, elle va finir en suivant la manire vivre choisie: poignarde par Ballocsanszy, quand elle se prparait le quitter. Les destines analyses par Krlea (Regina, Xnie, Vanda la femme dun important fonctionnaire du gouvernement, Vladimir Ballocsanszy, en faillite cause de ses propres faiblesses, hsitent entre tre des victimes et provoquer des victimes. Authentique reste seulement lagitation intrieure, lartiste refusant la confiance dans idyllique en carton press, auprs duquel les souffrances, les conventions, les ennuis; les drames; le dgot et la tristesse se cachent. La rencontre avec Xnie se passe, en diffrentes expressions, dans lide commune de la continuit aussi, de limpossibilit dune authenticit absolue, parce que les individus et lart produit par ceux-ci font partie dune chane de relations interdpendantes. Philippe reste fidle lide lide romantique de la continuit de la culture europenne (Krlea 1968: 194); la trouvaille sur les champs dun petit objet artistique, une Europe minuscule en bronze, modele en style dc adent et

raffin, une miniature simple et sophistique au mme temps, trouve par le vacher Miko, lui provoque des motions culturelles profondes; pour Xnie, lhomme nest autre chose que le rceptacle des got et des plaisirs des autres (Krlea 1968: 194). La consommation de la soif de vie; linvestissement dans toutes ses impulsions est cration et autodestruction au mme temps. Cest ce quils vont faire Ballocsanszy, Boboka, le mystrieux et lexotique personnage sang levantin, slave et hbraque - Serghei Kyriales -, celui quil va confronter Latinovicz avec le soi-mme et avec son art, en lui approfondissant lab me des doutes et des angoisses. Complex lui-mme, vhiculant des thories bhavioristes, parlant sur la logique de quelques causes naturelles, Kyriales ne fait que dissimuler les frustrations de lindividu qui jusqu un certain ge il navait rien de notable ralis, minimisant, maintenant, nimporte quelle ralisation des autres; troubl, mais pas vaincu par les arguments du Levantin, Latinovicz a la rvlation finale du fait que lart signifie du talent, - voil ce que ne peuvent pas comprendre les esprits superficiels. Le talent est une force qui ne peut pas tre expliqu par rien de matriel, et ces fonctions du talent sont clairvoyants et se trouvent au-del de fonctions habituelles de la raison et de la matire, parce quelles sont insaisissables! (Krlea 1968: 244). Donc la nature de lart est transcendantale, mme si ses racines restaient dans la ralit : Nous nous somme habitus avec les miroirs, mais il est quelque chose dhorrible dans la duplication visuelle de la ralit (Borges 1998: 103). Lexpression individuelle de lart, sa valeur sont donnes par la manire transcender la matire. La complexit des expriences qui comme moment apothotique la relation rotique avec Xnie, ses mditations striles sur le thme du rapport exil-fauvisme-faux, la maison- brute ralit : paysans barbares ct dAphrodites travailles en or, raffinement culinaire de belle poque ct de chou, de lard, du pois, de viande sanglante se mtamorphosent symbiotiquement dans le longuement attendu lan artistique: Dans les derniers vingt-trente jours il avait peint plusieurs tableaux, il avait esquiss une centaine de dessins, il avait not ses impressions, il avait excut une srie daquarelles. Les images jaillissent de lui comme dune fontaine. [...] Il avait peint, utilisant les tons ples des vieilles lithographies japonaises du XVIIe sicle, une suite de verts crpuscules dans les dsertes clairires de la fort. Il avait fini aussi un cycle daquarelles ayant comme personnages les ouvriers

des vignobles quil les avait vus dans une tombe de la nuit habills en leurs vertes blouses comme envelopps en cuivre [...]. Dernirement tout se transformait dans ses mains en tableaux et chaque respiration il se sentait vif, en pleine vie [...]; il se sentait similaire au serpent qui perd sa peau pour regagner une autre sous le soleil de printemps, il renonait tout ce qui tait anorganique, vieilli, gale; les blessures anciennes se fermaient et sous leurs cicatrice un nouveau tissu pidermique sacc om plissait, vif, frais, sain (Krlea 1968: 152). Rconcili avec lui-mme et avec le pass, il russit faire les portraits de son entourage: le portrait de sa mre, de la domestique (Caroline), de Xnie, du vieux Liepach etc., sans sempcher de fausses pudeurs, de la peur de ne pas blesser sensibilits et orgueils, en pensant ignorer les flatteries et les rvoltes donc dans la pure lumire des filtrations intrieures, o lart sassimile la catharsis. Le livre est construit par des segments temporels du prsent, de lvocation du pass plus proche (lexprience occidentale de Phillipe Latinovicz) et plus loign (par divers histoires de familles). Retourn dans son pays natale pour recomposer le sien identitaire biologique (la clarification de son vritable paternit) et artistique, il est peru, dune manire de flatterie, comme un germe catalyseur du dveloppement des arts de son pays, dans un habile discours du Silviu Liepach, expos par des raison privs (pour avoir une bonne relation avec un possible beau-fils), mais aussi biologique, sil peut tre crdible le tmoignage finale donn par Kazimiera Regina Valenti Latinovicz concernant le pre naturel de son fils: Gens comme lui, de taille europenne, sont des apparitions exceptionnelles pour le dveloppement de notre culture gnrale, surtout si on considre notre triste retard dans ce domaine, et surtout dans le domaine des arts plastiques (Krlea 1968: 152). La retrouve dune haute communication artistique, mais en mme temps accessible est leffort suprme de chaque artiste; une obscurit sophistique assure une niche limite. Seulement les racines dans la profonde humanit, ses tares et ses sublimations, audel du jeu des abstractions rendent lart durable dans son histoire: Si lart nouveau ntait pas intelligible pour tout le monde, a signifie que ses ressorts ne sont pas ceux gnriquement humains. Il nest pas un art pour les gens gnralement, mais pour une classe de gens bien particulire quil est possible quils ne soient pas plus prcieux que les autres, mais qui ; videment, sont distincts (Gasset 2000: 31).

Pour que lart pourrait exprimer profondment le sien, elle doit tre authentique, donc vraisemblable; la vraisemblance nest pas suffisante, le vrai dilemme intervenant la ncessit de la spiritualisation de la matire le cur de lart mme. Bibliographie
1. Assunto 1983 = Rosario Assunto. Universul ca spectacol. Bucureti: Ed. Meridiane. Traducere de Florina Nicolae. 2. Borges 1998 = Jorge Luis Borges. Frumuseea ca senzaie fizic. Bucureti: Ed. Paideia. Traducere i postfa de Valeriu Pop. Cuvnt nainte de Andrei Ionescu. 3. Gasset 2000 = Jos Ortega y Gasset. Dezumanizarea artei i alte eseuri de estetic. Bucureti: Humanitas. Traducere din spaniol, prefa i note de Sorin Mrculescu. 4. Krlea 1968 = Miroslav Krlea. ntoarcerea lui Filip Latinovicz. Bucureti: Ed. pentru Literatur Universal. n romnete de Virgil Teodorescu i Radu Flora. 5. Nedelcu 2009 = Octavia Nedelcu. Ipostaze (post)moderniste n literaturile srb i croat. Editura Universitii din Bucureti. 6. Srbu 2001 = Raoul Srbu. Cele dou aparene ale picturii. Bucureti: Ed. Miron.

Summary The Search for the Artistic Self.Miroslav Krlea, the Return of Philippe Latinovicz The paper The Research of Artistic Itself. Miroslav Krlea, The Return Of Philip Latinovicz analyze the tribulations the Filip Latinoviczs tribulations, introverted artist, returned home after seventeen years of absence and his ego disrupted between the need to refind his inspiration source in the point of origin, source which could particularize him in the world of painting (the regionalism), and the admission of his value by the cultural center af Europe, the Paris (the universalism), from where he is turned back with a view to rewin the peace. The imaginary of literature assume, particularizing at the character level, the researches artistic expression of itself, the browse of the track from the vogue of the epoch, from the integration in an artistic orientation to the find of some perennial coordinates, filling the artistic identity with the research of the biological identity, haunted by the origin of an uncertain paternity. Key words: artist, ex-Yugoslavian writer, regional, universal, Croatia.

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Oliviu Felecan

Aspects of Spoken Language in the Romanian Contemporary Music

olifelecan@yahoo.com From a sociolinguistic perspective the language of the youth proves to be the most complex one because it comprises both the literary language promoted by the educational system in the pre academic and academic years and the colloquial (familiar) one used while connecting with family and friends. Dumitru Irimia wrote in Introducere n stilistic [Introduction to Stylistics] (1999: 121), that the discrepancy between the two features of the language este determinat de specificul spaiului cultural n care se desfoar comunicarea i de dimensiunea cultural a fiinei protagonitilor [is the result of the peculiarities of the cultural environment in which communication takes places, and of the cultural level of those involved in the process] The spoken language of urban life has become a label of expression via music for the young generation. The youngsters see music as an almost constituent part of their daily life and the lyrics that accompany music are very representative in this respect. Of several music types like pop, rock, country a.s.o. we have decided to focus upon hip-hop music because its lyrics are the most generous in number and meaning. In pop music lyrics are usually plain, hackneyed, lacking a message and the accent falls on the repetition of a refrain which is easy to be remembered. Moreover, rap fans have broken the patterns imposed by the well known tradition and patterns typical for the Romanian music and this is reflected at all levels of the social life: in terms of vocabulary, behavior, and outfit. Thus, they are in a constant open conflict with the law, authorities, and common sense. Most of the times their defying attitude is real and has objective reasons as the hip-hop artists usually come from the outskirts of cities and have a low social status. A good example in this respect are Siu and Puya because both artists come from poor families of Balta Alb Sljan1. The first one has no father (is orphan) and the latter is the smallest child of a numerous family. The breaking of the law and eager will to become rich have pushed Tudor Siu to extreme behavior and he was arrested and sent to prison several times for usage and traffic with drugs of high risk. The outfit of the Romanian rappers is also out of patterns as they wear baggy clothes apparently chosen at random and match them with vulgar gestures and a special look of modern gangsters. Yet, they are not original from these perspectives but copy their fellows across the ocean who are the musical icons of the bad neighborhoods from American metropolis (Felecan 2001: 17-18). Sunt biatul acela ru, nebrbierit i ras n cap Care-i bag n timpane beat-urile de hip-hop i dam foc la cas pn ieii ca obolanii Afar, desear, o s fim la tine pe scar. (Siu i Puya) [I am the bold unshaved bad boy / Who violates your hearing with the hip-hop beats / Well burn your house down until you run out like rats / Outside, tonight well be at your door step]2. In order to perform a complex linguistic analysis we have further chosen the lyrics of three of the hip-hop bands which have been in fashion in Romania for the last ten years, namely BUG Mafia [The Mafia of BUG3],
Neighborhoods with bad reputation of Bucharest, the capital of Romania. 2 As the aim of the present paper is the language of the hip-hop lyrics we have translated the message as it is and left aside aspects of prosody. 3 BUG is the acronym for Bucharest Underground Gangsters.
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La Familia [The Family4] and Paraziii [The Parasites]. At a first glance the names are somehow shocking and send to the interlope world but they are on the same page with the stage names of their members: Tataee5, Caddy6 and Uzzy7 (members of BUG Mafia), Siu, Puya (members of La Familia), Cheloo8, Ombladon and Freak D Disk9 (members of Paraziii). These pseudonyms and others like Shobby10, Cabron, Doom and Satar, have been chosen on purpose as a way to distinguish one guy among his fellows and gain the respect of the gang. They send to some physical appearances (Cheloo) or the job one has (Freak D Disk). All of them are misspelled and mock at the Romanian academic rules or orthography. The nicknames are every now and then supported by the message of some lyrics that shape a certain profile for their holders: sunt bengos [I am cool], Nu sunt incult, aa-mi triesc eu viaa [Im not stupid, its just the way I live my life], nu am pic de bun sim,/ mi bag p..a-n m-ta11, n tac-tu,/ i i dau muie lu fra-tu [I have no common sense/ I fuck your mom and fuck your dad/ and go in the back door of your brother] (BUG Mafia), Cu 10 beri i 2 trfe, hai s-i zic cine sunt/ Cel mai mecher la ora asta pe pmnt [Let me tell you who I am/ With 10 bears and 2 bitches Im the coolest guy on earth] (Siu and Puya, ncearc s zmbeti [Try to smile]), tot ce tiu tiu c m-a nvat strada [The street has taught me all I know] (Siu and Puya, Foame de bani [Money hunger]), Cred c sunt un om bun cu intenii rele/ Detest figurile de trei lovele [I guess Im a good man with bad intentions / I hate shallow people] (Paraziii, Necomercial [Not commercial]), Sunt nscut n zodia n care-a
The name should be understood as the Family an allusion to the nucleus of the Italian Mafia. 5 The name is misspelled on purpose. Written tataie it means old man and has a pejorative meaning. 6 The short name of endearment for Cadillac. 7 The name of a fire gun. 8 Adapting the English spelling and pronunciation to the Romanian language the name becomes chelu meaning the one who is bald. 9 Freak D Disk is the combination of a misspelled Romanian word Freak - right form freac - and the English the disk phonetically transformed into d disk. Put together they mean the one who is playing the set, a DJ - disk jockey. 10 A word game of show + business. 11 Although abject and trivial, this kind of language is popular all over the lyrics of hip-hop songs and we have decided to reproduce it as such for the sake of its scientific and linguistic accuracy, therefore we apologize for the discomfort to all philologers.
4

murit Jigodia12 [I was born when the Jerk died] (Paraziii, O raz [One ray]). Aware of what they do, the singers are portraying themselves negatively: Noi suntem degeneraia urmtoare [We are the next degeneration] (Paraziii, Degeneraia urmtoare [The Next De-generation]), Atitudinea mea e bagabonteasc/ i comportarea mea pur romneasc-golneasc/ Nu m comport tiparului obinuit13 i asta nu convine [I have a vagrant attitude / and my behavior is of a typical Romanian vagabond / I dont behave according to the regular standard and this is whats disturbing you] (Siu and Puya, Foame de bani [Money hunger]). In other contexts they justify their offensive language by the release of constraints brought by the freedom gained in 1989 and invoke the natural and straight ways of expression: M port natural, dup posibiliti,/ Acum totu-i legal, garda ne tie de hoi [I behave naturally / Now everything is legal, the cops know were thieves] (Siu and Puya), Nu suntem fali/ Eu nu sunt unu la televizor i altu acas [We are no hypocrites / I am not one way on TV and something else at home] (Siu and Puya, Foame de bani [Money hunger]), Nu conduc pe nimeni, dar sunt un lider/ i mi place s cred c sunt un om liber [I dont lead anybody but Im a leader / And I like to believe Im a free man] (Paraziii, Avort verbal [Verbal abortion]). Sometimes their own way of life is described in comparison with the others who are perceived as intolerant enemies. Two stanzas written by the members of BUG Mafia support this idea and is summed up by the verse: V dau voci de cartier, cu limbaj de cartier [Listen to the voices of the street in street language]: By using a rebel language like the one in the abovementioned lyrics, the hip-hop artists want to highlight their belonging to the group they come from, to the street gang in permanent conflict with the law, with authorities, and people who are well adapted socially. The best way to express themselves is the usage of a functional outcast language the slang which has the argotic attributes of the spoken language. While before the totalitarian period14 argotic elements were inserted in some lines and folk songs and were considered straight, rude and vulgar, during Communism the
12 A direct reference to Nicolae Ceauescu, the communist ex president of Romania between 1965-1989. He would have never tolerated under any circumstance this type of music. 13 The dative case is misused in this verse. 14 Totalitarian times are the years during the communist regime, between 1947 and 1989, the latter being considered the year when the entire Eastern Europe has become free.

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II. Cu limbaj, limbaj de cartier i rup cpna Sunt tot deasupra ta i voi fi totdeauna Sugi p..a cu poezia ta, pe strad-n toat ara poezia-i Mafia Vocabular obscen mi bag p..a-n m-ta Degeaba te holbezi la mine, c nu mi pas de tine i-o dau la craci pentru tot ce spui, Pentru c nu taci, pentru c m-ataci. Tot ce-am nvat am nvat pe strad Bga-mi-a p..a, tu n-o s-nelegi vreodat C tot ce conteaz pentru mine Este s i reprezint pe ai mei n faa celor ca tine Deci, domnule, ine-i nasul la tine n oal tiu c suntem pentru tine o problem social nainte s termin i zic nc-o dat eject Cu limbaj de cartier, n efect direct IV Ascult, tu, mare poet, ce-am s zic pe strofa asta C m iei cu p..e, cu c..ie, goaze, te rog frumos fii pe faz Nu sunt incult, aa-mi triesc eu viaa Ce p..a mea i pas ie cui i slobozesc eu faa Ascult, bulangiule, beau, f.t i m bat Iar ie, dom poet, i dau p..a la frecat G-yeah! Nenea frecie, m p. pe m-ta Joc, njur i fac bani muli, n-ai s vezi vreodat atta Am fost crescut ginitor, pe ciordeal, pe mangleal Am nvat cum se fac banii chiar i cnd eram la coal Am dat la buci de mic copil, aa m-a nvat tata S nu ratez nicio femeie: p..a-n p, gata fata! Deci tu, labagiule, te iei de mine, M sugi de caris, sunt mai inteligent ca tine.

II. Ill tear your head down with street language Im still above you just and Ill always be so Suck my dick with your poetry, in the streets the poem is Mafia Obscene language I fuck your mother Its useless to stare at me cause I dont care Fuck your ass for all you say For you dont shut up and attack me. All Ive learnt I know from streets Fuck it, youll never understand That all that matters to me Is to represent by buddies to those like you So, mister, mind your own business I know were for you just a social matter Before I finish Im telling you again eject In street language with direct effect. You listen, great poet, what I have to say in here You listen dicks, balls, twats, please pay attention Im no illiterate, I live my life this way What the fuck do you care who I fuck Listen, gay genius, I drink, I fuck and I fight And to you Mr. poet, suck my dick G-yeah!You masturbating super hero, I piss your mom I gamble, curse and make a lot of money youll never see I was raised a thief, a robber, a mugger I knew how money is made since kindergarten I fucked around since early days, my dad taught me Not to miss a chick: the cock into the pussy, done the ho So you self sucker get to me, Suck my shlong! Im smarter than you!

censorship tried to prohibit such unconventional language which was considered extremely low and disturbing. After the political change in 198915, the hiphop music has brought in the open the underground vocabulary as a sign of protest against a fake society with pretended embarrassment and they have done it in order to set free the reality of the bad neighborhoods and street gangs: Modul meu de exprimare brevetat de cartier/ Oare sunt obscen, / Pentru noi ai inventat vocabular pervers? [My way of expression is asserted by the neighborhood / Am I offensive? / Is it for us that youve invented obscene vocabulary?] (Paraziii, DEX 2000), n jargon dau numai ce-i real [In jargon I say only whats real], Pentru toi cei care nu m las s sper/ V dau voci de cartier cu limbaj de cartier [For all those who dont let me hope and dream / Listen to the voices of the street in street language] (BUG Mafia). Thus, all the researched and analyzed songs contain a rich and flourishing argotic language full with expres15

sions and verb phrases formed with verbs like a fi [to be]: (a fi ca dracu [to be like hell], a fi foame de bani16, a fi pe bune [to be real], a fi tare n gur [to be quick on the draw], a fi varz [to be a wreck]17), a bga [to enter] (a bga n boal18 [to drive crazy], a bga la ficat19 [to hit somebody], a bga la rcoare [to put somebody behind bars]), a face [to make] (a face bot20 [to sniff at something, to pout], a face combinaii21 [to speculate opportunities] , a face fitze [to be fussy]), a lua [to take] (a lua omor22 [to be killed], a lua eap23 [to be double crossed]). There are also several expressions that should
16 Sic!, although the Romanian correct version contains the verb a avea [to have] the usage of a fi [to be] can be seen as the intention to preserve the English version of the phrase a-i fi foame [to be hungry]. 17 Literal meaning: to be a cabbage. 18 Literal meaning: to make somebody become ill. 19 Literal meaning: to hit the liver. 20 Literal meaning: to make a snout. 21 Literal meaning: to make combinations. 22 Literal meaning: to take death over you. 23 Literal meaning: to be pierced with a sharp stake.

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The year of the Romanian revolution that marked the end of the communist era.

be taken as such: a avea spate24 [to have high connections], a fute la creier25 [to insist, to annoy], a se pia pe cineva26 [to disregard somebody], a prinde boal [to catch a disease], a pune botul27 [to trust foolishly], a rmne blocat28 [to be shocked], a trage la fiare29 [to work out], a vinde poveti30 [to lie]. Adriana Stoichioiu Ichim pointed out in Vocabularul limbii romne actuale (2001: 141) [The Vocabulary of the Contemporary Romanian Language] that un tipar sintactic propriu argoului i limbajului popular / familiar este cel al locuiunii verbale (mai rar, al verbelor) nsoite de pronume personale atone, n acuzativ, pers. a III-a singular feminin (fr funcie sintactic) [the syntactic pattern typical for the argotic vocabulary and common / familiar language is the verb phrase (rarely the verb alone) accompanied by atone feminine personal pronouns in the accusative at third person singular (without a syntactical role)] or second person pronouns or even reflexive pronouns: a o arde (la mito)31 [to waste time], a o da cuiva [to give it to somebody], a te durea n pul32 [to disregard it, to give a shit], a se face de ccat33 [to be ridiculous], a se risca [to take the chance, to risk it], a se simi marf34 [to feel cool], a se trage n poz [to take a picture]. Some of the argotic words belong to the general vocabulary but suffer a deliberate change of meaning. They can play the role of both nouns: bostan35, brigad36, combinaii37, garda38, iarb39, licoare40, marf41 and adLiteral meaning: to have the back covered by somebody superior in rank or influence. 25 Literal meaning: to fuck the brains of a person. 26 Literal meaning: to piss on somebody. 27 Literal meaning: to put the snout. 28 Literal meaning: to remain blocked. 29 Literal meaning: to do weight training exercises. 30 Literal meaning: to sell stories. 31 The correspondent English phrase does not follow the rule but the literal translation does: to burn it for fun. 32 Literal meaning: to feel pain in the penis. 33 Literal meaning: to turn oneself into shit. 34 Literal meaning: to feel yourself extremely valuable. 35 Literal meaning: pumpkin figurative meaning: head. 36 Literal meaning: brigade figurative meaning: police patrol. 37 Literal meaning: combinations figurative meaning: arrangements, deals. 38 Literal meaning: the guard figurative meaning: police patrol. 39 Literal meaning: grass figurative meaning: drugs, marijuana. 40 Literal meaning: liquor figurative meaning: alcohol. 41 Literal meaning: merchandise figurative meaning: illicit possessions.
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jectives , papagal42, pigmeu43, poliai44, scul45. Other words are original creations belele46, caterinc47, milog48, palmat49, prnaie50, pici51 Some others are being made with the aid of suffixes that are attached to words belonging to the general vocabulary and they are used either in their literal meaning, the one typical to argot, or as argotic language itself. The most productive suffixes are: -ar (ccnar52), -a (borfa53, punga54), -eal (tirleal55), -esc (bagabontesc56), -ist (fomist57), -os (bengos58, caterincos59, chitros60). We have identified a special category which consists of explicit argotic terminology, a branch that is extremely developed in Romanian61 and highly used by the young hip-hop artists. The colorful language
42 Literal meaning: parrot figurative meaning: stupid, informer. 43 Literal meaning: pigmy figurative meaning: a small delinquent, a beginner. 44 Literal meaning: cop figurative meaning: police officer. 45 Literal meaning: tool figurative meaning: an experimented thief. 46 Meaning troubles. 47 Meaning a loud and ridiculous scandal. 48 Meaning one who has no attitude, an obedient fellow. 49 Meaning money theft. 50 Meaning prison, the state of being behind bars. 51 Meaning a precocious kid. 52 Literal meaning: the one who eats shit figurative meaning: obedient and always afraid person. 53 Literal meaning: the one who steals clothes figurative meaning: thief. 54 Literal meaning: the one who steals luggage figurative meaning: thief. 55 Meaning: stealing or watching somebodys back while the one is stealing something. 56 Literal meaning: the one who has the attributes of a vagabond figurative meaning: cool. 57 Literal meaning: the one who is always hungry figurative meaning: a greedy person. 58 Literal meaning: the one who has the devil in himself figurative meaning: cool. 59 Meaning: quarrelsome, the one who likes to produce scandals. 60 Meaning: avaricious, skinflint. 61 There are literary works like Povestea povetilor (pove stea p..ei) [The Story of the Stories the Story of the Penis] by Ion Creang written in the second half of the 19th century and Povestea povetilor gen. 80 [The Story of the Stories. The Generation of the 1980s] written by Mircea Nedelciu once century after the first one. They were published by the most prestigious Romanian publishing houses, namely Humanitas and Nemira.

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together with a straight way of communication and an original combination of words and expressions make the hip-hop lyrics a very rich piece of Romanian language as pointed out in the following examples the male sexual organ62 is named caris and membru, the female one goaz63, for a face dragoste [to make love] we have identified a da din fund [to move the ass], a da la buci [to slap the ass], a marca teritoriul [to mark the territory] meaning the first contact or a verifica liftul [to check the lift] which has a double meaning regarding both straight and oral sex and that is performed by paraute [prostitutes], trfe [sluts] or traseiste [whores]. The verb a ejacula [to ejaculate] is replaced with the argotic a slobozi [to release] and by regressive derivation sperma [the sperm] is called sloboz [release]. The suffix -giu attached to words like lab64 or bulan65 form the depreciative words labagiu [a person who practices masturbation or self stimulation] and bulangiu [a passive gay, a receiver, a disregarded person]. Of course, the popular cur [ass] is well represented in the lyrics. Although pejorative or ironical, some expressions used by rappers may sometimes become metaphors: viaa e o curv [lifes a bitch] (BUG Mafia), muie n leasing [oral sex in leasing], un nou pretext de lab [a new pretext for masturbation], Fetele dau din motoare cu elementele din dotare [Girls move their engines by shaking their installations] (Paraziii). The metaphorical side of the argot is not very popular in the hip-hop lyrics as the artist prefer straight obscene language: i-am dat muia la gard dac m-ai enervat/ Am percutat cu trei rime din care dou obscene [Take some deep throat if you piss me off / I answered back with three rhymes and two are obscene], S cnte parautele, solistele, fetele/ Nicio problem la mijloc, le ip gura/ Od voi le dai s cnte, noi le dm s sug p..a [Let the girls, parachutes, the
For the folkloric / vulgar vocabulary of the genital organs in Romanian see Nicolae Felecan (2005), Terminologia corpului uman n limba romn [The Terminology for the Human Body in the Romanian language], Cluj-Napoca: Editura Mega, Editura Argonaut, p. 142 - 157. 63 People of all walks of life are aware of the argotic language and a proof in this respect may be the usage of words like gozar [meaning gay] used in the summer of 2007 by the Romanian president regarding some journalists and psric [literal meaning: small bird, figurative meaning: pussy] used by the same official when addressing to an insistent female journalist who is supposed to have annoyed him. 64 Literal meaning: paw figurative meaning: penis. 65 Literal meaning: foot figurative meaning: gay, cool guy.
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singers / There is no problem / You give them odes to sing / We give them dicks to suck] (BUG Mafia). The real or fake roughness of the hip-hop singers together with their wish to have a lot of fans make them use an ironical and straight language: Un personaj integru face dragoste, nu f..e/ Nu se scarpin la c..ie, se maseaz ncet n baie [A moral person does not have sex but makes love / He does not scratch his balls but palpates them in the toilet] (Paraziii, DEX 2000). Like all youngsters with less common sense the Romanian rappers use a trivial language full of street language regarding genital organs and sexual relations and perversions of all kinds: b, futu-i morii mtii66, mi-a ft viaa67 (BUG Mafia), bga-mi-a p..a n mta68, beli-mi-ai p..a69, F.t alea cu curu mare, cu tzele goale [I fuck women with big ass and naked tits], mnca-mi-ai p..a70, v f.t n gur, de ce p..a mea suferii [Eat out my dick, what the fuck is your problem] (La Familia), Ai genunchii la urechi i-o p..-nfipt-n gur [You have the knees beside your ears and a cock stuck in the mouth], Alerg dup femei s le f.t, dar nu le prind [I chase the women to fuck them but cant reach them], Am o p.. i trei c..ie prinse n sutienul tu de baie [I have one boner and three balls in your bra], Mori la prnaie cu p..a-n cur [Die in slammer with fucked ass], O dm la buci cu ciorapul pluat pe p.. [We slap the ass with the plushy sock on the cock], Palpa-mi-ai coiu [Feel my dick], Viaa iese pe p..d, dar se duce pe p.. [Life comes out from the pussy through the slit but goes down on the dick] (Paraziii). The latter band with specific name gave the following suburban metaphorical definition: P..a Unicul cuvnt care te umple n gur/ Membrul de sub ptur de natur dat/ Element bizar l are n pantaloni orice ccnar/ Un cuvnt sumar care atrn greu baza evoluiei/ [] dou silabe de carne ntre dou palme (DEX 2000). [The Penis the only word that fills your mouth / The under blanket instrument given by nature / Bizarre element owned by any shiteater / An easy word but highly heavy in the mankind evolution / [] two meat syllables between two hands]. Their definition serves the purpose of the controversial journalist Andrei Gheorghe in the song performed together with him, Dreptul la replic [The Right to Rebut]:
Literal meaning: screw your mothers saints. Literal meaning: youve fucked up my life. 68 Literal meaning: I would insert my shlong in your mom. 69 Literal meaning: give me a blowjob. 70 Literal meaning: eat my dick figurative meaning: suck my dick.
66 67

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legea dreptului a rgit! Cu ce este mai indecent p..a dect furtul? ntrebare pentru clasa a 4-a: Angelica, vrei s-mi bag p..a n tine? Da, mulumesc, Maricel! Dac eu dau textul acesta p radio, a doua zi Voi fi condamnat, dar dac fur 500 de miliarde de lei Niciodat nu vei fi penal asasinat71. [The law of the right to burp! / Why is the penis more indecent than the theft? / Fourth grade question: / Angelica, would you like to host my penis? / Yes, thank you, Maricel!72 / If I put this text on the air on radio / The next day Ill be convicted, but if you steel 500 billiard lei / Youll never be aware of the criminal code]. Acest tip de expresivitate ocant prin duritatea limbajului, din care nu lipsesc elemente vulgare sau obscene a fost explicat prin faptul c argoul este o creaie exclusiv masculin i, ca atare, reflect interese i caracteristici psiho-temperamentale ale argotizanilor.73 [This way of expressing shocking due to the harsh language with vulgar or obscene elements has been explained by the fact that the argot is an exclusively male creation and therefore it reflects the interests and psycho-temperamental features of those who use argotic vocabulary] The proof in this respect could be the refrain of the song Necomercial [Not commercial] by Paraziii band: Zi: pu, la-la, zi pu, la-la, la-la-la-la-la74. The obsession for the male genital organ is present in the language of a
No case of major corruption has been solved in the past 20 years of democracy in Romania, and therefore people have the general opinion that major wrongdoers dressed up in fancy and expensive clothes, who have high connections in politics, will always be absolved of anything even if their actions have had a huge impact on national economy. 72 The characters names are also suggestively chosen. Angelica has the obvious angelic connotation and Maricel is directly connected to the word mare which means big and consequently refers to the size of a penis. 73 see Stuart Berg Flexner (1980), Dictionary of American Slang; Exploring Language, Boston Toronto: Little, Brown & Company, apud Adriana Stoichioiu Ichim 2001, 133. 74 The word game consists of the utterance of the traditional refrain la-la-la, which in Romanian is the second syllable of the word pula meaning penis, after the single syllable pu which wouldnt be connected to anything if it were not the first syllable of the same Romanian word pula meaning penis. Thus, it is understood like Say: pu, la-la, say pu, la-la, la-la-la-la-la meaning Say penis .
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lot of youngsters students, schoolboys and schoolgirls (!) under the form of given short expressions: (Ce / cum) pula mea75. In the context of the natural flow of communication, a lot of speakers use such concise language with high priority. They play the role of given phrases in which the idea is not part of a logical discourse but it focuses on the semantic sphere of a couple of words or a given syntactical pattern, like exemplified above (Irimia 1999: 108): Da, p..a mea, cred c am ajuns prea departe76, De ce p..a mea suferii de mecherie?77, Cum p..a mea poi s spui78 (Siu and Puya). The Romanian word pula, meaning dick, is similar in usage with the English fuck which is present with or without its original meaning in American songs or films and this makes its usage seem extremely natural in its daily usage. In comparison with the previously mentioned obscene and indecent words the next ones may seem reasonable and nave although they will never occur in an academic language. Nouns like ccat [shit], felaie [fellatio] , lab79, scul80, verbs like a pia [to piss] appear in the lyrics of hip-hop songs under the pretext that they are a slice of life: ccat de glon81, ccatu acela de doi lei82 (BUG Mafia), cel mai de ccat e s mori cnd i-o iei la lab83, n ce ccat se scald84, o mare scul n strad85, poi s mori fcnd felaie [you can die while fellating], ar de ccat86, v piai pe voi [piss on yourselves] a.s.o.
The meaning of the phrase is what / how the fuck but the Romanian version uses the word dick instead of fuck. 76 Literal meaning: yes, my dick, I think weve gone too far meaning fuck yes, I think weve gone too far . 77 Literal meaning: why, my dick, do you suffer from boldness? meaning why the fuck do you suffer..? 78 Literal meaning: how, my dick, can you say? meaning how the fuck can you say? 79 Literal meaning: paw figurative meaning: penis. 80 Literal meaning: tool figurative meaning: penis. 81 Literal meaning: shit of bullet figurative meaning: worthless bullet. 82 Literal meaning: that shit of two lei (Romanian national currency) figurative meaning: the insignificant fellow. 83 Literal meaning: of greatest shit is to take it when you stimulate yourself figurative meaning: the fucking worse way to die is when you have it on your own. 84 Literal meaning: in what deep shit hes bathing figurative meaning: one is in a bad environment, in big trouble. 85 Literal meaning: a big penis in the street figurative meaning: a cool guy in the streets. 86 Literal meaning: shit country figurative meaning: worthless country.
75

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Rap singers are aware of the linguistic difference between their language and standard language and this is reflected in their usage of borrowings from foreign languages, argotic or, fashion-related terminology. We can exemplify the first category with gypsy words like carici [penis], ciordeal [theft], a gini [to monitor], ginitor [thief], a hali [to eat], mangleal [theft], mito [cool] etc. Some specialists consider that majoritatea mprumuturilor din argoul romnesc sunt de origine igneasc [most of the Romanian argotic borrowings have a gypsy origin] (Stoichioiu Ichim 2001: 127) and therefore benefit from the advantage of hish expressivity. Besides these quite old borrowings there are some neologisms that may be taken into account. Considering the fact that the hip-hop music is the reflection of the American rap both in terms of language and themes, it is of no surprise that the English borrowings are in top position: box-office87, eject, playback written either in one word like in English or in two (play-back), like in Romanian , show. Some words have become familiar to most of the speakers in everyday Romanian language, such as brand, job, gentleman, office, sex-appeal, weekend while others are known in their colloquial meaning bearing a certain level of stylistic value: feat, high-life, joint. Moreover, the Paraziii band has one song named in English: Shoot yourself, in which they protest against the non-value and upstartness of the Romanian world of music which is dominated by incompetence and outfit bad taste. The American OK (< all correct) could not be missing and Adriana Stoichioiu Ichim (2006: 171) wrote that it is typical for limbii vorbite, unde a devenit prin utilizare abuziv un exem plu de clieu al epocii actuale [the spoken language in which because of too much use it has become an example of clich in modern times]. The fact that some words of English origin fight to enter the Romanian morphology is certified by the adding of some plural marks to them separated or not with a hyphen in order to make them sound more familiar: beat-urile, job-uri or bodyguarzi. The lyrics of the three bands weve analyzed are full of neologisms, old borrowings that have entered the language quite some time ago and therefore are already adapted to the Romanian language: Am percutat88 cu trei rime, din care dou obscene [I answered back with three rhymes and two are obscene] (BUG Mafia), Curentul nu e amiabil89, indiscutabil90 [The current is
Although in English it is written in one word. From the French percuter. 89 From the French amiable (cf. the English amiable). 90 From the French indiscutable.
87 88

not friendly, without any doubt] (Siu and Puya, ncearc s zmbeti [Try to smile]), Oportuniti91 zero [Zero opportunities], Tot felul de specimene92 totdeauna-mi sunt pe urm[All kinds of people are always after me], Sau avei plcerea s fii dui de cleptomani93 [Or do you have the pleasure to be taken away by kleptomaniacs] (Paraziii feat Andrei Gheorghe, Dreptul la replic [The right to rebut]) Am auzit un specimen c-a blocat-o pe m-sa-n lift i se crede Eminem [Ive heard of a specimen who kept his mom blocked in a lift94 and thinks hes Eminem] (Paraziii, Avort verbal [Verbal abortion]), Gndesc egocentric95 ca un domn autentic96 [I think egocentrically as a respectable fellow] (Paraziii, Milionari de week-end [Week-end millionaires]). As it can be easily noticed, most of the neologisms in Romanian a romance language itself come from romance languages. These colorful words give a certain peculiarity of the lyrics just like scientific or technical terminology. We have noticed the medical terminology97: Gerovitalul v menine spiritul n sus [The Gerovital keeps your spirits high], Simt c intru-n com [I feel I fall in a coma] (BUG Mafia), Aduc bieii n sevraj [Bring boys to disintoxication], Butura accentueaz starea de stres [Drinking sharpens stress] (Siu and Puya), Adumi un pansament cu etichet [Bring me a plaster with ticket], Ai trit prea multe zile acidulate [Youve had too many acidulate days], Dect s m duc dintr-o viroz/ Mor de supradoz i m trag n poz [Instead of dieing because of a virosis / Id rather take an overdose and picture myself], m fut pe dioptriile lui [fuck his dioptric eyeglasses], Poi s faci infarct n timp ce te caci [You can have a heart attack while shitting], Reprezint Zona Zoster98, s stea cu rectu spart [remain with damaged rectum], Tuturor celor cu un mare creier n minus/ Le doresc un elegant penis captivus [To all
From the French opportunit, Latin opportunitas (cf. the English opportunities). 92 From the French spcimen (species figurative meaning: people). 93 Cleptomane. 94 From the same word in English and in French. 95 From the French gocentrique Because the artist was keen on a rhyme he permitted a cacophony. 96 From the French authentique, Latin authenticus. 97 see Nicolae Felecan (2004), Vocabularul limbii romne [The Vocabulary of the Romanian Language], Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universitar Clujean, Editura Mega, p. 73. 98 In medical terminology: Herpes Zoster. The meaning here is that the artist represents the neighborhood that is considered infected just like a human body suffering from the Herpes Zone.
91

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those who have a large brain in minus / I recommend an elegant penis captivus] (Paraziii). Another peculiarity of the language of the youngsters in general and hip-hop artists in particular is the fact that the insert in their own discourse phrases derived from quotations. They may have their roots in proverbs Cine seamn vnt culege doar furtun99, (Dac nu tiai, v aducem iar aminte)/ E ochi pentru ochi i dinte pentru dinte [If you dont know let us remind you / It is an eye for and eye and one tooth for one tooth] (Siu and Puya, Foame de bani [Money Hunger]), (Desfcut la li, v contrazic cnd zic)/ Sngele ap nu se face, (dar se face pri)100 (Paraziii, Necomercial [Noncommercial]) in advertisements Gogule, probleme m?/ Nu aa m. Las-o m la punctul mort sau cum am zis/ Dup-aia trage de volan. Ce m, nu-i mai ajunge strada?101 [Gogule, do you have problems dude? Not like this, dude. Leave it to idler gear as I tell you / Now pull the steering wheel. Whats your problem dude, isnt the street broad enough for you?] in religious matters Crede i nu cerceta [Believe and look for no proof] (Paraziii, Instigare la cultur [Instigation to Culture]) or in politics Alo! Alo!102 [] Cu prileju anului nou v urez din toat inima, dragi compatrioi, noi realizri, satisfacii depline n munc i n via [Alo! Alo! [] on New Years Eve I warmly wish you, my beloved citizens, new accomplishments and satisfactions in your work and your lives] (Paraziii, O raz [One Ray]). There are some other examples of phrases that belong to the same category of quotes such as song titles or lyrics sung by musicians highly disregarded by rappers: Freci, freci103, living la vida loca [you rub and rub living la vida loca] (Paraziii, regarding Ricky Martin) or lyrics by AnMeaning who seeds wind may harvest storm. Literal translation With my open zipper I contradict you when I say / Blood cannot turn into water but it can become pri [an alcoholic beverage made of alcohol and mineral water]. The English correspondent for the saying would be Blood is thicker than water. The message in here is that brotherhood cannot be betrayed unless something like alcohol most likely or drugs interfere and make the one not to think straight. 101 The piece is taken from a commercial for a vodka brand which was often broadcasted during 2005-2007. 102 In his last public speech Nicolae Ceausescu, the Communist presidents who ruled before the Revolution in 1989, wanted to catch the attention of the crowds who were shouting against the regime and as a desperate gesture he repeatedly said Alo! Alo! 103 Literal meaning: to perform a friction movement figurative meaning: to self stimulate the penis.
99 100

dr104: Rmi i nu pleca/ Bagi pula, nu vrei s te lai, bagi marijuana/ Prima iubire-a mea/ Ce mult te-am ateptat s vii/ Nimic nu ne va despri, [Stay and dont leave / Fuck it you dont wanna quit marijuana / My first love / How much I waited for you to come / Nothing will ever break us up] Am ncercat s-i spun de-attea ori/ Privirea ta mi d fiori/ Zice mintea mea n gndul ei: Nu-mi gsesc locu/ Hai s mai fumm un cui, arde-le-ar focu [Ive tried to tell you so many times / Your eyesight makes me tremble / My mind says fir itself: I cant find my place / Lets smoke another fucking one105]. The latter two examples contain original lyrics of some songs by Andre which are mixed up with comments made by hip-hop street boys. Then using terms of comparison, the street boys refer either to their fellows and there might be a conflict between them like in Foame de bani [Money Hunger] which approaches the conflict between Siu and Puya vs BUG Mafia: V dai experi n viaa de cartier/ Dar de mult nimeni nu v-a mai vzut prin el [You pretend to be experts in the life in the streets / But its quite some time now since no one saw you in the streets] or Voi suntei Mafia, eu sunt Corrado Cattanni106[You are the Mafia, I am Corrado Cattani]; or to the singers of other music types that are seen as a bunch of mimics who cannot sing live. They are highly disregarded and portrayed with the same argotic language in the song Shoot yourself: The above quoted lyrics have a message and plead for fair play and skills in the musical field. They are not the only example in this respect. Most of the songs are a cry of anger and rebellion against an unworthy society. In Instigare la cultur [Instigation to culture] the artists of Paraziii i spal pcatele107 of some previous songs and launch a campaign for a serious and professional musical education that should balance the bad behavior learnt in the streets:
104 A Romanian dance duet made up of two teenage girls who were very well perceived by the young public between 1998-2005. 105 Literal meaning: Lets smoke another nail. The word nail is used as reference to the nails that lock the coffin (as smoking decreases life expectancy). The expression may they burn in fire means to hell with them. 106 This is a word game and it sends to an Italian film The Octopus in which the mob members are harassed and persecuted by commissar Cattanni. The reference to the contemporary world is constant in the hip-hop music in terms of cinema productions, advertising, social or political events. 107 Literal meaning: wash their sins figurative meaning: prove that they can have common sense and may avoid the argotic language.

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[At the most important festival plagiarized songs are performed Dar Mamaia e prea btrn, prea proast s se prind But Mamaia1 is too old to see the fake Ce vezi pe scen e limita decenei What you see on stage is at the limit of decency Aici se toarn filmul Ziua incompetenei Here it is shoot The Incompetence Day2 Spunei c iubii publicul i fanii You say you love the public and the fans Dar de fapt iubii doar play-back-ul i banii But in fact you love just money and playback i cnd facei play-back e mare riscul And when you sing playback the risk is high V facei de ccat prin concerte cnd v sare discul For you to be ridicule when the CD stops []Ai ochii ca cafeaua, dar te freci n cur ca ness-ul [] Your eyes are like coffee but you scrub your asshole like instant coffee Vezi tu, live nu poate 3rei Sud-Est-ul You see, 3trei Sud-Est3 cannot perform live Nici restul, se trage de la prefix Neither the rest, it all comes from prefix Cei mai tari n play-back: Zoofil X. The best payback are Zoofil X4. Fuck you and all those who listen to you! Muie ie i celor care te ascult! By playback any deaf and dumb person can sing Playback poa s fac i o surdomut [] Voltaj6 come in the open, five lords Voltaj ies pe interval, 5 lorzi No electrical guitars and you catch your fingers in the strings Fr chitri n priz, v prindei degetele-n corzi. In the mime category the song is reproduced La categoria mim piesa e reprodus You sang but not with mouth but the other side Ai cntat, dar nu pe gur, pe partea opus. You tramps7, with no style I give a dollar Bagaboantelor, deloc de lux, dau un dolar At least sing at the microphone not on the phone Clar, mcar cntai la microfon, nu la celular A silent night, musical compromise and you jump from Noapte de vis, compromis, muzical srii din p..-n penis, dick to penis Luai premiul din tezaur, dini din gur din p.. de cerb de aur.5 You take the prize from treasury, golden teeth from a golden stag penis.
1 Mamaia is a summer resort on the Black Sea coast and it hosts a festival dedicated to singing, an event similar to the one in San Remo, Italy. The artists speculate its double meaning as the word also means, in colloquial language grandmother or old lady. 2 A word game sending to the American film The Independence Day. 3 Trei Sud-Est is a very popular Romanian band. They sing pop music. 4 The band they aim at is called Animal X. The easy subjects approached by the male artists and their outfit and hairstyle are enough reasons for rap artists to hate them.

La cel mai mare festival piese furate se prezint

It is an allusion to one of the most famous Romanian musical festivals which is organized in Braov and is called Cerbul de Aur The Golden Stag. 6 Voltaj is a band that has been the top record sales artists in Romania for years. They also sing pop music and have a lot of concerts all over the country. 7 The offensive language aims at the two female members of the band. They were known because of their very controversial lives in the Britney Spears style.
5

Instig la cultur, nu doar s duci sticla la gur/ S ncepi s fii corect [I challenge you to culture, not just to taking the bottle and drinking / I challenge you to be fair]. We consider that any comment is useless: The previous lyrics prove a very keen accent the hiphop music puts on the rhyme and this proves their predilection for the sound of verses108. The syntactical expression is very often shaped according to prosodic
108 As pointed out so far in the paper, the street language of the lyrics is extremely rich in metaphors, indirect meanings and word games based on popular and cross-cultural references. In order to be as illustrative as possible in terms of vocabulary and send the exact message of the text, the

elements like the rhythm and internal rhyme. Dicionarul de tiine ale limbii (2005: 445) [The Dictionary of the Language Sciences] mentions that n sens larg, se poate interpreta ca rim interioar orice revenire a fonemelor din rim n corpul versului, chiar dac reluarea nu se situeaz la cezur [each repetition of the phonemes that exist in the rhyme - in the corpus of a verse may be understood in a broad sense as internal rhyme even if the repetition does not occur at the caesura.] As one can notice in the following examples: Sunt efectiv dutranslator has neglected prosody issues. In other words the meaning and content is favored on behalf of the form.

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Dac s-nvei n-ai sete O s speli closete i privind aceste aspecte Nimeni n-o s te respecte Afl c-n acest pervers univers divers Trebuie s te informezi corect i s-nvei din mers Dac vrei s-ajungi o mare scul n strad, bineneles ine minte c mintea conduce pumnul, nu invers Refren: Mesajul e clar i nu se ndreapt ctre Marte de dragul diversitii citete o carte! Dac vrei s faci lumin cnd e pentru tine noapte Educ-te singur, frate, citete o carte! Viaa-i o carte deschis, deschide-i mintea, nva! O carte citit te-ajut s te descurci altfel n via Trebuie s tii s legi dou cuvinte, copile, Altfel riti s fie cinele tu mai detept ca tine. Educ-te singur, tii, nu-i greu deloc, Nu doar crile de joc n via i-aduc noroc Alege-i un loc n societate, nu-i un joc deloc, frate, Fii pregtit s ii piept ncercrilor toate De fapt, eti singur, sunt sigur c te simi singur ntr-o lume n care toi inculii viseaz numai bani, desigur Conteaz ce-i n cap, cnd eti supus la probe Ai s-i ngropi pe toi pe rnd din vorbe

If you dont feel like learning Youll end up washing closets And considering these aspects No one will respect you Find out that in this diverse pervert universe You have to be informed right and learn as things come If you want to become a big one, of course Remember that the mind rules the fist not other way round Refrain: The message is clear and it is not to Mars: For the sake of diversity read a book! It you want to turn on the lights when it is dark for you Educate yourself, brother, read a book! Life is an open book, open your mind, learn! A book you read helps you manage differently your life You have to link two words, you child, Or else your dog will be smarter that you. Educate yourself, you know, its not hard at all, Not just playing cards bring you luck in life Choose a place in society, brother, its not a game, Be prepared to face any kind of challenges In fact you are alone, Im sure you feel alone In a world where all less-educated dream of money, of course. It matters whats in your head, when youre subject to tests You will burry all in time with words.

manul tu instinctiv/ Fr simul binelui colectiv sau doar un nativ naiv109 [I am your enemy out of my pure instinct / With no feeling of a general well being for everybody or just a nave person] (Paraziii, Milionari de week-end [Week-end Millionaires]), Afl c n acest pervers univers divers110 [Find out that in this diverse pervert universe] (Paraziii, Instigare la cultur [Instigation to culture]), Iar bucurie la gingie s fie/ O mie pahare pe datorie111 [Let there be joy to the taste / one thousand glasses drunk on debt] (Paraziii, Bagaboni 99). The rhyme sequence in the stanza is another feature present all over the researched lyrics. Thus, the most frequently encountered one is the heroic couplet aabbcc n discoteci nc se consum substane interzise/ chiar dac se fac razii cu uile nchise/ au declarat c strada e a lor, n-a fost pe bune/ poliia mimeaz aciunile nocturne [Illegal substances are still being used in discotheques / Although they search with closed doors / they have claimed that the streets are theirs, it was not so / the police is miming nocturne interventions] (Paraziii, Avort verbal [Verbal Abortion]) and sometiWe have used bold letters to highlight the group of consonants that make up the inner rhyme. In this example there are five inner rhymes according to the Romanian pronunciation. 110 The line has four internal rhymes. 111 The line has five internal rhymes.
109

mes the rhyme is repeated in three or even four consecutive verses: Viaa e dur, pe muli nu i doare nici n pul/ Calci strmb, i scoate dinii din gur/ Sau i face pe fatz o crptur [Life is tough and most people dont fucking care / You make one mistake and they pull your teeth out / Or make a scar on your face] (Siu and Puya, Atmosfer de scandal [Atmosphere for Scandal]). The following examples illustrate the fact that morphologically speaking the rhymes may have both components belonging to the same category or belonging to different morphological categories. Pi cum ccat s f ie? E deprimat cu-adevrat se tie cnd omu n-are ce s pun-n farfurie cu siguran l doare fix n pul unde arunc o hrtie [And how the hell can it be? It is truly depressing, its known / when people dont have what to eat / they most likely dont give a fuck on where they threw away a piece of paper] (Paraziii, Dreptul la replic [ The Right to Rebute])] Nici un motiv de stres n-ai, dar n minte alarma sun

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i sun c ncet-ncet ntrebrile se adun. Crede i nu cerceta e-o mare minciun, Am pierdut secole ncercnd s lum luna n mn [You have no reason for stress but in your mind the alarm is ringing / and rings cause one by one the questions arose / Trust and do not research is a huge lie / Weve lost centuries trying to catch the moon in our hands] (Paraziii, Instigare la cultur [Instigation to Culture]). Besides the common rhymes made of nouns, verbs, or adjectives there can be identified some rare ones which are very expressively from a semantic perspective and combine the rhyme of a Romanian word and a foreign one Cnd m ntlnesc cu Garda n fiecare zi/ mi ascund n ghete pastilele de extazy [When I meet the patrol each day / I hide the ecstasy pills in my boots] (Paraziii, O raz [One Ray]) a foreign acronym and a pronoun Cine ne iubete, OK / Cine ne vorbete, ne pim pe ei [Who loves us are OK / Who talk bad of us we piss on them] (Siu and Puya) a noun and an acronym Vd c muli alearg dup bani cu tupeu/ Ce pula mea, proastelor, muia are alt gust ntr-un BMW-u? (Paraziii, O raz [One Ray]) and even two acronyms: Vd desene animate cnd te ard la ADN/ Dup ultimele calcule fut un OZN [I watch cartoons when I burn your DNA / According to the latest calculus I fuck an UFO] (Paraziii, Necomercial [Non Commercial]). As far the correctness is concerned we have identified both perfect and imperfect rhymes that are the result of sonor approximations that follow the identical stressed vowel: Gtile de cartier nu au conductor Nu mai halii ce pula mea arat la televizor Care ef? Ce organizare? Poliia minte Ne doare n pul chiar i de preedinte [The gangs in the streets have no leader / Dont fucking grab whats on TV / What chief? What organization? The police is lying / We dont fucking care not even of the president] (Siu and Puya, Atmosfer de scandal [Atmosphere for Scandal]). From a sociocultural perspective we have identified some comparisons that catch the attention in the frame of the hip-hop music, comparisons that prove the youngsters awareness of the contemporary world of sports mai d-te-n p..a mea/ Aa am nvat pe strad/ njur ca Lctu [Suck my dick / So Ive

learnt in the streets / to curse like Lctu112], Lor le plac bieii ri care rup scena/ Care calc pedala pn la capt ca Senna [They like bad boys who tear the stage down / Who push the accelerator down to the floor like Senna113] (Siu and Puya), the world of cinema Am vocaie, sunt ca Terminator II n aplicaie [I have vocation / I am like Terminator II114 on duty] (Paraziii, Bagaboni 99 [Vagabonds of 99]) or even history: Sunt un fel de Napoleon [I am a kind of Napoleon] (Paraziii, Degeneraia urmtoare [The Next Degeneration]). While some comparisons are obscene Mai ai de comentat, te fut direct n cur/ Ca Tenny parazitu, ce pula mea njur [You say one more word and I fuck straight your ass / Like Tenny the parasite what the fuck do I curse] (Paraziii, Degeneraia urmtoare [The Next Degeneration]) some others are really humorous Fuge glonul din pistol ca m-ta din alimentar [The bullet gets out of the gun like your mum out of the grocery store] (Paraziii, Avort verbal [Verbal Abortion]) or even of disregard: Sincroane de ccat, texte ca-n telenovele [Shitty synchrony, soap-opera texts] (Paraziii, Bagaboni 99 [Vagabonds of 99]). The way the superlative form is made up is very fashionable in the contemporary Romanian language and this is reflected in the hip-hop music as well. The Latin maxim is placed before the noun it determines maxim respect but a method highly preferred by youngsters is the link of the superlative prefixes like mega- or super- to head words. The two methods are very productive and popular in the last decade and are applicable to both foreign words (mega-show115), and Romanian ones: super-producii (Stoichioiu Ichim 2006: 95-118). At the opposite end are the diminutives which are extremely few in number and are only rarely used by the tough ones who have a violent behavior. They do not fit the street language of the neighborhood and yet. We have identified a single one, namely frioare116, a direct appellative to a smalMarius Lctu is a former football player of Steaua Bucureti and he has become famous because of his bad language and aggressive attitude. 113 Ayrton Senna was a Brazilian Formula One world champion several times in the 1990s. He died in 1994 while driving a Formula One car because of high speed. 114 Terminator was a series of action movies with Arnold Schwarzenegger. 115 Used with hyphen although it has no justification. 116 Literal meaning: a smaller brother figurative meaning: a smaller member in the gang.
112

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ler member of the gang, disciple who needs to be taught and protected by the other fellows. There are some other aspects that characterize the Romanian language in the contemporary hip-hop music and some of them are closely connected to the colloquial speech. The artists use verbs like o s fim [well be], n-o s nelegi [you wont understand] which are typical for the folk speech117, popular pronoun forms like asta,[this one] la [that one] and sta [this one] or prepositions like d or p118, which are typical for the sub-dialect of Muntenia119. There are some other phonetic phenomena that may be connected not to the feelings of the artist but to the oral expression of the song itself, namely the syncope jumate120 , the apocope da121, curu, poa, tre122 or the elision: grij-am pregtit-o123, main-a pornit124, p-arm125, parc-a fi126 etc. Their usage is justified by rhythm and tempo which are very important for the hip-hop music, as well as by the drop of the articulative energy at the end of the uttered linguistic units. Another important fact is that the lyrics are written in words without diacritical signs. Therefore instead of they write sh (nashpa), the consonant is replaced with tz (a agtza, distratzi, fatza, fitze, fitzos, putz, litz), and of the conjunction c is replaced with k (cred k). There are several reasons for this tendency and they are connected not just to the spoken language but also to the influence of the internet and mobile phone technology. The excessive use of computers and the typing in English, even for Romanian texts has prejudiced our language just like any other language invaded by English words. Because of economic reasons and the human beings tendency to save its energy the text messages on mobile phones are also written without diacritical signs and a proofs in this respect are several interactive shows on TV127 when people are being
There are no special forms of these verbs in English. Correct form de meaning of or p meaning on. 119 The area which includes Bucharest, the city where all the members of the researched bands come from. 120 The full word is jumtate meaning half. 121 The full word is dar meaning but. 122 Curul means ass, poate means can, may, trebuie means must. 123 The full phrase is cu grij am pregtit-o meaning Ive prepared it carefully. 124 The full phrase is maina a pornit meaning the car has started. 125 The full phrase is pe arm meaning on the gun. 126 The full phrase is parc al fi meaning as if I were. 127 On music channels or shows in which people send messages to one another such as the show ntre bine i ru
117 118

asked to present their point of view. This tendency is an abuse towards the Romanian language and not only that it is tolerated by the authorities but it is also encouraged by a lot of multinational companies that promote the English fashion through their products. As a conclusion we can state that the contemporary Romanian music is a very broad field in which contemporary language tendencies are reflected through the lyrics that put in the open the colloquial style used by our youth. By the usage of the baga bontesc128 language, the hip-hop music has given the argotic vocabulary a high rank. Even if the argot is marginalized by the literary language, the street boys cultivate it and turn it into a symbol of their sub-urban culture. The risk of the spreading of such vocabulary is very well formulated in a verse of the song Degeneraia urmtoare [Next Degeneration] by Paraziii band: Virusul intitulat hip-hop face victime [The virus called hop-hop makes victims]. The title of the song is very illustrative and the ingenious idea of adding the prefix de- to the noun generaie [generation] is a very intelligent way to prepare the audience for what it contains. From a sociolinguistic perspective, the issues that are approached in the hip-hop lyrics and the language that is often a vulgar one integrate the Romanian rap music in the frame of the similar music trend in other countries that have known the phenomenon years before due to the lack of a totalitarian period marked by a very rough censorship. Music is a cross- bordering phenomenon and globalization is present in all fields including the cultural movements of the periphery. Even if they are highly influenced by countries that have a more developed musical industry the Romanian rap artists intend to be representatives for their places of origin and want to have a lot of fans ready to worship them and give them a high social status. This type of music is less exported/imported than other musical genres like rock, pop or dance music because each country has its own social, cultural and political peculiarities that feed the imagination and the lyrics of artists who are representative for the contemporary social periphery. From a linguistic perspective the hip-hop music provides the researches with the most consistent material
which gives room to political, social, economic, and cultural debates and is broadcasted by TVR channel, or neaa cu Rzvan i Dani, an entertainment morning show on Antena 1 a.s.o. 128 The word bagabontesc is a derivative of bagabont, and is an informal word for vagabond which has the same meaning in English and in Romanian.

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to be studied in terms of contemporary phenomena that characterize the language in general and the colloquial vocabulary of the youngsters in particular. The argot and the obscene vocabulary prevail and this is nothing but a reflection of our contemporary society, more precisely the world of some social classes that refuse to fit in the so called normal society. Moreover, the Romanian language is a special case due to the large number and diversity of the curses, a fact that makes it even more expressive. As long as these issues will be brought in the open and analyzed they will not be unfairly blamed and stigmatized. The foreign influence, especially the English one, is very obvious at the lexical level and proves the supremacy of the language of Eminem on the world of music in the 21st century. Bibliography
1. Bidu-Vrnceanu, Angela / Clrau, Cristina / Ionescu-Ruxndoiu, Liliana / Manca, Mihaela / Pan Dindelegan, Gabriela (2005), Dicionar de tiine ale limbii [Dictionary of Language Sciences], Ediia a II-a, [Bucureti]: Editura Nemira. 2. ***, Dicionarul explicativ al limbii romne [The Explicative Dictionary of the Romanian Language] (1998), Ediia a II-a, Bucureti: Editura Univers Enciclopedic. 3. ***, Dicionarul ortografic, ortoepic i morfologic al limbii romne, [The Orthographic, Orthoepic and Morphological Dictionary of the Romanian Language] (2005), Ediia a II-a revizuit i adugit, Bucureti: Editura Univers Enciclopedic. 4. Felecan, Nicolae (2004), Vocabularul limbii romne, [Romanian Language Vocabulary], Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universitar Clujean, Editura Mega. 5. Felecan, Nicolae (2005), Terminologia corpului uman n limba romn, [The Terminology Regarding the Human Body in Romanian], Cluj-Napoca: Editura Mega, Editura Argonaut. 6. Felecan, Oliviu (2001), Tendine actuale ale limbii romne n muzica hip-hop, [Contemporary Tendencies of the Romanian Language in the Hip-Hop Music] in Limba i literatura romn, Anul XXX, Nr. 3, Bucureti. 7. Grui, G. (2006), Moda lingvistic 2007. Norma, uzul i abuzul, [The Linguistic Trends 2007. The Norm, the Usage and the Abuse], [Piteti]: Editura Paralela 45. 8. Irimia, Dumitru (1999), Introducere n stilistic, [Introduction to Stylistics] [Iai]: Editura Polirom. 9. Sala, Marius (coord.) (2001), Enciclopedia limbii romne, [The Encyclopedia of the Romanian Language], Bucureti: Editura Univers Enciclopedic. 10. Stoichioiu-Ichim, Adriana (2006a), Aspecte ale influenei engleze n romna actual, [Aspects of English Influence on the Contemporary Romanian Language], [Bucureti]: Editura Universitii din Bucureti. 11. Stoichioiu-Ichim, Adriana (2006b), Creativitate lexical n romna actual, [Lexical Creativity in the Contemporary Romanian Language], [Bucureti]: Editura Universitii din Bucureti.

12. Stoichioiu-Ichim, Adriana (2001), Vocabularul limbii romne actuale. Dinamic, influene, creativitate, [The Vocabulary of the Contemporary Romanian Language], [Bucureti]: Editura All. 13. Volceanov, Anca/ Volceanov, George (1998), Dicionar de argou i expresii familiare ale limbii romne, [Dictionary of Argot and Familiar Expressions in the Romanian Language], [Bucureti]: Editura Livpres. 14. *** Dictionary of American slang (1997), Edited by Robert L. Chapman, 3rd Edition, New York: HarperCollins Publishers.

Summary Aspects of Spoken Language in the Romanian Contemporary Music From a sociolinguistic perspective, the language that teenagers use seems to be more complex, in the sense that it combines both the literary and the coloquial styles, the first one promoted by the pre-universitary and universitary educational systems, through all their fields, and the latter used by the close ones. The urban side of oral language is used by youngsters, among other things, to verbalize music, more exactly, to produce lyrics which accompany the musical background of songs, music being present in almost any activity involving the young generation. From the various musical genrespop, rock, ethno and so onwe have chosen hip-hop, since it has the most generous lyrics from a quantitative point of view which offer an extensive linguistic analysis. Therefore, the lyrics belonging to bands such as BUG Mafia, La Familia and Paraziii, bands chosen for this analysis, shock through the colourful language, which lacks any prejudice. Slang is rather abundant, especially the gross or vulgar language, used in order to express their protest against a society which is not really prudish, but also to indentify their friends from the hood, who are left out by society. Among all the aspects of the Romanian language present in modern rap music, we might remember the lexical ones, the excess of Anglicisms mixed with neologisms or technical terms, the phonetic aspects, the apocope, the elision or the syncope. All these characterise the coloquial style and add rhythm and rhyme when attached to structured syntactic utterances. Anyhow, all these are atributes of the hood language, promoted by youngsters nowadays, either due to their feeling of being left out, or due to a rebelious attitude.

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Maja Medan

The Prose Poems of Ren Char

medanmaja@gmail.com It is difficult to determine the origin and the poetics of prose poems as a specific literature genre. With its form and the internal mechanisms it is based on as well as with its sporadic appearances through history of literature, prose poem opposes any kind of determination that in itself means positioning and settling. By abandoning normative poetics, space for the constitution of the so called transitional genres is created. However, even before its canonization at the end of the eighteenth century, the genesis of this form can be traced back to biblical times, through Middle Ages and Renaissance texts to the Enlightenment and Romanticism. (Stojanovi Pantovi, vol. 53, no.3: 686.) Moreover, if we tried to determine the form in which our thought is constituted before it is said or written, that certainly would not be a neatly reduced verse with its own autonomy, nor would it be a neatly developed narrative sentence, but perhaps precisely that initial, solid coexistence of these two later isolated and normatized literary forms. Thus, interpreting prose poem through poetic and narrative forms developed from it, or through a transitional genre, presents a transgression of this fundamental form. Prose poem resists every belonging denoted by convenience, even with its inner mechanisms that represent the basis of its nature. Profound dynamism of the two opposites, poetry and prose, that with its vibrating comprises the principal of inclusiveness and flux, opens to the content of the same quality. Factual reality in the prose poems of Ren Char is not settled. It emerges and vanishes in his work. Admitting it through itself, the depersonalized lyrical subject witnesses flux in knowledge without interest for its revelation. Finally, the whole poetics of the poet cannot be determined. According to Albert Camus (Char, 2001:89), in the thirties Ren Char has passed through Surrealism and used it more as a means to create poetry which, on the other side, considerably abandons the surrealistic poetics. Genre flexibility enables Ren Chars prose poems to be very different even among themselves. If we tried to create a working typology, we would firstly distinguish (1) forms which are undoubtedly typical examples of prose poems as a canonized genre; then (2) fragments with the imprinted sense of pre-Socratic philosophers, as an initial form of prose poem; (3) form of prose poem that, due to its clear fabularity inclines more to sketch, short story or micro-prose, and finally perhaps the most free form: (4) note, notice. Choosing the genre of prose poem the poet chose to return to the beginning, to the coexistence of opposites. In his poetry this does not mean mimicking what one was, but constituting the new necessary beginning that encompasses everything, the future as well. Char places this beginning where everything begins, in the nature. Seemingly coming from experiential reality, it is soon estranged and made abstract. However, that estrangement that is created is not its imminent capacity, but a consequence of a subjective world image that a person seeks to subjectify (objectification of the subjective is a characteristic of Surrealism). Moreover, estrangement is not a goal in itself: imagery achieved by the unconventional connections does not aim only at the shock that having touched the truth remains outside, but through Chars poetry a road is opened to the flux of truth of a different world, or perhaps more correctly, of the beginning of the world, of the primordial awakening. Finally, estrangement is not estrangement at all, but a beginning: Chars nature is not naming, but a newly created separate structure, still unlabeled. It is what is before everything, slightly and far away, what is more real than all the real things and what is forgotten in every thing, a connection that cannot bind and one that bounds everything, that bounds the whole;

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it is the experience of origin. (Blanchot, 1975:18)1 In the nature where meanings are yet to be established, the poet searches for that primordial thought, trying to grasp things in their youth, from the very moment of conception, but on the other hand, having an insight into the whole, i.e. being aware of towards what those deliveries are to open. Here is transience the victor of eternity, moment is more important than lasting; dynamism devours everything static, whereas conflict is in the heart of harmony. The newly delivered man is one with nature he still plays with, prior to each separation within words and things. Summer and our lives, we were continuous/ The country devoured the color of your sweet-smelling skirt/ Avidity and constraint had been reconciled...The earth loved us a little I remember. (Evadne; trans. by Mary Ann Caws) However, that reconciliation of opposites did not include avoidance of conflict. On the contrary, exactly this inner rebellion meant wholeness of things that man did not subdue to his own measure. Preserve for us rebellion, lightning, the illusory agreement, a laugh for the trophy slipped from our hands, even the whole lengthy burden that follows, whose difficulty leads us to a new rebellion. Preserve for us fate and the primrose. (Unbending Prayer; trans. by Mary Ann Caws) Then it is clear that: there is no untainted seat. (A Pain I Dwell In; trans. by Mary Ann Caws) Every temporarily constituted order of the day is disturbed by the anarchy of dawn with new conceptions. Once, earth and sky hated each other but earth and sky lived together. The inexhaustible drought runs off. Man is a stranger to dawn. However, in pursuit of the life that cant yet be imagined, there are wills vacillating, murmurs facing each other, and children safe and sound who are discovering. (Jacquemard and Julia; trans. by Mary Ann Caws) This reality based on the universally held principle of unity of two opposites in each separate thing, is actually Heraclituss definition of logos. That tension, conflict, intensive interaction of the two opposites that are on the verge of exclusiveness (and on that verge they remain) make up a cohesive element of each thing that guaranties its integrity by keeping it whole. These opposites do not only encompass each other in their coexistence, but they are equivalent as well. Thinking about the mechanism of functioning of
1

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All quotations, including poems, fragments and aphorisms are translated into English from Serbian solely for the needs of this paper. The former is true unless stated otherwise. trans.

prose poem as a genre, we realize that it is profoundly based precisely on the Heraclituss philosophy of the unity of opposites, thus it is the ideal form for delivering these contents. Except for the realms of several prose poems, Chars fragments are also found independently, numerically given in The Formal Share and Leaves of Hypnos. Predominance of fragments over the whole is characteristic for the surrealistic poetics as well, but with one important difference. In Chars prose, fragment does not exist at the expense of the whole. On the contrary, each part illuminates the whole, as the whole can be realized only in the light of existence of all its parts. Thus, instead of the current surrealistic fragmentarity, the spirit of Chars fragments is definitely more correct to look for in ancient Ephesus and Heraclituss philosophy. At the external level of text organization as well, the form verifies the notion of logos in which it is based, whereas Heraclituss logos corresponds to Chars principle of antistaticity based on the necessity of bursting that, at a more general level, aspires to unity. Explosion essentially has a twofold imaginary value: it destroys the being that used to threaten to last and persist and afterwards deaden itself and succumb to its dullness and sink into non-being; it is exchanged with a multitude of free fragments, that are, each for itself, a new being, lusty to surrender itself to all unexpressed of consciousness and avidity. (Pierre Richard, 1968: 89) Each belonging and convenience is deadly for Char, the bursting of the passive whole enables new activity of its parts (fragments), the energy awakened from them. However, having ravaged the whole, fragments remain whole at the level of their singularity, while each in itself, remembering it, emanates that same initial macro-whole. We encounter a discrepancy that confirms we are on the right track: Ren Char on the one hand strives to bursting, while on the other he feels the pain of incompleteness. I am anguished by the amount of fragments (Pierre Richard, 1968:92), says the poet, creating a new being in each of them, and at the same time, striving to their coalescence at a higher level. The cohesive element of this discord of the two processes that are ostensibly mutually exclusive is the poets imagination, the eternal conciliator. The nature, brook, wind, smoke, bird, war, and storm by the way of their existence satisfy Chars need for new, for liberation. The form of fragment at the level of mere manner of expression fully corresponds and confirms that contra-

dictory aspiration for simultaneous fragmentation and unification. The same kind of discrepancy is emanated by the atmosphere of war present in Leaves of Hypnos. Heraclitus as well sees the war as a condition for the unity of opposites, as a condition of identity of each thing. In his twenty-eighth fragment he says: We must know that war is common to all and strife is justice, and that all things come into being through strife necessarily. To Heraclitus, the war, that is the father of everything and the king of everything does not lead to chaos but maintains itself within the realms of measure of Heraclituss logos. In Leaves of Hypnos Chars nature is now devoured by the man who does not retract his eyes from his own metamorphoses. The war has redefined the reality. It questioned those opposites that were in unity and created a new world in which the poet is opening to the subjective due to his inability to grasp the objective that is in the process of creation. Ren Char perceives the changes in himself, together with the changes in relation to such a reality that delivers a novelty still uncertain. Tension and conflict of general, macroopposites do not appreciate the man. That is The time in which the canvassed sky penetrates the earth where the man passes away between the two disdains. (Fragment 36) And then it is clearer than ever that on this earth, the man is more under than above. The order of eras cannot be changed. And that is, in essence, what calms me against the urge for life that shakes me like a thunder...(Fragment 231) Using his fragments, perhaps not completely intentionally, Char has satisfied some principles of Surrealistic poetics. The poetics of these fragments is based on the explosion that represents a discord of consciousness, its multiplication as a consequence of a fractured being. New fragmented reality is actually an image of accident, of unpredictability that represents a means of creating the magnificent, in Surrealism as well. Furthermore, these units of unreal reality aligned next to one another are a specific modulation of surrealistic verbal collage. The texts that due to their pronounced fabularity dwell on the verge of sketch or micro-prose also belong to Leaves of Hypnos that largely determines their theme. Sketches number hundred and eight and hundred and thirty-eight actually represent an episode from the stage of war, told from the beginning to the end, using real narrative language. What Char achieves in prose poems with reduced expression of contradistinction of notions in syntactic parallelisms and antithesis, there is achieved by the description of

events. Both stories thematize morality and rightness in war conditions, as well as an individual crucified between two different realities (the reality of war and of peace), mutually contradictory and based on different conventions. Excerpts of these two realities take turns as opposites that did not establish their unity. The fourth member of the initial working typology was the form of note or notice. In this most free form it is best seen how Chars language is against any kind of eloquence. The ellipsis of the expression is moving from aphorisms (If we dwell in lightning, it is the heart of eternal. , Accepting illuminates the face with happiness. Refusal with beauty. , Eternity is not much longer than life. ) to expressing a certain impression compressed in a few words (Discipline, oh how you bleed., Imagination, my child., You will be one part of the fruits flavor. ). On the other side, the eighty-seventh fragment of Leaves of Hypnos actually represents an authentic letter of a superior to other solders, made up of his advices and commands. Here, the language is reduced to its instrumental function, nurturing ever denser informativity and the least ambiguity. Incorporation in the literary text of a document of unliterary contents is characteristic for the procedure of Surrealism. In The Formal Share, the poet, under the number seventeen, presents us with an autopoetic text. Differences between Chars poems and prose poems are firstly based on the level of motifs. His poems with their plenty of motifs provoke imagery more than prose poems that are mostly gathered around one thought, one subjective projection of reality, and provoke more the notion itself, insisting on its inner dynamism. Likewise tropes are more characteristic for his poems, while in prose poems, beside the figures of compression, numerous are the figures of repetition, syntactic parallelism, antithesis, contrast, using which the poet questions different relations of reduced reality and its opposites. While Chars poems are more poetic, prose poems are more noetic. What can the language that creates this poetry of trembling foundation, the poetry that is the foundation itself, be like? If we established that the nature in Chars prose poems is actually an experience of the origin, the language of that poetry will likewise be the one in which the origin speaks. That language does not lean to anything already existing, to no labeled truth, not even to itself, because language has not yet become a system. This is why with Char poem is a future word, impersonal and always in

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sight where, in determination of a language that begins, it intimately tells us about that which is going on in the destiny closest and most direct.(Blanchot, 1975:18) Dominant are the figures of compression, figures that provoke dynamic relations among things that belong to different spheres of human experience. With the chorus, anaphor, syntactic parallelism or some other figures of repetition the rhythm of prose poems is often brought closer to the rhythm of poetry. Withal, at syntactic level they create the sense of system, but of course, the system that is based on conflict of opposites that are mutually included. And the form of dialogue is based on the principle of inclusiveness. Deep inside thought is a dialoguedialogue never aims at reducing the otheron the contrary, it aims to let it be. (Bofre, 1975:33) That form Char uses in the realms of the organization of prose poem, but in a profound sense as well, formally unlabeled (his dialogue with Hugo, Baudelaire, Rimbaud, Mallarm, Heraclitus). Impersonality of the narrative voice creates an illusion that addressing a thing does not mean creating a specific relation with it, but a confession of the thing itself and a call to its establishment. Thus, apostrophe is a figure often used in Chars poetry. It is a figure through which the objectivization of subjective is tried. While the impersonality of the narrative voice brings the poetic word closer to the narrative word. Even today there are views that prose poem as a genre is a reflection of imperfection and that a poet who cannot write pure poetry indulges in it. The primordial thought of pre-Socratic philosophers has chosen exactly that imperfection, that coexistence of poetry and prose, for their means of expression. If imperfection is the basis as well as the peak, it is clear what the position of Ren Chars proetry ( prome) is.
Traducere de: Mirjana Sekicki

Secondary literature
1. Blano, Moris. Zver iz Laskoa. Polja. god. 21, br. 192 (feb. 1975): 18-19. 2. Bonjak, Branko (1961). Logos I dijalektika. Zagreb: Naprijed. 3. Danojli, Milovan (1996). Muka duha. Beograd: Dragani. 4. Komneni, Milan (1971). Orionov put. Beograd: Nolit. 5. Stojanovi Pantovi, Bojana (2003). Pesma u prozi kao dvostruka rodovska figura. Zbornik Matice srpske za knjievnost i jezik. vol. 53, br. 3: 689-694. 6. Bofre, an(1976). Razgovor pod kestenom. prevod: Zvonimir Mrkonji. Hajdeger, Martin. Iz iskustva miljenja. prevod: Zvonimir Mrkonji. Zagreb: SCSZ (Studentski centar Sveuilita u Zagrebu). 7. Pierre Richard, Jean (1986). Ren Char. Nova evropsa kritika 1. sastavili: Ante Stama, Vjeran Zupa. Split: Opinska konferencija Saveza omladine. 8. Markovi, Miroslav (1983). Filozofija Heraklita mranog. Beograd: Nolit.

Summary The Prose Poems of Ren Char The paper addresses the problem of form, particularly the problem of the prose poem of Ren Chars collection Furor and Mystery. Each great linguistic artistic endeavor formally confirms its profound intention. Therefore, in an attempt to think through the prose poems of Ren Char, attention is specifically drawn to the genre itself based on Heraclituss unity of opposites, as well as the principle of antistatic the poet uses to build upon the basic notions of his poetry. Key words: prose poem, micro-prose, Heraclituss logos, fragmentarity, antistatic

References Primary literature:

1. Kukolja, Boo (1960). Antologija suvremene francuske poezije. Zagreb: Lykos. 2. ar, Rene (2001). Bes i tajanstvo. Beograd: Paideia. 3. ar, Rene (1963). Poezija. Zagreb: Mladost.

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Jelena Stanojev

The Boat Motif in the Poetry of Milo Crnjanski

jahlardor@yahoo.com The poem Fate by Milo Crnjanski was published in the magazine Dove in 1908. in Sombor. In the writers own words in Ithaca and commentaries (Crnjanski 1968), it is his first published poem. He also states that he attempted to publish his poems, which he wrote in the Alcaic stanza, even earlier. In a way, one can sense the influence of the stanza in this poem, whith the three quatrain stanzas, just as in the Alcaic stanza, and its short verses mimic the verse of the Alcaic stanza, with the acciaccatura and first two trochees: On the amethyst sea... Otherwise, the poet himself described the poem Fate as follows: To the afore mentioned magazine, I had sent some prose about the assassination of Julius Caesar in latin and some verse, in the Alcaic stanza. When I was fifteen a childrens magazine called Dove, which originated in Sombor, published my poem, Fate. In that poem, in the first stanza, a boat sails. In the second stanza a storm rises. In the third one wreckage floats on the seas surface. In the afore mentioned Commentaries, Crnjanski states the importance of the poem Fate by saying: Today, it seems to me, that would be enough (Crnjanski 1968). In this sense, the significance of this poem is that, in the poets opinion, it could envelop almost his entire poetic opus. What is in play here? The poem Fate is, in a way, scattered across the entirety of Crnjanskis poetry just like the wreckage of the boat he describes. Its remains, that is to say, certain words, almost give life to the poems they scatter across. Among them, the most significant would be these words: fate, sea, struggle, waves. The word fate on its own is explicitly mentioned in three poems by Milo Crnjanski: Fate, To the Fatigued Youth and Strailovo. However, there are far more instances of it occurring as a catastrophic event in Crnjanskis poetry, implicitly. In the poem To the Fatigued Youth, the word fate is the last word in it, and it refers to the youth. Namely, the poet states: For that is Youth, That painful murky fate... (Crnjanski 1968). If one takes into account that the poem was written in Sremski Karlovci in 1918 then the context of fate is clearer and more substantial. In the poem Strailovo, the word fate can be found in the second structural whole, fourth stanza and fourth verse: And so, homeless/ my fate becomes tame, nonetheless. Here, the poet annuls the catastrophe of fate, so its meaning here is somewhat different than in the poem Fate. On the other hand, the unspoken word fate as a catastrophic event is found in a number of Crnjanskis poems. First and foremost, it is found in the poem The Guard and the Three Questions. In the poem The Guard and the Three Questions, the motif of fate can mostly be seen in the verse it is sad to be a man. Nevertheless, in the destined journey, the poet is given the power of foreboding that this odyssey is like an unconditional cyclic pattern, which reveals itself only in futility. Equally, in a poetic sense, the insistent repetition of one and the same, although crucial, questions from stanza to stanza, almost anticipates that infinitely arduous sailing, foiled in its ever repeating wanderings. The introduction of the refrain is therefore justified, which confirms on every turn, the anguish of male nature, for the poets being clearly feels that the fate he foresees is brought forth from within. Understandably, the notions in the refrain are opposed to the stanza that came before, creating a clash of two forces (Laza Kosti). It is evident that, although there is faith that the dream in the form of the fairy-like beloved can be reached, fate decides an alternate ending to that story. The presence of a clearly defined darkness of the anticipated fall and the irresistible melancholy that devours his being becomes evident in the poets verse. A Galician poem (written in Galicia in 1915), Serenata, is the one that holds the foreboding of decay in itself, and once again confirms the inevitability of fate as a force which defies and controls gods themselves, and therefore is carried out duly.

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The poem Serenata by Milo Crnjanski may well have sounded velvety or romanticist if not for its overwhelming fatalistic darkness, for in it, except the title which plays with the readers expectations, leading him on the wrong trail when it comes to deducing what the poem is about, there are no hints to pathos. In the atmosphere of all-encompassing twilight, which transposes, from a cosmic level, from celestial bodies and the Moon, through the atmospheric force of the wind and the transparency of his beloveds bare ankles, all the way to the delicate confluence of colours on the fragile leaf edges, a tone of parting with everything that the poet ever cared about is felt throughout. Although he is explicitly talking only to his beloved, nevertheless, he is, at the same time, saying good-bye to everything. His demand for silence is one of those conditio sine qua non, necessary to respectfully acknowledge the slow descent of destiny into the self. With his leaving, the poet kisses everything he leaves behind but in a way that does not disturb the essence of the beloved. Namely, he is certainly aware of the undeniable truth, that we only have that which we give away. That is why he advises his beloved not to listen to honeyed verse off of hollow lips, which insult with their shallowness, for they are a mask which hinders true insight. The poet, on the contrary, teaches her that true destiny is only in the gravest of things, similar to those happening in front of our eyes, when the falling leaf leaves its deathly trail on the air. Just as Crnjanski anticipates the walk of destiny in this poem, and not only his own but of all creatures, taking from his abundant life experience, so we can notice how this conscientious and stated movement almost completely coincides and corresponds with the verses about the boat, and what could only be instinctively, youthfully hinted upon in the poem Fate from 1908. Namely, although these poems differ in motif and idea, they are at its basic thematic core almost identical. In the looming of impending destruction in the poem Serenata, there is almost some of the sad creaking of broken boards from the poem Fate, while on the other hand, the swelling of the insatiable foam seems to have transposed from Fate into the misty wisps of Autumn clinging on the boards of the boat made from pine and poplar in Serenata. Sung in the first person, like Serenata, and all dramatic in its conversing with someone else, in this particular case, with his beloved, the poem Lullaby continues to carry that heavy and painful burden of the futility of being which has already been recognized

in most of the afore mentioned poems. Continuing in the one and the same tone started in Fate, Crnjanski almost still catches some of that same wind which blew over him as well as the reader in his first and fateful poem. The Autumn atmosphere that still anticipates loneliness as the only natural and inherent state of being, is used as a mise-en-scene, which only enhances that which proved itself to be true even in the poets early, boyhood verses. Just like the boat from the poem Fate depicts the tottering on the brink of fate, from setting sail, through struggle, to the inevitable end, so in the poem Lullaby, already in its title we can recognize the foreboding of the state which collapses onto itself in the final resting place of that which was once in the state of activatia. This collapse shows how meaning can only be found in stripping away being to its raw flesh, seeing as every other deeper and more expedient attempt at finding meaning had been foiled. Here, the poet, highly resigned, concludes that to the being divorced from meaning, everything is permitted, exactly because all of that disintegrates to nothing in the crucial moment, caught in the gaping embrace of nothingness. Similarly to the boat, whose image disappears once and for all from the insatiable horizon behind seemingly calm waves, so too the beloved, who gives herself up to the mans lust slowly becomes more transparent than the dry, barren wind of Autumn melancholy, more brittle than the branches which will hold up the sad contours of her being in her ulterior dream, darker than the bowels of the sky that hold captive the gnawed-off white bone of stars from long ago. The poet advises her to indulge in the only pleasures she has got left, and to, by all means, proceed without any guilt or self-examination. In this poem there is no trace of that struggle that carries the boat into the waves which drown out the life from it with every new splash. Much like Baudelaires beloved in the poem Jewelry, who is weighed down by the sweet weight of her precious necklace, so too the beloved in the poem of Milo Crnjanski carries the burden of being dependant on herself, only not on her body but in the cage of her chest. The poem is not laden with a tone of active sorrow, which could still amount to something, but even worse - there are only rudiments of a condition outside of which nothing can exist any longer. Submerging herself entirely in the foam of self oblivion, left over from the final ebb, after the boats hard struggle, from Fate, the poets beloved dives into the foam of her own passion, losing herself in the poets grief that he cannot save her.

Taking the cue from the tone of Lullaby, the poem Story by Milo Crnjanski seems to succeed in keeping a piece of the past, a precious segment taken from the hardships of the poets life. In it, the beloved reappears as the poems main object. The first stanza proves this fact by hinting that the poet has done exactly what appeared as a sort of advice in the poem Lullaby. Namely, the reader finds the poet in a state of deep contemplation, as if gazing into the gravity of meaning of what has transpired and anticipating intently what is yet to come. What is only hinted at as a future sexual act in the poem Lullaby, which also serves as an overture for what is to happen in the poem Story, actually happens in the latter, so the reader gets glimpses of the beginning and the end of two beings becoming one. After this merging of two powerful poles of existence, the male and female principle, we find the poet already looking back on how this merging played out. In the poets subjects memory, the fact that the beloved is a virgin is stressed, which makes her warm in his thoughts, just like the black silk of her hair is in her bared bosom (Crnjanski 1968). Further on, anticipating the tenderness and purity of his beloved, the poet intensifies the readers experience, where the reader can almost feel the fine burst of the acacia flower fragrance, crushed over the twigs of the blossomed tree. To keep this image longer in his consciousness, the poet closes his eyes, preventing the same image of dispersing into oblivion. The last stanza carries the burden of destiny of what comes inevitably after physical pleasure, and with that alone, and with its flat tone, corresponds to the inevitable absence of salvation in the ending verses of the poem Fate. The disparity of the poets being is best reflected in the fact that his youthful, intuitive insights were usually the primary force which almost infallibly leads to that future, rational, mediated reflection of ones own fate. The disparity in question refers to different aspects of awareness, which, being dispersed in the various poems by Crnjanski, eventually merge and find each other. For example, if we take the last statement and apply it to a particular case, i.e., the poem First Chills, we notice great similarities in tone and atmosphere with the poem Story. We find the poet., once again, in a contemplative state, a state of gazing into the unbearably fragile thread of life, which suddenly decided to settle in the wondrous shapes of existing facts, such as, light rain, or a brown-haired, childs head... ( Crnjan-

ski 1968). Familiar and, seemingly, simple images, and yet, that much more familiar with the poet, protected in their innocent presence. And while someone else would pass these unobtrusive treasures by without noticing them, the poets whole being turns into a perceiving sense, which absorbs them entirely. Crnjanskis sensitivity towards beings and things, which with its unprotected tenderness opposes the cruelty of existence itself, can also be observed in the altruistic attitude towards the fate of the boat in the poem Fate, which is caught between the Scylla of wind and the Charybdis of storm not by its own doing and is therefore ruined. Writing about such moments that surround him, Crnjanski clearly feels in his own being that the strength of youth is needed to stand that immense sadness. However, the last verses of the last stanza of this poem seem to annul even this last ray of hope, leaving the poet stranded and naked before the horror of ruthless transience, that, like the voracious waves in the poem Fate eagerly devour both poles of the creature of hope, putting an end to it. That end is also felt in the poem Parting at Kalemegdan, where the poet establishes a couple coming down from the city, alluding to a descent to the underworld, where hoping itself is weaved into spider-like cocoons of death. Although the poem Parting at Kalemegdan is about the poets parting with his beloved, nevertheless, the key is yet again in the boat motif, doubled this time, each heading on its own intended path. Yet, from the poets note, we can see that this Odyssey-like moment which covers him in the robes of planets, the wanderer, leads him only to unfulfillment, which the poet realises and covers himself in the Moons shadow. That chthonic descent of Odysseus into the Underworld, although not always explicitly stated, is almost evident in most of the poetry by Milo Crnjanski. Symbolising fate, as the central scene, the descent into the haziness of uncertainty, into the dangerous realm of obscurity and death, is an act cramped by heavy robes, divorced from the future in the way Dante was renouncing hope, at the dark gates of sin and horror. The only difference is that the Italian poet speaks of the horrors that have already been done, while Crnjanski perceives the entirety of the horror stretching through space and time, through the conscious and unconscious, in an undisturbed line, in continuo. The continuous, fatalistic tone in the Serbian poets verse is almost sensual, tangible, as if, at one point, almost having a receptive transformation from one sphere of observation to another- it beco-

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mes tactile. The poem where this characteristic of Crnjanskis poetry is exemplified best is Strailovo. The descent into destiny, as if being thrown into the world (M. Heidegger), not belonging and alienation are something the poet, being hypersensitive, feels on every step he takes. The foreboding of imminent destruction as the only possible outcome is so irrevocably and excruciatingly present that it completely saturates the readers hearing with its euphonic tint. In almost every of the forty-two verses of this poem, the foreboding of imminent destruction appear as inevitable. Each of them is built on the principle of opposites, realised in such a way that the same stanza begins with motifs symbolising hope and beauty, they are fertile and exploding with juice under the writers pen, only to end the last couple of verses with implacable darkness, recanting everything which anticipated light. The poets final and irrefutable I know (and I know, I shall bow my head when the leaves turn yellow), holds in itself a far greater and chilling power than the relative I think, seeing as he does not leave any possibility for any space within himself other than for what is. It seems the poet approaches that fatality of his existence with such confidence, as if he had already lived it once, and it follows from his own self so naturally, that one only can and need- state it. I wander, still slender, with a smile murky, I cross my arms over clouds of white, But slowly, I come to realise, That I too die with a spirit dark, Melancholy, joyless... I wander, still slender, with a passionate whisper, And I shake off the laughter from my ankles, But slowly, I trace my foreboding, When all of this has died away, Silence shall come for me as well, for me as well... (Strailovo) The poet addresses his mist-covered poems with the silver, drowned Moons craft, in the way Odysseus circles the islands on his ten-year journey. In each of them he draws, like Hercules, from his own blood, but at the same time, distraught, he discovers that there will stem no life from his view. His only Penelope is his sorrow, robust and substantial, all-encompassing, pulling him to her chest not to give him the strength he needs, but on the contrary, to squeeze entirely every thing that has left of him. Crnjanski is, above all, as an artist full of suffering and surviving, i.e.-life that has outgrown itself that

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has outstretched itself beyond that fine line of purpose. In his poetry and most of his opus, there prevail tones as brittle as fallen leaves, cold as the dialest of wind, all-pervading like the embrace of the foam of oblivion. Living what he wrote, and often enough going the opposite way, Crnjanski could not help but live what had imposed itself as reality. Not having any other way, the poet surrenders himself to a lament which grows into a pure weaving of unspeakable sorrow on a loom that weaves the threads of all living things. The poet appears here in two roles, as the one who lives, so too as the one that ascertains life, and this duality comes forth the most in his poem Lament over Belgrade. In this poem, we notice that on a structural level the last three verses of the stanzas on even pages have elements of fate in them. Special attention must be paid to the almost mosaic structure of the poem, in which none of the parts fit where they should, in order to match the poets vision of harmony. On the contrary, the stanzas on each page, as if in some irresistible duellum, do not budge from its predestination, each of them completely conserves its own tone, motifs, a sort of euphonic atmosphere which is so much different than the one it stands next to, that one can feel the tremendous force of their struggle. As it has already been mentioned, fate resides more faithfully on the even pages of the poem and therefore always seems like a whirlpool that passing over memories, mementos, the past, present and the only guessed upon, lifts up a cloud of heavy melancholy, interwoven with various sketches, none corresponding to each other. Like the sea foam, from the poem Fate, that eventually levels all aspirations of the boat to make sense of its own course, so too in Lament Over Belgrade, the screams and shrieks of all kinds of monsters from the colorful treasure box of the poets conscious and unconscious, at one point, lose themselves in the annihilation of the dark song of ruins, ghosts and tombs, that stay behind us on the ground and in the grass. In Lament over Belgrade the poet comes full circle. The last poem is sung almost exclusively to underline what has been stated in the first, and that is that fate finally precedes everything, reflects itself in everything only to, with its last vote, under the heavy haze of its cloak, silence the last breath of those whose faces have been washed ashore on lifes shoal. Very much like the poets intent to present the journey of the boat along the path of its destiny through his entire opus, his own voyage manifests itself as

dangerous, unanticipated and strenuous, not corresponding with the fact-of-the-matter state the voyage starts as, when everything can still be outlined in hope and fortunate outcomes. And yet, Milo Crnjanski succeeds in the end, after many a wandering, in writing the map of his lot, which he started back in the poem Fate, and youthfully apprehended that black railroad (Andri, Na Drini uprija), that chafes inside the chest, like a seed of death ( Rilke), that sprouts in a being slumbering on the silent grave of its own hopes, as if on a home island to which he was headed from poem to poem, only to face his own homelessness, at the end of the voyage, as the only relevant fact. However, where there is poetry, there is homelessness. Therefore, it is so easy to connect Milo Crnjanski as a poet to the poets who influenced him, and from there, we could say, comes that initial, fateful decision to deal with the quintessence in a way that did not deviate much from the way his paragons did it. Namely, ancient literature played a major part in Crnjanskis poetry (Maricki-Gaanski 1998). First and foremost, we will discuss Alcaeus and his semi-preserved poem The Storm. This poem has a somewhat different structure in that it draws the reader into the action right from the start, in medias res, with no previous preparation to what is coming, without the overture of the original peaceful serenity of the voyage, which we find in the first stanza of Fate by Milo Crnjanski. On the contrary, in the Aeolic poets poem, the drama of the moment when the boat braves the storm is that much intensified, seeing as how the poem is in the first person, meaning that the poet himself is one of the participants in the tragedy of the boat, almost assimilating himself with it, which is what actually takes place, seeing as how they both face the same fate. By telling the poem in the narrative Present Tense, a past event is recounted as if it were happening now, giving the scene a meaning of actuality. The poem, being unfinished, leaves a wide range of possibilities in its outcome. This gains strength of expression and power of anticipation, and therefore intensifies the readers experience to the maximum. The sudden cut at the end of the poem resembles a cut off scream of one who is going through that momentary horror, the result being that not only are the author and the poem assimilated during the reading, but the reader is also dragged into the struggle and the doom initially intended for the boat, but taken as a final destination for all three entities.

At the same time, in Crnjanskis poem, the result of the boats struggle with the waves is such that it does not leave room for hope. His watery grave is clearly outlined, and the tragic fate of the boat itself seems completely decided by its final destination, to which it heads instinctively, without a will of its own to guide it, without a chance to change any aspect of that inevitability. However, it can be clearly perceived how the decay or better yet dissolution of the poets being proceeds so thoroughly and irrevocably, that the reader feels chillingly incapable to somehow interfere in the struggle he beholds. Crnjanski has, therefore, omitted that moment of assimilating himself with the depicted event, which Alcaeus used to intensify his work. The poets perplexity about the fate of the boat hinted at in the first stanza, finds its answer in the continuation of the poem, and receives it from the poet himself indirectly, in the third person. And yet, answering the boat through gusting winds and foam spray, while every answer is now redundant and obscure to the boat, the poet actually answers himself also, about the perplexity of the possible outcome of the fateful navigation, and the stages of accomplishment a poet, as well as all other beings, has to go through. In the second stanza, this movement implies a certain amount of strength, it is all still in the spirit of will, it is sensed how the boat disquiets the unquestionable determination of the waves to crush it, therefore the sudden drowning of any hopes in salvation that comes in the third stanza is completely unexpected and sudden, but nevertheless- final. In comparison to Alcaeus poem, that is exactly what the latter is missing. Crnjanski is indirect. Alcaeus is direct. When seen in that light, Crnjanskis aspiration and need for completeness is that moment which gives Alcaeus poem that necessary note of suspense, which then provides the reader with the possibility to participate, at least in one aspect of their reception, as one of the authors. In order to illustrate this comparative connection between the two authors, we include the entire poem Fate by Milo Crnjanski, which is also the central poem which best showcases the boat motif: On the amethyst sea A boat sails forth, If I could only know: What fate has in store? The wind ruffles the sea Waves as high as hills, Feebly, with great anguish The boat fights with him.

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The storm has ceased; The sea has calmed. And the sea foam embraces The last peace of the boat. Finally, with its structure, meaning and tone, i.e. every aspect of its stratification (Roman Ingarden), the poem Fate by Milo Crnjanski evokes yet another poem by the roman poet Quintus Horatius Flaccus. This poem of his, called A Ship in the Storm, or State, is found in the collection of poems Carmina (Poems), where it can be found under the number C I 14. It dates from the year 34. or 33. B.C. and its main thought circles around a warning to the boat, which is safely anchored near a peaceful harbour, not to set sail again because considering the condition that it is in, it is doomed once again: O luckless bark! New waves will force you back To sea. O haste to make the heaven yours! Een now, a helpless wrack, You drift, despoiled of oars. The Afric gale has dealt your mast a wound; Your sailyards groan, nor can your keel sustain, Till lashd with cables round, A more imperious main. Your canvas hangs in ribbons, rent and torn; No gods are left to pray to in fresh need. A pine of Pontus born Of noble forest breed. You boast your name and lineage-madly blind Can painted timbers quell a seamens fear? Beware! Or else the wind Makes you its mock and jeer. Your trouble late made sick this heart of mine, And still I love you, still am ill at ease. O, shun the sea, where shine The thich-sown Cycldes! Horace. The Odes and Carmen Saeculare of Horace. John Conington. Trans. London. 1882. It is understood that, just as both of these boats, Alcaeus and Horaces, correspond, in that the amount of the fateful in them is such that it almost conjures the intended destination in the poem and that they take into account both the warning of the boats impending doom or the destruction itself, so too cor-

responds our poets boat to those two, as the one that has been finally and definitely judged. Nevertheless, the poem Fate by Milo Crnjanski has not had the fate of its boat. It lived on and reflected itself in numerous future poems, as shown here. Crnjanski was even more radical: Today, it seems to me, that would be enough. Conclusion The basic results that this paper has accomplished analytically can be reduced to two basic: 1. Milo Crnjanski belongs to a circle of poets who even in their most mature works write deriving from their past experience in writing their first published poems. 2. The poets early reading (Classical Antiquity) is artistically present in his later work. References
1. Crnjanski, Milo (1968), Lirika, Beograd: Prosveta. 2. Crnjanski, Milo (1991), Eseji i prikazi, Novi Sad: Knjievna zajednica Novog Sada. 3. Crnjanski, Milo (2008), Pesme starog Japana, Beograd: Rad. 4. Maricki- Gaanski, Ksenija (1998), Istorija na saputnik, antike i moderne teme, II, Vrac: KOV. 5. Elijade, Mira (1999), Slike i simboli, Sremski Karlovci: Izdavaka knjiarnica Zorana Stojanovia. 6. Strajni, Nikola (2001), Stari grki liriari, Sremski Karlovci: Kairos. 7. Kuper, D. K. (2004), Ilustrovana enciklopedija tradicionalnih simbola, Beograd: Nolit.

Summary The Boat Motif in the Poetry of Milo Crnjanski The text will look back on the poem Fate by Milo Crnjanski and its influence on the writers opus. The idea for this came from the poet himself who indicated that the poem on its own would be enough, in his work Ithaca and commentaries. On the other hand, the context that Alcaeus and Horatios poems of the boat in the storm provided will be discussed. Key words: Milo Crnjanski, fate, boat, storm.

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Stevan Bradi

The Necessity of the Barbarians

stevatravel@yahoo.com Waiting for the Barbarians (1980) is a short but a dense novel, and any attempt to analyze it is in a way condemned reductionalism. Barbarians are Coetzees third novel and the first one to win him international acclaim. It is described by David Attwell, in his seminal study South Africa and the Politics of Writing, as a pivotal work in the development of Coetzees oeuvre (70) inasmuch as it displays sharp stylistic and narratological differences (70) from both of his previous novels, namely, Dusklands (1974) and In the Hearth of the Country (1977). The entire novel is presented to us through the internally focalized autodiegetic narration, and thus everything we read is mediated through a single consciousness, namely, that of the character of Magistrate. The beginning of the narration itself is the redistribution of power the disempowerment of the old ruler, the narrating voice, and the institution of the new one, Colonel Joll: We do not discuss the reason for his being here. He is here under the emergency powers, that is enough (Coetzee, 4).1 Colonel Joll is the first instance of the Empire presented to us. He is a figure masked behind the sun glasses (1), a figure with the sight protected from the metaphor of landscape (Bhabha, 295). He has modified his sight2 so his perception of the border outpost on
1 Paradoxically, the state of emergency was instituted in South Africa from the mid to late 1980s (Engle, 123) only after this novel was published, with the emergency mirroring the fictional text by consisting of a confrontation between a white state power which claimed to be European in its core beliefs and an oppressed non-white majority which had encountered European traditions in the form of colonialism, racist capitalism, and white owned technologies of oppressive power (123). 2 This is a powerful metaphor of what Boehmer calls the colonial gaze: The gaze was made manifest in the activities of investigation, examination, inspection, peeping, poring over, which were accompaniments to the colonial penetration of a country (81).

the fringes of the desert remains the same as in the capital city, the metropolis, for which he stands.3 Wherever he goes, he remains within the Empire and the truth he seeks can only be the truth of the Empire. Early on we are confronted with his specific epistemology: I am speaking of a situation in which I am probing for the truth, in which I have to exert pressure to find it. First I get lies, you see this is what happens first lies, then pressure, then more lies, then more pressure, then the break, then more pressure, then the truth (Coetzee, 5). This technique will be presented to us in different ways, first through the torture of the barbarians and later on the skin of the Magistrate himself. But what is the foundation for this type of epistemology? It implies a certain split within the object of interrogation (an object because it is treated as such), a split to the phenomenal, or false, and noumenal,4 or truth, and to get from one to another violence is required. Truth discovered in such a manner constitutes the knowledge necessary for the defence of the Empire, i.e. the Empire is defended through extraction of the hidden.5 There are several problems with this logic. First of all, can violence actually discover truth? And secondly, is truth in fact hidden behind the phenomenal?

Boehmer underlines this phenomenon as typical for the colonizer:They transferred familiar metaphors, which are themselves already bridging devices, which carry meaning across, to unfamiliar and unlikely contexts (28). 4 I use Kantian terms phenomenal and noumenal in more general way than they are used in the Critique of Pure Reason, mainly as opposition of inner and the outer. 5 This is shown in the imprisonment of the fishing people: So the officer, the Excellency, ordered us to take them in. Because they were hiding (Coetzee, 19).
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Let us look than at a different face of this method, at the Magistrate, the narrator, and the central character of the novel. He is also a representative of the imperial power, but his methods for discovering truth are somewhat different. His pastime on the frontier is the production of knowledge, knowledge of the border in spatial and temporal terms cartography6 and archaeology (48). In both of these endeavours the Empire is set on defining itself, but the presumed border remains rather vague his maps are based on rumours (13), and his excavations are only of unintelligible remains of the presumed preceding empire (16), therefore these attempts become a double movement of denying the other. The full width of this denial is discovered through his relation to the barbarian girl. At this point the national allegor[y] (Jameson, 69) in which the psychology and . . . libidinal investment is to be read primarily in political and social terms (72), seems to be an unavoidable frame of reading, but of course, it should be approached carefully, and with an awareness that it does not exhaust all of the possibilities. As a metonymy of the colony, the body of the barbarian girl becomes a text of the colonization, and the Magistrate is metonymic of the settler culture itself, ambivalent, schizophrenic, both colonized and colonizing (Ashcroft, 154). Partially blinded and crippled (Coetzee, 37) to the extent that she cannot stand on her own, the barbarian girl is reduced to a beggar7 (37). In addition to that, her blindness, produced in the process of her inscription in the imperial narrative, disables her to perceive any of its forms (regimes of law, finance, pleasure etc.), and forces her to remain within the imperial discourse but only on its margins. From being on the outside, she is transferred to the inside. It is here that the Jolls logic of the inner and the outer starts undermining itself. Why is magistrate drawn to her? We can start by underlining his feeling of guilt.8 His constant washing of her body (31, 32, 33 etc.) is directed to wiping out the signifiers of the colonization. This is of course a
As Boehmer notes: From the European point of view, therefore, colonialism was a metaphoric and cartographicas well as a legalisticundertaking. A country was mapped or spatially conceived using which harked back to home ground (30). 7 In contrast to the Magistrates fears it is not the regimes of pleasure of the Empire that produce beggars out of the barbarians it is the imperial violence. 8 He states: I must assert my distance from Colonel Joll! I will not suffer for his crimes!(Coetzee, 48)
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futile attempt. His second interest is to reconstruct her image before she was changed by violence (36) as an attempt of remembering. It forms a parallel with his hobby trying to reconstruct the time before the Empire. But both of these practices are conducted within the imperial borders,9 with the goal of its redemption. In his attempts of remembering he is constantly faced with blankness (40) much in the same way that the texts of the previous empire recovered from the ruins remain untranslatable (17). The central question posed by the Magistrate (for the first four chapters of the novel) is therefore: why was the old story of the Empire worth the trouble (26)? His interest in the girl stems from this question he approaches her not for her own sake but for the sake of the Empire. But she herself is now its product in a number of different ways firstly, she is produced as the other, than the other is produced as the danger, a hidden knowledge that is to be extracted in the interest of sustaining the imperial rule, then, through this process of extraction, she is transferred from the outside to the inside, and, finally, reduced to the role of the beggar. In this process she is constantly reinterpreted, reinscribed, and the Magistrate never gives her a chance to tell her own story (in her own language10). Central problem to these practices is that they are guided by the same concept of truth an implied truth masked by the surface. We can again see the same structure in his relation to the bird woman, the prostitute, the civilized woman, the woman-civilization. She is described as an excellent actress (49), the one whose simulated pleasure is indistinguishable from the authentic pleasure. And this is exactly what is required from her, a fiction, and a fulfilment of desire through simulation of pleasure. Prostitute knows of the division between appearance and essence, and she is selling her comodified performance. What becomes apparent here is that the Magistrates desire is formed by his belief in the ability to produce desire and pleasure in other, but not necessarily in an authentic way.11 All he wants is the appearance, the surface. Through this multiplication the bird woman is able to displace her own
Or as the novel depicts the situation, in his magisterial chambers (29). 10 As he states when he has to depart from the girl: she could have spent those long empty evenings teaching me her tongue (78). 11 Of her pleasure he states: For myself, I find I do not care (50).
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being from the play of desire and by doing so she repeats the dual (or rather, multiple) structure of essence and appearance. Magistrate is here on the familiar ground, because even if there is no authentic pleasure in her performance there is something he believes to be authentic behind the appearance. But with the barbarian girl this logic does not function: with this woman it is as if there is no interior, only surface (46). And he is constantly puzzled by his desire, or the lack of desire to enter her (36). He is constantly trying to get past the appearance, to wash and clean the appearance, to delete it, so he could get to her true self, and is constantly faced with the blankness. But is her essence really blank? Or is this blankness only the product of his own quest for truth? By trying to enter her, he is constantly projecting an essence beneath the surface, spatially and temporally and blankness is the result of this practice. He is constantly misreading her, obliterating her (50). His failure is exactly the failure of the epistemology of the Empire of the split to the phenomenon and noumenon: he constantly fails because there is no noumenon to be found beyond the surface, i.e. there is only surface present,12 and by trying to go beyond it he actually performs an act of construction, creating a fictional narrative and a second surface. Each time a noumenon is given as something present it is transformed into the surface, into the phenomenon. Blankness is therefore the space for the inscription of meaning, meaning produced by desire, and in this case desire to redeem the Empire. His attempt to get to the origin of the barbarian is actually an attempt to get to the origin of the Empire, to the pedagogic narrative, a moment of becoming designated by itself (Bhabha, 299), when both barbarian and the Empire are free from each other. Colonel Jolls practice is also an attempt to sustain the Empire, put in a performative way: The performative intervenes in the sovereignty of the nations self-generation, by casting a shadow between the people as the image and its signification as differentiating sign of Self, distinct from the Other or the Outside (Bhabha, 299). His truth extraction is from this point seen as a production of fictions. His entire endeavour can be reduced to this production. Interestingly, war is not a result of these fictions, but rather their cause. The Empire is already at war, even before it faces the barbarians, because they are the enemy,
12 Similarity, Deleuze states that a text exist only on the outside and through the outside (1602).

the other, inscribed in the very structure of the Empire. But why does the Empire need this war? And is it aware that the barbarians are its product? Let us for this purpose discuss the effects of the war. The first obvious effect is the redistribution of the power in the outpost the legitimate administrator of the outpost is replaced by the Colonel Joll and Warrant Officer Mandel of the Third Bureau (Coetzee, 85). Secondly, official legal system is suspended or instrumentalized (92) in their effort to find (produce) and destroy the enemy. Physical space itself is reconstructed space of the settlement (jail is built, fisherfolk move their village to the outpost) as well as the natural surroundings (river banks are cleared). Life of the subjects of the empire is being produced much in the same way as the barbarian fiction. This is in fact one and the same production. The situation depicted in the novel than closely mirrors the strategies of the imperial discourse described by Negri and Hardt, inasmuch as the war has become the primary organizing principle of society (12), as a regime of biopower (13). In a situation when war constitutes the basis for politics, the enemy becomes constitutive function of legitimacy (30). War then tends to become . . . [a] permanent global condition (17) and the suspension of law becomes the norm rather than the exception (17). Magistrates attempts to undermine this project are indeed dangerous, and from the position of the Empire in the state of emergency, he is rightfully pronounced an outlaw. He does not understand the change in the narrative, but rather believes in the suspended legal system, as a means for reproduction of just relations in society. From his point of view he is of course right the Empire is undermining its own structure of values, its own institutions. But these institutions where dubious from the beginning, and their suspension is conducted with the excuse of higher purpose, the existence of the Empire itself. In the presented state of affairs barbarian fiction is the regulating instance of the Empire and through this division of appearance and essence, of inner and outer, of self and other, it is redefined. But what is perceived as the other is in fact the self13, or the product of self it is an attempt of the self to secure its identity, by creating a border, an inner border, a fictional beginning, through differentiation form self as

13

Bhabha calls this otherness of people-as-one (301).

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the other.14 The real danger to the stabile identity of the Empire is its innate temporality, its constant reemergence, self-differentiation, which is captured in the structure of appearance and essence. A blankness that the Magistrate finds in the other is the blankness of the self, a product of this dynamics that is constantly created and filled up in different ways, so it could simulate a stabile, secure identity, and a stabile structure of power. The figure of the barbarian is a way to fill this blank. What actually goes on in the self is the constant re-construction of the essence so it would fit its perceived appearance. Essence is therefore just a tool for sustaining power, especially when the rules of the Empire start to crumble. The war itself becomes an internal, police matter, and any social resistance to it is criminalitzed (Negri & Hardt, 15). This becomes apparent when the Magistrate returns from the barbarian lands and is jailed and tortured for his attempts to oppose the new state of affairs. At the same time, because he does nothing to prevent the construction of the enemy, i.e. inscription of the word enemy on the bodies of the barbarian prisoners,15 his rebellion remains futile, an empty gesture. His rebellion is thus contained within the categories of the Empire, because it remains a rebellion against the violent practices and not the performative itself.16 At this point in the novel the Magistrate is already considered to be a traitor, and his actions only confirm his status. But he is not killed only tortured. Another important fact about the war against the barbarians becomes apparent here: this is not the war to extermination, because the Empire cannot afford to eliminate the lives of its subjects (Negri-Hardt, 20) much in the same way that lord cant afford to destroy the bondsman17 because he would cease to be a lord. The Empire cannot
14 Bhabha describes this in the following manner: difference is turned from the boundary outside to its finitude within (301). 15 The mere fact that it is necessary to inscribe this word on their body, proves that there is no other enemy than the one produced through this imperial performative. 16 Or in Magistrates words: Easier to be beaten and made a martyr. Easier to lay my had on the block than defend my cause of justice for the barbarians: for where can that argument lead but to laying down our arms and opening the gates of the town to the people whose land we have raped? (Coetzee, 118) 17 Terms Hegel uses to express the relations of immediate and pure self consciousness (633), adopted later by Marx in his theory of class struggle.

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afford to destroy its enemy, its other, or in words Partha Chatterjee: Enlightenment itself [...] needs its Other; if it could ever actualize itself in the real world as the truly universal, it would in fact destroy itself (qtd. in Bhabha, 293). Violence committed by Joll is the violence in the age when the Empire is aware that the barbarians do not exist. The Magistrate even mentions how this craze about them repeats once every generation (Coetzee, 9). It is indeed an empire similar to one in the Cavafys poem the one in the state of emergency created by the suspension of its own practices in the awaiting of the barbarians. But this Empire is also one step further than the one in the poem it is the Empire that has understood the necessity of the barbarians. It is in a way the answer to the question posed by the poem. The formal border of this Empire has shifted from the outside to the inside through the production of the barbarians they are the regulating principle of its power structure. This is the scene for the officers of the Third Bureau, since the production of the enemy can hardly be a peaceful act torture becomes the inscription of the inner border, or the beginning of the Empire. Torture also becomes the method for producing truth. Truth is thus strangely understood as inverted structure of appearance and essence since essence is hidden by appearance, it needs to be extracted through torture, but the torture is in fact the inscription of ready-made narrative, into the human body, a narrative produced by the self-differentiating identity. This narrative is violently released into the world, hidden into the projected image of the other, and then extracted from the subject deemed right for the role. Fiction is through this violence founded as truth, and the essentialist structure of reality is reproduced. But surely this mechanism of the Empire is doomed to failure since there are no actual barbarians to be found. And indeed, in the novel the army returns from its campaign exhausted and defeated (161). But this is the genius of the mechanism since no real barbarians exist they can never be defeated, and the war against them can never be ended. Instead it is rendered indeterminate spatially and temporally (Negri-Hardt, 14). The Empire is doomed to failure in this endeavour, but the grim underlining is that the failure is its actual victory. This is the nihilism of the west in its actual form. There is nothing that it desires aside from itself, but in order to do so it has to hide this fact. The desire desires to desire, it is infinitely di-

rected at its own existence. The result of this emptiness is the production of the desired object, but in order to hide this emptiness it has to create an illusion of the reverse process, of object that produces desire. This object is proclaimed to be the truth itself, and desire is presented as the quest for truth. This is the underlined logic of Colonel Joll, and his epistemology of torture. The final scene in the novel is ambiguous the kids are playing in the city square, building a snowman (170), instead of a snow fortress like in the Magistrates dreams (39-40). In the place of institution of war the central position is reserved for human figure. The future is still open for different alternatives. But snow melts in the sun of the desert, and the space in the central square remains open, remains blank. Works cited
1. Ashcroft, Bill (2001). Irony, Allegory and Empire: J. M. Coetzees Waiting for the Barbarians and In the heart of the country , On Post-Colonial Futures: Transformations of Colonial Culture, London: Continuum International Publishing, pp. 140-159. 2. Attwell, David (1993). South Africa and the Politics of Writing, Berkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press 3. Bhabha, Homi K. (2006). DissemNation, Nation and Narration, ed. Homi K. Bhabha, London: Routledge, pp. 291-323 4. Boehmer, Elleke (2005). Colonial and Postcolonial Literature: Migrant Metaphors, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 5. Coetzee, J. M. (1999). Waiting for the Barbarians, London: Vintage Books 6. Deleuze, Gilles & Guatiari, Felix (2001). A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, 1st ed. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, pp. 1601-1609 7. Engle, Lars (2002). Western Classics in the South African State of Emergency, Thresholds of western culture: identity, postcoloniality, transnationalism, New York: Continuum, pp. 114-133. 8. Hegel, G. W. F. (2001). From Phenomenology of Spirit, The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, 1st ed. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, pp. 630-644 9. Jameson, Fredric. Third-World Literature in the Era of Multinational Capitalism, Social Text, No. 15. (Autumn, 1986), pp. 65-88. 10. Negri, Antonio & Hardt, Michael (2004). Simplicissimus, Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire, New York: Penguin Press, pp. 3-36

cific imperial epistemology, as presented both in the characters of Colonel Joll and the Magistrate, and show how the categories of the inner and the outer, the phenomenal and the noumenal, form the central pair in its logic. The Magistrate will be understood as a representative of pedagogic, and Colonel Joll as a representative of performative side in the process of construction of the collective identity. Special attention will be given to the relation of the Magistrate and the barbarian girl, where moral ambiguities of the imperial discourse are most complex. It will then move on to the question of the production of the enemy out of the barbarian, as a necessity of the imperial self. Finally it will present the structures of war as the foundations of biopower of the Empire, and relate them to its epistemology. Key words: pedagogic, performative, biopower, desire, colonialism

Summary The Necessity of the Barbarians This essay examines the mechanisms of the construction of the barbarians in their relation to the identity of the Empire. It will concentrate on the spe-

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Alina Crihan

Narration identitaire et fictions du totalitarisme dans les essais autobiographiques de Norman Manea*
Toute biographie est un roman qui nose pas dire son nom . (R. Barthes, Rponses , Tel Quel, n 47, 1971) crihanoali@yahoo.com Enjeux du rcit autobiographique: ddoublement du je et fiction identitaire. De lautobiographie lessai Un autobiographe assume un rle qui est double. Il est lorigine du sujet du texte et lorigine de la structure que son texte prsente [...]. (Bruss, 1974: 23) Comme lavait observ Elisabeth W. Bruss en 1974, peu aprs la parution du premier article de Philippe Lejeune concernant Le pacte autobiographique (1973)1, la potique du genre autobiographique sarticule autour de ce ddoublement de linstance dnonciation, que Martine Renouprez commentait plus rcemment, linstar de la thorie de Jean Starobinski(1970: 261): Au cur de lautobiographie rsiderait une modification, ce qui justifierait le fait que lnonciateur nest pas exactement identique la personne quil tait et qui fait lobjet de son discours lors de son nonciation. Lnonciateur se ddouble donc, devenant la fois sujet et objet de son discours; la distance qui sinstaure dans le rcit de sa propre vie nest donc pas seulement le fait dun cart temporel, mais aussi dun cart didentit. (Renouprez, 2000: 117) Cette configuration particulire du rcit autobiographique a t analyse, travers une plurilecture historique, psychologique, phnomnologique, ontologique, existentialiste, esthtique, linguistique et thique, par Georges Gusdorf, qui avait soulign lui
1

aussi ce jeu des instances de la narration. En commentant lapproche phnomnologique de Gusdorf, Jsus Camarero montrait en quelle mesure, dans la dmarche autobiographique, Lhomme devient un observateur de son espce; grce la capacit dauto-analyse et dintr os pection, lhomme devient sujet de lobservation et, en mme temps, objet observ et analys: cest laventure merveilleuse du territoire du moi et ses critures. Lautobiographie essaie de reconstruire cette exprience dune faon impeccable, mais pour la raconter lhomme ajoute toujours quelque chose. Voici donc la porte ouverte pour linterprtation esthtique et la valeur artistique, fondamentale, de lautobio gra phie. (Camarero, 2008: 66) [n. s.] Le ddoublement du je reprable au niveau des instances du texte engendre donc un travail de reconstruction identitaire, que Paul Ricur avait mis en vidence, dans Soi-mme comme un autre, travers une analyse hermneutique centre autour du concept didentit narrative, en montrant galement le rle de la narration autobiographique dans le processus de la constitution du soi. En exgte de la dmarche ricurienne, Djhanne Gani commente la do* Acest articol a fost realizat n cadrul cercetrii postdoctorale cu tema Scriitorul postbelic i teroarea istoriei. Dileme i (re)construcii identitare n povestirile vieii, subordonate proiectului Valorificarea identitilor culturale n procesele globale, ID 59758/2010, finanat din Fondul Social European (FSE), prin Programul Operaional Sectorial Dezvoltarea Resurselor Umane 2007-2013 (POS DRU).

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Paru dans Potique, no. 17 / 1973, larticle prcde le livre au mme titre, devenu classique, sur la potique de lautobiographie: Le pacte autobiographique, Paris, Seuil, 1975.

uble dimension rfrentielle et fictionnelle de lauto biographie, en tant que narration identitaire: Lautobiographie joue cet gard un rle primordial dans la construction de lidentit, car lcrivain devient le personnage dun rcit dont lidentit se construit avec lhistoire raconte. La notion didentit narrative intgre en outre la dimension de fictionalisation et didentification du moi ; si lidentit se forge entre le biographique et la fiction, alors cela implique des tensions intrieures entre des faits rels et des lments fictifs. (Gani, 2010) Le processus de construction de lidentit entrane donc une reconfiguration des vnements dans lhistoire raconte, que Ricur avait analyse dans Temps et rcit (I), lorsquil avait lanc le concept de mise en intrigue , dfinie comme lopration qui tire dune simple succession une configuration (1983: 127). Cette dernire impose la suite indfinie des incidents le sens du point final [...]. Point final comme celui do lhistoire peut tre vue comme une totalit . (Ibidem: 131) A lintrieur de cette histoire totalisante , lauteur devient un personnage dans une fiction identitaire: La personne, comprise comme personnage de rcit, nest pas une entit distincte de ses expriences. Bien au contraire: elle partage le rgime de lidentit du personnage, quon peut appeler son identit narrative, en construisant celle de lhistoire raconte. Cest lidentit de lhistoire qui fait lidentit du personnage. (Ricoeur, 1990: 175) En prenant le modle Ricur comme cadre de rfrence conceptuel, Michel Vanni largit le champ de recherche visant la question de lidentit narrative, en rvlant, travers une analyse phnomnologique, le rle de lhumeur, de la Stimmung, de la tonalit / disposition affective dans la construction de cette identit. (Vanni, 2005) Cest que lassemblage subjectif des vnements, engendrant une histoire cohrente, dans laquelle le narrateur-personnage puisse se reconnatre, et qui sintgre dans une (mta) narration lgitimatrice de sa vie, savre leffet dune mise en affectivit discursive: En tant que mdiation entre temps vcu et temps racont, le rcit nest pas seulement mise en intrigue (Ricur) mais aussi et en mme temps mise

en affectivit, ncessairement temporelle, des vnements raconts par le temps racontant. Cest-dire que la temporalit narrative ne se caractrise pas seulement par la (re)configuration des vnements dans un cadre temporel mais aussi par sa dimension affective. Intrique laspect chronologique, la mise en affectivit discursive du temps faonne la configuration des vnements dans un rcit de vie. (Carcassonne, 2007) Dun autre ct, la fictionalisation de sa vie dans lcriture autobiographique est dpendante, si lon croit au sociologue Pierre Bourdieu, dune idologie auctorielle qui donne naissance une illusion biographique: On est sans doute en droit de supposer que le rcit autobiographique sinspire toujours, au moins pour une part, du souci de donner sens, de rendre raison, de dgager une logique la fois rtrospective et prospective, une consistance et une constance, en tablissant des relations intelligibles, comme celle de leffet la cause efficiente, entre les tats successifs, ainsi constitus en tapes dun dveloppement ncessaire. [...] Cette inclination se faire lidologue de sa propre vie en slectionnant, en fonction dune intention globale, certains vnements significatifs et en tablissant entre eux des connexions propres les justifier davoir exist et leur donner cohrence, comme celles quimplique leur institution en tant que causes ou plus souvent, en tant que fins, trouve la complicit naturelle du biographe que tout, commencer par ses dispositions de professionnel de linter pr tation, porte accepter cette cration artificielle de sens. (Bourdieu, 1986) [n. s.] Si cette idologie est lie au statut de lauteur en tant quindividu ou acteur social qui se construit, travers le rcit, une prsentation officielle de soi (ibidem), il y en a une autre, inhrente au processus de lcriture, rendue visible par lapproche narratologique. Aux yeux dAlfonso de Toro, dans lanalyse du rcit autobiographique, on ne peut pas faire abstraction de la relation dialectique entre lauteur rel et lauteur implicite: Une identit absolue nest pas mme envisageable un niveau purement thorique. En effet, lauteur en tant que personne empirique, plutt

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quinstance crivante, cre une figure rhtorique, celle de lauteur implicite (tel un spectre de rles, un masque littraire, une stratgie narrative) qui ne fonctionne pas de la mme faon que lauteur lui-mme. Ce masque, ce spectre de rles est une rduction de lauteur rel et ne dpend que du passage du souvenir, du vcu la forme crite, ce qui entrane automatiquement une slection, une hirarchisation, un ordonnancement des lments. Lidentit ainsi cre est diffrente de la relle. (de Toro,2004: 13) Dans la mesure o lenjeu principal de lidologie de lauteur implicite est, dans le cas de lautobiographie, laccrditation de son histoire qui doit passer pour vridique, ce type de rcit de vie se fonde souvent sur un mtadiscours cens garantir la transparence, ou expliciter les modalits de lentreprise (Viollet, 2001) qui lui confre une dimension autorflexive. La distance installe entre lauteur rel et lauteur implicite este encore plus visible lorsquil sagit de lessai autobiographique, et en particulier, de celui rdig par un crivain. Dans ce cas, lauteur non seulement entreprend une seconde lecture des vnements de lexistence (Camarero, 2008 : 69), en se construisant une mta-histoire fonde, du point de vue ontologique, sur une exprience initiatique, sur une recherche du centre (Gusdorf, 1975 : 971)2, mais il y propose aussi une conception de lcriture, une vision de la littrature, du savoir et de soi[...] (Riendeau, 2005: 92): [...] lessai met en scne un je textuel dont le statut nest pas toujours clair: rfrentiel pour certains, strictement fictionnel pour dautres, il joue dans un thtre ambivalent [...]. [...] Plutt que daffirmer que le je essayistique ne renvoie ni totalement une unit fictive ni vritablement un rfrent rel, peut-tre devrait-on envisager quil est la fois lun et lautre. Cette simultanit contradictoire rejoint lide de crer une fiction de soi, dont la signification se manifeste plus distinctement dans lessai. (ibidem: 93, 94) Plus quune reconstitution dune trajectoire existentielle, lessai autobiographique est, dune faon plus explicite que la simple autobiographie, une interprtation de lhistoire personnelle et de la grande histoire o celle-ci sinsre. En runissant pense,

critique et fiction, qui affiche pour toile de fond une peinture de soi, lessai autobiographique fait surgir, dune manire plus vidente, le ddoublement du je biographique, en tant quauctor et persona, son oscillation perptuelle entre identit et altrit: Ainsi, le lien singulier du sujet de lessai un double objet (soi-mme et un objet culturel) enrichit la question du sujet, puisque lobjet culturel trait par lessayiste se rvle souvent un texte ou un pisode de la vie de lessayiste lui-mme. Cette relation privilgie avec un autre (ou soimme comme un autre) constitue une sorte daltrit indispensable la conception de lessai. (ibidem: 95-96) Les avatars du moi dans lcriture autobiographique des contextes totalitaires Avant dessayer de circonscrire lcriture autobiographique par rapport aux totalitarismes du XXme europen, il faut prciser que les textes illustratifs pour ce genre ont t publis, dans la plupart des cas, hors contextes respectifs, soit pendant lexile des auteurs, soit aprs la chute des rgimes totalitaires. Si lcriture autobiographique de la Shoah a pu paratre plus tt, aprs la seconde guerre mondiale, dans un contexte de la condamnation gnrale des crimes du nazisme, dans le cas du second totalitarisme, prolong dans les pays de lEurope de lEst jusqu la fin des annes 80, les rcits autobiographiques et mmoriels crits pendant cette priode ont t vous au samizdat ou, parfois, publis dans lespace dexile. Cest peine lpoque post-totalitaire que lcriture mmorielle du Goulag a connu son panouissement. Il existe, quand mme, des textes qui ont t publis dans le contexte totalitaire: dans ce cas particulier, les contraintes du pacte autobiographique ont t redoubles par celles imposes par la censure. La fictionnalisation du je et de lhistoire, inhrente toute criture autobiographique, est dautant plus vidente (et comprhensible) dans ces rcits ou essais parus lintrieur dune culture du ddoublement, o lartiste est oblig de pratiquer un perptuel jeu histrionique, en tant que stratgie dfensive cense lui permettre de survivre et de contrecarrer la censure. Il parvient pratiquer une autocensure, quon pourrait dfinir, avec les mots de Danilo Kis, comme lart de lire son texte avec les yeux des

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Apud J. Camarero, op. cit., p. 69.

autres (Kis, 1993: 70) et qui sinscrit sur les coordonnes du Ketman en tant qu acrobatie spirituelle impose par le contexte. Cest la situation dcrite par CzeslawMilosz dans La pense captive: La vie soumise une tension intrieure dveloppe les talents qui dorment au fond dun homme. Il ne souponnait mme pas de quels trsors dingniosit et de perspicacit psychologique il peut disposer quand il se trouve au pied du mur et quil lui faut faire preuve dadresse ou prir. (Milosz, 1998: 111) Ce type de ddoublement fonctionne dune manire fortement accentue chez les artistes et les crivains soumis une constante pression par le pouvoir totalitaire, qui leur impose le statut de camarades de route comme prix pay pour la survivance sur la scne culturelle. Cest ainsi que lartiste est oblig, dans de tels contextes, de faire appel des stratgies sopiques qui augmentent le coefficient de fictionnalisation associ tout projet de reconstruction identitaire. lcran fictionnel engendr par lidologie biographique, en tant que construction identitaire consciente, et par les contraintes dordre inconscient qui rgissent ldification du projet existentiel impliqu dans toute dmarche autobiographique, sajoute un autre, impos par la pression politique, qui sinscrit toujours sur les coordonnes dune mta-histoire lgitimatrice, centre autour du scnario de la rsistance par la culture / criture. Lidentit narrative de ces auteurs est donc redevable non seulement au double pacte - rfrentiel et fictionnel - dont parlent les exgtes du rcit autobiographique linstar de Philippe Lejeune, mais aussi la dynamique patent-latent reprable tant au niveau des structures de limaginaire personnel qu celui des traces mmorielles collectives. Lactualisation de ces traces est indissociable, croit-on, au double travail de deuil et de souvenir que P. Ricoeur dcle, linstar de la psychanalyse freudienne, dans la configuration de la mmoire collective confronte aux traumas totalitaires: il sensuit que le travail de lhistoire se comprend comme une projection, du plan de lconomie des pulsions au plan du labeur intellectuel, de ce double travail de souvenir et de deuil . (1996: 11) Le scnario de la rsistance dans lespace intrieur ou dans lutopie du livre devient central dans ce type de narration identitaire conue, plus que tout

autre rcit autobiographique publi dans des contextes socioculturels normaux, comme une forme de combat contre la mort psychique. De ce point de vue, lenjeu ontologique et, plus prcisment, la vise eschatologique de la narration autobiographique deviennent plus vidents dans le cas des rcits appartenant aux auteurs confronts avec le mal totalitaire. Rappelons, avec Georges Gusdorf que Lintention autobiographique vise constituer une eschatologie de la vie personnelle; la recherche du centre sera couronne de succs si elle donne accs en ce foyer imaginaire o ltre humain atteint la pleine rconciliation avec soi-mme. Un tel accomplissement correspond un exercice spirituel, impliquant une ascse, dont tous les individus ne sont pas capables. [] Ldification de soi doit aller de pair avec lordonnancement de lunivers; lunit de sens nest pas donne, elle doit tre conquise, au prix dune lutte contre les vidences et les circonstances. [] La conqute de soi permettra celui qui se cherche de regagner sa vie perdue, non pas seulement aux yeux dun public prsent ou venir, mais dans le moment mme o lcriture accomplit son uvre dlucidation (Gusdorf, 19753: 974-975). Un tel rcit devient lespace de la rcupration de lidentit perdue travers le jeu thtral susmentionn, lespace dune renaissance de lartiste qui triomphe, de cette faon, de la terreur de lhistoire . En tant que modalit dchapper lemprise dun moi assujetti aux impratifs de lidologie politique et de se refaire dans lespace de la fiction identitaire, ces rcits peuvent tre envisags comme la rponse donne une crise existentielle fonde sur la schizophrnie inflige par le contexte. Le moi rvl lintrieur de ces rcits ne forme jamais une unit avec le je crivant: dans ces cas o lon assiste une dconstruction, plus ou moins consciente, du moi crit, ou des morts successives du moi (Renouprez, 2000: 117), il convient de parler plutt, avec les mots de Gisle MathieuCastellani, d autographies: Lautographie [] suppose un moi qui se construit, se dtruit, se reconstruit dans lacte mme dcrire qui fixe de moment en moment
3

Ibidem, pp. 68-69.

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des instantans , des mtamorphoses qui trangent et altrent le sujet en devenir, un clivage interne qui fait du sujet lautre dun autre. Lanalyse est interminable, comme lcriture [] (Mathieu-Castellani, 1996: 197). Laccent y est mis sur deux dimensions de lauto/ bio/graphie, pour laquelle G. Gusdorf avait propose une dfinition tridimensionnelle, reprise par Jsus Camarero: [] 1) lautos, cest lidentit, le moi conscient de lui-mme et principe dune existence autonome; la conscience de soi nintervient quaprs un long dlai, avec un retard considrable par rapport la venue au monde du bios en sa nudit premire; alors lidentit personnelle ne peut saffirmer que comme un ensemble de diffrences propres sur larrire-plan des similitudes communautaires; 2) le bios affirme la continuit vitale de cette identit, cest son dploiement historique, des variations sur le thme fondamental; un tre humain est dabord une existence organique; la vie correspond lamplitude totale du champ existentiel dfini par le dploiement de lautos, de lindi vidualit dans la diversit des espaces et des temps, car nous ne sommes jamais tout ce que nous sommes ; le bios, lhistoire relle et accomplie, dborde tout instant la capacit de la conscience actuelle (lautos); 3) le graphein introduit le moyen technique propre aux critures du moi; lcriture est le fruit dun apprentissage tardif puisque le maniement complet de cette technique et la matrise de la rdaction sont longs acqurir; avec lcriture lhumanit fait son entre dans une nouvelle re de civilisation. (Camarero, 2008: 61) Il ne sy agit pas tant de reconstitution dune biographie que de la (re)construction identitaire4, aprs avoir soumis un je inavouable, parce que coupable, une sorte dexorcisme: ce sont les deux dimensions de leschatologie dont parlait G. Gusdorf.
4

Cette occultation du je crivant, qui peut tre conue comme une mort symbolique, est rendue visible, dans le cas des rcits autobiographiques parus sous la dictature, par la multiplication des masques auctorielles. Entre lauguste et le clown blanc: hypostases identitaires de lartiste dans les essais de Norman Manea Le cas de Norman Manea est lun des plus illustratifs pour la condition de lcrivain confront la terreur de lhistoire. Enfant, le futur crivain avait t dport en Transnistrie (1941-1945) avec sa famille: cest la premire exprience de lunivers concentrationnaire, la confrontation avec un premier totalitarisme et, galement, son premier exile. Aprs avoir connu la notorit avec le volume dessais et de confessions intitul Anii de ucenicie ai lui August Prostul [Les annes dapprentissage de lauguste5, notre trad.] de 1979 (Prix de lAssociation des Ecrivains de Bucarest), Norman Manea sera surveill par la Scurit, en se heurtant au systme de la censure qui lui bloquera en imprimerie, en 1986, le manuscrit du roman parabolique LEnve loppe noire: cest lanne o il choisit de sauto-exiler en Allemagne occidentale, quil quittera ultrieurement afin de stablir aux Etats-Unis. Cest ici que lauteur publiera, en 1993, le recueil dessais intitul On Clowns: The Dictator and the Artist, dont la version roumaine paratra en 1997 (Despre clovni: dictatorul si artistul ), tandis que la version franaise est de date plus rcente: Les clowns: le dictateur et lartiste (2009). On a choisi danalyser les deux textes cits ci-dessus, Les annes dapprentissage et Les clowns (entre lesquels il existe une continuit thmatique dclare par lauteur-mme) non seulement en raison de leur dimension autobiographique, mais aussi parce quils sont mme dillustrer deux configurations diffrentes de la narration identitaire de lartiste, vu que le premier a t publi sous une censure trs vigilante (intensifie aprs les thses de juillet 1971, mme si lon avait officiellement abolie), tandis que la cration
5

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Rappelons, avec Martine Renouprez, qui reprend en cela linterprtation de Gisle Mathieu-Castelani, qu En dernire instance, lautobiographie sadresserait aussi la mort, en vue de la sduire et de lapprivoiser, en vue de se construire une vie outre-tombe qui lui survivra. En cela, lautobiographie serait la fois tombeau et berceau, bravant la mort tout en saluant la naissance de lcrivain. (op. cit., p. 121)

On a choisi le nom commun utilis en franais pour dsigner une figure de clown parue au XIXme sicle, et rendue clbre, sous le nom dAugusto, par les scnarios et les films de Federico Fellini, dont le modle sera plus tard utilis dans Despre clovni: dictatorul si artistul (1997, 2005) [Les clowns: le dictateur et lartiste, Traduit du roumain par Marily Le Nir et Odile Serre, Paris, Seuil, 2009].

du second a bnfici, au moins apparemment, du climat de la libert. Au moins apparemment, parce que lexil dans le pays de la libert semble rester le prisonnier dune dystopie imaginaire, quant il sagit de son criture mmorielle ou fictionnelle -, hante par les spectres du totalitarisme. Du point de vue de leur composante autobiographique, les deux volumes esquissent, travers une anamnse-mditation visant tant la vie personnelle que la grande histoire - de lobsdante dcennie (dans Les annes dapprentissage) jusquaux annes davant lexile (dans Les clowns), une trajectoire existentielle qui se situe sous le signe du perptuel jeu des masques: cest la vie de lartiste (et son portrait ) en clown confront au pouvoir sur scne. Ce ddoublement assum dune manire ostentatoire, qui va de pair avec lappropriation du masque de lauguste symbolique tant par rapport au rle rel, impos par le pouvoir lartiste, que par rapport sa propre projection identitaire -, peut tre analys deux niveaux de la construction narrative et, en gale mesure, deux paliers de signification. Tout premirement, au niveau de la fiction identitaire la digse du rcit (auto)biographique on a affaire une identit fictionnelle, celle du personnage dont le trac existentiel fait lobjet du rcit. Celui-ci est lauguste, dont les reprsentations sur la scne du pouvoir hypostasi par le grand clown blanc sont mises en intrigue par le narrateur. ce second niveau envisag, le je narrant en tant que sujet du rcit savre lui-mme un acteur pratiquant un jeu double, qui est plus visible, au niveau verbal, dans lessai publi en 1979. Le ddoublement appartient donc, en gale mesure, au personnage et au narrateur, le dernier sattachant souvent, en particulier dans Les clowns, dconstruire lidentit de lauguste, travers une mditation amre sur ce thtre de labsurde rel qui est la scne du pouvoir. Lidentit narrative se construit, dans les essais de Norman Manea par le truchement de ce spectacle avec des masques assums, dans le cas du personnage, ou dissimuls, dans le cas du narrateur, dissimulation qui a, elle-mme, un double enjeu: si dans le premier texte elle sert plutt de stratgie dfensive par rapport la pression de la censure, dans le second elle devient une modalit de lgitimation identitaire qui nose par dire son nom6.
6 On a emprunt cette expression Gilbert Durand, qui lutilise pour dcrire le fonctionnement des mythes latents (cf. Introduction la mythodologie. Mythes et socits, Paris, Albin Michel, 1996).

Dans Les annes dapprentissage de lauguste, texte hybride o lauteur juxtapose, dune manire incohrente recherche, plusieurs formes de rcits de vie lessai autobiographique, la biographie imaginaire, les bribes de journal intime plusieurs voix , auxquelles sajoutent la mditation allgorique sur la condition humaine (La vie des fourmis) et les tableaux dune histoire obsdante reconstitue travers les instantanes tirs de la presse de lpoque , la fictionnalisation est une stratgie assume. La dmarche biographique sy situe, ds son dbut, sous le signe de la fiction: lhistoire du jeune homme sans nom, le clbre pote et publiciste de la ville, est introduite par un indice paratextuel, le soustitre Le dbut de la fiction, tout comme les parties de la biographie imaginaire dA. P., les deux hypostases masques par le truchement de lindtermination identitaire (labsence des noms), double de lcran supplmentaire quest la narration la troisime personne -, du clown. Lidentit du premier semble sinscrire, une lecture en miroir des deux textes, dans la catgorie symbolique du clown blanc, tandis que le second (lami A.), son double des annes de la formation, le protagoniste du Bildungsroman parabolique, est lauguste, la victime du Grand Mcanisme de lhistoire. Ce sont les deux visages fictionnels de lartiste, les protagonistes de sa biographie imaginaire, les frres spars qui tmoignent de sa structure schizode et qui se retrouveront runis plus tard dans la figure ambivalente du Clown, bourreau et victime en mme temps, le clown blanc et lauguste devenus indissociables: le dictateur et lartiste. Mais travers cette criture sopique, parmi les trous et les silences du texte, se dessine une vrit profonde qui appartient, en gale mesure, lartiste et son poque. Avec les termes de Dominique Rabat, Ecran, la fiction lest aussi au sens o elle masque quelque chose, ou elle travestit un dsir de dire plus directement. Elle se doit donc dtre relaye par une autre criture qui en dnonce peu ou prou linadquation. Cest finalement entre les deux rgimes quune parole complte se cherche. Cest entre les deux, dans le silence qui existe entre les deux que doit sentendre ce qui ne peut pas se dire. (Rabat, 2000) Le narrateur des Annes dapprentissage le reconnat lui-mme, dans une mise en abyme qui rend compte non seulement du double pacte avec

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lHistoire (Simion, 2002: 11) et avec soi-mme, suppos par lcriture mmorielle, mais aussi des significations dun pacte de lecture implicite: On sait combien peuvent dire le silence, lomission, lespace blanc. [] Une caractristique accentue de notre poque serait aussi lambiguisation presque invitable de lacte authentique mme, jusquau point o les conditionnements de loption et ses consquences parviennent engendrer un irrmdiable effet parodique. Rien de tout ce qui nous est arriv, chacun de nous et tout le monde, nest entirement dpourvu dune datation historique et dun sens psychologique; tout se trouve, depuis toujours, en chacun et en tous; nous et nos semblables, nous restons la cause qui a fait clater certaines [] farces de lHistoire Lintersection, la ngation, la stratification des significations plurivalentes et provisoires, dans une existence perptuellement agresse o se mlange tout, ne donnent-elles la sensation chaotique du manque, en fin de compte, de toute signification ?! Le grotesque, la dpersonnalisation, la caricature, le clownesque contemporains ne parviennent-ils donner raison, plutt Ionesco et Beckett qu Malraux, Sartre, Camus et leurs proslytes existentialistes? La parodie apparat, dans le cas de lindividu manipul, bon gr, mal gr. (Manea, 2005a: 50-52, notre trad.) Dans Les clowns, o le narrateur semble abandonner le masque, en le gardant seulement pour les personnages de lessai homonyme, la fictionnalisation se laisse apercevoir un autre niveau. Il nous semble que, par-del les dconstructions patentes du moi crit en tant que paliazzo qui fait le jeu du pouvoir totalitaire, le narrateur dissimule une mythologie lgitimatrice latente. Il rejette, par exemple, la retraite dans lesthtique de certains collgues crivains, en soulignant en quelle mesure une telle stratgie dfensive a permis la prolifration du mal totalitaire, mais il laccepte sous un autre nom, celui de la rsistance , lorsquil parvient mettre en intrigue son propre positionnement face la censure (le saga de LEnveloppe noire, satur de stratgies sopiques en tmoigne de cette acceptation/appropriation du Ketman esthtique). Si, une lecture de surface, on y a affaire une sorte dautocritique, au nom dune restitution vri-

dique de son propre engagement dans lhistoire et dune analyse objective des erreurs du pass, toutes les deux circonscrite au pacte rfrentiel impliqu dans lcriture mmorielle, une lecture de type hermneutique, la configuration de lidentit narrative est mme de rvler lemprise de lhistoire par la fiction. Cest justement la situation dcrite par Ricur, dans son analyse de lidentit narrative: Le concept didentit narrative rconcilie les deux ples que Ricur distingue, la mmet (Gleichheit), et lipsit (Selbstheit). Cette distinction met en lumire la pluralit de lidentit puisque la mmet renvoie aux notions de permanence, ce qui dfinirait un caractre par exemple malgr les volutions et le cours du temps. Lipsit, quant elle, est soumise au changement. Cette dfinition dynamique de lidentit est conue comme un processus, elle prend en compte lvolution, intgre donc les variations lies des phnomnes tels que lidentification. Lidentit narrative correspond la reprsentation de lcrivain qui devient un personnage de rcit dont lidentit se construit avec lhistoire raconte. (Gani, 2010) Dans les essais autobiographiques de Norman Manea, la dynamique de lidentit narrative se configure lintersection entre limage de soi que lcrivain construit pour la postrit et quil veut accrditer comme officielle et limage clownesque quil rejette et accepte en mme temps comme symbole de la condition ambivalente de lartiste en dictateur dans un monde absurde, comme latteste cette citation une mise en abyme tire des Clowns de Fellini: Le chef de gare de mon film tait un Clown Blanc. Cest pourquoi nous devenions tous des Augustes si lon se trouve face un Clown Blanc, on se sent incit de faire lAuguste avoue Fellini, et il ajoute: cest seulement lapparition dun Clown Blanc plus sinistre, le fasciste, qui nous transformait en Clowns Blancs, notre tour, au moment o nous finissions par lui rpondre, dune faon obissante, avec le salut roman . [] Eh bien, je crois que je suis un Auguste, mais aussi un Clown Blanc. [] Ou, peut-tre, je suis le directeur du cirque. Le docteur des alins, alin son tour! Boulevers par les personnages auxquels il vit les passions et le ridicule,

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auxquels il vole les dsastres et il radiographie labyme, lartiste ne peut pas omettre le tyran. (Manea, 2005b: 86-87, notre trad.) Bibliographie
1. Barthes, Roland (1971). Rponses , Tel Quel, n 47 2. Bourdieu, Pierre (1986). Lillusion biographique , in Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, no 62-63 (document lectronique, sans page). 3. Bruss, Elisabeth W. (1974). Lautobiographie considre comme acte littraire, in Potique, 17. 4. Camarero, Jess (2008). La thorie de lautobiographie de Georges Gusdorf , in dille, Revista de Estudios Franceses, no. 4, pp. 57-82, URL: http://webpages.ull.es/users/cedille/cuatro/camarero.pdf 5. Carcassonne, Marie (2007) Sens, temps et affects dans des rcits de vie recueillis en interaction , in Vox Poetica, 1/11/2007, URL: http://www.vox-poetica.org/t/pas/carcassonne.html (document lectronique, sans page). 6. de Toro, Alfonso (2004). La nouvelle autobiographie postmoderne ou limpossibilit dune histoire la premire personne: Robbe-Grillet, Le miroir qui revient et de Doubrovsky, Le livre bris , in Alfonso de Toro et Claudia Gronemann (Hrsg.), Autobiographie revisited : Theorie und Praxis neuer autobiographischer Diskurse in der franzsischen, spanischen and lateinamerikanischen Literatur, Hildesheim/Zrich/New York, Georg Olms Verlag, URL: http://www.uni-leipzig. de/~detoro/sonstiges/LaNouvelle.pdf. 7. Gani, Djhanne (2010). Autobiographie psychique, un essai autobiographique ? , in Acta Fabula, Dossier critique : Actualit dHermann Broch, vol. 11, no. 2, URL : http://www.fabula.org/revue/document5523.php (document lectronique, sans page). 8. Gusdorf, Georges (1991). Lignes de vie, t. I (Les critures du moi ), t. II (Auto-bio-graphie), Paris: Odile Jacob. 9. Kis, Danilo (1993). Homo Poeticus, traduction du serbo-croate par Pascale Delpech, Paris: Librairie Arthme Fayard. 10. Lejeune, Phillippe (1973). Le pacte autobiographique, in Potique, no 17. 11. Mathieu-Castellani, Gisle (1996). La scne judiciaire de lautobiographie, Paris: PUF. 12. Milosz, Czeslaw (1998). La pense captive. Essai sur les logocraties populaires, Paris: Gallimard. 13. Renouprez, Martine (2000). Lautobiographie en question: Potique dun genre , in La Philologie Franaise la croise de lan 2000. Panorama linguistique et littraire. Estudios reunidos de la Asociacin de Profesores de Filologa Francesa de la Universidad Espaola (IX Coloquio, Granada, 5-7 de abril de 2000), Montserrat Serrano Manes, Lina Avendao Anguita y M. Carmen Molina Romero (eds.), 2 vol. Universidad de Granada, pp. 113-121. 14. Ricoeur, Paul (1983). Temps et rcit I - Lintrigue et le temps historique, Paris: Seuil. 15. Ricoeur, Paul (1990). Soi-mme comme un autre, Paris: Seuil. 16. Ricoeur, Paul (1996). Entre mmoire et histoire , in Projet, no 248. 17. Riendeau, Pascal (2005). La rencontre du savoir et du soi dans lessai , in tudes littraires, Volume 37, no 1, pp. 91-103; URL: http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/012827ar

18. Simion, Eugen (2002). Genurile biograficului, Bucureti, Univers enciclopedic. 19. Starobinski, Jean (1970). Le style de lautobiographie, in Potique, no 3. 20. Vanni, Michel (2005). Le rcit de fiction et la prospection du champ de laction chez Paul Ricoeur et Emmanuel Lvinas , in Vox Poetica, 15 dcembre 2005, URL: http://www.vox-poetica.org/t/pas/vanni.html (document lectronique, sans page). 21. Viollet, Catherine (2001). Petite cosmogonie des crits autobiographiques. Gense et critures de soi , in Genesis, manuscrits, recherche, invention, no. 16, pp. 37-53; URL: http:// aleph.ens.fr/item_ancien/contenus/publications/articles_ cher/Viollet/GetA.pdf (document lectronique, sans page).

Corpus
1. Manea, Norman (2005). Despre Clovni: Dictatorul i Artistul (ediia a II-a, revzut), Iai: Polirom 2. Manea, Norman (2005). Anii de ucenicie ai lui August Prostul (ediia a II-a, revzut), Iai: Polirom

Summary Identity Narration and Fictions of Totalitarism in Norman Maneas Autobiographical Essays Having been published in different socio-cultural contexts, the autobiographical essays included in Norma Maneas memoir writings - Anii de ucenicie ai lui August Prostul and Despre Clovni: Dictatorul i Artistul - point out a special type of identity-oriented fiction relevant to the creative profile of the writers facing the History terror. Beyond the covert internal traits specific to this type of memoir writing based on history mise en intrigue as well as on its discursive affectivity scenario be it personal or socio-cultural contextualised history, of the writer himself enhancing the double-faced narrative identity subjected both to the fictional and referential levels, the above mentioned works overtly display the imaginary place taken by the writer within the larger totalitarian socio-cultural context. Caught between the overt voicing of the clowns mask and the de-construction of this symbolic role pointing out the artists double condition, these writings emphasize the sub-textual legitimating mythology validating the resistance through culture identity scenario. Key-words: Norman Manea, autobiographical essay, identity narrative, narrative, identity, fictional masks.

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EURO MUZICAL

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El funk de Rio de Janeiro y las comunidades imaginadas: entre la prohibicin por ley y la pacificacin por la guerra
La barbarie no slo dramatiza el enfrentamiento con la civilizacin, sino tambin un segundo enfrentamiento, consigo misma. Josefina Ludmer ESCENA 1 Fuerzas policiales movilizan 510 hombres entre militares y civiles para ocupar Vila Cruzeiro, en el barrio de Penha el 25 de noviembre de 2010, por la maana. El Batalln de Operaciones Especiales de la Polica invade la favela (villa miseria o chabola), considerada el Cuartel General del Comando Vermelho (Comando Rojo), en coches blindados de la polica y tanques de la Marina brasilea. Los traficantes huyen a la favela vecina. Setenta marineros ayudan a manejar los carros de combate blindados de la Marina, guarnecidos con ametralladoras .50. Son estas patrullas que permiten a la polica de Rio entrar en la comunidad y trasponer las barricadas improvisadas por los traficantes. Las imgenes de un helicptero de la TV Globo muestran en vivo la huda en masa de los narcos de Vila Cruzeiro hasta el Complexo do Alemo por Serra da Misericrdia. La repercusin de las imgenes fue inmediata. Era posible constatar sonido de explosiones y humo en distintos puntos de la favela. Se convirti en una guerra civil, sintetiz una residente. Marina, Ejrcito y Aeronutica entran en la guerra de Rio. (Peridico O Estado de So Paulo, 25 de noviembre de 2010.) ESCENA 2 Un grupo de jvenes oye msica funk a alto volumen en una calle de Cidade de Deus, en la Zona Oeste de Rio de Janeiro. Policiales de la Unidad de Polica Pacificadora (UPP), instalada en esta favela en febrero de 2009, abordan al grupo con el argumento de que la msica hace apologa al crimen. Un residente se presenta como dueo del aparato, pero se niega a apagarlo. Tampoco concuerda en entregarles el CD que tocaba y es detenido por los policas. Los dems residentes lo defienden y los policas disparan para contenerlos, resultando herido uno de los jvenes, que es llevado al hospital. (Peridico O Dia, 8 de septiembre de 2011.) Estas escenas sintetizan los elementos que constituyen los dos marcos-lmite del perodo en que se estructur la manifestacin cultural objeto de este estudio: el Funk Prohibido carioca, es decir, la msica electrnica producida en las orillas populares de la ciudad de Rio de Janeiro, Brasil. Podemos considerar como factor de origen de este subgnero del funk carioca la propia ley que impuso la clandestinidad de los espectculos musicales relacionados al mundo funk y, de modo particular, de las vertientes de funk que exploran ms explcitamente los temas de la sexualidad o de la violencia asociada a las facciones del trfico de drogas al menudeo, produccin tambin conocida por el nombre de proibido1. Por otro lado, un proceso que empez, en diciembre de 2008, con la implantacin de las Unidades de Polica Pacificadora (UPPs), llevando a la retomada por el Estado de territorios hasta entonces controlados por las redes del narcotrfico, pero que tiene su momento clave en la ocupacin de la Vila Cruzeiro, en 25 de noviembre de 2010, fue el segundo corte temporal que nos permiti ubicar la produccin del Funk Prohibido en un perodo determinado. Con una resonancia que se pudo sentir ya en los das siguientes, la ocupacin de Vila Cruzeiro y, tres
1

En sus dos vertientes principales, el proibido recibi diversas denominaciones. Sigue una lista de las ms frecuentes, segundo el propio lenguaje de los vendedores de CDs de msica prohibida con los que nos relacionamos a lo largo de la investigacin: rap prohibido, funk del contexto, funk de faccin, msica de bandido, chisme del crimen, msica de traficante o, en una segunda vertiente, funk putera, puro sexo, pornofunk, msica con palabrotas...

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das despus, la ocupacin del conjunto de favelas del Morro do Alemo, pareci sealar el comienzo de un nuevo perodo en las representaciones de las periferias cariocas y en el discurso del funk prohibido, que haba ganado sus contornos definitivos en el ltimo ao del siglo XX como un tipo de paisaje sonoro directamente vinculado a las facciones o comandos antagnicos que compiten de manera violenta por el territorio o el control del negocio de la droga. He aqu, en los arrabales de la ciudad de Rio de Janeiro, Brasil, la posibilidad de interpretar algunos de los procesos sociales y culturales involucrados en la realidad de la periferia de una metrpolis a travs de los discursos compuestos y cantados por los propios sujetos subalternos residentes de una regin marcada por el estigma de la pobreza y la violencia, los cuales pudieron a travs de un ritmo electrnico profundamente hbrido sintetizar una riqusima micro-cultura urbana. La dcada de 2001 a 2010 asiste a la etapa de resignificacin del rol mismo de las formas musicales del funk como elemento cultural creado por un orden distinto y a la vez como espacio de estructuracin de este orden. Considerando la necesidad histrica de reconocimiento de estas representaciones que constituyen un discurso singular marcado por el lugar de habla de estos sujetos subalternos, buscamos leer la realidad cultural de los espacios segregados de la ciudad de Rio de Janeiro a travs de fragmentos dispersos de la trayectoria de esa diccin particular del funk, siguiendo la orientacin de Roberto Damatta que, en Conta de mentiroso: sete ensaios de antropologia brasileira, reconoce y enfatiza la posibilidad de leer el mundo social a travs de representaciones imaginarias masivas: la msica popular, tanto cuanto la poltica, la economa, la religin, la literatura erudita, las leyes y las costumbres (...) es vehculo a travs del que la sociedad se revela, dejndose percibir como totalidad dinmica, viva y concreta: como universo eventualmente dotado de identidad. (DAMATTA, 1994, p. 60). Porque consideramos, como Maingueneau (2008), la indisociabilidad de la relacin que se establece entre el discurso y el cuadro social en que se da su produccin y circulacin, creemos que el proibido nos ofrece innumerables pistas para rastrear la transformacin de la realidad social a travs de una formacin discursiva particular, que asume la funcin de representar a los sujetos que actan en el mundo de la margen y de la marginacin urbana. Nuestra mirada abarca desde los primeros vestigios del proibido, cuando fue oficializada efectivamente la

prohibicin a comienzos de 2000, hasta los das actuales. Es justamente la produccin del movimiento funk desarrollada en este intervalo de tiempo que presenta una mayor carga de violencia, motivo y consecuencia que hace que esta produccin permanezca, en gran medida, silenciada a lo largo de este perodo en casi todos los segmentos de la ciudad formal. Es probable que se haya empezado a utilizar el trmino Funk Prohibido o proibido ya en el final de la dcada de 19902, dado que desde las primeras grabaciones, como Mel da mulher feia o Mulher feia cheira mal como urubu3, encontramos la estrategia de composicin de dos letras para un mismo funk: una primera para ser tocada en vivo en los bailes (bailantas de msica funk) y otra ms suave o inocente para grabacin y difusin en espacios en donde la primera letra sufriera restricciones. Sin embargo, slo despus de la ley, que presentaba una clara intencin de silenciamiento de esas dicciones perifricas, es que un cierto tipo de funk cuya difusin ya sofra restricciones bajo la alegacin de un presumido atentado violento al pudor y de apologa del delito empezar a llevar en su propia definicin el significado de la prohibicin impuesta no slo a su difusin sino a la realizacin de las fiestas que se promovan como verdaderos ritos comunitarios. Despus de una fase de gran xito en que el funk se ha glamourizado (HERSCHMANN, 2000), ocupando un expresivo espacio en radios y programas de televisin a mediados de los aos de 1990, se desEn 1997, Micael Herschmann publica una colectnea de ensayos de investigadores que en aqul momento se dedicaban al tema (Abalando os anos 90: funk e hip hop: globalizao, violncia e estilo cultural) y no observamos el registro del trmino en ninguno de ellos. Hay referencias a gangsta rap o rap de contexto como versin gangsta, pirata, producida por los funkeros y que era eventualmente cantada en los bailes de las comunidades pobres perifricas (HERSCHMANN, 1997, p. 216). Sin embargo, el sintagma Funk Prohibido o el trmino equivalente proibido todava no haba sido incorporado a la discusin. 3 Se considera Mel da mulher feia, msica cantada por MC Abdulah, el primer funk carioca grabado. La msica integra la colectnea Funk Brasil, de 1989, producida por el DJ Malboro. Los ttulos pueden ser traducidos por: Pegajosa de la mujer fea y Mujer fea huele mal como un buitre. Las mels fueron msicas con meloda de estructura muy simples que proponan traducciones arbitrarias a una a letras originalmente compuesta en ingls. Pese a los absurdos de las letras, eran fciles de cantar, puesto que la msica-base ya se haba difundido en las bailantas (bailes) de los barrios pobres de la ciudad.
2

encaden una creciente campaa de criminalizacin que primero tuvo como blanco a los bailes de corredor o bailes de ria, como eran conocidos, para luego asociar mltiples manifestaciones de violencia registradas en la ciudad a los bailes funk y a los funkeros en general. Esta atmsfera fomentada por los medios de comunicacin que sealan el mundo funk como causante de distintos tipos de delito llevara a la constitucin de una Comisin Parlamentar de Investigacin para tratar el asunto, la CPI del Funk de la cual resultara la ley de prohibicin4. Con las restricciones legales, la responsabilidad por todo que se vinculara al baile funk recaera no slo sobre el organizador del evento, sino especialmente sobre los presidentes, directores y gerentes de las entidades deportivas, sociales y recreativas en donde los bailes fueran realizados. Con eso, se intentaba implicar a los responsables por los espacios cedidos para la realizacin de los bailes, volviendo a stos inviables en la prctica. Se buscaba as eliminar uno de los pocos canales de expresin con que contaba un nmero significativo de jvenes que tenan en el funk el componente bsico de su cultura. El creciente fardo de negatividad trae consecuencias inmediatas y el funk, en particular la vertiente que se vincula a lo prohibido, que ya haba tenido su difusin vedada en la radio y en la televisin, a causa de la evaluacin de sus contenidos, queda sin acceso a los espacios de promocin de los bailes e ir limitarse cada vez ms a los espacios de las favelas. La Ley n 3410, de 29 de mayo de 2000, que, segn el caput, Dispone sobre la realizacin de bailes tipo funk en el territorio del estado de Rio de Janeiro y da otras providencias5, tena como objetivo explcito acabar con los bailes de corredor6, pero vuelve impoCuriosamente, la ley, de autora de una Comisin Parlamentar de Investigacin (CPI del Funk, instalada en Asamblea Legislativa del Estado de Rio de Janeiro en 1999 para investigar denuncias de violencia, pornografa y apologa a las drogas en el interior de los bailes), fue promulgada por el presidente de la ALERJ, diputado Srgio Cabral, que, nueve aos despus, se asociara al movimiento de reconocimiento del Funk como cultura, mantenidas las restricciones a la vertiente prohibida. 5 Legislacin citada disponible en: <http://alerjln1.alerj. rj.gov.br/contlei.nsf/69d90307244602bb032567e800668 618/756831a75d413aa4032568ef005562d8?OpenDocum ent>. Acceso en 15 dic. 2011. 6 En su artculo 5, la Ley n 3410 determina que La Fuerza Policial podr cerrar el club o el local en que ocurran actos de violencia incentivada, erotismo y de pornogra4

sible la realizacin de cualquier baile funk en los espacios cerrados de la ciudad formal. La ley con la que, segn sus autores, se pretenda simplemente la reglamentacin de los bailes funk era claramente discriminatoria con un gnero musical especfico y con los jvenes residentes de los barrios desheredados y segregados que lo apreciaban. Exiga previa autorizacin de la Polica Militar para la realizacin de los bailes7 y obligaba al organizador del evento a garantizar la presencia de policas a lo largo del evento, desde su inicio hasta su cierre, y a proveer instalacin de detectores de metales en la entrada de los clubes o entidades en donde fueran realizados los bailes. Sin embargo, aunque estas normas prcticas trajeran dificultades para la realizacin de los bailes, las mismas podran ser sorteadas, sin caracterizarse de modo explcito una intencin prohibitiva. Pero es precisamente en un artculo que no trata de ningn aspecto prctico vinculado a la realizacin de los bailes funk que podemos identificar la esencia prohibitiva y no normativa de la ley. El artculo 6 dice textualmente: Est prohibida la reproduccin de msicas y procedimientos de apologa del delito en los locales en que se realizan eventos sociales y deportivos de cualquier naturaleza. (Destacado nuestro.) Con eso, la ley se convierte en el instrumento que da el verdadero sentido a la expresin Funk Prohibido o proibido. Desde este momento, sin espacio en los clubes u organizaciones deportivas y con los impedimentos prcticos impuestos por la legislacin en vigor, el nico espacio que hay para la realizacin de los bailes es justo el interior de las comunidades dominadas por facciones criminales del trfico de drogas. Ah, en donde el Estado estaba ausente y, por lo tanto, en donde la ley no tena validez, los bailes podran ocurrir y, a lo largo de una dcada, este fue un terreno frtil para la reproduccin, circulacin y produccin de los proibides que empezaron a transformarse en una de las vertientes ms populares y polmicas del funk carioca, trascendiendo los lmites de su pblico habitual y lanzando sus ecos hacia otros territorios de la ciudad. Fernando Luiz Mata (DJ Malboro), uno de los nombres vinculados al nacimiento del movimiento funk en Rio, define as los nuevos bailes que se proliferaran con la promulgacin de la ley:
fa, y en donde, adems, se constatara el llamado corredor de la muerte. (En bastardilla en el original.) 7 MATA, Fernando Luiz (DJ Malboro). In: MACEDO, Suzana. Dj Malboro. Rio de Janeiro: Dantes Editora e Livraria, Prefeitura do Rio, 2003, p. 109. (Coleo Sebastio)

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Bailanta barrial o baile de comunidad es la bailanta en el cerro, baile dentro de la misma favela... al aire libre, en la cuadra, en la calle... Y el baile de club es el baile del asfalto, en un club... Las personas salen de sus casas, se baan, se visten y van al baile. En la comunidad, no, no hay eso de ir al baile, las personas ya estn ah... Uno est bandose y ya oye al equipo de sonido tocando... Las personas del equipo empiezan ya neurticas, empiezan ya en marcha... porque las personas ya estn ah... Entonces, en la comunidad toca menos charme [vertiente ms bailable, romntica y consciente de la msica negra carioca de los aos de 80 hasta mediados de los 90]... Los bailes de comunidad existieron y se proliferaron a causa de la prohibicin por las autoridades de los bailes de club. Cuando el funk fue acosado, fue recibido dentro de las comunidades, en donde l pudo sobrevivir y desarrollarse... Y las autoridades, en lugar de dejarlo dentro del club, en donde podran mantenerlo bajo control, no... De ah el funk empieza a asumir la cara de la realidad de las personas que viven en la favela....8 Con la promulgacin de la ley, hubo un cambio radical el en escenario funk con el gradual predominio del llamado proibido, plasmndose a travs de este funk condenado a la clandestinidad no slo una nueva sonoridad, sino tambin un discurso narrativo que pondra en circulacin nuevos cdigos y nuevos valores, aspectos centrales de un conjunto de factores que constituyen las relaciones de sociabilidad propias de este espacio. Por encarnar radicalmente la violencia verbal al referirse de modo directo, sin metforas o juegos de doble sentido, a actos sexuales o a prcticas del mundo del crimen, el Funk Prohibido suscita un escndalo moral y esttico. Pero el escndalo verdadero para el oyente tal vez resida primeramente en la extraeza o en el no reconocimiento de este otro universo de valores que imper por aos o dcadas en vastas reas de la ciudad. Tal como ocurre con la lectura de los peridicos populares que visibilizan una violencia poco frecuente en las zonas urbanas que viven otro giro civilizatorio, los relatos del Funk de Faccin desazonan a los que lo oyen y desazonan porque despiertan al pblico de su sueo con el testimonio del horror. Barren las buenas conciencias y nos acercan a lo que rechazamos porque hablan del infierno y desde el infierno. En uno de los raros textos sobre el proibido de faccin, el an-

troplogo Luiz Eduardo Soares, despus de reconocer el fuerte impacto que las letras haban tenido sobre su sensibilidad (el de un verdadero puetazo en el estmago), habla de la importancia de seguir uno de los procedimientos que la Antropologa ensea: volver de patas arriba el mensaje que los discos compactos [de Funk Prohibido] difunden, buscando, por detrs de las mscaras de odio, algn valor positivo9. Creemos que este objetivo slo ahora comienza a ser alcanzado por una nueva serie de trabajos de investigadores que, a ejemplo de este, empiezan a analizar con ms atencin la produccin del funk de la ltima dcada. La pequea nacin: siguiendo las huellas sonoras de los hroes marginales Nosotros no vendemos un producto, vendemos un estilo de vida.
Renzo Rosso

Lejos de las geografas prestigiosas de la ciudad, tenemos una cita marcada en el Hades. Ah se oyen las voces de los testigos de las sombras que relatan la experiencia del gueto en que se convirtieron los barrios pobres de la periferia pobre y cerros de Rio de Janeiro, verdaderos vaciaderos de residuos humanos (Bauman, 2005). En los registros sonoros de los jvenes MCs (masters of cerimonies) que cantan en los bailes de comunidades encontramos, ms que a ellos mismos y sus vivencias, el propio pblico de los espectculos constituido por jvenes que se reconocen en letras en las cuales aparecen sus historias, su visin de mundo, sus valores. El baile de comunidad es, por lo tanto, un ritual de reconocimiento donde representacin y representados se encuentran y dialogan intensamente, compartiendo una memoria comn. La msica funk afirma una diccin entraablemente relacionada a un nuevo territorio expresivo: la periferia, y en este territorio engendra un discurso que excede lo individual; traduce la mirada del grupo, comunica las reglas no escritas de esa sociedad y las representaciones a travs de las cuales los que ah viven se miran. La repercusin de las letras de Funk Prohibido en la realidad de los residentes, interfiriendo profundamente en sus auto imgenes, nos permite pensarlo como un instrumento til para redefinir o re-significar la propia idea de nacin, proyectando en ese horizonte una con9

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Idem, p. 42.

SOARES, Luiz Eduardo. Pancado no estmago. Originalmente publicado en el peridico O Dia, en 30 jun. 2002. Disponible en: www.luizeduardosoares.com.br/docs/uma_viagem_ao_inferno.doc Acceso en: 30 nov. 2008.

cepcin de espacio y medio social que tiene que ver con la visin de la favela como un pas extranjero. Esta es una imagen recurrente en nuestro imaginario social y tambin presente en la manera como los residentes de estas comunidades perciben la relacin que establecen entre ellos mismos y con la sociedad externa, plasmando en estos textos una visin de mundo que agrega y produce cohesin grupal al mismo tiempo que reafirma la exclusin del cuerpo ms amplio de la sociedad. Al reflexionar sobre las representaciones de los propios jvenes residentes de favelas que expresan ese conflicto a travs del funk y, ms particularmente, del Funk Prohibido, podemos concluir que muchos de estos sujetos perifricos se sienten extranjeros dentro de la nacin o de la ciudad e intentan incorporarse a una otra comunidad, identificada en la favela o, en el caso de los jvenes en conflicto con la ley, en una red de favelas dominadas por una misma faccin criminal. Carlos Lessa, en O Rio de todos os brasis nos llama a reflexionar sobre esta cuestin, pensando el tema desde la perspectiva de la estructuracin de una otra comunidad nacional en los enclaves de la pobreza: Cada favela carioca cre un territorio con estatuto propio y distinto de la ciudad. Cre sus propios cdigos y dio origen a una micronacin. Obligada a estructurarse para sobrevivir, es la obra mxima de una pobreza precariamente asistida y es la forma por la cual constituye un sucedneo para las lagunas de la ciudadana.10 Acaso convenga volver una vez ms al tema. Otros autores tambin defienden la importancia de estea abordaje del tema al analizar la produccin de discursos culturales en las zonas de contacto (PRATT, 1999). Jess Martn-Barbero enfatiza en De los medios a las mediaciones que, ms que objetos de polticas, la comunicacin y la cultura constituyen hoy un campo primordial de batalla poltica: el estratgico escenario que exige que la poltica recobre su dimensin primordial su capacidad de representar el vnculo entre los ciudadanos, el sentimiento de pertenencia a una comunidad para enfrentar la erosin del orden colectivo (MARTN-BARBERO, 2003, p. 15). El Funk Prohibido como un elemento bastardo del mundo de la cultura es tambin uno de estos campos en que se estn librando pequeas batallas identitarias por sujetos que buscan reafirmar o construir su pertenencia a una comunidad. Constituye, por lo tanto, a partir de
10

Imagen 1

las propias narrativas con que estos sujetos representan su mundo, un tipo de sentimiento de nacin muy particular que se asocia ahora no al Estado nacional, sino a un territorio particular en donde el ente estatal no se inmiscuye y de lo cual se excluy casi completamente. El Funk Prohibido, al narrar el microcosmos de la favela, se convierte, entonces, en un instrumento que ayuda a hombres y a mujeres a imaginar un grupo al cual podran pertenecer. (Y aqu es inevitable la referencia a Benedict Anderson.) En la misma lnea de pensamiento de Ernest Renan en Quest-ce quune nation?11, Anderson propone que el fundamento de una nacin es que los individuos que integran su cuerpo se acuerden de mucha cosa en comn, y, adems, se hayan olvidado mucha cosa tambin de modo colectivo. Se conforma, as, la idea de nacin como comunidad imaginada (ANDERSON, 2008), la cual convocamos aqu para pensar una de las pequeas naciones que se proyectan y ganan fuerza con el debilitamiento de la figura del Estado-nacin como elemento estructurador de las identidades. Segundo Anderson, la nacin es imaginada como siendo intrnsecamente limitada (ANDERSON, 2008, p. 32.), ello porque posee fronteras bien definidas ms all de las cuales estn los miembros de otras comunidades, a las que no se pertenece. De esta forma, en un universo muy particular de disputas por mercados para el comercio de drogas ilcitas, el proibido publicita una marca (CV, TC o ADA) que es (o pretende serlo) al mismo tiempo una identidad colectiva vinculada a las comunidades populares. Frente a eso, se aliment constantemente la
11 Cf. RENAN, Ernest. Quest-ce quune nation?. In: ___. Oeuvres compltes. Paris: Calmann-Lvy. 1947-61, vol. I, p. 887-906.

LESSA, C. (2000) p. 297.

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visin de rivalidad, segn la cual para una faccin, como, por ejemplo, el grupo integrado por las bandas criminales identificadas bajo el nombre de Comando Vermelho (el ns o ns), todos los dems son enemigos (a gente o alemanes, en el vocabulario nativo). La razn de ser de esas formulaciones discursivas que movilizan constantemente las narrativas de conflictos armados consiste antes que nada en diferenciarse de lo que a ellos es externo. La pertenencia se construye, como sugiere Bauman (2003, p. 27-28), por la imposicin y defensa de una frontera concreta o imaginaria que se impone entre nosotros (ns) y ellos. En ese horizonte, vale recurrir a la comparacin con el contexto de formacin de las comunidades imaginadas para destacar el modo como los valores se establecen en el mundo de la pequea nacin por una dinmica propia que resignifica hechos silenciados o noticiados slo en las pginas policiales de la prensa local. El imaginario particular derivado de esta forma caracterstica de registrar y recordar el pasado en ciertos territorios populares cariocas definidos oficialmente como aglomerados subnormales12 tiende a crear mitos, promover hroes y cristalizar una memoria particular, desarrollndose una relacin de constante dilogo y negociacin con los valores generales que imperan en el mbito mayor de la ciudad. A veces se contraponen a estos, pero sin negarlos del todo. En esta relacin de tensin en la que diariamente los sujetos circulan por distintos territorios de la ciudad, se hace necesario reafirmar los valores a travs del contraste no con la unidad social mayor en que la pequea comunidad-nacin est insertada, sino con otras unidades sociales de igual proporcin y actuando en el mismo campo de valores y significados, como lo son las otras facciones o conjunto de favelas bajo un mismo dominio. Las letras de los Funks de Contexto se presentan como una de las distintas formas de estructurar las ideas, valores y conductas de los individuos a partir de las influencias del grupo a que pertenecen. Aunque muchas veces haya sido nada ms que figuraciones identitarias en regiones de frontera, la agenda del Proibido de Faccin, como lo dice su propio nombre, es casi siempre el combate al enemigo que,
12 Segn el lenguaje adoptado por el Instituto Brasileo de Geografa y Estadstica (IBGE), son descritos como aglomerados subnormales los asentamientos irregulares conocidos por favelas, comunidades, invasiones, mocambos, palafitas, entre otros.

con su amenaza constantemente renovada, agrega un nuevo vigor al sentido de pertenencia al grupo. El predominio de la negociacin en las relaciones con las fuerzas desproporcionales de las instituciones de la ciudad formal, aun con la polica delante de la cual el arma ms adecuada parece ser el arrego (propina pagada a los policas para evitar la represin a la venta de drogas, en el lenguaje nativo), no se observa en el caso de la interaccin con otras facciones. En este caso, se impone siempre la lgica del enfrentamiento y la confrontacin. Pese a esto, cabe sealar que esta relacin marcada por una beligerancia feroz se muestra mucho ms acentuada en el plano de las formulaciones discursivas que en el plano de las prcticas cotidianas de las facciones de trfico al menudeo. Y no sorprende que sea as, ya que es justo en el plan de las representaciones puestas en circulacin por el Proibido que se reafirman los cdigos y los valores con destaque especial para los lmites de la percepcin que cada uno tiene de s mismo. Esta percepcin se reactualiza de modo enftico en una narrativa que, dado su carcter de ejemplaridad, subraya de modo insistente las infracciones y los castigos o sanciones previstos en el cdigo, manteniendo en el aire de modo omnipresente la amenaza de exclusin de la comunidad. A travs de la lectura de esas letras que casi nunca asumen una forma fija, podemos sentir la comunidad como un escenario de antagonismos en los cuales la construccin de la identidad a travs de la pertenencia a un universo especfico se basa en estrategias contrastivas o de oposicin: nosotros vs ellos. En una rivalidad aparentemente irreductible, el mundo se parte entre ns y a gente, como se puede deducir de la letra de funk Chumbo quente na Nova Holanda que dice: sai da frente porque ns no a gente13, sintagma que segn la semntica tradicional de la len13 Parodia de otro proibido intitulado Bope chumbo quente, hecho en homenaje a los integrantes del Batalln de Operaciones Especiales de la polica de Rio de Janeiro. El texto original demuestra el hecho de que parte de las fuerzas de seguridad comparte el mismo ethos guerrero de los grupos criminales armados. La msica presenta an la intencin explcita de legitimar la eliminacin sumaria de bandidos que pasan a ser vistos como enemigos externos siempre que reaccionen a la accin policial Esta concepcin del problema de la violencia relacionado al narcotrfico como un conflicto blico entre naciones rige la poltica de seguridad del Estado hace por lo menos una dcada. Una variante de esta composicin est disponible en el portal electrnico: <http://

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gua portuguesa no tendra cualquier sentido. O no tendra el sentido que se desprende del dominio de un contexto en que se contraponen amigos ( ns, expresin de pertenencia al Comando Vermelho) y enemigos ( a gente, expresin que identifica la pertenencia al grupo de los alemes, es decir, la faccin criminal enemiga)14. En un escenario cuyas fronteras de la nacin comunitaria son frecuentemente movibles, elsticas y discontinuas, para que se pueda integrar cohesivamente fragmentos de territorio que estn dispersos por toda la ciudad y pueden ser conquistados o perdidos a travs de accin guerrera, el proibido actu como importante instrumento para desarrollar (indistintamente) pertenencia a la comunidad y al comando armado que domina la regin. Proporcion, como otros tipos de discurso de la memoria, una conexin entre personas que nunca se han visto, pero comparten una misma memoria y percepcin de mundo. Hay una comunin entre ellos que se construye por medio de la palabra cantada. Ese discurso que tiene que ver con el modo como se comprende y como se representa el mundo se actualiza como aquello que los diferencia de los que no pertenecen a la comunidad, constituyndose como el dominio de una tradicin inventada comn que permite la distincin entre el nosotros y ellos (HOBSBAWM, RANGER, 2006). De ah surge un territorio poblado por hroes marginales que slo cobran sentido o solamente son conocidos/reconocidos en el mbito interno de la propia comunidad imaginada. El ethos guerrero: Slo no se puede huir Si no mato, me muero. Y si huyo, la moral no queda en pie.
Bezerra da Silva, en Legtima defensa

El aumento de la violencia en la ciudad a partir de la segunda mitad de los aos de 1990 tiene un eslabn con el fortalecimiento del ethos guerrero, lo que
www.youtube.com/watch?v=GfbTHGk5VTI&feature=rel ated>. Acceso en 15 dic. 2011. 14 En Brasil, el pronombre de segunda persona del plural (ns) tiene la variante informal a gente, largamente utilizada en los registros orales. Dada la gran importancia de esta oposicin en las letras de funk, se prefiri mantener las formas originales ns (acompaado del verbo ser que no establece relacin de concordancia con la primera persona de plural ns somos, sino que con la tercera persona de singular: ns) y a gente .

ocurre no slo entre las bandas armadas del trfico al menudeo, sino tambin en otros segmentos de la sociedad que se relacionan ms directamente con las prcticas o discursos ligados a estos grupos como, por ejemplo, las fuerzas policiales. Se puede percibir la predominancia creciente de una actitud guerrera a partir del aumento de la fe en un santo popular como So Jorge: polica o traficante, no importa el rol en el enfrentamiento puesto en escena por las prcticas y metforas de la guerra, es comn la devocin al santo guerrero. Otro contexto adecuado para pensarse el fenmeno es el que nos ofrecen las letras de Funks Prohibidos en las que se construye y se refuerza el mito del traficante guerrero. Vale resaltar que el patrn de comportamiento derivado del mito de la masculinidad (NOLASCO, 1995) con sus obligaciones y prerrogativas, es algo compartido por un universo ms amplio de la comunidad que el restricto crculo de jvenes que trabajan directamente para la faccin criminal. Esos cdigos desvelan la forma como el grupo social lee a s mismo y como se representa. Es esta red de lecturas cotidianas del mundo perifrico hechas por el propio subalterno que vamos a encontrar en las letras de Funk Prohibido como eco de un discurso que tambin aparece bajo otras formulaciones. Vase, por ejemplo, el caso de una residente de Rocinha una de las favelas de donde provienen los testimonios del libro Morro, mulher que narra una situacin de violencia mientras externa los valores que dan sentido a su existencia en la cual se destacan vivencias que construyen un mundo donde las nociones de honor y vergenza son fundamentales: Hubo una blitz aqu en el cerro y los hombres (la polica) pusieron a los tipos (narcos) vestidos de mujer pa bajarles la moral. Si fuera a mi hijo, yo preferira su muerte. (OGORMAN, 1984, p. 109).[Teve uma blitz aqui no morro e os homem botaram todos os caras vestido de mulher pra baixar a moral deles. Se for meu filho fazer isto, eu prefiro a morte dele.] Podemos percibir ah que el juicio que el grupo social hace de los individuos est basado en valores o reglas comunes, que todava consideran el honor masculino una virtud ms valiosa que la propia vida. Jorge Luis Borges, hablando del mundo de las periferias semi-rurales del Buenos Aires de comienzos del siglo XX y de los valores que se puenan en circulacin en las letras de tango, nos recuerda la ndole sexual y la ndole belicosa del gnero musical porteo, sugiriendo un vnculo entre ambas que podra ser encontrado en la raz etimolgica comn de las pala-

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muchas versiones de Tomamos o Adeus16, especie de pequea pesadilla pica cantada por MC Frank, hace el hroe reaparecer de las pginas policiales de la prensa diaria bajo la forma de bandidos de la periferia pobre de la ciudad al mismo tiempo que rescata del olvido los que no deben pasar sin dejar por lo menos el nombre registrado para su comunidad: Ai que saudade do PT Neguinho fortalecia O moleque era brao P..., ele era cria Vou mandar um papo reto Sabe o que que aconteceu? Ih f... Tomamo o Adeus todinho (...) S pra mandar na hora, escute o que eu vou dizer: Bonde da Fazendinha, relquia do MT O bonde preparado, meu mano, ns que cria Sai um bonde da Grota, outro da Nova Braslia O bonde da Chatuba, sabe como , O bonde pesado, mano, partiu a p O bonde preparado o bonde do Gordo Bonde do BH, neguinho, Parque Unio (...) Tiro pra c..., o meu mano BH Doda revoltado, preste ateno, tiro pra c..., estilo Afeganisto Ento, ih f... Tomamo o Adeus todinho17
16 Todos los Funks Prohibidos citados en este trabajo fueron sacados de CDs comprados en ferias populares de comunidades o en puestos de vendedores informales en donde este material se distribuye dentro de las favelas cariocas. En los casos en que se observ la posibilidad de acceso va Internet, se inform en nota el portal en que la msica y/o su letra est disponible. 17 Msica disponible en el portal YouTube, direccin electrnica: <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-gXo9P3HbGo>. La versin light de Tomamos o Adeus es demasiado conocida fuera de las favelas y se intitula Cabelo encolheu. Presenta una letra que narra un otro aspecto de lo cotidiano de las periferias: Ah, vou mandar un papo reto, essa vai para os guerreiros,/ Que tm una mulher que vai no cabeleireiro, gastou trinta reais e sabe o que que aconteceu?/ Ih choveu! cabelo encolheu! (todinho)/ Ih, choveu, cabelo encolheu!/ Vou mandar un papo reto, neguinho, v se me escu-

Imagen 2

bras varn (hombre) y virtud (que en latn quiere decir fuerza viril o coraje). Virtus, sera un trmino derivado de vir, que significaba hombre, pero tambin guerrero o soldado. Se asociara de ese modo, por lo tanto, la capacidad sexual y la capacidad guerrera como elementos constitutivos indisociables de la imagen pblica del sujeto masculino.15 Se refuerza, con esto, el mito modelar del guerrero viril, valoroso, hombre impar por el coraje, pese a no ser invencible ni tampoco presentarse como una figura sin defectos, aspecto que lo mantiene en el plano humano. Estos rasgos son caractersticos de un tono pico o caballeresco que en el funk encontramos ya totalmente degradado. En tiempos que imprimen la marca de la fugacidad a todas las existencias, con sujetos destinados a la rutina y al anonimato, ya no hay espacio para el herosmo pico, salvo el de esta pica degradada, la heroicidad decada de los infames que encontramos en las letras que narran las luchas entre facciones armadas, y ms precisamente en las que tratan de la reconquista del Morro do Adeus. Una de las

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15

BORGES, J. L. (1998) p. 134.

As las criaturas que pueblan las letras de lo prohibido cumplen un rol bastante central para las barriadas populares de Rio de Janeiro al presentarse como experiencia de aprehensin de una realidad invisible, innombrada, silenciada. La msica habla de hechos sucios en una prosa de grandilocuencia a ras del suelo, que vuelve peatonal lo que antes era auratizado (Saudades do PT, ai que saudade do Moral e o Z Gordo era o nosso general... Meu mano Mi que no t de brincadeira, vem o Pitoco com seu AK de madeira, MC G3). Esta crnica de los silencios de la grande urbe humaniza a los que estn asignados a morir annimamente en el infierno. Con la prosa simple e impactante encontrada por los subalternos para narrar el horror, prestigia y mitifica los hroes de la pequea comunidad imaginada. Se trata de una representacin de la imperfeccin social a travs de un lenguaje tambin imperfecto, marcado por la oralidad de los bordes de la ciudad y la sociedad, llena de jergas y palabrotas. Con una narrativa grosera y brutal, los MCs hacen un relato que dibuja esa realidad, cuentan las historias de vida de los protagonistas del narco, de sus victimas y de los habitantes de las barriadas populares. Como una de esas miradas reveladoras que traen a pblico, sin tapujos, escenas de la batalla librada entre narcos, policas, milicias paramilitares y brigadas de elite de las fuerzas del orden en zonas de la ciudad que los propios rganos de la prensa presentan a travs de metforas de guerra, Tomamos o Adeus busca grabar en la memoria de una faccin en prolongado conflicto armado con otra banda criminal la histrica conquista llevada a cabo por el Comando Vermelho del territorio que, por lo menos en un plano mtico, se presenta como el hecho ms importante para la identidad del grupo. Se presenta en destacado el guerrero muerto en el presente de la enunciacin pero que asumi una posicin de comando en la gesta brbara. Se nos informa la estrategia de desplazamiento para avanzar sobre el rea del oponente (o bonde ... partiu a p), y el nombre de las comunidades que integraran el proceso de cooptacin de alianzas con los grupos armados de otras favelas para
ta!/ Se voc fez escova, v se leva o guarda chuva!/ , no t de ca, gata, no t de gracinha/ Se voc fez implante, alisante o chapinha:/ Tome muito cuidado, sabe o que que aconteceu?/ Ih choveu, cabelo encolheu! Disponible en: <http://www.letras.com.br/mc-frank/cabelo-encolheu>. Acceso en 30 nov. 2011. En este punto del texto, mantuvimos las letras de las msicas en original debido a la gran cantidad de expresiones y jergas.

la formacin de la partida (bonde18) que va a invadir el territorio enemigo (de los alemanes). Adems de esto, la voz enunciadora pone una atencin especial al acto de listar a los principales guerreros que, en estilo Afeganisto, participaron en la retomada de Adeus, enfatizndose las cualidades de todos o de algunos en particular a causa de las virtudes guerreras (o bonde preparado, Doda revoltado) o por los critrios de pertenencia caracterizados por el vnculo con una determinada rea perifrica por ser sta su lugar de nacimiento (ns que cria). En otra versin de esta misma msica, se resalta la reunin previa para proyectar las estrategias de invasin al campo enemigo y la importancia del podero blico, con mencin directa a los caos o pas (bicos), en un discurso entrecortado por el insistente estribillo en conmemoracin a la conquista que, en algunas versiones, aparece coronada por el hecho de plantar la bandera con los colores de la faccin (rojo) en lo alto del cerro (morro) dominado. Y, por fin, como no podra faltar en un discurso que, ms que la crnica de la conquista de un territorio, acta en el proceso de cohesin identitaria, crendose una memoria pica que fortalece el lazo simblico entre diferentes cuadrillas agrupadas bajo la denominacin de Comando Vermelho19, son mencionados los nombres de los dos capos ms grandes: protagonista y antagonista de la accin guerrera que se destacaron en el imaginario de las barriadas populares y en la mitologa del crimen a lo largo los ltimos veinte aos, Orlando Jogador y U: (...) Vou mandar un papo reto Sabe o que que aconteceu? O bonde da Fazenda tomou o Adeus Se liga no papo, eu no t de ca Relquia das relquias do Orlando Jogador (...) O meu bonde, sem neurose, sempre fortaleceu Bico pra c... e partiu l pro Adeus Os mano sinistro fizeram a reunio Subiram o Adeus, s mandaram rajado
Conforme las necesidades de la estructura de la banda narco, hombres jvenes que viven en una misma favela o en favelas amigas, son reclutados a formar una partida (la denominada bonde) para transportar droga o armas de una favela para otras o para invadir un territorio del vecindario controlado por un comando rival. 19 ALVITO, M. (2001) p. 77.
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Se liga no papo, sabe o que que aconteceu? Ih, f..., tomamo o Adeus todinho (...) U ficou f..., mano, foi pro pneu o bonde preparado, sabe o que que aconteceu? Ns tomamo o Adeus Ih, f...20 Sin embargo, la narracin recurrente de la conquista del Cerro del Adeus, que parece referirse a algo que estara ms all del tiempo, en una especie de plano mtico que no llega a ser afectado por los cambios histricos como la alternancia de facciones en el dominio de un mismo territorio, parece constituirse en una excepcin. Las letras de los proibides de faccin se presentan casi siempre como el registro de un hecho o deseo circunstancial, caracterizndose en el propio universo temtico el elemento que lo define como construccin desechable. Podramos dar como ejemplo de este factor que marca la condicin poco duradera de los proibides el proyecto de invasin y conquista de una comunidad rival que no llega a concretarse, sino que, al revs, es esta que se convierte en fuerza expansionista, conquistando el territorio desde donde parta la amenaza. Despus de aos de guerra particular en los que en incontables letras el grupo criminal que dominaba la comunidad de Vigario Geral amenaz a la vecina Parada de Lucas (Lucas vai virar CV), fue de hecho de esta favela (Parada de Lucas) de donde parti el bonde que fue a invadir y conquistar el vecindario enemigo. Otro ejemplo de esa condicin pasajera de las letras del Funk Prohibido est en el acto de nombrar al capo enemigo con referencias que debilitan su virilidad, con lo que se busca desmoralizar de paso a toda la faccin rival. El criminal cuyo que aparece hoy en una letra escrita con esta intencin en la semana siguiente puede estar muerto o desaparecido y el discurso pierde completamente su sentido. Tal es el caso del funk que dice que el capo de La faccin Amigos dos Amigos (ADA) llevaba bragas: Nosso bonde bolado, mete bala na Getam/ Vou dar s tapo na cara do comdia do Gangan/ Eu vi un tal de Linho rebolando de calcinha). Salvo las que registran, exponen y archivan lo que los dignos de memoria han hecho aqu en este mundo, la mayora de las msicas grabadas en los shows
20

Imagen 3

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Msica disponible en el portal YouTube, direccin electrnica: <http://www.universoalegria.com.br/videos/single/id/-gXo9P3HbGo>. Acceso en 18 dic. 2011.

de los MCs en bailes de comunidades tienen una vida demasiado corta, y hasta puede que un determinado registro sonoro de gran xito en el circuito alternativo por un periodo llegue a desaparecer completamente sin dejar vestigios siquiera en YouTube. Basta, por ejemplo, que el baile haya sido organizado en homenaje a un cumpleaero cuya imagen con el paso del tiempo se convierta en la de un traidor del grupo. Con esto, las referencias elogiosas registradas en la grabacin de las msicas cantadas en la fiesta se vuelven objeto de un olvido sistemticamente construido. Se trata de una produccin para el ahora, crnica do lo inmediato, como el periodismo diario. De modo que cuando algunas letras empiezan a circular en CDs piratas o cuando son subidas a YouTube ya estn desatualizadas puesto que hablan de realidades que ya han evolucionado o se han transformado radicalmente. Pero esa fluidez inaprensible de una red de discursos en que se condensa lo efmero se sedimenta en variantes construidas alrededor de una base comn, lo que nos permite identificar patrones en la dinmica de estos espacios y en la accin de sus actores principales. Vale decir, para una precisin mayor del enfoque de este objeto tan conflictivo y mltiple, que lo que buscamos es precisamente el punto en que el registro trasciende la circunstancia y el recorte del discurso prohibido excede la mirada del autor y sus negociaciones con distintos factores involucrados en el rito de la bailanta. Reconocemos, sin embargo, que el discurso del Funk Prohibido es esencialmente determinado por las circunstancias. Est relacionado a los eventos que marcan la situacin espacial y temporal en que es difundido, asumiendo un vnculo indisociable con el espacio y el momento histrico en que se promueve

el espectculo. Como no podra dejar de ser, el propio pblico ejerce una gran influencia en el proceso de enunciacin y el MC siempre lo lleva en cuenta al subir al escenario. Dependiente de todos estos factores y diferentemente de otros subgneros de funk, el discurso del Proibido de Contexto produce registros sonoros profundamente limitados en su difusin, teniendo en la casi totalidad de los casos una vida muy efmera en lo que atae a las selecciones que integran las colectneas copiadas y distribuidas en los mercados informales o en las ferias de las comunidades populares. Un funk como Rap da felicidade o Cabelo encolheu permanece tan actual hoy como en el momento en que fue producido o empez a difundirse, apareciendo como discursos no marcados por cualquier circunstancia particular. Los Proibides de Faccin, a su vez, dependen casi integralmente de las circunstancias y demuestran en eso el carcter central de su condicin desechable. En este mbito se encuadran de modo especial los Funks Prohibidos que dramatizan la rivalidad entre facciones, representando un enfrentamiento o un triunfo particular en la guerra sin fin en la que se enfrentan traficantes pertenecientes a comandos rivales. Estos registros sonoros de una determinada letra slo consiguen permanecer actuales mientras dura aquella particular configuracin de fuerzas que origin el rap de exaltacin. Por ejemplo, el verso A Rocinha CV e Comando no comandado, cantado en bailes de comunidades dominadas por el Comando Vermelho, no ms corresponde a la realidad cuando la faccin Amigos dos Amigos conquista esta favela de la Zona Sur carioca, haciendo que los proibides del Comando Vermelho dejen de celebrar el dominio sobre este territorio y transfieran el foco del discurso hacia proyectos o deseos de invasin del rea ahora en posesin de su oponente: J tomamos o Vidiga/ S t faltando a Rocinha/ Fale quem quiser falar/ Rocinha vai vermelhar (MC Max) o O bonde partiu pra Rocinha dentro do caminho da Light (MC Did). Otra tipologa de letras con gran potencial de obsolescencia involucra aquellas que mencionan por su nombre a los bandidos vivos que ocupan una posicin destacada en la jerarqua del trfico. En estos casos, la validez de la letra slo se mantiene mientras dura el periodo de poder del jefe de la cuadrilla referido en la letra. Un buen ejemplo es el proibido que exalta el liderazgo de la banda criminal en la letra que dice: Oi quem vem puxando o bonde o Tota e

o Fausto en oposicin a Bala no Jansen e bala no Tota cantada tiempos despus21. Sin embargo, en el caso de los discursos elegacos, las manifestaciones de aoranza, a causa del propio objeto de la enunciacin ser el desaparecimiento de un personaje a cuya imagen se pretende dar un carcter de permanencia, la obsolescencia de las letras no se observa de la misma forma. Personajes importantes en el mundo del crimen carioca como Orlando Jogador siguen presentes en letras de Funk Prohibido muchos aos despus de su muerte. Pero no slo los bandidos cuyas figuras tuvieron fuerte repercusin en la imprenta o que murieron mientras ocupaban una alta posicin en la jerarqua interna del mundo narco merecen pasar a integrar, va discurso de lo prohibido, la memoria social de estos micro espacios de la urbe. Figuras del segundo o tercero escaln de la estructura criminal de una simple favela, como Nino y Michinho, tambin pueden incorporarse a la memoria de determinados territorios de la ciudad, como Parque Unio o Nova Holanda, en el Complexo de Mar, tal como se puede ver en esta letra de un proibido de 2006:

Imagen 4

Aoranza eterna de Nino y de Michinho Que se fue, pero seguro el recuerdo no tendr fin Puedes estar seguro de que perdemos dos hermanos
21

Antnio Jos Ferreira, el Tota, que comand el trfico de drogas en el conjunto de favelas de Alemo y lleg a ser considerado por la prensa el traficante ms buscado de Rio, recibi homenaje en varios proibides hasta que, al ser muerto, en septiembre de 2008, por integrantes de su propia faccin, aparece en las crnicas prohibidas asumiendo otro rol: el de traidor ajusticiado por los suyos.

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Que sobre todo eran pura disposicin Recuerdo de los hermanos del Comando Vermelho Slo andaba pesado, echaba bala en los Terceiro En Parque Unio, slo bandido cabuloso 157 bolado, PU, bonde de Z Gordo22 A travs de discursos como ste, muchos individuos que integran esta cultura tan particular encuentran una forma de escapar de la no-existencia que es morir sin dejar memoria de sus actos, de su pasaje por la vida, salvo en los registros de ocurrencia de delitos que van a perderse en los archivos policiales o en la crnica roja de la prensa local. Tal vez la principal caracterstica de los Otros, desde los brbaros y esclavos de la antigedad hasta las masas de las periferias urbanas del siglo XXI, sea la imposibilidad de acceso a los instrumentos de voz y, a falta de stos, la ausencia de registros de su experiencia para las generaciones siguientes. Los que no tienen acceso a la palabra escrita o a los medios de representacin estn condenados, por lo tanto, a una zona obscura que no resiste al asedio de cronus. Alba Zaluar, en un ensayo intitulado Rio de Janeiro: fronteiras urbanas cuestiona: Tendran los hombres (y mujeres) abandonado integralmente la bsqueda, aun vana, de la fama, de la gloria, o de aquello que los griegos llamaban inmortalidad, en las ciudades modernas?23 Podemos contestar enfticamente que no. Esta bsqueda contina a ser observada en diferentes mbitos como el mundo de los deportes o de las artes y, ms particularmente, en el universo de las fronteras urbanas de que hablamos aqu, en la actividad guerrera vivida por los que libran la lucha por territorios o actan en la defensa de los intereses de una faccin criminal. Protagonizar una letra de funk no significa la inmortalidad, pero s un triunfo pasajero sobre el olvido. En la letra de Vivos somos traicionados, MC Did canta las perspectivas que se dibujan en el horizonte de los que actan en la rbita del grupo armado: Vivos somos traicionados Reclusos, olvidados
MC Duda do PU. Saudades eternas do Nino y do Michinho. CD de Funk Prohibido no identificado. Comprado en Parque Unio (Favela de Mar) en 2006. 23 ZALUAR, Alba. Rio de Janeiro: fronteiras urbanas. In: Item.6: Fronteiras. Rio de Janeiro: Casa da Palavra, maro 2003, p. 21. [p. 18-33.]
22

Muertos, slo dejamos aoranza Es Paz, Justicia y Libertad24 Joaqun Mara Aguirre, en el ensayo Hroe y sociedad, destaca el vnculo entre los valores sociales y los valores heroicos, derivando estos de los valores compartidos en una sociedad con cohesin suficiente como para proyectar a todos (o para la mayora de sus miembros) un ideal de virtud, independiente de lo que el grupo conciba por virtud:

para que aparezca el hroe, la sociedad ha de tener un grado de cohesin suficiente como para que existan unos valores reconocidos y comunes. Sin valores no hay hroe; sin valores compartidos, precisando ms, no puede existir un personaje que permita la ejemplificacin heroica. El hroe es siempre una propuesta, una encarnacin de ideales. La condicin de hroe, por tanto, proviene tanto de sus acciones como del valor que los dems le otorgan.25
Muchos cambios se registraron, a lo largo de los ltimos diez aos, en el imaginario asociado a las favelas, y la figura del hroe no podra quedarse ajena a ellos si llevamos en cuenta que su condicin o la propia concepcin de la heroicidad depende de los valores dominantes y van a variar, por tanto, segn el contexto histrico. En este sentido, se destaca la importancia del funk como un instrumento de vehiculacin de mensajes que crean a los hroes a partir de un modelo de virtudes compartido por las pequeas naciones que son las comunidades populares bajo el dominio de facciones armadas del narcotrfico. En contrapunto no slo con los cdigos y leyes, sino tambin con la concepcin de virtud dominante en la ciudad formal, estas comunidades, o una parte significativa de ellas, presentan una adhesin social a los valores representados por el hroe marginal. Cada grupo fabrica sus hroes segn su propia imagen, pero al
MC Did. Vivos somos trados. Disponible en: <http:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=67VIuAqat9k>. Acceso en 30 nov. 2011. 25 AGUIRRE, Joaqun Mara. Hroe y Sociedad: El tema del individuo superior en la literatura decimonnica. Revista Espculo, Revista de Estudios Literarios. Facultad de Ciencias de la Informacin Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Ao I, n. 3, 1996. (Revista Digital Cuatrimestral). Disponible en: <http://www.ucm.es/info/especulo/numero3/heroe. htm>. Acceso en 30 nov. 2011. (Destacado nuestro.)
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mismo tiempo es tambin constituido por los discursos que se difunden en lo colectivo, y, por eso, podemos hacer un esfuerzo para leer a estos grupos vinculados a la violencia armada, pero tambin, por extensin, a las comunidades dominadas por ellos, a partir de sus hroes y de los discursos que narran estas vidas que se pretenden impares. Zygmunt Bauman llama la atencin para esta relacin cruzada entre representaciones y realidad representada: Las vidas vividas y las vidas contadas son, por esta razn, estrechamente interconectadas y interdependientes. Podremos decir, lo que es paradjico, que las historias de vidas contadas interfieren en las vidas vividas antes que las vidas hayan sido vividas para que sean contadas...26 Los valores son transmitidos, con o sin intencin, a partir de formulaciones discursivas puestas en circulacin en un grupo y stas acaban por ejercer un rol fundamental en el proceso de socializacin de los individuos. Insertndose en el universo ms amplio de los cambios sociales simblicos, el Funk Prohibido difunde una representacin que interfiere de modo profundo en el desarrollo de creencias, valores y conductas de los sujetos representados. Segn Stuart Hall el modo como las cosas son representadas y las maquinarias y regmenes de representacin en una cultura ejercen un rol constitutivo, y no slo reflexivo, despus de lo que ocurri.27 * * * El Funk Prohibido tuvo su momento culminante al alrededor de la mitad de la primera dcada del siglo XXI cuando los grandes nombres del proibido se volvieron tambin los grandes nombres del funk en general. A comienzos de la segunda dcada del siglo XXI, sin embargo, percibimos que el funk est en una encrucijada. El oyente ms atento o el frecuentador ms asiduo de las bailantas (bailes) seguramente habr observado la diferencia patente en las msicas que tocan desde los ltimos meses de 2010 y concluir inevitablemente que el funk est terminando un ciclo. El funk sigue popular en las periferias y favelas, pero se volvi ms abierto a negociaciones con un nmero ms grande de actores sociales y aparece menos marcado por el relato directo y brutal de la
26 27

Imagen 5

BAUMAN, Z. (2008) p. 15. HALL, Stuart. In: BAUMAN, Z. (2008) p. 15.

vida en la comunidad. Se pierde parte de su carcter de expresin cruda de la realidad y, por tanto, de su violencia visceral, pero por ello transita mejor por los diferentes espacios de la ciudad. Aquella realidad que dio origen al Proibido de Contexto con la prohibicin de los bailes de club y la proliferacin de los bailes de comunidad ya no existe ms. El funk, tal como los territorios de donde estuvo proscrito por una dcada, vuelve a integrar el mapa geogrfico, social y cultural de la ciudad. El funk, que se transform en uno de los instrumentos ms adecuados para comprender la cultura juvenil de la periferia carioca, asumi una nueva diccin cuando lo proscribieron hacia los espacios en donde se imbric con el mundo del crimen, pasando a destacarse, junto con el narcocorrido mexicano y la cumbia villera argentina, como ms un producto de las subculturas de la violencia. Ahora, en un movimiento inverso, parece estar abandonando los espacios de proscripcin y se vuelve imposible negar que el estilo actual del movimiento evidencie una contramarcha. La reconfiguracin del trfico de drogas, con el surgimiento de una nueva generacin de narcos sin fusil, provoc una urgente y necesaria reconversin del producto con que trabajaban los MCs de funk: las narrativas de representacin identitaria. El mundo que los cercaba era denominado por cdigos similares a los que ellos ponan en escena a travs de sus letras. En un cuadro como se, la crisis vivida por el proibido y el surgimiento de nuevas formas de expresin en el mundo funk estn implicados en el fenmeno de desaparecimiento de las condiciones necesarias para la produccin del discurso del Funk de Faccin. Y hablamos aqu tanto de las condiciones materiales (la progresiva dis-

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minucin de los bailes de comunidad en reas dominadas por el trfico) como de las imaginarias (las radicales alteraciones en un contexto de sociabilidad basado en el ethos guerrero). La prdida de dominio sobre el territorio por parte de las facciones armadas produjo en los individuos que las integraban una percepcin de la inviabilidad de aqul modelo de trfico, lo que fue tambin la seal para los MCs del ocaso de Funk Prohibido. Cada poca trae consigo una concepcin propia del rol a ser desempeado por los sujetos de una comunidad particular, reforzando o debilitando un repertorio de visiones de mundo en donde se incluyen la heroicidad guerrera o la idea de virtud, lo que ir tambin definir dinmicamente el rol de las representaciones para esa comunidad. Teniendo eso en cuenta, debemos concluir que el discurso actual del funk carioca no podra dejar de acompaar y referirse directa o indirectamente en sus letras un evento que trajo cambios profundos para el escenario de la produccin de los discursos. A partir de la ceremonia informal de izar la bandera nacional llevada a cabo por las tropas de pacificacin en lo alto del Morro do Alemo, hecho que simboliz la ostentacin de un poder que no podra ser combatido, se demuestra que la estrategia de confrontacin adoptada no slo por los jvenes que constituyen el brazo armado del mundo narco, sino por la misma polica a travs de sus fuerzas especiales, ya no era vlida, puesto que el enemigo optaba por huir sin luchar, abdicando del territorio dominado. La faccin o el capo local no puede enfrentarse a un oponente que trasciende a su fuerza de combate, y esto pasa cuando el enfrentamiento armado tiene del otro lado no a los hombres de la polica local con sus armamentos tradicionales, sino a las tropas del Ejrcito y de la Marina con tanques blindados, helicpteros y equipos de visin nocturna. La disparidad de fuerza actu decisivamente como elemento de disuasin. Este fue tambin el momento de crisis de un modelo de representacin de la realidad fundado en las metforas de la guerra. Ello demuestra que el centro de la cuestin est en la disputa de representaciones sociales construidas en los momentos de gran miedo cuando se proyectan figuraciones del Otro como enemigo a ser combatido. Era necesario desmilitarizar la imaginacin de todos los lados involucrados en el conflicto (facciones criminales, polica, prensa radial o televisiva y sociedad en general).

Para una generacin que creci bajo la influencia de estas figuraciones de subjetividad que dictaban rgidas reglas de conducta y reforzaban un estilo de masculinidad, pero tambin, a la par, era marcada por las experiencias que transformaban el mundo a su alrededor, ese giro cultural fue una verdadera onda modernizadora: formas fijas empezaron a ganar fluidez y tanto el trfico de menudeo como el funk empezaron a vivir su momento lquido. El lugar desde el cual hablaban los MCs (ms que la comunidad geogrfica, la faccin que la territorializaba) ya no existe con la configuracin antes presentada, la de una especie de para-Estado. Con este reconocimiento, se abren las puertas para incursiones en un discurso funk polimorfo en que se diversifican los temas, los estilos y las vertientes. Reformateado a partir de negociaciones varias que se observan en este nuevo momento, el Funk Prohibido fue, a su vez, progresivamente domesticado con vistas a insertarse en los nuevos nichos de mercado a travs de una diccin menos agresiva y violenta. En este nuevo escenario, el alter ya no podra ms contar su(s) historia(s) con el lenguaje de la barbarie. Bibliografia
1. ALVITO, Marcos. As cores de Acari: uma favela carioca. Rio de Janeiro: Editora FGV, 2001. 2. ANDERSON, Benedict. Comunidades imaginadas: reflexes sobre a origem e a difuso do nacionalismo. Trad. Denise Bottman. So Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2008. 3. BAUMAN, Zygmunt. Comunidade: a busca por segurana no mundo atual. Trad. Carlos Alberto Medeiros. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Editor, 2003. 4. _________. A sociedade individualizada: vidas contadas e histrias vividas. Trad. Jos Maurcio Gradel. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Editor, 2008. 5. _________. Vidas desperdiadas. Trad. Carlos Alberto Medeiros. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Editor, 2005. 6. BORGES, Jorge Luis. Evaristo Carriego. Madrid: Alianza, 1998. 7. CECCHETTO, Ftima Regina. Violncia e estilos de masculinidade. Rio de Janeiro: Editora FGV, 2004. 8. DAMATTA, Roberto. Conta de mentiroso: sete ensaios de antropologia brasileira. 2 ed. Rio de Janeiro: Rocco, 1994. 9. HERSCHMANN, Micael. Abalando os anos 90: funk e hip hop: globalizao, violncia e estilo cultural. Rio de Janeiro: Rocco, 1997. 10. _________. O funk e o hip-hop invadem a cena. Rio de Janeiro: Editora UFRJ, 2000. 11. HOBSBAWM, Eric J, RANGER, Terence. A inveno das tradies. Trad. Celina Cardim Cavalcanti. 4 ed. So Paulo: Paz e Terra, 2006. 12. LESSA, Carlos. O Rio de todos os Brasis. Rio de Janeiro: Record: 2000.

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13. MAINGUENEAU, Dominique. Cenas da enunciao. Org. Srio Possenti e Maria Ceclia Prez de Souza-e-Silva. Trad. Maria Ceclia Prez de Souza-e-Silva et al. So Paulo: Parbola, 2008. 14. MARTN-BARBERO, Jess. Dos meios s mediaes: comunicao, cultura e hegemonia. Trad. Ronald Polito e Srgio Alcides. 2 ed. Rio de Janeiro: Editora UFRJ, 2003. 15. NOLASCO, Scrates. O mito da masculinidade. Rio de Janeiro: Rocco, 1995. 16. _________. De Tarzan a Homer Simpson: banalizao e violncia masculina em sociedades contemporneas ocidentais. Rio de Janeiro: Rocco, 2001. 17. OGORMAN, Frances. Morro, mulher. So Paulo: Edies Paulinas, Fase, 1984. 18. PRATT, Mary Louise. Os olhos do imprio: relatos de viagem e transculturao. Trad. Jzio Hernani Bonfim Gutierre. Bauru, SP: EDUSC, 1999.

narrative fiction with the powerful role for the sociability of these territories. Reading this music which tells the experience of a world of drugs in the city of Rio de Janeiro (Brasil) seems an attempt to understand the phenomenon not as a police matter but as a development of representation processes from below, from the bottom. Key words: favela, funk carioca, narco rhythms, music of the periphery, nation

Summary The Funk of Rio de Janeiro and the Imagined Communities: between the Prohibition by Law and Making Peace by War At a moment when the operations against the favelas continue and multiple urban interventions are performed in the city of Rio de Janeiro, to prepare the hosting of the Olympic Games and part of the Football World Cup Championship 2014, highlighting the staging of a narrative which is characteristic to a state of war with elite units of the Military Police, the Civil Police and army troops who enter communities with tanks and helicopters, it seems important to try to escape the media magic and shift the gaze to the critical discourses that present reality from the other side, where the absence of a State and the dominance of drugs generate another form of life. With a history of the formation process and the recent changes of one of the most powerful cultural manifestations of the Latin American peripheries (Funk Carioca) and with the analysis of some aspects featured by a corpus formed of letters, which include the tough and bloody data of the violent armed world, the assay tries to account for the importance of the Forbidden Funk or Proibido in a study of the popular contemporaneous culture in Rio. It also tries to account for the metamorphosis of such a discourse in times of peace in the township of Rio, where the police behave with residents as an occupation army. The articulation of the discourse of the forbidden and the chronicles of the city with its criminal characters and simple inhabitants of excluded and segregated regions allows us to conceive a new text instead of staging a

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TIINE SOCIO UMANE

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Bogdan Dragomirescu

Adorno and the Rationalization of Art

drgmrsc.bogdan@yahoo.fr 1. The path to the transformation of art. Theodor Adornos writings which are dealing with artistic concepts and problems represent an extensive part in his overall publishing record. From the onset, we have to acknowledge that his aesthetic theory, of which the major part is dedicated to the discussion and analysis of music, cannot be approached as an isolated segment, one which would dismiss his more popular philosophical and sociological theories. On the contrary, when covering the shift of music within the industrialized society, the emergence of films, the overall transformations in the artistic and aesthetic paradigms, he maintains continuously in view the overall changes which affect society on a multifaceted level. To this respect, the alteration which is of the utmost importance would be the progressive development towards a more rationalized Weltanschauung which, from the onset of the Enlightenment onward, leads the way towards an increasingly disenchanted world and permeates the entire social cluster and institutions. The changes that impact the bourgeois society concerning the economic, social, and political levels, along with their reverberations in the ideological stratum, let their ripples infiltrate the artistic space as well, as the reception of the work of art is modified, as the passing of leisure time becomes administrated, as the aesthetic taste is left open to the influence exercised by the social commonness, and arts overall principles are affected. The first question that has to be addressed is why is art susceptible to suffer influences from extra-aesthetic realms? Attempting to offer an answer to this question means we first have to surprise a definition for art; and, according to Adorno, a universal definition cannot be provided. Instead, art should be understood in its concrete relations with a defined historical and social moment: Kunst hat ihren Begriff in der geschichtlich sich verndernden Konstellation von Momenten; er sperrt sich der Definition (Adorno 1997a: 11). Approached in the modern society, art will bear the influence of the Enlightenment as well, since it cannot be abstracted from the social and historical background, but: Kunst insgesamt und die Musik im besonderen zeigt heute sich erschttert durch eben jenen Proze der Aufklrung, an dem sie selber teilhat und mit dem ihr eigenen Fortschritt zusammenfllt (Adorno 1997c: 21). When we look at the moment of the Enlightenment we see that, as the enlightened society progresses towards an ever increasing rationalization, it does not strive anymore to become the pinnacle of humanistic ideals. On the contrary, as Adorno has acknowledged alongside Horkheimer in the Dialectic of Enlightenment, this society manages to hide in itself, behind the ideals of reason, the marks of immaturity and barbarism. Reason itself is deprived of its initial glamor as it has turned instrumental, as it becomes the supporting pillar for the expanding domination of the world, both natural and social. As a consequence, bourgeois society becomes the manifestation of a world where autonomy is more and more elusive and liberty becomes questionable. This trajectory leads to a dehumanization of society and its changes will affect art as well in this world, art begins to lose the grip on its own autonomy. Slowly but surely, art has become a synonym for entertainment and is increasingly associated with lack of seriousness. Art should be more than the empirical, it should be a self-produced transcendence. This is no longer the case, since the work of art now comes to end abruptly at the level of the surface. We have to raise a question at this point relating to the understanding of art as a concrete determination;

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as Adorno underlines in sthetische Theorie, deutbar ist Kunst nur an ihrem Bewegungsgesetz, nicht durch Invarianten. Sie bestimmt sich im Verhltnis zu dem, was sie nicht ist (Adorno 1997a: 12). Wouldnt this sentence imply that the extent to which art is transformed within the bourgeois society would lay the ground for a new legitimation of the artistic realm? All the more as art cannot be reduced to the immediate, to the bare empirical existence; it implies the internalization of conceptions that are not its own, that become manifest through the social organization. Moreover, the receptor of the work of art is as much part of the work itself as is its creator. Therefore, the work of art is a dialectical expression on a multiple level it represents the mediation of the creative subjective through the social objectivity1, but it doesnt appear as fulfilled at this level. Between the authorial intentions in the final work of art and the subjectivity of the receptor2, a new process appears, a new mediation of the social objectivity through what at first appears as an outsider. But, in this sense, the work of art is never fully completed. Its reception is as much included in the work as the concepts employed in its making, as the personal idiosyncrasies of the author or the dialectical appropriation of the material. From this perspective, art cannot be dismissed from the industrialized society. It begets a new legitimacy which is, ultimately, imposed upon it. It is encompassed more and more by the sphere of the kitsch, while what might pass as real or serious art becomes increasingly isolated. But precisely this development offers the access to a new, historically mediated truth which, as degenerate as it may be, provides a new foundation since art can only be accomplished historically. It may be a sick art, but it must be grasped as such, as the symptom of a stricken society. 2. The alteration of art in the rationalized society. This stricken society hinders the realization of the universality of the work of art; the work of art should presuppose an objective structure which reflects the
As he will continue later on, Ausdrucksvoll ist Kunst, wo aus ihr, subjektiv vermittelt, ein Objektives spricht: Trauer, Energie, Sehnsucht (Adorno 1997a: 170). 2 We acknowledge that, within the rationalized society, subjectivity becomes a redundancy as the group and its objectivity prevail over the individual. We use the term here simply to underline the fact that the work of art is not a fixed product, but it should invite the spectator to a meaningful dialogue which accentuates reciprocity.
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universal (not in an atemporal extension, however). This does not imply that it has immediate and unrestricted access to the universal, since the universal will elude an unmediated approach. Therefore, the work of art cannot operate a direct immersion in the universal. On the contrary, art can only attain it after it has established the individual, therefore through an absolute mediation: by reaching the acme of genuine individualization, only by obstinately following up the desiderata of its own concretion, does the work of art become truly the bearer of the universal (Adorno 1997b: 652). This mediation is lost when it comes to the culture industry; in this case, art only answers to calls heeded by the imposed and neutralized aesthetic needs and, as such, it loses not only the auratic character, but also any residue of individuality. Art in general and music in particular have been transformed into commodities; they no longer speak to the public, and instead have an imposed economic value speak for them. The fissure is only destined to expand as the technological means of reproduction become more advanced and the overall artistic realm is included within the exchange market: Sie [die Kunst] dient nicht mehr dem unmittelbaren Bedrfnis und Gebrauch, sondern fgt sich mit allen anderen Gtern dem Zwang des Tausches um abstrakte Einheiten und ordnet mit ihrem Gebrauchswert, wo immer er brig sein mag, dem Tauschzwang sich unter (Adorno 1997i: 729). Art can now no longer raise claims of realizing the universal, instead being focused on over-appreciating the quantitative of an alienated reception. For the contemporary society, which has been affected by the administered character of art and entertainment, an ascending manifestation can be encountered the dislocation of the qualitative by the quantitative enforces the feebleness of the statute which art now possesses to the point that the legitimacy of its existence is now precarious3. Through this optic we move towards the immediate existence of art its empirical is an essential constituent, under the aspects of material and form. The progression of art will find its incipient point on the level of the material, since it is at this level that the work of art and the author find themselves initially related in a dialectical
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Cf. ber das gegenwrtige Verhltnis von Philosophie und Musik, in Gesammelte Schriften Band 18, p. 150.

dependence4. However, art never exhausts itself or, at least, it should not consume itself as an empirical existent, even if art can be viewed as expressing an identity with the Seienden; the problem is that, ever since the emergence of the bourgeois society, this identity is no longer natural, instead being forced through the social space. Consequently, arts identity with the empirical will eventually fail. For Adorno, the identity of art supposes an affirmation of the non-identical5. As a consequence of this perspective, art can become a weapon which attacks the reified state of affairs particular to the bourgeois society and, later on, of the advanced industrialized one. Care should be taken, however, so as not to consider the empirical facet of art as completely exonerated. The manner in which the focus on the empirical identity can be properly protested against is only if this aspect is internalized within the protest itself. Art not only appropriates the immediate, it also internalizes their mutual conflict. Therefore, a separation of art from its antagonism with the immediate, separation which would be final and inexorable, becomes impossible. Art cannot identify itself completely with either of the two levels that condition it (empirical and social-historical); therefore, it should not be concluded that art can only encounter a wobbly pretension for autonomy. Art remains a for-itself by internalizing these two aspects, but not an ideal for-itself (as Hegel had envisioned it) since it would exonerate the dialectical connections with the immediate. Instead, this dialectical connection with the immediacy of the social cluster enforces the claim of art as being variable, an optic that is essential for Adornos conception: Kunst ist die gesellschaftliche Antithesis zur Gesellschaft, nicht unmittelbar aus dieser zu deduzieren (Adorno 1997a: 19). This consideration casts a new light over the reproduction of the work of art; for example, in the case of music, the discussion cannot be consumed only by addressing the immediate or technical limitations of the piece in question. The opposite direction proves insufficient as well it is not merely a question of accounting for the subjectivity either of the creator, or of the interpreter. The question of reproduction has to address both these levels on top of a substantial graCf. Reaktion und Fortschritt, Gesammelte Schriften Band 17, p. 134. 5 It is not only that genuine art opposes the reduction to the empirical; it has to be a reaction to a general, not a mere particular: Sie sind nicht allein das Andere der Empirie: alles in ihnen wird ein Anderes (Adorno 1997a: 126).
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sp of the piece, one also has to foresee the subjectivity of the player. If one chooses to remain to a purely subjective apprehension of the musical piece, then he misses the trans-individual, the intrinsic presence of society in the creation. The subject who communicates through the musical piece is not only bringing himself into the dialogue but, through his creation, he manages to invite the entire community. It is in this manner that the reproduction of any given work does not become a separation from its initial production, but a response to it6. When the process of rationalization overtakes the artistic medium, it will enforce itself over the aesthetic categories as well, namely over mimesis. As a consequence, mimesis will be from now on an expression of the false, since any significant connection between method and material has been severed: Geflscht wird das mimetische Moment desto grndlicher, je mehr die sthetischen Zeichensysteme als Konventionen den Ausdruck bndigten. Kitsch ist nichts als die durch Vergegenstndlichung geflschte Mimesis (Adorno 1997g: 636). This process will prohibit a return to an open moment of mimesis since it will only present itself in a rationalized manner; due to the connection between method, material, and form, this impact will eventually reverberate over the other two elements as well. On the one hand, this implies that a pure resurgence of the aesthetic is out of the question. The work of art cannot be confronted when it is limited to its aesthetic moment; it is from this point of view that Adorno bashes the concept of lart pour lart, which eludes the experiential background, both individual and social, which affect any given work of art. The aesthetic emerges after these aspects have been confronted. On the other hand, the opposite direction is fruitless as well attempting to revitalize art by excluding the aesthetic due to its corruption, while articulating only the extra-aesthetic and attempting its appropriation later as an artistic category is an exercise in futility. We have to ask ourselves if, next to the extreme stances that parody art7, the concept of art for
As Adorno says, da sie in der Generalbapraxis fast zusammenfallen (Adorno 1997j: 441). 7 For instance, one of the most defining moments for the artistic world is represented by the utmost act of parody the ready-made The Fountain of Marcel Duchamp has been voted by critics as the most influential artistic work of all time; cf. http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2004/dec/02/arts.artsnews1.
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arts sake shouldnt be scrutinized as an idealized abstraction of the aesthetic, but on the contrary, as the immanent reaction to a society which only perceives sketches and surfaces; against this extreme superficiality, reaction is bound to follow the utmost exaggeration in the opposite direction. This is because in this society there seems to be no place left for moderation. Adorno doesnt address this type of question, which to us appears as somewhat disconcerting since he is thus eliminating this moment precisely through the reduction which he, in turn, criticizes. 3. Relation to the public and protest. Since the development of art is also dependent upon its relation with the public, we must at this point expand upon the manner in which the relation between the receptor and the work of art alters itself from the onset of the bourgeois society onward. When the work of art is maintained merely as gratification, it will be separated from the antagonisms which actually feed its existence. When we question the reception of the work, we encounter two aspects; commercial art is sought after only in terms of surface and immediate enjoyment; serious art, on the other hand, is encountered with distrust. The new, the radical, is almost always rejected, a rejection which targets not only the fact that radical art goes against what are socially accepted forms, but also because it is a clear protest against the superficiality of the public: weil Kunst heute, wofern ihr berhaupt Substantialitt zukommt, ohne Konzession all das reflektiert und zum Bewutsein bringt, was man vergessen mchte (Adorno 1997c: 22). This aspect is more obvious in the case of the new music, where the category of dissonance goes beyond being a simple artistic artifact, as it encompasses the entire dissent against fetishism: die Dissonanzen, die sie [die Hrer] schrecken, reden von ihrem eigenen Zustand: einzig darum sind sie ihnen unertrglich (Adorno 1997c: 18). This act adds another level of mediation it is not only the spectator that is affected, but his reception is assimilated within the work of art. Were this act solely an empirical one, it would mean a complete reduction of the work of art to the immediate; on the contrary, it is an internalization of the message of the work reverberated through the spectator, to which he appends his impressions. For the modern spectator, however, reception is prevalently a sensual act; in this way he cannot access the claims that the work of art entails

and channels. The false consciousness that marks the period in question doesnt allow even for satisfaction to remain authentic: in der falschen Welt ist alle falsch (Adorno 1997a: 26). The senses, in their modernday primacy, will only relate to the work of art if the latter is regarded as a possession. Implicitly, what one looks for in art is always the immediate reaction; subjective implication from the part of the spectator is neither expected, nor encouraged. However, this manner of approaching the work of art cannot be granted the right to existence when meaningful art is concerned. The modern spectator will always miss the dual mediation of the existent, as it was previously invoked; he also overlooks the fact that the auratic character is a manifest antagonism against satisfaction. The layer of the immediate, in its turn, is only presupposed as it can lead to the immediate connection to the senses. From the moment the cultural industry turns the work of art into an exchange value, it begins to lose grasp on the propitiation character, no matter how reductive this character might be. What we are confronted with is an aesthetic simulacrum. Here, the alienated public will always miss the intimate connection between the artistic technique and the work of art as a general product; the two cannot be separated without missing aesthetic contemplation in its entirety8. Moreover, this new evaluation implies that art, instead of approaching the public and imposing its truth upon him, actually has to respond to the publics claims; in order to survive, the work of art must adapt to the expectations and preferences of the public. But even the public doesnt have any genuine wishes. Instead, it has lost its own autonomy and its requests are molded by the administered system of the culture industry. The work of art ceases to be a for-itself (Ansichsein), being instead turned into a for-another. However, reduced to the immediate, it no longer transmits anything through itself; the being for-another is therefore completely severed from being actually destined to a public. An example of this situation can be seen in the case of commercial music; it is reduced to themes and motives in a twofold process. Firstly, it responds to the limited attention span the public exhibits. The public favors the fragment over the whole of the mu8

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Cf. Die Funktion des Kontrapunkts in der neuen Musik, Gesammelte Schriften Band 16, p. 146. Even though this particular example relates to music, the necessity of the dialectical connection between the artistic technique and the ensemble is exemplary for the entire spectrum of art.

sical piece. He wants a limited complexity, that can be apprehended immediately and which he can whistle at will9. This is another manifestation of the fetishistic character, this time not the fetish of value, but that of content. Secondly, the reduction brings forth musicality and eliminates harmony. It is not only that the public emphasizes the musical piece which demands a minimum of attention; he lacks a proper musical education which should be maintained in the proximity of music. Between the two, there is an ever-increasing separation. The classics are butchered and reduced to clichs. In the classical piece, harmony determined musicality without submitting to it; musicality was not molding the musical piece, being instead a by-product that reached its purposefulness through the whole. This reduction goes even further, surpassing music and penetrating the social, where it evinces the displacement of human experience within the administered society: Zur Bestimmung des prekren Verhltnisses zur neuen Musik gengt indessen keineswegs der Rekurs auf die gesellschaftliche Entfremdung zwischen avancierter, unnachgiebiger Produktion und den Massen (Adorno 1997f: 189). In respect to the moment which comes to dominate over the whole of the musical piece, even the attention of the composer prefers the part and the detail. It is not merely a question of submitting to these details; the most important consequence resides in the fact that the whole is now disregarded. It is not a problem if the musical work in its entirety fails to grasp the public. What is seen as imperative is the fact that at least a fragment can be detached and that that fragment can become a viable reproduction. This continuous disengagement of the whole through the fragment is the fundamental reflection of the alteration which has occurred in the means-ends relation. In the relation between music and the contemporary public we see that, on the one side, music has to be able to impose itself to the public and to appease it beyond the publics resistance (since this imposition is received, or at least it should be, as the impositi9

on of a debauched conscience). Adorno considers that there still persists a trace of genuine conscience which opposes the fetishistic character (or, to be more precisely, the resistance which manifests against fetishism is an indicator of this potency). In any case, the culture industry has to affect and change this conscience. On the other side, focusing on the public which has yielded to kitsch, one can see the never-ending pursuing of the new not a radical new, however, but one that offers just another variation of the same product. As time passes, the new will eventually become something different, and wont be just a mere diversification; implicitly, music (and the whole realm of artistic expression, actually) has to integrate this pretense of the novel in order to survive for the public turned consumer. This is representative for the sickness of the age; the appreciation of the work never directs itself towards aesthetic content, towards values that should not be translated under the domination of exchange pretexts. It carries with it the weapon of ridicule; what cannot be appropriated, what is not willing to submit will be dismissed, isolated, and cast outside the market. This is the act of revenge that the culture industry bestows upon the non-economical artistic that is obstinate and refuses to be admitted under exterior impositions. Nevertheless, it is a very real threat serious art, in its isolation, carries the burden of monetary failure: Nichts nimmt Wrdigung ernst; sie tut es dem Kulturkonsumenten gleich, der die ewige Werte herbetet, damit sie ihn ungeschoren lassen, und sie insgeheim belchelt, weil sie machtlos sind gegenber Geld und materieller Verfgung. Zur Wrdigung gehren hier die Postamente und Nischen, Exil der angeblichen Schpfergenies, dort das anbiedernde Nherbringen; dazwischen wird die Sache, der man angeblich dient, zernichtet (Adorno 1997f: 165). * * * Art should make obvious the absurd pretexts of such a connection to society. As protest, art is not restricted only to the levels of the immediate, of the historical here and now. It objects against the ideological as well, against such a reductionist philosophy which attempts to bestow between men and things the connection of an imposed generalization. Art does not turn universal except by addressing the individu-

It is not only the part-whole relation that is affected; the material is depleted from the meaning of the piece as a whole, the form becomes an abstract, their mutual connection is severed; cf. ber den Fetischcharakter in der Musik und die Regression des Hrens, Gesammelte Schriften Band 14, p. 21.

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al; upon reality, it will impose the same paradigm. In turn, its expression should assume the fragmented order of reality; for instance, discussing the case of the essay, Adorno states that er denkt in Brchen, so wie die Realitt brchig ist, und findet seine Einheit durch die Brche hindurch, nicht indem er sie glttet (Adorno 1997b: 25). This sentence underlines not only an isolated artistic expression, but it is an indication of the manner in which art can adequately reflect reality. Neither ideologizing the empirical, nor absolutizing the transcendent, can lead to a proper apprehension of society; therefore, neither of the two extremes can be regarded as adequate in the case of the artistic production. This is only another formulation for the same implications of the administering force for the art that has succumbed to it, as well as for the critique which has now turned public, no resistance against the intrusion of ideology is left and they are both covered by it. When art loses its signification, then the protest is destined to disappear from its core. The aesthetic is appropriated by the reified society, and is thus annihilated. Its place is taken by value considerations. As it succumbs to the overall reification of society, the work of art loses its auratic character and no longer offers the means for articulating the individual over the collective; instead, it is reduced to the unmediated praising of the surface: Die sthetische Schwche dieses Dingkults, der geheimnistuerische Gestus, die Vermischung von Religion und Kunstgewerbe, verrt zugleich die reale Gewalt der Verdinglichung, die von keiner lyrischen Aura mehr sich vergolden, in den Sinn einholen lt (Adorno 1997b: 52)10. Since the administered society values the collective over the individual, the primacy of the inter-human relations resides in the power of conformity. The individual, in order to be accepted by society and to be pro10

perly integrated, will accentuate his own social worth as it is indicated to and imposed upon him. Neither his subjectivity, nor the establishing of his own identity, are relevant. On the contrary, what is praised is his capacity of adaptation to the level of the others, as well as his suppressing any differences that are exterior to his social role. Against this level of accepting, there will always reside an outside which will be his stranger, his Other. This other, since he eludes the identification to a role, embodies an enemy, the foe which projects a direct threat to society as a whole or to a certain group. Since the individual is opposed, he has to be abducted from himself in exchange for protection against these virtual threats; this process functions only as a mask for the overall crisis of the rationalized society, attempting to veil the traumas it carries within: Die Kritik des privaten Individualismus, zugunsten eines kollektiven, spricht sich darin aus und zugleich die Absicht (die unbewute, wohlverstanden), von dem krisenhaften ernst der fortschreitenden Entwicklung durch unentwegte Heiterkeit abzulenken (Adorno 1997i: 725). On the overall path which the rationalized society has taken and which it imposes upon its citizens, individuality is exiled and condemned. The dissolution of individuality leads to missing a proper aesthetic experience no genuine satisfaction can be drawn from the surface of the work, no impression will be able to afflict the receptor. There is, however, a manner in which individuality can not only be rescued, but also made manifest, beyond the authors subjectivity. This is because society is, as well, a dynamic element which can only be considered completed in a concrete historical moment. There is no idealization or forever in its moments. Society answers to the individual and builds itself through him and his peers: sondern umgekehrt bildet sich und lebt die Gesellschaft auch nur vermge der Individuen, deren Inbegriff sie ist (Adorno 1997b: 57). This affirmation of individuality stems from the lyrical field. Lyric is a protest against the society which levels all and reduces the other to a danger attributed with ideological force. Ideology is inherent to this opposition to the exterior since the individual attempts to forget himself, he renounces any pretexts to individuality, he reaches toward a group where he can claim validity, or towards a leader to whom he can submit and whose authority can offer him an escape path from the

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Noting that the connection targeted here refers to that religion which has turned subjective; Adorno claims that objective religion (which supposes, firstly, pretexts to incarnate an absolute value, a divine validity and which, secondly, entails a trans-individual embodiment which acts as a unifying force over the social space) has disappeared from contemporary society; cf. Adorno, Theses upon Art and Religion Today, Gesammelte Schriften Band 11, p. 648 ff. Unfortunately, we do not have here the space to properly expand the analysis of this connection.

uncertainty which marks his existence as an individual11. Since he is just as leveled as the others, they serve as a reminder of his own uncertainty and submission; belonging means being reminded of ones own weakness. Since this perspective becomes unbearable, it is never fully articulated and it never appears in the foreground. Attention is always claimed for the exterior which is invested with cataclysmic powers while the rest submits to ideology, which operates as distortion: Wachsamkeit ist geboten zumal dem heute ins Unertrgliche ausgewalzten Ideologiebegriff gegenber. Denn Ideologie ist Unwahrheit, falsches Bewutsein, Lge. Sie offenbart sich im Milingen der Kunstwerke, ihrem Falschen in sich und wird getroffen von Kritik (Adorno 1997b: 51). Against ideology, the lyrical moves towards reestablishing a meaningful binding with both nature and peers, a connection that is detached from domination. He animates nature and transforms it into a partner instead of preserving it as an object marked by a utility character12. This inclination stems from art which, before internalizing technique, it detaches it from its pretexts at domination13; only after that will it establish a liaison with nature. Through this passage, interiority is articulated in front of society; since society is dialectically related to the individual and the lyrical dissent is foreshadowed by the social individual, the lyric is one who has overcome the reified link to his peers, who resists the intrusion of ideology and, by protesting against the reductionism performed over the individual, one who reaffirms subjectivity amidst the alienated society. 4. Ultimate intrusion and final remarks The supreme impact upon art, as it stems from the realm of the rationalized world, can be surprised in its content after the Second World War. The Dialectic of Enlightenment viewed the Holocaust as the culmination of the barbarous tendencies that hid behind the illusion of an all-encompassing reason. Art did not remain exterior to this dramatic burst of destructive
This conception has also been articulated by Erich Fromm in (1942) Fear of Freedom, London: Routledge, cf. the chapter dealing with means of escaping from freedom. 12 Cf. Rede ber Lyrik und Gesellschaft, Gesammelte Schriften Band 11, p. 53. 13 Cf. sthetische Theorie, Gesammelte Schriften Band 7, p. 86.
11

tendencies. It is also confronted by the same lack of legitimacy which reason has now to face since, while it should have laid the path for liberating humans and improving their lives, it was actually encompassed by cataclysmic irrationality. The promises made by technique are tied to the possibility for unmatched destruction; such possibility does not reflect a singular moment, being instead nested at the very heart of the technical development. As such, the Holocaust is not a past event, it is a reverberation throughout the entire rationalized world. We see this when Adorno affirms the following: der Satz, nach Auschwitz lasse kein Gedicht mehr sich schreiben, gilt nicht blank, gewi aber, da danach, weil es mglich war und bis ins Unabsehbare mglich bleibt, keine heitere Kunst mehr vorgestellt werden kann (Adorno 1997b: 603). When irrationality erupts from the core of the enlightened society, it will reverberate through the entire cultural space; it cannot simply phase out its barbarism since, from the very beginning of the process of rationalization, the rational and the barbarous have been intimately entwined, since there has never occurred a complete separation between the two, since there has not been encountered a point where reason could purely develop without dragging behind it the irrational. Since this process is so advanced, the failure of the rationalized society will be a mere confirmation for the increasing bankruptcy of its cultural heritage. An ever-increasingly isolated and distrusted authentic art, which loses its aesthetic prevalence, turns commodity, is monetized by the administered culture industry, and displaced between fetish and kitsch, this is only another aspect that lets us now that the process of rationalization was never completely under control. Bibliography
1. Adorno, Theodor W. (1997). Gesammelte Schriften in 20 Bnden. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag: 2. (1997a) Band 7: sthetische Theorie. 3. (1997b) Band 11: Noten zur Literatur. 4. (1997c) Band 12: Philosophie der neuen Musik. 5. (1997d) Band 13: Die musikalischen Monographien. 6. (1997e) Band 14: Dissonanzen. Einleitung in die Musiksoziologie. 7. (1997f) Band 15: Komposition fr den Film. Der getreue Korrepetitor. 8. (1997g) Band 16: Musikalische Schriften I-III.

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9. (1997h) Band 17: Musikalische Schriften IV. 10. (1997i) Band 18: Musikalische Schriften V. 11. (1997j) Band 19: Musikalische Schriften VI. 12. Adorno, Theodor W. and Horkheimer, Max. (2002). Dialectic of Enlightenment. Translated by Edmund Jephcott. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Summary Adorno and the Rationalization of Art The following pages treat about the transformations that affect art in the context of the bourgeois society and, subsequently, in the modern aspect of the industrialized one. To this respect, we cannot restrict our investigation solely to intrinsic metamorphoses occurring on the aesthetic level. This is because art is dialectically connected to society; as such, it has to be questioned not within an ideal realm of categories, but in connection with concrete determinations at the social and historical levels; since the artistic materials and forms are subjected to a socially mediated development, any sentence passed on art actually leaps over into the social. Therefore, our inquiry will also have to address elements of the extraaesthetic and surprise the manner in which they reflect and determine the artistic change. This trajectory will allow not only to indicate the overall changes which affect art through the process of rationalization, but also to surprise the manner in which the in-

dustrialized society, under the guile of administration, performs an isolation of serious art while pushing forward a degenerate counterpart, adapted to the market of commodities, detached from a genuine aesthetic experience, and reduced to an exchange value. The response of the serious art will indicate not only the protest against this aspect of the administered culture, but also a way which goes beyond its realm namely, it will indicate how, in this society which favors the collective over individuality, the individual can protect himself against the continuously expanding mechanisms of domination. Key words: reification, disenchantment, commodity, collective and individual, artistic fetishism. Acknowledgments Investing in people! Ph.D. scholarship, Project co-financed by the SECTORAL OPERATIONAL PROGRAM FOR HUMAN RESOURCES DEVELOPMENT 2007 - 2013 Priority Axis 1. Education and training in support for growth and development of a knowledge based society Key area of intervention 1.5: Doctoral and post-doctoral programs in support of research. Contract nr.: POSDRU/88/1.5/S/60185 Innovative doctoral studies in a Knowledge Based Society. Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania

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Justin P. Liuba

Regina Maria la Conferina de Pace de la Paris, 1919

jliuba@yahoo.com ria, zis Ducky, Alexandra, zis Sandra i Beatrice, zis Baby Bee. Pentru a le nva cum s susin o conversaie cnd vor fi mari, mama lor, Ducesa de Edinburgh, le oblig s vorbeasc cu scaunele din palat. Acest antrenament riguros i-a servit de minune lui Missy mai trziu n via, cnd, devenind regin, trebuia s stea de vorb sau s conving indivizi importani, care erau taciturni, mofturoi, arogani sau chiar ostili, cum a fost cazul la Conferina de Pace de la Paris. De fapt, ce se ntampla la Paris n timpul Conferinei? Capitala Franei, a rii care contribuise decisiv la victoria aliat, terminat prin armistiiul din 11 Noiembrie 1918, era un furnicar de lume, o babilonie de brbai de stat, diplomai, economiti, juriti, politicieni, militari, reprezentani ai popoarelor dezrobite, bancheri i oameni de afaceri interesai de concesiuni i monopoluri n noile ri ce urmau s fie create, aventurieri ca Lawrence al Arabiei, care se plimba pe bulevarde mbrcat n vetminte arbeti i indivizi obscuri, ca micul vietnamez, ajutor de buctar, care tia ceap i castravei ntr-un resturant de mna a doua i care mai trziu avea s fie cunoscut sub numele de Ho Chi Minh. La acetia se adaug un contingent considerabil de pescuitori n ape tulburi i de ceea ce francezii, cu imbatabilul lor sim al umorului, numeau Les Grandes Horizontales (Marile Orizontale) care nu voiau s rateze prilejul de a-i oferi serviciile unei clientele internaionale cu buzunare bine garnisite. Rzboiul Mondial desfiinase guverne, umilise pe cei puternici i rsturnase societi ntregi. n Rusia, revoluia din 1917 nlocuise arismul cu altceva, despre care nimeni nu tia exact ce nsemneaz; Imperiul austro-ungar dispruse, lsnd n urma sa o ntins regiune instabil n centrul Europei; Imperiul otoman, cu teritoriile sale vaste n Orientul Mijlociu i cu o bucic din Europa, era la pmnt; Imperiul german devenise republic; vechi naiuni ca Polonia, Li-

Despre Regina Maria, o eroin a poporului romn, s-au scris volume i mii de articole n presa din ar i n cea internaional. n acest articol m voi limita la prezena ei la Conferina de Pace de la Paris din 1919, care a definitivat frontierele naionale dup primul rzboi mondial. Fetia nscut n Anglia la 1875 n urma cstoriei dintre fiul Reginei Victoria Ducele de Edinburgh i Marea Ducesa Maria, fiica arului Alexandru II, a fost botezat Maria Alexandra Victoria, primind titlul de Principes a Marii Britanii i a Irlandei. Mica Principes Marie, Missy cum i se spunea, a avut un frate mai mare, Alfred, i trei surori mai mici: Victo-

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tuania i Letonia au reaprut pe firmamentul istoriei ncepnd o via nou; iar ri noi ca Iugoslavia i Cehoslovacia se strduiau s se formeze. Conferina de Pace de la Paris este menionat de obicei n legatur cu semnarea Tratatului de la Versaille, n iunie 1919, dar ea a fost mai mult dect att. Austria i Ungaria au devenit ri separate, care, ca Imperiul otoman, trebuiau s ncheie propriile lor tratate de pace cu Puterile Aliate. O nou ordine internaionala trebuia recreat pe baze diferite i noi frontiere trebuiau trasate. Lumea se ntreba dac n-a sosit oare timpul nfiinrii unei Organizaii Internaionale a Muncii sau a unei Ligi a Naiunilor i al ncheierii de acorduri pentru protejarea cablurilor telegrafice submarine ori pentru coordonarea zborurilor internaionale. Dup marele dezastru al rzboiului, ateptrile erau mari. n 1919 Parisul devenise centrul lumii, care decidea soarta a milioane de oameni. Reprezentanii rilor nvingtoare: Preedintele Statelor Unite Woodrow Wilson, nsoit de Secretarul su de Stat, Robert Lansing, Premierul Marii Britanii, David Lloyd George i Premierul Italiei, Vittorio Orlando au descins la nceputul anului la Paris pentru a se ntlni cu Premierul Franei, Georges Clemenceau, supranumit Tigrul i alte personaliti internaionale, ca celebrul pianist Ignace Paderewski, devenit Preedinte al Poloniei i cu Regina Maria a Romniei, care a sosit ceva mai trziu. Fr a intra n detalii referitoare la desfurarea Conferinei, m mrginesc a nota c delegatul Romniei, Ion I. C. Brtianu, Prim Ministrul rii, un brbat inteligent i patriot, n dorina sa de a pleda cu succes cauza Romniei i de a ctiga cu orice efort noile teritorii, care se alipiser prin voin popular sau n care populaia romneasc era majoritar, i ruinase reputaia jonglnd peste msur statisticile, dup bunul obicei romnesc i neinnd sema de revendicrile juste ale celorlalte popoare din regiune. n timp ce Brtianu ncerca s se prezinte drept exponent al uneia din Puterile nvingtoare, prim minitrii aliai i atrgeau atenia c Romnia ncheiase la Bucureti pe 7 Mai 1918 un tratat de pace separat cu Germania, pe care ns Parlamentul Romniei nu l ratificase. n plus, Brtianu, potrivit nefericitei tradiii bizantine, ncerca s provoace discordie ntre aliai, fapt care a avut efecte negative asupra participanilor la Conferin. Urmarea a fost c poziia sa la Paris devenise precar i indezirabil. n acele momente tensionate el nu i ddea seama c ceea ce era acceptabil pe malurile Dmboviei nu era aceptabil pe malurile Senei. Romnia era, deci, pe cale de a pierde n acest joc in-

ternaional politic i diplomatic teritoriile, care dei doreau alipirea la Patria Mam, nu ar fi putut-o realiza fr acordul Marilor Puteri. Este adevrat c acestea tratau pe reprezentanii rilor mai mici cu o revoltatoare lips de respect. Brtianu avea tot dreptul s fie frustrat i s se simt insultat, devreme ce n loc de a fi salutat n rndurile membrilor Consiliului Suprem, ca reprezentant al unei puteri co-beligerante, a fost acceptat doar ca simplu delegat la Conferin. Dar chiar i n acest caz Romniaa fost tratat prost, acordndu-i-se numai dou locuri, n timp ce Belgiei i Serbiei i se permiteau trei. Premierul francez Clemenceau l detesta pe Brtianu, despre care spunea c era uns cu toate alifiile; Preedintele american Wilson era un moralist rigid, care vorbea ca un predicator; iar Prim Ministrul Marii Britanii, Loyd George, se adresa reprezentanilor rilor mai mici ca i cnd acetia ar fi venit din propriile sale colonii. Brtianu ajunsese s-i piarda nu numai credibilitatea, ci i sngele rece. Se intrase ntr-un impas; situaia devenise critic i era limpede c ceva trebuia fcut urgent pentru a salva cauza Romniei. Era nevoie de o fa nou, de o persoan care s tie s se mite mai uor pe parchetul diplomatic i s vorbeasc mai calm, pe tonul potolit al saloanelor de la Quai dOrsay. n acele momente cruciale pentru destinul Romniei, contient de primejdia care pndea ara, Ministrul Franei la Bucureti, Contele M. de Saint-Aulaire, prieten al poporului romn, a avut o idee genial: a sugerat trimiterea la Paris a Reginei Maria cu misiunea secret de a ncerca s mblnzeasc Tigrul, adic pe Clemenceau, adversar al revendicrilor teritoriale romneti. Clemenceau nu i putea ierta lui Brtianu capitularea n faa Puterilor Centrale, dei armata romn, refcut i renarmat cu ajutorul Misiunii Franceze sub comanda Generalului Henri Bethelot, a repurtat strlucite succese militare mpotriva inamicului la Mrti, Oituz i Mreti. Se credea c dac Clemenceau i-ar schimba atitudinea, ansele Romniei s-ar mri. Cultura englezilor n ce privete Romnia era att de redus, nct potrivit cotidianului londonez Daily Mail, nsui Premierul Lloyd George a fost auzit ntrebnd pe un secretar: Where the hell is that Transylvania that the romanians want so much? Iar potrivit lui Brtianu, un alt membru important al delegaiei britanice dormita, n timp ce premierul romn se strduia s-i prezinte tezele. Decizia de a o trimite n misiune diplomatic la Paris a luat-o pe Maria prin surprindere. Ajuns la 44 de ani, aceast mare frumusee, acest amestec exploziv de snge englezesc i rusesc, aceast anglo-rusoaic sau ruso-engle-

zoaic, sut la sut romnc ce vorbesc? mie la sut romnc, nu avusese nc ocazia de a-i verifica farmecele, inteligena i iscusina, dect n circumstane relativ modeste, avnd n vedere importana redus acordat Romniei de Marile Puteri, care nu-i trimiteau la Bucureti dect diplomai de rangul doi. Romnia, alctuit n acel timp numai din Muntenia i Moldova, era considerat ceea ce n englez se numete backwater, un bra mort de mare sau fluviu, o rstoac. Dup ce Regele Ferdinand i-a mprtit noutatea, Regina Maria a rmas ncntat. Sunt mgulit i cred c ntr-adevr voi putea fi de folos a declarat ea. Exprimndu-i regretul c Principele Barbu tirbei, care era mai mult dect confidentul ei nu o putea nsoi, ea s-a consolat remarcnd n jurnalul ei intim: Nandu (adic Ferdinand) are mai mare nevoie de el la Bucureti. Regina, care, ca mai toate fetele de bun familie din acel timp nu avea o educaie superioar, dar era nzestrat cu o inteligen natural, bun-sim, farmec personal, curaj i talent literar, a fost pregtit intens pentru misiunea ei. Experii romni i-au prezentat fapte i statistici, iar apoi, la Paris, Brtianu i Ministrul su de Externe, Nicolae Misu, un iscusit diplomat de origine macedo-romn, se nfiau dimineaa devreme la Maria pentru a-i pune la dispoziie ultimele informaii i datele necesare. Lund n considerare c delegaia britanic era cea mai anti-romn, regina a primit instruciuni s se duc i la Londra pentru a susine cauza romneasc pe lng vrul ei, Regele George V. nainte de a prsi Romnia, ea a cerut i obinut permisiunea de a fi nsoit de fiicele ei, Principesele Elisabeta, de 25 de ani, Maria (Mignon) de 19 ani i Ileana, de 10 ani, afirmnd c viaa la Bucureti era nc prea dezorganizat pentru a le lsa s stea singure. n realitate ns, ca orice mam bun, dorea s-i scoat fiicele n lumea mare i s le pregteasc pentru un eventual mariaj regal. ntr-adevar, Regina Maria i-a cstorit mai trziu excelent cele trei fiice: Elisabeta cu Regele George II al Greciei; Maria (Mignon) cu Regele Alexandru I al Iugoslaviei (asasinat n 1934, n timpul vizitei sale la Marsilia, de un extremist croat), iar Ileana - cu Arhiducele Anton de Habsburg. Regina a prsit Bucuretiul la 1 Martie 1919. Vznd mulimea care sosise la gar pentru a-i ura drum bun, a notat n jurnalul ei: Atta lume i pune speranele n mine, nct aceasta m nelinitete i m face nervoas.

Misiunea ei era extrem de dificil: s conving nu numai pe Clemenceau, ci i pe liderii celorlalte Mari Puteri c Romnia avea dreptul la Transilvania, Basarabia, Bucovina, Dobrogea i Banat. n mod normal regii i reginele nu se ocupau personal de asemenea probleme, care erau lsate pe mna minitrilor i a diplomailor. Dar regina era convins de dreptatea cauzei romneti pe care o reprezenta. n plus, i ddea seama c dac ea i familia ei nu doreau s mprteasc soarta familiei imperiale ruse i a altor capete ncoronate, atunci va trebui neaprat ca eforturile ei la Paris, pentru a acorda romnilor teritoriile pentru care au luptat i murit, s fie ncununate de succes. Ratarea acestei misiuni nu era o opiune pentru Maria. La 5 Martie 1919 scriitoarea francez Colette, lund-o naintea colegilor ei jurnaliti, s-a urcat n vagonul regal la o staie naintea Parisului pentru a avea timpul necesar de a o intervieva pe Regina Romniei. Oferindu-i un buchet enorm de orhidee, jurnalista a izbutit s stea de vorb cu naltul oaspete. E superb a scris Colette a doua zi n Le Matin. Apoi a continuat: Dimineaa era mohort, dar Regina Maria radia lumin. Sclipirea prului ei cu reflexe aurii, claritatea tenului roz i alb, strlucirea ochilor ei imperioi, dar catifelai o asemenea apariie te las fr grai. Dup o primire demn de o celebritate la Gare de Lyon, dei vizitaera calificat drept neoficial, Maria i anturajul ei s-au instalat n 20 de camere la Hotelul Ritz, unde au gasit suita regal inundat de flori trimise nu numai de oficialiti, ci i de admiratori din snul populaiei parisiene, care doreau s-i exprime n acest fel entuziasmul fa de femeia frumoas i nobil care i vizita. La un moment dat Maria i-a dat seama c avea nevoie de o garderob nou i de bijuterii noi, deoarece cele vechi fuseser trimise cu tezaurul naional spre pstrare n Rusia i n-au mai fost napoiate nici pn n ziua de astzi. tiind importana imaginii pe care trebuia s o proiecteze att n faa publicului, ct mai ales la ntlnirile importante la care urma s partricipe, Maria i alegea cu grij mbrcmintea, innd cont de caracterul i de personalitatea oamenilor cu care se ntlnea. mi nchipui c Brtianu, un individ teribil de econom, n-a fost prea ncntat atunci cnd regina, cu o nonalan dezarmant i-ar fi spus: Mon cher Brtiano, mi-am refcut garderaoba, ca s fie la nlimea misiunii mele. Suntem la Paris, unde se hotrte soarta lumii. Sper c nuobiectezi c mi-am cumprat aizeci de rochii, treizeci i unu de paltoane, dou

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zeci i dou de etole de bln, dou zeci i nou de plrii i optzeci i trei de perechi de pantofi. Nu e timpul sa fim zgrciti. Romnia trebuie s obin cel puin Transilvania i Basarabia. Nu ne putem permite ca din lipsa unei toalete s periclitm alipirea uneia din provincii Era regin extravagant? Da. Iresponsabil? Nicidecum. Prin frumuseea, farmecul, elegana, vioiciunea i naturaleea ei, prezentate pe larg n ziare, Maria cucerise Parisul, dar nu nc pe Cei Trei Mari. Iar o parte a presei strine, ostil Romniei, avusese grij s picteze pe Regina i Romnia n culori puin atrgtoare. Se tia, de pild, c aceast nepoat a Reginei Victoria s-a dezbrat cu uurint de creterea ei rigid englezeasc, adaptndu-se cu dezinvoltur la atmosfera liberal i tolerant a noii sale patrii. Soul ei Ferdinand, un om bun, dar plicticos i mai puin inteligent dect ea, nu era o figur carismatic i nu poseda calitile care s-o poat impresiona. Dar ntocmai ca mult strini, romnii o gseau pe regin ncnttoare. Marile ei amoruri au fost Principele Barbu tirbei (cumnatul lui Brtianu) i colonelul canadian Joe Boyle, un milionar pripit n Romnia, dup ce servise ntr-o misiune de ajutorare n Rusia. n acel timp, n Occident, de altfel ntocmai ca n zilele noastre, dar din alte motive, imaginea Romniei i a romnilor nu era deloc favorabil. De altminteri, nici chiar romnii nu aveau o prere prea bun despre ei nii. Iat, de pild, ce scrie Principesa Anne Marie Callimachi (n.Vcrescu) n memoriile sale: Moralitatea nu a jucat niciodat un rol esenial n viaa compatrioilor mei, care, n schimb sunt atrgtori, amuzani i inteligeni. Ei sunt interesai numai de dou lucruri: a discuta politic i a face dragoste. naintea ntlnirilor cu Cei Trei Mari, regina, lund ntr-o zi prnzul cu Ministrul de Externe Britanic, LordulArthur Balfour, a dorit s afle de la el cum s-i trateze pe Preedintele Wilson i pe Premierul Lloyd George. Cu naturaleea ei cunoscut, Maria, care i pregtea dinainte subiectele de conversaie i atepta momentul oportun pentru a se injecta n diatribele nalilor demnitari, l-a ntrebat pe Balfour dac n viitoarea discuie cu americanul ar fi bine s nceap cu bluzia roz pe care tocmai o cumprase de la Chanel i s ncheie cu Liga Naiunilor, subiectul favorit al preedintelui. La aceasta, rafinatul diplomat i-a raspuns: Majestate, cnd vorbii cu Wilson ncepei cu Liga Naiunilor i termina i- poate - cu bluzia roz; cnd vorbii ns cu Lloyd George, ncepei cu bluzia roz i terminai, poate - cu Liga Naiunilor.

Dup ntlnirea cu Tigrul Clemenceau, care s-a desfurat mai bine dect ar fi ndrznit s spere, deoarece cei doi au stabilit un raport de simpatie reciproc i dup vizita ei rapid la Londra, unde a pledat la vrul ei Regele George V n favoarea Romniei, Maria tia c mai are de aranjat o ntlnire dificil, cea cu preedintele american. Astfel, regina i-a comunicat c i va face plcere s-l primeasc la Ritz. Wilson, care o evitase pn atunci, deoarece se consider salvatorul Democraiei n lume, lsnd s se neleag c nu avea timp de pierdut cu o mic regin, a crezut c a gsit o formul diplomatic prin care s se poata eschiva, rspunzndu-i c ar fi ncntat s-i prezinte omagiile, dar c agenda sa de lucru este att de ncrcat, nct nu-i acorda niciun minut liber dup orele 9 dimineaa. Nu e nicio problem, i-a spus Maria. Venii nainte de 9. n ziua de 10 Aprilie, preedintele Statelor Unite, mpreun cu soia sa. Edith, au sosit la hotelul Ritz, unde Maria, tiind c timpul era limitat, i-a prezentat fr ntrziere revendicrile romneti. Dar Wilson, o fire rece, n-a reacionat n niciun fel dttor de speran. Atunci Maria, adresndu-se soiei, a invitat cuplul prezidenial la cin, dar Edith a replicat c ei nu iau mesele n alt parte dect la ambasada american. n acest caz a spus Maria cu un zmbet angelic, m invit singur la prnz, tiind c nu m vei putea refuza. Voi veni doar cu dou din fiicele mele, cu sora mea infant Beatrice, care a venit la Paris s m vad i cu unul sau doi aghiotani. Dar potrivit dnei Wilson, n ziua respectiv Maria a sosit cu un anturaj de zece persoane i cu o ntrziere de 35 de minute. Este probabil pentru prima i ultima oar cnd un invitat al Preedintelui Statelor Unite ndrznete s soseasc la o mas cu o astfel de ntrziere i cu un anturaj dublu celui convenit.Gestul ar putea fi considerat un mesaj subtil transmis lui Wilson, artnd americanului c o regin care domnete pe via este mai presus dect un preedinte, care dup patru ani poate fi trimis la plimbare. Cu fiecare moment care trecea i regina ntrzia, noteaz unul din oaspeii americani, brbia Preedintelui Wilson cdea. tiind cum gndete, mi ddeam seama c nfuriat i zicean sinea sa: Scumpa mea regin poi zice adio la Transilvania la Basarabia la Bucovina la Banat Maria ns a salvat situaia cu zmbetul i farmecul ei, ncurajndu-l pe Wilson s-i dezvolte teoriile relative la dreptul de auto-determinare al popoarelor, astfel nct nsi dna Wilson a remarcat mai trziu c n pofida unor minus-

cule neinelegeri, prnzul s-a desfurat ntr-o atmosfer foarte plcut. n cursul dejunului, Wilson i-a reproat reginei tratamentul inechitabil la care erau supuse minoritile din Romnia. Fr a-i pierde cumptul, ea a raspuns pe un ton blnd c fr ndoiala dnsul trebuie s cunoasc aceast problem, judecnd dup modul n care sunt tratai Negrii i Japonezii n America Maria a prsit Parisul n culmea gloriei. Preedintele Franei, Raymond Poincar, i-a comunicat discret c Premierul Clemenceau Tigrul se mblnzise i-i schimbase prerea dup vizita regal. Prerea general era c regina a pus Romnia pe hart, iar Brianu a mturisit c Maria a realizat n cateva zile mai mult dect el nsui n ase sptmni. Eforturile curajoasei regine au promovat tezele romneti i au contribuit n mod decisiv la crearea Romniei Mari, consfinit prin Tratatul de Pace de la Trianon, semnat la 4 iunie 1920. nainte de a prsi capitala, Maria l-a invitat la cin pe marealul francez Ferdinand Foch, Comandantul Suprem al Forelor Aliate, solicitndu-i ajutorul material pentru a salva Romnia din foametea i disperarea n care se zbtea i pentru a mpiedica, astfel, ntinderea comunismului n Europa. Spre deosebire de Clemenceau, Foch, ntocmai ca muli militari francezi, era prieten al Romniei, pe care o considera un stvilar n calea puhoiului bolevic. Ajutndu-ne pe noi, v ajutai pe voi niv, i-a spus regina. Rezultatul acestei cine s-a putut vedea la plecarea Mariei, cnd elegantul vagon regal albastru-argintiu prsea Gare de Lyon, remorcnd un ir de vagoane ncrcate cu armament, muniii i medicamente destinate Crucii Roii Romne. Dar vizita reginei Maria n capitala Franei a fost important i dintr-un alt punct de vedere. Preedintele Americii a auzit dintr-o gur regal c nu poate ignora problema minoritilor din propria sa ar, n timp ce Maria a aflat de la un preedinte american c o naiune, care se vrea democrat, trebuie s-i trateze minoritile n mod echitabil. Consecina a fost adoptarea de ctre Romnia a Constituiei din 1923, care a acordat drepturi egale tururor minoritilor, aa cum se cuvine ntr-o democraie adevrat.
(Conferina rostit de Justin Liuba la ntrunirea anual a Fundaiei Iuliu Maniu, New York, 2005).

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Stncua Ramona Dima-Laza

Comunicarea ntr-o societate intercultural bariere de limb i diversitate cultural

lazastancuta@yahoo.com Conceptual frameworks Intercultural interaction between members belonging to different social groups can be challenging in terms of their beliefs, attitudes to life, values and styles. Whether we are discussing verbal or non-verbal communication, it is very useful in learning how to behave efficiently with people coming from different social backgrounds, or how to handle psychological demands caused by such interchanges. Some anthropologists consider that intercultural competence is emphasized by the ability to recognize and value the cultural conditions that help creating mutual adaptation. Others regard it as an ability to negotiate cultural meanings and to respect the cultural identities we interact with. Furthermore, it has been defined as the overall internal capability of an individual to manage key challenging features of intercultural communication: namely, cultural differences and unfamiliarity, intergroup posture, and the accompanying experience of stress. [ It] is explained not as communication competence in dealing with a specific culture, but as the cognitive, affective, and operational adaptability of an individuals internal system in all intercultural communication contexts. [1] While analyzing competent communication, researchers have come across the so-called appropriateness criterion which proved to be irrelevant because assessment always entails subjective judgement. Instead of being perceived as communicative appropriateness related to the communication process, it has been interpreted as the creation of cultural appropriateness. The interactants of a communicative process are representatives of the culture to whose expectations they have to adapt to and not some persons possessing intercultural experience. One should always consider the problematical nature of the communication situation before deciding what type of communication skills and language they should employ in achieving an appropriate communication, in order to avoid misunderstandings. ... for the understanding of these phenomenons, the economic dimension is also important. [2] Searching for new ways of convey meaning, scientists have identified a second criterion - the effectiveness. It occurs while interacting with people, focusing on negotiation and construction of meaning. The two famous researchers Ting-Toomey and Chung have come up with two other such criteria: creativity (necessary for producing something inventive) and adaptability (which refers to the individuals ability to change ones goals in order to meet certain needs of a situation). They also argued that behavioral flexibility is essential with respect to the four criteria abovementioned. A competent communicator should be able to manage multiple meanings in an appropriate, effective, adapted and creative manner. While carrying out several surveys on the nature of intercultural effectiveness, anthropologists discovered some fundamental factors: the ability to manage psychological stress, to establish interpersonal relationships and to communicate effectively, skills in adjusting to different cultures, in dealing with different social systems. There is a close connection between cross-cultural adjustment and effective job performance, and therefore intercultural effectiveness involves both adjustments to a different culture and to the place of work. Some of the main characteristics one should possess in order to makes ones cultural integration smoother are open-mindedness, realistic expectations, self-confidence, empathy, bilingualism, flexibility in thinking, resilience to stress, tolerance for ambiguity. Researchers have identified the key components that are extremely important for the assessment and

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development of intercultural communication: personal attributes, psychological adaptation, cultural awareness, knowledge block, mindfulness, motivation. Ting-Toomey commented some of them. He considers that Without culture-sensitive knowledge, communicators cannot become aware of the implicit ethnocentric lenses they use to evaluate behaviors in an intercultural situation. Without accurate knowledge, communicators cannot accurately reframe their interpretation from the others cultural standpoint. Knowledge here refers to the process of in-depth understanding of important intercultural communication concepts that really make a difference. [] Mindfulness means attending to ones internal assumptions, cognitions, and emotions, and simultaneously attuning to the others assumptions, cognitions and emotions. Mindful reflexivity requires us to tune in to our cultural and personal habitual assumptions in viewing an interaction scene. [] Communication skills refer to our operational abilities to interact appropriately, effectively and satisfactorily in a given situation. Many communication skills are useful in enhancing transcultural communication competence. Four core communication skills are mindful observation, mindful listening, identity confirmation and collaborative dialogue. [3] Considering the above-mentioned quotations, we notice that the author has put a special emphasis on communication skills, knowledge and mindfulness, as they all entail openness and a focused attention on the process. The interest in what concerns intercultural interaction has also drawn the attention to the field of applied linguistics, even if to a lesser extent. Communicative language teaching, which has been a powerful teaching approach, was so influenced by speech act theory that it lost any connection to the cultural area. Anthropologists found that communicative competence had come to be interpreted as appropriate language use and not as a competence in the social and cultural life of a nation. Considering this notion of appropriateness, research has shown that there has been a tendency to take the native speaker as a model for judging and analyzing it. However, some people disagreed with this idea, claiming that by doing so, by taking the native speaker as a model, it might prove to be psychologically undesirable and impossible for the learner. Generally speaking, native speakers are not involved in this process of intercultural interaction because they might lead to an inaccurate representation of reality. But when they are involved,

they should have different social identities in order to achieve a different kind of interaction. As Kramsch said, the characteristic of a competent language user is not the ability to speak and write according to the rules of the academy and the social etiquette of one social group, but the adaptability to select those forms of accuracy and those forms of appropriateness that are called for in a given social context of use. [4] The learners should become able to understand both the relationships between themselves and the cultural beliefs of their interlocutors. Numerous studies related to the field of pragmatics, sociolinguistics or discourse analysis focused on problematic communication. Researchers like Byram or Van Ek, have developed conceptual frameworks based on conceptual thinking and communicative competence in foreign language education. Byram considers that discovery or interpretations are much more important for intercultural speakers. He resumes the concept of mindfulness explaining how it functions in intercultural interaction in order to ease the communication process: The skill of interaction is above all, the ability to manage these constraints [of time and mutual perceptions and attitudes] in particular circumstances with specific interlocutors. The individual needs to draw upon their existing knowledge, have attitudes which sustain sensitivity to others with sometimes radically different origins and identities, and operate the skills of discovery and interpretation. In particular, the individual needs to manage dysfunctions which arise in the course of interaction, drawing upon knowledge and skills. They may also be called upon not only to establish a relationship between their own social identities and those of their interlocutor, but also to act as mediator between people of different origins and identities. It is this function of establishing relationships, managing dysfunctions and mediating which distinguishes an intercultural speaker and makes them different from a native speaker. [5] Intercultural speakers of different origins negotiate their ways of interaction like the agreements on meta-commentary, in order to accommodate the nature of intercultural communication. In his research in intercultural interaction, Byram identified several components. The first one would be linguistic competence, describing it as the ability to apply the standard rules of a language to produce written and spoken language. Sociolinguistic competence focuses on the ability to give meanings to the language which are negotiated with the interlo-

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cutor. The third component, discourse competence, dwells upon the ability to discover and employ strategies necessary for the production of intercultural texts. Last but not least, we mention intercultural competence, which in the researchers vision is divided into other five components: attitudes; knowledge; skills of interpreting and relating; skills of discovering and interacting; critical cultural awareness. The basic characteristic of Byrams model is the fact that it emphasizes the context of the teaching and learning of foreign languages in schools. His objectives refer to broad educational goals and therefore, his model becomes unsuitable for non-school contexts. The relationship between business, management studies and intercultural interaction was difficult to establish as people coming from other environment than the American one, failed to adapt. Tung identified some of the causes. First there was the international manager and his wifes inability to adjust to the new situation and secondly, he underlined the managers personality, the lack of technical competence or the lack of motivation. In a survey conducted by scientists Marx, Barham and Devine, the desirable characteristics formulated by German companies with respect to personnel managers, are totally opposed to the ones set forth by the Americans and Japanese. While the Germans were more interested in social competence, new ways of thinking and cultural adaptation, the other two focused on strategic awareness, adaptability ad sensitivity to other cultures. Trying to draw up the profile of the ideal international manager, studies have shown that the dominant criterion is effectiveness rather than appropriateness. According to the management literature and the business press, Schneider and Barsoux summarized a list of features for managing differences abroad: interpersonal and linguistic skills, motivation to work abroad, ability to cope with uncertainty, flexibility, patience, cultural empathy, sense of humour. Other researchers decided that the best solution for describing the best international manager is to question the candidates themselves. And after doing so, they reached the conclusion that their effectiveness is given by their ability to cope with stress and the capability to adapt. The characteristics of a successful expatriate manager identified by linguists Khlmann and Stahl draw the attention to the suitability and to the impressionistic approach. They criticize many studies based on intercultural communication claiming that they do not explore the actual determi-

nants of success of intercultural interaction. In their view, the fundamental features are: tolerance for ambiguity, behavioral flexibility, goal orientation, sociability, empathy, polycentrism, meta-communicative competence. However, these indicators are not enough for successful abroad assignments as taskcompany or culture-related elements trigger the necessity for additional requirements. The Patterns of traits, role skills and capabilities global managers need to be effective is similar to that of domestic managers. The bosses of global managers say emotional stability, skill in the roles of leader and decision maker and the ability to cope with stress are key components to managerial effectiveness regardless of the jobs global complexity. In addition, bosses look to conscientiousness, skill in the role of negotiator and innovator, business knowledge, international business knowledge, cultural adaptability, and the ability to take the perspective of others as significant to the effectiveness of global managers. [] it appears that the action roles (decision maker and negotiator) are relatively more critical to the global manager than to the domestic manager. The learning capabilities were also significantly more critical to effectiveness ratings for the global manager. [] neither early exposure to other languages and cultures, experience living in other countries, multilingualism at work, nor past experience working with heterogeneous workgroups predicted effectiveness ratings in a global or domestic context. [6, 7]. There are many different categories relevant for describing the aspects of intercultural interaction but the ones emerging are one again, mindfulness, appropriateness, communication skills, knowledge, psychological adaptation and the management of social relations. In conclusion, intercultural interaction is based on the distinction between the behavioral, affective and cognitive components, distinction which is operationalized under the headings of attitudes, skills, knowledge, values, beliefs, skills, expectations. It is a process of exchanging meaningful information across cultural boundaries so as to preserve mutual respect. The idea of crossing such boundaries might prove to be threatening and frightening because of the misunderstandings that may occur. People experience fear of giving offence due to the different manner of encoding and decoding messages. However, the phenomenon of globalization has reduced cultural diversity, homogenizing the society.

Bibliography
1. Kim, Y. Y., Korzenny, F., Cross-Cultural Interpersonal Communication (International and Intercultural Communication Annual, vol. 15, London, Sage, 1991, pp. 259. 2. Rodica Teodora Biri, DieGlobalisierung in der deutschen Handelssprache in: Studia Universitatis Vasile Goldi Arad, seria tiine Economice, vol III, december, 20/2011, ISSN 1584-2339, pp. 603. 3. Ting-Toomey, S., Communicating across Culture, New York, The Guilford Press, 1999, pp. 28-35. 4. Kramsch, C., Language and Culture, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1998, pp. 27. 5. Byram, M., Teaching and Assessing Intercultural Communicative Competence, Clevedon, Multilingual Matters, 1997, pp. 38. 6. Leslie, J. B., Dalton, M., Ernst, C., Deal, J., Managerial Effectiveness in a Global Context: A Working Model of Predictors, Greensboro, NC: Centre for Creative Leadership, 2002, pp. 63. 7. Spencer-Oatey Helen, Franklin Peter. Intercultural interaction. A multidisciplinary approach to intercultural communication. Palgrave Macmillan: England. 2009. pp. 73.

Summary Communication in an intercultural society -language barriers and cultural diversity In order to set forth some ways of handling cultural complexity, the present paper takes a multidisciplinary approach to exploring cross-cultural communication and the frameworks used for describing it. It is focused on the conceptualization of intercultural interaction competence and its manifestation in the field of applied linguistics, management studies, psychology or communication studies. Intercultural interaction refers to communication between members of different social groups emphasizing the similarities and differences in terms of language use and the dynamic nature of behaviour. The paper demonstrates how applied linguistics, discourse analysis or other fields of study can provide intercultural interaction with helpful insights that are frequently overlooked. Key words: intercultural, communication, interaction, linguistics, social groups.

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Iveta Kontrkov

Die deutsche Minderheit der Oberzipser Region in der Slowakei damals und heute
iveta.kontrikova@centrum.sk Einleitung Die Slowakei ist ein multinationales Land mit slowakischer Majoritt (4 352775 Einwohner) und mehreren nationalen Minderheiten. Die grte ist die ungarische Minderheit (458 467), gefolgt von den Ethnie der Roma (105 738), Tschechen (30 367), Ruthenen (33 482), Ukrainer, (7 430), Deutschen (4690) und weiteren, deren Anzahl aber nicht hher als 0,1 Prozent ist (Statistisches Amt der SR, 2011). Zur deutschen Minderheit melden sich zwar heute nur wenige Mitglieder, ihre Spuren auf dem Gebiet der heutigen Slowakei gibt es jedoch seit dem Mittelalter. In meinem Artikel beschftige ich mich mit der Geschichte der deutschen Minderheit, vor allem in der Oberzips, und mit ihrem heutigen Stand. Die Zips Die Zips ist die Benennung einer slowakischen Region, die ursprnglich (in sterreich-Ungarn) ein der Komitate war. Die historische Benennung Zips gilt heute nur als Begriff der historischen Gliederung der slowakischen Regionen, im Rahmen der heutigen regionalen Gliederung der Slowakei gehrt die Zips zu zwei hheren territorialen Einheiten zu Preov und Koice. Die Oberzips grenzt im Norden an Polen, liegt in den nordslowakischen Gebirgen und die Siedlungen der Menschen befinden sich meistens entlang des Flusses Poprad (Popper). Die Unterzips liegt im sdstlichen Teil der Slowakei, nicht weit von der ungarischen Grenze, am Fluss Hnilec (Gllnitz). Die Mehrheit der Einwohner bilden die Slowaken, im Norden lebt die goralische Minderheit (Goralen aus dem slowakischen Horal bzw. polnischen Goral, d.h. Mensch aus den Bergen, slowakisch hora, polnisch gra, Bergbewohner, Hochlnder, sprechen eine slowakisch-polnische, d.h. goralische Mundart), im stlichen Teil Ru-

Abb. 1Karte der Slowakei mit der Zips.

thenen und Ukrainer, im sdlichen Teil Ungarn, weiter lebt hier eine kleine deutsche Minderheit und Roma. Die Zipser Bevlkerung in der Vergangenheit Im Mittelalter war die Region Zips multinational, multikulturell, multilingual und auch pluriligual (vgl. Kontrkov, 2012), was aber nicht zu Problemen oder Konflikten fhrte, sondern umgekehrt: Die einzelnen Kulturen und Subkulturen lebten in mehr oder weniger ausgeprgter Toleranz und Akzeptanz miteinander. Diese guten Beziehungen waren keine Ausnahme, und alle Komitate des Ungarischen Reiches, zu denen auch die Zips gehrte, waren mehr oder weniger tolerant in Bezug auf das interkulturelle Millieu (vgl. Biris, 2007, S. 3). Die Deutschen im Gebiet der Zips Nach unterschiedlichen Quellen kamen die ersten Deutschen im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert in die Zips (Kontrkov, Biris, 2008, S. 92). Es waren vorwiegend Sachsen, die sich in der Nhe der slawischen/slowakischen Siedlungen ansiedelten. Die Siedlungen fungierten rechtlich unterschiedlich. Slowakische auf Grund des Gewohnheitsrechts, Deutsche auf Grund des importierten Magdeburger Rechts, das sich allmhlich in Bezug auf

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Zipser Bedingungen zum Zipser Recht entwickelte. Aus dieser Zeit gibt es Belege, dass die deutschen Ortschaften, die in der Nhe der slowakischen gegrndet wurden, die gleichen Namen erhielten, aber mit dem Attribut Sasa (d.h. schsisch), das die schsischen Ansiedler bezeichnete, auch wen nicht alle Ansiedler nur aus Sachsen kamen, versehen wurde. Sachsen waren jedoch zu Beginn der Ansiedelung die hufigsten Gste. So gr n deten beispielsweise in der nahen Nachbarschaft des kleinen mittelalterlichen slowakischen Dorfes Poprad deutsche Siedler das Dorf Poprad-Sasa. Die slowakischen und deutschen Siedlungen sind nach einiger Zeit verschmolzen und die Slowaken bernahmen das Recht der Deutschen Ansiedler. Nach der Verschmelzung der Drfer Poprad und Poprad-Sasa bekam die Ortschaft die neue Benennung Villa Theutonicum (lat.), d.h. Deutschendorf, und bis in die vierziger Jahre des 20. Jahrhunderts lebten dort die Deutschen als Majoritt. Warum kamen eigentlich die Sachsen und andere deutsche Vlker in die Zips und nach Ungarn? Das ziemlich groe Komitat Zips war nur relativ dnn besiedelt. Die ungarischen Herrscher wollten diese Region einerseits wirtschaftlich weiterentwickeln, andererseits brauchten sie in Kriegszeiten Soldaten, um das Land vor nicht seltenen fremden Angriffen zu verteidigen. Dieser Faktor zeigte sich als dringend im Jahr 1241, als die Mongolen (Tataren) ins Ungarische Reich einzogen und vor allem den sdlichen und stlichen Teil verwsteten. Der damalige Knig Bla IV. (hnlich wie sein Vater Andreas II.) rief Ansiedler aus westlichen Lndern, die das Reich besiedeln und kultivieren sollten, nach Ungarn. Sie bekamen bestimmte Privilegien, Acker, Rechte, Status. Es kamen nicht nur Bauern, sondern vor allem Handwerker und Bergleute, die das Land vor allem wirtschaftlich entwickeln konnten. Da hier die Bedingungen gut waren fruchtbarer Boden, reiche Bodenschtze, gute Beziehungen zu den herrschenden Schichten und auch zur ursprnglichen slowakischen Bevlkerung -, blieben sie hier und es kamen sogar weitere Ansiedler auch aus anderen Teilen der deutschen Lnder. In einigen Stdten und Drfern wurde die deutsche Minderheit sogar zur Majoritt. Eine Wende in der steigenden Tendenz der deutschen Bevlkerung in der Zips brachte viel spter die Ungarisierung nach dem Ausgleich sterreich-Ungarns im Jahre 1869. Nach diesem Jahr wurde nicht nur die slowakische Bevlkerung (und auch andere Nationen auerhalb des slowakischen Gebietes) des Reiches ungarisiert, sondern auch die Minoritten. In die Schulen (auch in den deutschen Schulen) wurde Ungarisch Unterrichtssprache, in den mtern durfte man auch nur noch Ungarisch benutzen. Praktisch kann man beoba-

chten, dass auch die Propria Orstnamen, Vor- und Familiennamen der Deutschen ungarisiert, sogar kalkiert wurden, z.B. in Neuwalddorf, dem Oberzipser Dorf Nov Lesn, fungierten die slowakische, deutsche, aber nach dem Ausgleich auch die ungarische Benennung des Dorfes Alserdfalva und jfalva als wortwrtliche bersetzungen der deutschen und slowakischen Benennungen. Das gleiche kann man in Kalkbersetzungen von Personennamen, entweder nur Familiennamen, oder sowohl der Vor- als auch der Familiennamen beobachten: Martin Spitzkopf Mrton Spitzkopf, Kamil Spitzkopf Kabos Hegyfoki, Johann Hunsdorfer Jnos Hunfalvy. Auf diese Art und Weise, da sich die Deutschen zu Ungarn gemeldet haben, wurden sie in den Matrikeln und anderen Dokumenten dann als Ungarn gefhrt, sank die Anzahl der deutschen Bevlkerung (Kontrkov, 2009, S. 142). Die folgende Tabelle gibt eine bersicht ber die Zipser Minderheiten zwischen den Jahren 1869-1910.
Tabelle 1 Anzahl der deutschen Bevlkerung in der Zips in den Jahren 18691910 (Nemny, 1932). Jahr 1869 1880 1890 1890 1910 Anzahl der Deutschen in der Zips 61 361 50 156 44 956 42 885 38 454

Nach dem Jahr 1910 begann dank der Minderheitenpolitik und spter in Bezug auf die politische Situation in Deutschland die Anzahl der deutschen Bevlkerung in der Zips zu steigen. Im Jahr 1938 lebten hier nach Schtzungen 48 000 bis 52 000 Deutsche. Die Stdte waren meistens gemischt, was die Nationalitt der Bevlkerung betrifft, wobei in mehreren Ortschaften die Deutschen die Mehrheit der Bevlkerung bildeten, in den Drfern war die Situation anders. Dreiig Drfer der Zips konnte man fast als rein deutsche bezeichnen, in weiteren zwanzig lebten 50-70 Prozent Deutsche. In 17 Ortschaften lebten die Deutschen als Minderheit und bildeten dort 20-38 Prozent der gesamten Bevlkerung (Nemny, 1932,S. 17).
Tabelle 2 Nationalitten in der Oberzips laut der Volkzhlung von 1930. Nationalitt Slowaken Deutsche Ungarn Juden Anzahl 19 438 12 118 5 437 3 527

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Kultur der Deutschen Die deutsche Minderheit brachte Elemente der deutschen Kultur in die Zips. Lange Jahrhunderte blieben hier verschiedene Traditionen und Gewohnheiten erhalten. Fr jede Ortschaft waren noch am Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts die Trachten typisch. Die Trachten trugen zipserdeutsche Frauen und auch Mnner. Die Oberzipser Trachten der Frauen bestanden aus halblangen dunklen Rcken mit roten oder rosafarbenen Blmchen und grnen Blttern bedruckt, weien Leinenblusen und dunklen Leibchen. Auf dem Kopf trugen die Mdchen Kopftcher, verheiratete Frauen Hauben. Mnner trugen Leinhemden, Pelzwesten, Seidenhalstcher und dunkelblaue Tuchhosen (Horvthov, 2012, S. 103). In einzelnen Ortschaften unterschieden sich die deutschen Trachten meist nur inDetails. Zu den deutschen Sitten, die die Sachsen aus ihrer Heimat mitbrachten, gehrte z.B. das Fhren des Strohbren. Zum Aschermittwoch wurde in den zipserdeutschen Drfern der sgn. Strohbr gefhrt. Dieser Brauch, der mit den deutschen Einsiedlern im Mittelalter kam, wurde in den zipserdeutschen Drfern bis zur Vertreibung der Deutschen aus der Tschechoslowakei nach 1945 gepflegt. Heute kann man ihn nur noch in ein paar Drfern finden (Olejnk, 1976, S. 102). Der Strohbr ist in Deutschland eine Figur der Schwbisch-Alemannischen Fastnacht. Er war in allen landwirtschaftlich geprgten Drfern, in welchen Fastnacht gefeiert wurde, verbreitet. Seine Strohhlle konnte aus allen geernteten Stroharten bestehen. Dazu gehren z.B. langhalmiges Weizen-, Roggen- oder Haferstroh oder das Stroh der Futtererbse (Strohman, Wikipedia.de). In der Oberzips war der Strohbr oft ein junger Mann in groer Unterwsche angezogen, die mit Futtererbsen vollgestopft war, deshalb wurde er Schotenbr genannt. In einigen Drfern war der Schotenbr mit Fell bekleidet. Die Figur personifizierte die Vertreibung des Winters. Deutsch und deutsche Mundarten Die Zipserdeutschen sprachen zu Hause Mundart. Die deutschen Mundarten waren von Region zu Region, manchmal von Dorf zu Dorf unterschiedlich. Die Ansiedler brachten ihre Sprache aus ihrem Heimatland mit und ihre Mundarten wurden mittels Kontakte - vor allem mit Slowakischem - um slowakische Elemente bereichert. Es entstanden interessante Formen der Dialekte, die ihren Ursprung in deutschen mittelalterlichen Mundarten hatten, sich je-

doch in neuen Gebieten weiterentwickelten. Als Oberbegriff fr diese Mundarten benutzt man die Benennung Zipserdeutsch. Das Zipserdeutsche war ursprnglich die gesprochene Sprache der herrschenden Schicht, wurde auch von anderen Wohlhabenden und Gebildeten verstanden oder benutzt. Zugleich war Deutsch die Schriftsprache, auch der Bauern und der Mittelschicht. Das gesprochene Zipserdeutsch, der Zipser Dialekt, ist eine schlesisch-rheinisch gefrbte Umgangssprache (Outzpsersch, d.h. Altzipserisch). (Zipserdeutsch, Wikipedia.de). Die deutsche Minderheit nach dem zweiten Weltkrieg Nach dem zweiten Weltkrieg verlor die deutsche Minderheit in der damaligen Tschechoslowakei ihren bisherigen Status. Laut der sgn. Bene-Dekrete wurden bis 1947 insgesamt etwa 2,9 Millionen Personen in der damaligen Tschechoslowakei aufgrund ihrer Zugehrigkeit zur deutschen Bevlkerung pauschal zu Staatsfeinden erklrt und ausgebrgert wobei die Zahlen je nach Quelle und Sichtweise schwanken. Ungefhr 220.000 Deutsche blieben nach dem Ende der Vertreibung im Lande, unter anderem Antifaschisten, Deutsche in Mischehen mit Slowaken oder Tschechen und produktionswichtige Arbeitskrfte. Die Enteignungen wurden mit den Dekreten (nachtrglich) gerechtfertigt, aus deren Wortlaut sich kaum auf eine geplante massenweise und systematische Abschiebung schlieen lie; es gab weder ein ausdrckliches Vertreibungsdekret noch ein Vertreibungsgesetz (Bene-Dekrete, wikipedia.org) In der Oberzips blieben nach dem Jahr 1947 halbleere oder leere Drfer, die von der slowakischen Bevlkerung in kurzer Zeit besiedelt wurden. Mit der Abschiebung der Deutschen verschwanden auch die alten deutschen Dialekte, ihre Kultur, und es blieben nur die Spuren ihrer siebenhundert Jahre langen Geschichte. Mit der Vertreibung wurde also aus der damals starken deutschen Mehrheitsbevlkerung in einigen Ortschaften pltzlich eine Minderheit. In der Folge ging der Gebrauch des Zipserdeutschen drastisch zurck, und die Sprecher verlernten die Unterschiede zwischen der deutschen Standardsprache und ihrer Mundart, so dass sie, sofern sie diese berhaupt nutzen, Anteile des Zipser Dialekts in die deutsche Verkehrssprache einbringen, auch in ihrer geschriebenen Form (Deutscher Dialekt).

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Outzpsersch benutzt man heute noch im letzten deutschsprachigen Dorf der Slowakei in Chmenica (deutsch Hopgarten). Den Dialekt sprechen noch ber 600 Menschen von insgesamt ca. 900 Einwohnern. Auch viele Kinder reden mit den Eltern und Groeltern noch Outzpsersch, untereinander jedoch meistens Slowakisch. Um die deutsche Sprache bei den Kindern und Jugendlichen am Leben zu erhalten, wird in der dortigen Schule u.a. sieben Wochenstunden Deutsch unterrichtet (Wikipedia). Die deutsche Minderheit nach dem Jahr 1989 Im Jahr 1990 wurde in der Slowakei der Karpatendeutschenverein gegrndet. Das Ziel des Vereins ist die Erneuerung der Karpatendeutschenminderheit in der Slowakei, Frderung auf dem Gebiet der Kultur, Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft, auf dem sozialen Gebiet und auf dem Gebiet des Glaubens. Speziell widmet sich der Verein der Frderung der Aktivitten der Jugend, der Revitalisierung der deutschen Sprache, der Herausgabe der deutschen Belletrie und Fachliteratur. Monatlich erscheint das Karpatenblatt, eine Zeitung in deutscher Sprache. Die Zentrale des Vereins befindet sich in Koice (Kaschau), die Oberzipser Deutschen haben ihr Zentrum in der Stadt Kemarok (Ksmark), Unterzipser in Mnek nad Hnilcom (Einsiedel an der Gllnitz). Zusammenfassung und Ausblick Die Zusammensetzung der Bevlkerung in Bezug auf ihre Nationalitt hat sich in der Slowakei im 20. Jahrhundert gendert. In der Zips betraf das vor allem die deutsche Bevlkerung, die in einigen Stdten und Drfern bis 1945 seit etwa 700 Jahren nicht selten als Majoritt lebte. In der Zeit des Sozialismus war die deutsche Minderheit in der gesamten Slowakei unerwnscht und in einigen Jahren haben sich keine Bewohner offiziell zu dieser Minderheit bekannt. Bessere Situation entstand nach dem Jahr 1989, seit dem sich diese Minderheit auf allen Gebieten gut entwickeln kann. Bibliografie
1. Bene-Dekrete. In: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bene%C5%A1Dekrete. 2. Biris, Teodora Rodica. 2007 Vvoj menn v Rumunsku. In: Etap, Zbornk z medzinrodnej vedeckej konferencie. Bansk Bystrica : Ekonomick fakulta UMB, 2007, 6 S. ISBN 97880-8083-406-7. 3. Deutscher_Dialekt. In: http://www.robawi.de/wik/themen reihe . p?c=Deutscher_Dialekt.

4. Horvthov, Margarta.2002. Nemci na Slovensku. Kom8rno-Dunajsk Streda: Frum intitt pre vskum menn, 2002, S. 103. ISBN 80-8062-152-7. 5. Jebek, Richard. 1968. Masopustn maska pohebene vmezinrodnm kontextu. In: Nrodopisn aktuality. 1968/2, S. 89-95. In: http://na.nulk.cz/1968/2/Nr.html, 1968/8. 6. Kontrkov, Iveta, BIRIS, Teodora Rodica. 2008 Multikultrne vplyvy v eurpskych reginoch Spi a Arad so zameranm na nemeck jazykov vplyvy. In: Kov, M. (ed.): Germanistische Studien zur Sprache, Literatur und Didaktik, Preov : Filozofick fakulta PU, 2008, S. 90-100. ISBN 978-80-8068-815-8. 7. Kontrkov, Iveta. 2009. Zmeny v postaven nemeckej meniny na Slovensku za poslednch 150 rokov. In: Germanistische Studien zur Sprache. Literatur und Didaktik II. Preov: Filozofick fakulta Preovskej univerzity, 2009, S. 138-154. ISBN 978-80-555-0002-7. 8. Kontrkov, Iveta. 2012. Die Wege der Slowakei zum Plurilinguismus. In: Studii de iint i cultur. Arad: Vasile Goldis University Press, Jg. VIII, 2012, 9 S. ISSN 1841-1401 9. Nemny, Wilhelm. 1932. Fhrer durch die Zips. Kesmark : Paul Sauter, 1932, 128 S. 10. Obyvatestvo SR poda nrodnosti stanie 2011. In: http:// portal.statistics.sk/files/ tab.11.pdf. 11. Olejnk, Jn. 1976. Regionlne zvltnosti vo vronch obyajoch na Spii v sasnosti. In: Nrodopisn aktuality. Ro. XIII., 1976/2, s102. In: http://na.nulk.cz/1976/2/Nr.html 12. Strohbr. In: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Strohb%C3%A4r. 13. olc, Jozef. 1939-1940. Dialektick lenenie spiskch nre. In: Linguistica Slovaca, 1-2, 1939-40, S. 191-207. 14. Zipserdeutsch. In: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zipserdeutsch.

Summary German minority in the Slovak region of Upper Spis in the past and at present German minority in the Slovak region of Upper Spis in the past and at present The article deals with the idea of multiculturalism in the area of Upper Spis in the past considering the German minority which started to populate the Spis region in the 11th 12th centuries already. The newcoming culture brought their own language from their motherland in German countries. In the course of the centuries the language went through numerous changes which led to the appearance of specific dialects. People also came to the new territory with their original culture which was permanently developed. In aclose cooperation with the Slovak majority as well as with other nationalities inhabiting the area the Germans significantly contributed to the economic development of the Spis region. Nowadays, as aresult of out-migration of the Germans after the World War II the number of the German minority members is relatively low. Key words: German minority, the Spis region, culture, German dialects

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ARTE VIZUALE

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Marin Mohan
Este nscut n anul 1988 la Panciova, originar din Sn Mihai. Liceul economic la Alibunar, studii generale i master la Facultatea de Arte i Design din Timioara, secia foto-video. Expoziie de grup la Muzeul Banatului, galeria Therezia, 2012 lucrri n acest numr: pag. 3, 37, 42, 55, 100, 109, 138, 140, 144, 159

Marina Gtianu
Este nscut la Novi Sad,19 mai 1989. A absolvit Liceul tehnic Jovan Vukanovi, secia confecii. Este student anul III la coala superioar de studii de specialitate, secia design grafic. Expoziii colective Centrul Cultural al oraului Novi Sad, 2011 Teatrul Naional Srb Novi Sad, 2012; lucrri n acest numr: pag. 48, 139

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POEZIE

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Ott Tolnai

Mumele XII M plictisesc. V rog trenciul. nainte de a face ceva ns gndii-v la grdina de trandafiri, sau numai la o creag, sau mcar la o floare de trandafir, domnilor. Pilinszky, Stavroghin i ia rmas-bun Autobuzul de budapesta oprete pentru o clip i aici la palici s ia elevii care fac naveta la segedin sau peta de altfel n ultimii ani precupeele limbute i plicticoase au avansat la statutul de binirese oferul de-al crui gt atrn lnioare groase de aur de fiecare dat las cutia de bere vameului iugoslav la peta am luat un taxiu pentru aeroport taximetristul mi zice c nu se mai prezint la alegeri data trecut a votat cu fides acum i-ar da votul socialitilor dar nu mai voteaz s-a sturat de toate de la ferihegy am zburat cu KLM-ul pn la amsterdam cei doi colegi de breasl (kukorelli i kemny) probabil c au alt zbor mi-a trecut prin minte cnd la amsterdam la ieire o blond i apoi altele au nceput s agite o pancard pe care scria POETRY i pe neateptate apru ca din pmnt i kemny ne-au luat n main i am plecat la rotterdam priveam peisajele cu mori de vnt vechi i noi peste tot vaci frumoase care acum n epoca apocaliptic a vacilor nebune ar trebui poate s fie din nou pictate ar fi foarte captivant s vezi acum pe bietul pictor acolo afar n fa cu srmanele vaci i oi care ctu-i ziua de mine pot fi ucise i arse s vezi deci pe pictor

stnd fa-n fa cu s zicem vestitul taur al lui paulus potter cruia fromentin n cartea sa meterii de odinioar i-a dedicat un capitol scurt dar frapant ar trebui pe bune din nou pictate vacile astea deoarece motivul ca atare abia acum se apropie de epuizarea sa fireasc pentru c nu ne putem nchipui c un motiv este epuizat cnd noi ne sturm de el pentru c aa cum epocile colile i modele n pictur au un timp al lor interior i ritmul lor aa i motivele au timpul natural al duratei mrul de exemplu (ultimul mr ca o moarte divin a fost pictat de giacometti) muntele (ultimul munte a fost pictat de handke n cartea sa despre sainte-victoire) sau taurul (ultimul taur nainte de epidemia vacilor nebune a fost pictat de meniusz toth) am privit deci reeau solid de canale i atunci cineva a artat spre stnga: HAGA i fcnd o legtur cu temele din pictur la care m gndeam am oftat doamne ce bine ar fi s merg din nou la HAGA s privesc iari pe vermeeri aceia toat viaa mea am vizitat pinacotecile, dar dac ar trebui s aleg una a opta numai pentru mauritshuis de la haga i nu numai pentru de acolo ai o panoram superb spre delft, dei tocmai din aceast cauz am mers acolo (mai bine zis din cauza lui proust i a personajului su care n timp ce privea detailleul unei picturi i se fcuse ru i a murit fr s ajung a atinge cunoaterea absolut: Ultimele mele cri sunt prea reci, ar trebui s pun culoarea n mai multe straturi, ar trebuit s aduc la perfeciune

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fiecare propoziie aa cum e bucata asta de crmid glbuie. ci din cauza portretului fetei cu cercel de perl pentru c nicio alt pictur nu m-a vrjit att de mult dei nici nu tiam c se afl acolo nici n-am fost pregtit pentru ea ntlnirea cu ea a fost prea neateptat dei tiam numai n baza reproducerilor n-am mai fost n stare s evoc pe msur efectul acelei picturi de format mic 56,5x40 centimetri ntre timp am fost preocupat de dantelreasa de la luvru (doamne cum se prvlesc firele alea ca o niagar) de femeia ce-i numr perlele de la washington (pe ascuns i mngiam stomacul uor umflat) de bucelele de mlai auriu ale lptresei ct i de strduele din delft i de rijkmuseum iar de feticana aia cu turban albastru aproape c am uitat de tot n ultimii 30 de ani dar acum trecnd pe lng HAGA pe neateptate am simit din nou acea singular atracie acel magnetism albastru al micii picturi i mi-am amintit atunci i de capitolul scurt al lui fromentin despre taurul lui potter el spune (aceste rnduri de fapt le-am descoperit dup vizita la mauritshuis cnd scriind despre un animalist de-al nostru mai precis despre pictorul de vaci husveth lajos am rsfoit din nou maetrii de odinioar): Alturi de Lecia de anatomie i Rondul de noapte, Taurus al lui Paulus Potter se numr printre cele mai cunocute opere ale picturii flamande. n bun parte Muzeul din Haga i datoreaz faima chiar i acestei picturi care ntotdeauna strnete interesul. tim c n meterii de odinioar nici ntr-un rnd n-au pomenit numele sfnt al lui vermeer iar vizitatorul de azi aprope c nu acord nicio atenie srmanului taur al lui paulus potter (de fapt aici e vorba de un taur tnr) numai dac din cauza epidemiei vacilor nebune s-a gsit din nou n centrul ateniei iar dac nu e cu bnat (criticul de art nu posed un instrument

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de nregistrare a unor astfel de schimbri) taurul lui potter (cel tnr) a devenit unul dintre cele mai preioase obiecte ale olandei bucuria sa de viaa aproape de neneles uite c face ca nu numai s fie contient de coaiele lui grele de capul frumos, ci i de mprejurrile c tocmai cu el se relanseaz i ncepe s cucereasc din nou un motiv un motiv care era pe cale de stingere pentru c nc nu suntem contieni pn-n aceast clip c atunci cnd o specie de animale, precum dinozaurii, ncepe s nu mai existe, iar noi din nou s nu avem habar cum i de ce am pornit deci la rotterdam n timpul festivalului (PIR) n-am urmrit deloc evenimentele din ar (iugoslavia) n ziare am cutat doar reacii pe marginea festivalului cum amanii i reperii de culoare ne-au ras pe noi maghiarii de pe scena festivalului, iar cu poeii din fosta iugoslavie am discutat cu totul despre alte lucruri cu zajc de exemplu am vorbit despre moartea misteriosului pictor sloven tisnikar (l-a lovit o main i l-a aruncat sub roile alteia, apoi ntr-un canal canalurile i-au fost prima meserie i lui nu i-a fost dat ca figura lui alungit s fie ntins pe masa de beton de la morg i s fie aa cum se cuvine scldat i-am spus lui zajc c n biblioteca fiecrul intelectual iugomaghiar se afl voluminosul volum verde al lui tisnikar) decanul poeziei srbe pavlovici cea mai mare parte din an o petrece n germania la soia sa nemoaic i la copiii si (m preocup ideea a dou patrii) a fost emoionant s discut din nou cu el s vd cum poezia sa ulisse pe insula circei publicat n catalogul festivalului a devenit un mare poem (ntr-un suflu am tradus-o pentru mine) n 1971 tocmai el a condus delegaia de poei iugoslavi la festivalul de poezie la balatonfred dup care festival mie mi-a fost doi ani interzis intrarea n ungaria

pe veovici l-am fcut s-mi povesteasc despre sarajevo i abia dup ce un prieten de la peta deja pomenitul istvan ertl specialist n esperanto ntr-o diminea (am avut liber n ziua respectiv) ne-a dus n excursie la amsterdam i cnd am trecut din nou pe lng HAGA HAGA am spus toi deodat la unison cei din main credeam c poate e deja aici c e poate deja aici i eu nu tiam c-mi scap un eveniment important poate c deja este aici fostul meu preedinte (M) am tiut c aici exist o nchisoare asemntoare cu castelul lui hamlet undeva n partea opus n partea de nord a oraului la mare nu e exclus c m-am i plimbat odinioar pe-acolo pentru c datorit lui fromentin aici m simt ca acas dar totui cu multe emoii am vizitat i examinat viaa grdinii florilor un cartier linitit de la marginea oraului i la ntoarcere am continuat s examinez cu luare aminte spernd c l voi simi prin apropiere c-i voi adulmeca mirosul (putoarea) dar niciun miros n afara aromelor florilor superbe apoi au urmat iari zilele de festival am recitat din nou MUMELE i PUTOAREA DIVIN A LIPICIULUI iar la sfrit AIDOMA UNUI PORTAR un poem n care glenn gould bindu-se ntr-o camer goal dintr-o dat observ ntr-un ungher cum putrezete nsui dumnezeu apoi am revenit la pictur (cartoforii lui cezanne un tablou mare de balthus i un mondrian de format mic i alb) dup teminarea festivalului cu trenul la aeroport (Schiphol) iar din tren am avut ocazia s vd mai bine HAGA i parc apruse i zidul acela portocaliu asemntor cu meterezele din tabloul lui vermeer cu deschidere la delft i mi s-a prut c-n acea lumin portocalie plpie zidurile nchisorii scheveningen

(n acele zile i la rotterdam, dar i la amsterdam am studiat aparte i am pipit crmida aceea olandez foarte mic aproape pe jumtate de cum e a noastr i culoarea ei oker trece-n culoarea ntunecat a crnii) aici plpie cel mai frumos detaille al lumii (e vorba de fapt de tabula de aur a alchimitilor pentru c lui vermeer i-a reuit ce alchimitilor nu le-a ieit niciodat i ceea ce se vede acolo ntre acoperiurile albastre ale turlelor deasupra zidurilor cenuii i navelor tulburi este adevrata tabl de aur) abia ce am ajuns acas au deschis ua celulei lui M i i-au spus Pregtii-v, plecai... Iar fostul meu preedinte a ntrebat: Unde plec? La Haga. i-au rspuns i din ua celulei i-au citit actul de acuzare a urmat urmat o vnzolela de cteva minute apoi a deveni cooperativ a fumat o igar a ieit din celul i a urcat n elicopterul cu care a fost transportat la baza american de la tuzla Unde mi-e trenciul? a ntrebat i nu la mult timp dup aceea a urmat prima fotografie de la haga n curtea vechii nchisori (se aseamn cu castelul lui hamlet) trece prin faa unui zid de un rou iptor puin cam obosit (n-a spune c a fost frnt de oboseal s-a putu uor recunoate gtul lui caracteristic de taur) figura lui ntre doi gardieni n faa unui zid de un rou iptor care deodat probabil sub lumina numeroaselor reflectoare a nceput s luceasc n portocaliu aidoma acelui detaille minunat al lui vermeer apoi au artat i camera lui n care l atepta peria pentru veceu au artat i etajera pentru cri i n timp ce priveam etajera goal mi trecu prin minte dac a putea s sugerez fostului preedinte o list de cri pentru lectur i-a fi sugerat nainte de toate cartea lui fromentin bineneles

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avnd n vedere scurtul capitol al lui fromentin despre taurul lui potter i alte cri despre pictura flamad cum e de exeplu crulia lui hippolyte taine din care ar putea multe nva despre nuana flamand ca atare despre epocile tulburi care pe neateptate pot rbufni n flcri de pe urma unei singure raze de lumin aidoma zidului casei aceleia care l-a obsedat att de mult pe proust i-a recomanda neaprat i pe sechestrata din acea cas cu att mai mult cu ct traductorul n srb al lui proust (exist i o traducere n croat a lui proust i s-ar putea compara nuanele) a tradus cele opt volume n nchisoare unde a nimerit acolo n urma unui accident de circulaie dei toat viaa lui n-a condus dect deuxseval-ul acela (e vorba de prietenul lui ruja-rebeca ugrinov de la care tiu amnutele astea) la un moment dat am observat surprins c am nceput s m complac n rolul de consilier al preedintelui dei el singur nu i-a dorit niciun avocat (fie vorba soia sa deja a nceput s-i caute o cas la haga) deci m-am surprins cum i citesc cu voce tare din frometin bineneles c la acele alineate dup capitolul despre taurul lui potter n care descrie haga (am cobort vocea cnd am dat peste cuvintele lanuri i temni) dar ceea ce mi se pare cu totul neobinuit este faptul c din ntmplare cunosc bine traducerea n srbete a lui fromentin care a fost editat chiar la novi sad pe la nceputul anilor cincizeci n redactarea unui preuit i vechi prieten al meu (care tocmai zilele trecute murise i care are i o carte despre breugel n care rposatul meu prieten vorbete aproape cu dispre despre charles tolnay) tocmai din aceast cauz tiu bine n ce pri traducerea este foarte bun i n care este superficial

dar pe douzeci i unu a lunii domnul chanady inspectorul principal al pieelor din subotica aa i-a nceput raportul su la radio subotia azi-diminea la haga s-a mbuntit oferta de pia roiile la piaa din subotia sunt treizeci cartofii cincisprezece, iar fasolea verde douzeci de dinari dar eu citeam n continuare din fromentin fostului meu preedinte: Haga e, fr doar i poate, unul dintre oraele cele mai puin olandeze din toat Olanda, unul dintre cele mai originale din Europa... ntlneti aici o aristocraie de batin care se strmut, o aristocraie strin ce se simte ca la ea acas, uriae averi agonisite n deprtate colonii asiatice i statornicite aici ntr-o via foarte mbelugat... nspre acest ora i-a ndemna pe cei scrbii de uriciunea, mediocritatea, zarva sau luxul deert al marilor orae, dar nu al oraelor n general. Ct despre mine, dac ar fi s-mi aleg un loc de munc, un loc de vilegiatur, sau a dori s m simt bine, s respir o atmosfer delicat, s vd lucruri frumoase, s visez altele i mai frumoase, dac m-ar ncerca mai ales unele griji, necazuri, nenelegeri cu mine nsumi i a avea nevoie de linite ca s le vin de hac i mult farmec n preajm ca s mi le alin, a face precum Europa dup furtunile sale: aici mi-a stabili parlamentul...(Traducere din francez de Modest Morariu, 1969).*
Traducere din limba maghiar n srb de Arpad Vicko Traducere din limba srb i note de Simeon LZREANU *Traducerea fragmentului despre Haga i Scheveningen este reprodus din Eugene Fromentin, Maetri de odinioar, Traducere, prefa i note de Modest Morariu, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1969.

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Luiza Caraivan

Cui i e fric de filosofi?

luiza.caraivan@gmail.com Aprut n seria de autor Marta Petreu, cartea Filosofia lui Caragiale este reeditarea volumului aprut n anul 2003, cnd, dup cum mrturisete chiar scriitoarea, n jurul crilor ei se crease o zarv deloc prietenoas1. Chiar dac, la prima vedere acest studiu pare o ndeprtare de preocuprile scriitoarei, mprtite cititorilor familiarizai cu celelalte volume, la o privire mai atent regsim acelai tip de construcie, acelai schelet pe care a fost ridicat o analiz pertinent a operei lui Caragiale, cu un obiectiv mai puin obinuit: acela de a descoperi influenele filosofilor din diverse spaii i culturi asupra operei i gndirii dramaturgului, prozatorului i jurnalistului romn. Astfel, nc din primele pagini, recunoatem pasiunea doamnei Marta Petreu pentru biblioteci, acest studiu asupra operei lui I. L. Caragiale fiind o nou dovad n acest sens: biblioteca lui Ion Vartic este menionat n prefaa la prima ediie i, pe msur ce avansm n parcurgerea volumului, sunt prezente referine la opere puin sau chiar deloc cunoscute de ctre public. Prin urmare, pentru a lega scriitura lui Caragiale de jurnalistul Caragiale i chiar de omul Caragiale din viaa de zi cu zi, pentru a face conexiuni ntre refleciile i experienele acestuia, autoarea apeleaz la schimburile epistolare publicate n Opere - Coresponden, n volume de scrisori i memorii aparinnd altor scriitori i oameni de cultur sau n presa vremii: Paul Zarifopol n coresponden (1897), Revista Fundaiilor Regale (1944), Epoca literar (1896), Amintiri despre Caragiale (1972), sunt doar cteva exemple de surse folosite. O alt trstur surprins de cititorul crilor Martei Petreu este uurina cu care aceasta aeaz concepte filosofice alturi de citate aparent simple, extrase din scrierile lui Caragiale: O splendid fallacia figurae dictonis sau sofismul prin forma limbajului
1

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Cuvnt nainte la a doua ediie a crii Filosofia lui Caragiale, Iai: Editura Polirom, 2012. ISBN 978-973-46-2558-1

este mesajul lui Costchel: A doua oar atacat palme picioare piaa endependeni acela bandit director scandalos nsoit sbiri. Situaia devenit insuportabil. Ora stare asediu (65). Fiierul de filosofi asamblat de autoare conine, dup cum menioneaz chiar Marta Petreu, peste 40 de nume. Fiecare filosof este pus n legtur direct cu idei, comentarii, replici ale personajelor lui Caragiale, toate decupate din consemnrile din Coresponden, din istorioare, povestiri, schie, nuvele sau piese de teatru, dar i din articolele publicate de acesta n calitate de jurnalist. Platon, Aristotel, Heine, Machiavelli, Voltaire, Kant sunt doar civa dintre cei 40 de filosofi ale cror concepte sunt trecute n revist fie pentru c sunt introduse de ctre Caragiale n scrierile sale (exemplul Kant este relevant n acest sens, teoriile filosofice ale acestuia fiind satirizate n Despre comet), fie datorit conexiunilor stabilite i explicate de Marta Petreu n contextul lucrrilor analizate. O a treia caracteristic important a modalitii n care doamna Marta Petreu i concepe volumele este dezvluirea unor aspecte neinvestigate nc, din viaa scriitorilor analizai, pentru a sublinia influena faptelor i experienelor cotidiene asupra operei lor. n volumul de fa, acest lucru devine evident n seciunea intitulat De la Cmpina la Ploieti sau o cltorie de documentare filosofic, n care autoarea urmrete pas cu pas o zi din viaa lui Caragiale conturat ntr-un quator literar format din Criticele lui Gherea, O vizit la castelul Iulia Hasdeu, De la d. C.D. Gherea, Cercetarea noastr literar. Cteva preri anonime (p. 62), toate fiind articole publicate de Caragiale n 1897. Punctele de reper ale acestei zile sunt trei lecii de filosofie i o investigare a lui viceversa. Seciunea Dicionar de caragialisme cuprinde numeroase exemple de procedee ademenitor-sofistice ntrebuinate de dramaturg (67), sofisme de limbaj i sofisme materiale: fallacia plurium interrogatio-

num ut unius, figura dictionis, fallacia figurae dictionis, argumentum ad verecundiam/ ad misericordiam/ ab auctoritate sunt doar cteva dintre numeroasele exemple propuse n aceast seciune. Toate sunt nsoite de citate din opera lui Caragiale i sunt pe larg explicate de ctre autoare, aa nct cititorul nu se izbete de un zid format din teorii filosofice i expresii n limba latin, ci este ghidat cu miestrie de ctre Marta Petreu n ceea ce poate prea un labirint de caragialisme, dar se dovedete a fi o potec bine trasat prin opera scriitorului romn. Temeiul care st la baza asocierii limbajului filosofic cu limbajul aparent simplu al personajelor lui Caragiale, a teoriilor filosofice cu ntreaga scriitur a acestui autor, este o replic a celebrului personaj Mitic: Pcat c nu m-au dat s-nv filosofia! eu ieeam filosof, s nu crezi c spun mofturi! filosof: asta era nacafaua mea, nu negustor! (107) Dup cum argumenteaz Marta Petreu avem destule dovezi c prin gura lui Mitic i mrturisete frustrarea nsui Caragiale, care a fost toat viaa marcat de lipsa unei instrucii superioare de tip sistematic (107). Prin urmare, preocuparea de a gsi rdcini filosofice n ntreaga oper a lui Caragiale este perfect ndreptit. Seciunea intitulat Filosofia lui Caragiale este construit n jurul replicii lui Mitic, ns Marta Petreu nu se oprete doar la examinarea conceptelor filosofice legate de scriitor, ci scoate la iveal evenimente istorice (cum sunt rscoalele rneti din 1907) analizate de Caragiale n consemnrile sale jurnalistice i n epistole. Cele dou seciuni cu care Marta Petreu i ncheie volumul (Scrisorile unui opioman daco-romn i Teze neterminate) conin buci din scrisori care dezvluie un Caragiale tot mai misterios i mai strin fa de universul vesel-mizer al propriei sale opere. Mai mult dect orice alt text, scrisorile ndreptesc presupunerea ambivalenei luntrice a lui Caragiale (211). Astfel, l rentlnim pe Caragiale la Berlin la fel de preocupat de situaia din Romnia ca n perioada petrecut n ar. Parcurgnd volumul Martei Petreu, cititorii i vor aminti cu plcere de personajele lui Caragiale, vor descoperi aspecte noi ale scriiturii i personalitii acestui autor i, nu n ultimul rnd i vor marca cteva dintre sursele citate cu meniunea de citit n viitorul apropiat. De asemenea, vor descoperi ct de actuale rmn n secolul XXI chestiuni stringente de

care erau preocupai intelectualii secolului XIX. Constantin Rdulescu-Motru remarca ntr-o carte pentru domnul Caragiale, cum numete Marta Petreu o brour pe care Caragiale a ngrijit-o c:

La noi, rspndirea ideilor culese din strintate se face ntr-un chip prea meteugit i cu frumoase mpodobiri de originalitate, aa c nu de puine ori se ntmpl ca acei ce le rspndesc s piard din contiin proveniena lor i s cread de-a binelea a fi ei nii autorii. (38)
n societatea contemporan, n care dificultatea de a produce ceva nou i original este deseori depit prin plagiat, studiile doamnei Marta Petreu demonstreaz cum se poate face o analiz pertinent i original a unei opere ndelung cercetate, cum pot fi prelucrate informaii arhicunoscute sub o form nou, pentru a oferi noi modaliti de citire a unui autor renumit. Dac tim s punem ntrebri i s strnim curiozitatea, rspunsul se gsete, de cele mai multe ori, n crile i manuscrisele uitate din biblioteci.

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Laura Spriosu

Numele i numirea: Actele Conferinei Internaionale de Onomastic

lauraspariosu@gmail.com n anul 2011 la Editura Mega, Cluj-Napoca, a aprut volumul Numele i numirea: Actele Conferinei Internaionale de Onomastic, editor: Oliviu Felecan. Este vorba despre volumul dedicat lucrilor prezentate la conferina desfurat sub genericul Interferene multietnice n antroponimie, organizat la Baia Mare, Romnia, n perioada 19-21 septembrie 2011. Volumul de fa a fost realizat n cadrul unui proiect de cercetare exploratorie ctigat n cadrul competiiei CNCSIS, PN II, IDEI, pe o durat de trei ani (20082011), coordonator: prof. univ. dr. Oliviu Felecan. Trebuie menionat c unul dintre obiectivele realizrii acestui proiect a fost i organizarea unui simpozion internaional, la care s-i dea contribuia experi n onomastic, att din Romnia, ct i din strintate. Lucrrile prezentate la conferin au fost grupate n trei mari capitole: antroponomastic, toponomastic i numele n societate, cu scopul de a acoperi i satisface sfera de interes a tuturor participanilor. Articolele au fost organizate n subcapitole, n funcie de conceptul fiecruia: prenume, antroponimie istoric, nume de familie, antroponime neconvenionale (porecle, supranume, hipocoristice), onomastic literar, toponime, hidronime, oiconime, hodonime, teoria numelor, nume comerciale, alte nume (zoonime etc). Ordinea publicrii articolelor n cadrul fiecrui capitol s-a fcut inndu-se cont de ordinea alfabetic a numelui autorilor. Vorbind despre lucrrile publicate, observm c cele mai multe 34, au fost redactate n limba romn, 17 au fost redactate n limba francez, 8 n englez, 7 n german, 4 n italian. Revenind la acest eveniment tiinific, nu putem neglija faptul c simpozionul desfurat la Baia Mare i-a lasat amprenta n sfera cercetrilor onomastice, nu numai pe trm romnesc, ci i pe unul internaional. Un argument serios n acest sens l constituie att calitatea articolelor, ct i participarea unui numr mare de oameni de tiin experi n onomastic, ale cror nume le gsim ntrunite n volum. Referindu-ne la participani, remarcm prezena cercettorilor din centre universitare romneti de prestigiu i insititute de cercetare ale Academiei Romne: Rodica Biri (Arad); Nicolae Felecan, Daiana Felecan, Oliviu Felecan, Carmen Drbu, Gheorghe Glodeanu, Anita Andreica, Minodora Barbul, Alina Bugheiu, Nicoleta Cmpian, Andreea Dumitrescu, Izabella Krizsanovszki, Adelina Mihali, Mihaela Munteanu Siserman, Adrian Ooiu, Marcela Ooiu, Georgeta Rus, Rodica-Cristina urcanu (Baia Mare); Rzvan Bran, Gheorghe Chivu, Mihai Crudu, Doina Filimon Doroftei, Octavian Gordon, Monica Adriana Ionescu, Margareta Manu Magda, Iulia Mrgrit, Maria-Ctlina Muraru, Ileana-Maria Ratcu, Dana-Luminia Teleoac, Theodor Ullieriu-Rostas, Ioana Vintil-Rdulescu (Bucureti); Ad rian Chircu, Dana Covaci, Raluca Pop-Chendea (Cluj-Napoca); Aida Todi (Constana); Teodor Oanc, Claudia Gabriela Pisoschi, Mdlina Strechie, Drago Vlad Topal, Camelia Zbav (Craiova); Marius Alexianu, Daniela Butnaru, Ana-Maria Priscaru (Iai); Lazr Avram, Gheorghe Calcan (Ploieti); Sigrid Haldenwang (Sibiu); Mihaela Grigorean (Negreti Oa). La fel, remarcm i prezena cercettorilor din alte ri: Davide Astori, Antonio Mallozzi, Luca Gatti, Alfonso Germani (Italia); Emili Casanova (Spania); Thierry Ponchon, Michel Rateau (Frana); Willy van Langen donck, Jrmie Delorme (Belgia); Bernd Spillner (Germania); Inga Dru, Anatol Eremia, Viorica Rileanu,

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Elena Ungureanu, Vladimir Zagaevschi (Moldova); An na Fornalczyk, Aleksandra Biela-Wolociej (Polonia); Igor Skouratov, Kevin Bacquet (Rusia); Laura Spriosu, Rodica Ursulescu-Milii, Viginia Popovi, Ivana Janji, Boris Stojkovski (Serbia); Erika Kegyes (Ungaria); Bertie Neethling (Africa de Sud), autorii strini reprezentnd o treime din numrul participanilor. n baza cele spuse mai sus, ne exprimm convingerea c volumul Numele i numirea ntrunete efor-

tul acelora care i-au propus i ntru totul au reuit s duc la bun sfrit organizarea unei conferine de dimensiuni mari, acelora care, prin articolele prezentate, i-au dat contribuia la buna reuit a conferinei, precum i al acelora care au participat la redactarea i publicarea Actelor Conferinei Internaionale de Onomastic, plasnd acest volum pe lista bibliografiei obligatorii care ine de domeniul uneia dintre cele mai atractive i mai interesante discipline lingvistice.

Nicolas Trifon

EmG-P, scriitor modern

nicolas.trifon@gmail.com Tissu vif. 10 x 10 : 10 chapitres, 10 envoles aux accents tour tour ralistes, lyriques, fantasques et rudits, 10 histoires aux mille pisodes qui traversent allgrement les temps modernes, lespace de lAtlan ti que lOural et au-del, et la psych de hros plus tourments les uns que les autres mais chacun sa faon, des histoires qui senchanent, se tlescopent, se recoupent, pour finir par senchsser dans un tout appel roman. En vrit, nous avons affaire un roman bien particulier, son scripteur tant pote, surtout, traducteur, diteur et critique littraire aussi, lacteur principal, enfin, sans lequel les personnages du livre, le narrateur y compris, nauraient jamais exist. Lauteur, Emilian Galaicu-Paun (EmGP), fait dail le urs tout pour viter le pige du romanesque avec son lot de satisfactions faussement rassurantes. Il va jus qu faire fi des rgles de la lisibilit en bouleversant les conventions typographiques ou en inversant le sens de la lecture et prend dlibrment le risque de dsaronner le lecteur, de le faire dcrocher, force de lui faire perdre le fil de lhistoire. Tout cela pour mieux mettre en valeur les mots qui disent, qui tissent, lhistoire ou sen font cho dans le texte, le mystre quils vhiculent, les pistes dexploration quils ouvrent et que lon peut emprunter condition que lon sache sy prendre. En effet, alors quil fait preuve dune grande inventivit sur le plan des dispositifs narratifs, EmGP nhsite pas faire irruption dans une histoire ou encore linterrompre sche ment pour en commencer une autre, faire une longue digression savante ou triviale, prendre de court sans crier gare le lecteur tomb sous le charme de son art de conteur. Sil procde ainsi, cest par passion pour les mots, par souci dinterroger au plus prs leur signification, par envie de leur donner vie, de les faire vivre, de jouer avec dans un texte dont lagencement est sans cesse renouvel. Son livre renvoie la fois Balzac et Barthes, plus prcisment la nouvelle intitule Sarrasine, crite en1830 par le premier, relue, rcrite et annote cent quarante ans plus tard par le second dans S/Z . N en 1964, donc entr dans la vie active aux dbuts de la fin de lUnion sovitique, EmG-P est un crivain moldave dexpression roumaine considr, linstar dautres confrres de la mme gnration, comme postmoderne. Difficile cependant de se contenter de ces deux attributs. La moldavit soulve

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davantage de questions quelle napporte de rponses, tandis que le postmodernisme dont on se rclame volontiers lEst repose sur une contradiction : Comment tre postmoderne dans des pays o certains objectifs minima de la modernitnont toujours pas t atteints et alors que cet tat de fait, assimil abusivement un manque de culture ou des formes de primitivisme, est si souvent dplor ? Difficile de caractriser EmG-P et ses confrres de la gnration dite des annes 1980 dcrivains moldaves, cest--dire bessarabiens, du nom qui dsignait le territoire de lactuelle Rpublique de Moldavie depuis son annexion la Russie, il y a deux sicles. Il ny a pas eu de vritable vie culturelle moldave et/ou roumaine lpoque tsariste en Bessarabie, et, pour ce qui est de lentre-deux-guerres, la catgorie dcrivains bessarabiens est peu pertinente parce que mal diffrencie de celle dcrivains roumains1. En rfrence lpoque sovitique, la catgorie dcrivains moldaves est encore moins approprie. Non seulement EmG-P et sa gnration sont aux antipodes des crivains moldaves de lpoque sovitique mais la distance qui les spare des crivains moldaves consacrs lpoque sovitique qui, sur des positions traditionalistes et nationalistes, ont prsid aux changements survenus en Moldavie la chute de lURSS, est considrable. Dans un sens, il serait plus cohrent de parler dcrivains roumains tout court puisque lactuelle Rpublique de Moldavie ne reprsente quune modeste composante de la roumanophonie. Mais, regarder de plus prs, ils sont plus que des crivains roumains, en raison de leur relation suivie, ne serait-ce quen raison de la matrise du russe, avec tout un monde, celui de lancienne URSS, une relation qui ne les empchent pas de privilgier les liens avec la culture occidentale facilits par leur rapprochement de la culture roumaine.
1

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Les donnes fournies sur ce thme par Petre Negura dans Ni hros, ni tratres : les crivains moldaves face au pouvoir sovitique sous Staline (2008) me semblent difiantes en ce qui concerne les roumanophones. Le qualificatif de bessarabien, non associ celui de moldave dailleurs, convient davantage aux russophones et aux locuteurs du yiddish jusqu la Seconde Guerre mondiale, comme le suggre Danile Bruhman dans les informations quelle donne sur lexil juif communiste bessarabien en France dans Exils bessarabiens: entre Kichineff et Paris, itinraires dune association dmigrs bessarabiens en France (1925-1939), Paris, 2012.

On arrive ainsi un aspect plutt dconcertant, tout au moins pour les lecteurs de Roumanie, du Tissu vif: le nombre impressionnant de mots, expressions et citations russes, pas toujours traduits, intgrs au texte. Et le franais, lallemand, langlais ou litalien sont galement prsents. Ce recours intense des mots venus dailleurs, et qui renvoient des ailleurs qui nont rien dexotique, nest quune facette du cosmopolitisme cultiv par EmG-P. Son livre se situe au carrefour de quatre mondes: russe (ou plutt russe ex-sovitique et post-sovitique), roumain, occidental et moldave. Evidemment, ces quatre mondes ne sont pas mis contribution de la mme faon et ne sont pas matriss avec le mme bonheur. La Russie, cest surtout une langue longtemps impose au dtriment de celle de la majorit des habitants au nom du bilinguisme harmonieux (p. 35), et les multiples digressions de EmG-P sur ce thme font de son livre une introduction haute en couleur au paysage sociolinguistique moldave. LOccident, lui, est sollicit dans le registre rudit, la dynamique rvolutionnaire en Occident, hier comme aujourdhui, tant perue comme un danger pour la prservation des valeurs qui lui sont associes. Il aime trop la France pour souhaiter bon vent ces sans-culottes incurables, mme sils mriteraient une rvolution socialiste sils nont rien appris de 1789, 1848, 1871 (p. 120), crit-il propos de son hros en visite Paris lors des dbordements qui ont accompagn les manifestations lycennes et tudiantes de mars 2006. Si bien des malheurs de la Russie et des pays qui en dpendaient lpoque sovitique peuvent tre remonts 1917 ( la prise du pouvoir par les bolcheviques, et non pas la rvolution sociale et dmocratique qui la prcde), la France et les Franais entretiennent des rapports plus complexes avec les changements survenus aux trois dates cites, pourrait-on faire remarquer. Cependant, indpendamment des rserves que lon peut mettre sur ce type de conservatisme ractionnaire, fort rpandu dans les milieux intellectuels lEst, force est de constater que EmG-P et nombre de ses confrres moldaves se retrouvent en phase, sinon la pointe de la mondialisation en cours dans lacception culturelle et universaliste du terme. En matire de modernit, on ne pouvait pas faire mieux en peine deux dcennies. EmG-P est donc un crivain moderne. Dans un premier temps, limplosion du systme sovitique et lclatement de lancienne fdration a t fte en Rpublique de Moldavie, du ct des rouma-

nophones, comme le triomphe dune tradition (paysanne, chrtienne, nationale) qui stait maintenue dans sa puret contre toute attente malgr le dni dans lequel elle avait t tenue. Peu aprs, les promesses dmocratiques bafoues, la crise conomique et le dsordre politique rampant ont favoris un changement de cap; aux jrmiades anticommunistes se sont succd les incantations nostalgiques savamment orchestres par le Parti des communistes moldaves au pouvoir tout au long des annes 2000, priode qui correspond la conception et lcriture du roman de EmG-P. Toujours cette priode remonte, sur le plan littraire, le souci dune vocation plus raliste de la vie quotidienne lpoque sovitique, certains auteurs ayant pris leur distance avec la critique tous azimuts dantan qui avait perdu de son intrt force de rptition. Sur ce point, on peut mentionner le succs retentissant du livre N en URSS de Vasile Ernu, paru en 2006, ou encore rappeler lenfance sovitique heureuse dcrite par Savatie Bastovoi dont le livre Les lapins ne meurent pas vient dtre traduit en franais par Laure Heinkel chez Actes Sud. EmG-P pose un autre regard sur le pass communiste de son pays. A travers le portrait de la famille du narrateur, sur laquelle plane la figure menaante du pre, pendant familial de lautoritarisme qui rgnait sans partage en URSS, il suggre quel point dans les campagnes moldaves et parmi ceux qui en sont issus la tradition sest rvle impuissante face aux mcanismes dalination propres au rgime communiste lorsquelle na pas contribu elle-mme les faire accepter. Militaire de carrire, ce pre personnifie une certaine russite sociale par rapport au milieu paysan do il vient et quil continue de frquenter. Il en va de mme pour son pouse, professeur de langue maternelle (de roumain). Leur fils est le seul avoir des parents intellectuels , ses collgues de classe lcole tant tous des enfants devenus urbains en vertu de lextension de la ville de Chisinau aux dpens des villages situs aux alentours, des enfants dont les parents avaient chang la pelle contre la truelle et travaillaient dans les nombreux chantiers de construction de la capitale (p. 12). Membre du parti de longue date, le pre, qui proclame sa fidlit au communisme en toute occasion, exige que son fils lui obisse au doigt et lil un peu de la mme faon que lui-mme obit la direction du parti et la mre-patrie. Il est fondamentalement honnte, et son dvouement est mal rcompens en comparai-

son avec cette cousine qui, peine entre au parti, est devenue dpute au Soviet suprme de la RSSM. Veuve sans enfants, elle frquente les ivrognes du village, donne son avis sur tout, porte les paroles, en sorte que les matresses de maison du village vitent de la recevoir chez elles, alors que lui il se tue la tche en composant des pomes et des discours la gloire du rgime depuis tant dannes (p. 60-62). Cependant, au dner runissant la famille dans la maison de ses parents, il sabstient daffronter cette parente indigne mais crainte, pour sen prendre sa mre coupable de lavoir invite. Enfin, malgr ses convictions communistes rptes, lorsque son fils fait par mgarde une grosse tache sur le portrait de Lnine sa colre redouble, pris de panique lide que la bourde de son rejeton puisse tre mal interprte et lui causer des ennuis. Et maintenant, il a perdu toute sa superbe pour redevenir le fils de paysan que le pouvoir sovitique a lev, instruit et fait de lui un homme un communiste (p. 25), commente lauteur. Son pouse, relgue au second plan dans la plus pure tradition patriarcale, doit faire preuve de beaucoup de patience et dingniosit pour protger son fils dun mari pathtique souhait, dont les professions de foi sont authentiques mais qui est dot de suffisamment de bon sens pour viter tout drapage. Dcidment, avec cette famille nous avons la mesure des changements rapides qui ont caractris la socit moldave lre sovitique: mobilit sociale, urbanisation, accs lducation Certes, ces changements nont pas touch de la mme faon tout le monde, comme le montre le dnouement qui a longtemps prvalu dans certaines campagnes moldaves. (Ceci a eu comme effet de ralentir la russification, sans que les hros dun tel exploit aient de titre de gloire retirer dune rsistance somme toute involontaire, due leur position sociale peu enviable.) Lordre traditionnel a t srieusement bouscul lors de linstallation du rgime, sans doute, et continuera ltre certains gards, comme en tmoignent les ractions des villageois devant la carrire fulgurante dune des leurs, celle qui a suivi la lettre le prcepte de lInternationale: Nous tions rien, soyons tout!, et pas dans le bon sens du terme au got du pre du narrateur (p. 62). La russite de ce dernier est en effet exemplaire et son comportement, contrairement celui de sa cousine, na rien de choquant au regard de la tradition, bien au contraire. Dans son milieu dorigine, le militaire, communiste convaincu,

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pote ses heures la gloire du rgime, est respect, peut-tre envi, pas mpris. Avec le temps, lordre traditionnel a fini par faire bon mnage dans bien des situations avec lordre politique communiste en sorte que ni lun ni lautre nest sorti indemne de cette cohabitation. Ils ont volu, ils ont chang par certains cts et ont mme renforc leur emprise force de se nourrir rciproquement. Tout compte fait, la vraie question est de savoir non pas pour quelles raisons on adhrait au parti et on croyait au communisme en ce temps, mais sil y avait des raisons pour ne pas le faire. A la seconde question, la rponse est nettement plus problmatique qu la premire. La reconstitution littraire de lincident politique survenu dans lintimit dune famille moldave la fin des annes 1960 par EmG-P ne laisse pas de doute l-dessus, pas plus que tant dautres rcits qui circulent oralement propos de cette poque et dont les hros nont pas de raison de se vanter. On pouvait, sans doute, commettre des carts par rapport aux croyances et aux exercices imposs du culte lniniste, mais alors ctait par inadvertance, par inexprience, par inconscience ou en toute innocence comme le narrateur enfant lorsquil sen prend au portrait de Lnine. Il y avait lesquive, le contournement, si lon pense aux mille stratagmes dploys par la mre, ou encore la rsignation, des grands-parents, marque plutt dimpuissance. Mais envisager de rsister, de sopposer au rgime, le penser srieusement mme sans chercher passer lacte, ctait un peu comme si le narrateur enfant pouvait croire pouvoir lemporter face au pre tyrannique. Lhomme qui nadhrait rien, pour reprendre le sous-titre du journal de voyage en URSS de Panat Istrati (Vers lautre flamme, Paris, 1932), navait pas sa place dans lespace sovitique. Ce qui est galement suggr indirectement par EmG-P cest que la modernisation qui a eu lieu lpoque communiste est indissociable de lautori ta risme sans faille du rgime, autoritarisme qui a bn fici, rptons-le, de prcieux relais du ct de la tradition malgr le choc que celle-ci a subi au dpart. On peut porter les jugements que lon veut sur les performances et les rats de cette modernisation acclre et brutale, force est de constater que les gens en ont bel et bien got les fruits tant que cet autoritarisme a perdur. Et, sil na jamais t plbiscit, la question ne sest pas pose, cet autoritarisme a t accept le plus souvent de bon gr, non seulement parce quil procurait des avantages, plutt modestes

mais bien rels, mais aussi parce que le pouvoir communiste a su sappuyer sur les traditions en faisant les concessions qui simposaient. Cest ce qui explique le contenu ambigu et parfois contradictoire des acquis de la modernisation communiste et surtout leurs limites. Il a suffi que le systme implose, que lEtat communiste perde de sa superbe, que son autorit vacille, pour que nombre de ces acquis volent en clats. La dgradation de la situation, sur le plan matriel mais aussi en matire des droits, pendant les annes qui ont suivi, les mille obstacles qui ont frein lmergence de structures dmocratiques, lattrait exerc par un autoritarisme puisant sans gne dans les registres les plus divers montrent que la question de la modernisation demeure dactualit lEst. A travers le portrait au vitriol du pre du narrateur, et le rappel raliste des lourdeurs qui pesaient dans lespace public mais aussi intime dans la Moldavie communiste de son enfance, EmG-P a contribu, me semble-t-il, dissiper les illusions que daucuns continuent cultiver sur les vertus de la tradition et sa compatibilit avec la modernit. Ce serait la seconde raison pour laquelle EmG-P est mes yeux un crivain moderne.

Mihaela Lazovi

A tri scrisori de dragoste dincolo de timp i spaiu

laz_13@yahoo.com Cartea lui Marc Kaufman a aprut nainte acum cteva luni la Editura Balboa Press i fr niciun fel de publicitate cartea a avut succes n ntreaga lume, chiar i n locuri precum India, Fiji, China i America de Sud. Persoanele de pe Facebook au pus-o pe listele lor de cri preferate, lng Coran i Biblie. Ce este att de special la acest autor i la mesajul lui ce se rspndete extraordinar de repede peste glob fr a da semne de ralenti? Este vorba despre cutarea universal a dragostei i a iluminrii. Experienele autorului, care este medic de profesie, i interaciunile lui unice cu mai multe triburi indigene din ntreaga lume au dat rspunsuri la ntrebrile universale. Acum autorul vrea s le mprteasc tuturor. Dr. Marc scrie despre: 1. Libertatea pe care o vei experimenta cnd gsti iubirea n inima ta - nu vei putea fi manipulat, nu-i va fi fric de nimic, o s fii plin de speran. 2. Cum lucrurile pe care societatea le utilizeaz te definete - locul de munc, nfiarea, personalitatea etc. - sunt lipsite de importan. 3. Cum s te trezeti i s descoperi cine eti i care e natura ta adevrat. 4. Cum nu ai nevoie s mergi n India pentru a experimenta Mnc, roag-te, iubete (Eat, Pray, Love). Toate acestea poi gsi aici i acum n tine. Cartea descrie o cltorie spre cas, spre inim i spre esena omului. Iubirea care ne ateapt chiar acum! Aceast carte este o cltorie spiritual, ea este trezirea i realizarea sinelui nostru divin. Acum contientizarea ta poate fi trit n comuniune cu toi. Acum, ntrbrile sunt nlocuite de contientizare i de o relaxare profund! Acum eti respiraia vieii i a iubirii! Aceast carte atinge esena umanitii noastre i a sufletului nostru. Fragment VIAA este cea pe care o IUBIM i DRAGOSTEA e cea pe care o TRIM. Vorbii cu ZMBET, RS i DRAGOSTE n OCHII. Cltoria spre suflet: INIMA - poi ajunge de Aici pn Acolo MINTEA! Un FLUTURE ... Ah ... Acum, e mai bine! Ah Ha... ZMBET... chiar MAI BINE! i aa ncepe... CLTORIA SPRE SUFLET.... spre o contientizare veche i etern care exist n noi toi. O fntn prin care curge potenialul nostru nelimitat. Tot spre ce noi toi aspirm este prezent i ne ateapt cu rbdare... Cltoria spre cas, spre nelepciunea noastr intern. Trezirea! Realizarea Sinelui i energia noastr creativ fr de sfrit, potenialul nelimitat... DRAGOSTEA! Cuvintele autorului Eu sunt medic. Cnd am fost foarte tnr am cunoscut limitele tinei omului. Am fost martorul evenimentilor care nu se pot explica. Omul nu e numai mintea i corpul, ci mult mai mult. Fluxul contiinei noastre colective este etern i atemporal. Cltoria dincolo de minte i de corp spre nelepciunea noas-

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tr interioar ne va aduce la drumul ctre potenialul nostru nelimitat. O iubire de sine prin care sntatea i buntatea curg i dragostea topete pe toi i totul. Cnd energia noastr creativ este fr limite tot ce imaginm este posibil. Toate posibilitile exist. Intenia inimii noastre pure i iubitoare este susinut i manifestat n Univers. Aceasta s-a repetat de multe ori viaa mea. mpart experiena mea cu tine, ca un deert preferat. O reet de inim pentru o via de abunden. Am crescut n Danbury Connecticut. La vrst de unsprezece ani, am nceput s scriu despre experiene care mi nal sufletul. Cu aceasta contiin de sine ne-am nscut toi i cu ea re-intrm n aceast via. Pe deplin contieni i gata s ne trezim. Am avut ocazia s l cunosc pe un fost ef indian,

Wyandotte, i Lineage Sakya i Drukpa Traditii tibetane, (HH Trizin Sakya, i HHthe Gyalwang Drukpa), Drupon Nawang i Shankarananda Giri, Master de Kriya Yoga, The Breath, i Rinpoche Geshe Tulku Ahbay. Am avut, de asemenea, norocul s triesc cu vindectorii Maori din Noua Zeeland. Prietenia strns cu aceti maetri preioi din aceste culturi indigene i multe altele au nutrit ceea ce eu numesc uo veche etern contientizare colectiv, care poate fi trezit n noi toi. Aceast tiin ne ateapt cu rbdare s venim acas la noi nine, la natura noastr adevrat. Acas n inima noastr! Aceast cltorie spiritual este drumul spre cas... Aa cum cltoresc eu, cu dragul meu Guru, s cltorim mpreun.

Sperana Milancovici

Semn de carte: Nicolae Iuga, Securitatea, cezarul i sfoara de cli a lui Elie Wiesel
m_speranta@yahoo.com Exist cri care, dei grele de sens i de implicaii, te leag de textul lor ntr-un mod neateptat, de ndat ce te afunzi n lectur. Cum anume? V voi mrturisi impactul pe care l-a avut asupra mea de ndat ce voi fi ncheiat prezentarea efectiv a volumui-document /pe care l semnalm n aceste rnduri. Volumul lui Nicolae Iuga, intitulat Securitatea, cezarul i sfoara de cli a lui Elie Wiesel (aprut la Editura Limes, Cluj Napoca, 2012, ISBN 978-973-726-669-9), se constuie ntr-o ncercare de restituire a unor buci de istorie recent care au marcat, din penumbr, devenirea profesional i personal a autorului, ca i pe a aceea a celorlalte personaje care populeaz paginile unui dosar de securitate. Dac prima parte a volumului transcrie interpretarea, n cheia autorului, a dosarului de urmrire informativ Horia, dosar de grup cu nr. I 234327 cot CNSAS, secinuea secund propune, n Addenda, cteva observaii semnate de Claudiu Porumbcean, cercettor i arhivist, precum i de scriitorul Paul Beldi Ladislau. Ultima parte reprezint reproducerea dosarului n sine, sau mai exact a acelei versiuni de dosar care i-a parvenit lui Nicolae Iuga i care, aa cum el nsui notez, este ntructva diferit fa de dosarul din memoria mea, adic fa de dosarul pe care eu l-am vzut i citit n luna mai.1 Calitatea de personaj al unui astfel de dosar era relativ uor de dobndit dac o persoan desfura activiti cultural-literare, avea nclinaii filosofice sau pur i simplu se gsea adesea n anturajul unor personaliti de factur intelectual. Autorul aeaz momentul strnirii interesului Securitii pentru pentru persoana sa sub semnul ntlnirii cu scriitorul dizident Paul Goma i cu Cezric. Dac primul nu are nevoie de prezentare, pentru cel de al doilea se impune precizarea c este vorba despre Mititelu Cezar, coleg de facultate cu Nicolae Iuga, iar impulsul de a publica dosarul n discuie a fost, aa
1

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Nicolae Iuga, Securitatea, cezarul i sfoara de cli a lui Elie Wiesel, Editura Limes, Cluj Napoca, 2012, p. 17

cum precizeaz acesta din urm, un prieten, excepional jurnalist de la Caavencii [...] Cornel Ivanciuc mi-a spus c ar fi pcat s las acele ntmplri nescrise2. Mometul-cheie al nceperii urmririi operative n cazul grupului de studeni la filosofie din care fcea parte i autorul l-a constituit participarea acestora la Festivalul Naional de Poezie Studeneasc desfurat la Iai, n 1975, unde acetia au prezentat, aa cum era de ateptat, creaii proprii, departe de valorile acceptate de cenzur. Notm drept remarcabil conturul personajului Cezar Mititelu, vagabondul genial i liber cruia regimul nu i-a gsit o cma de for pe msur. Ne oprim o clip i asupra epilogului destinat corespondenei lui Nicolae Iuga cu laureatul Premiului Nobel pentru Pace, Elie Wiesel; n aceste pagini, cititorul va dezlega semnificaiile sforii de cli menionat nc din titlu. Firete c am auzit, ca de altfel marea majoritate, vorbindu-se despre existena acestui tip de dosare, ecourile urmririlor reale sau imaginate (aa cum semnaleaz Nicolae Iuga, din raini de paranoia persecutoria sau, de ce nu, ca titlu de glorie care te consacra drept persoan de interes sau ca om de cultur) traversnd timpul i rsunndu-mi n memoria mai mult sau mai puin voluntar, nc din copilrie. ns niciodat pn acum nu mi-a fost dat s vd, s citesc un astfel de dosar. Dincolo de interesul pentru trama n sine, dictat de faptul c unul dintre protagoniti este un intelectual, un cadru didactic, un coleg al meu, un om de care m leag sentimente de solidaritate cultural, parcurgerea textului (m raliez aici mrturisirii lui Claudiu Porumbcean i afirm alturi de acesta c nu am lsat volumul din mn pn cnd nu l-am citit integral) a adus n prim plan un proiect necesar care a mai traversat episodic propriile reflecii destinate viitorului. i rspund pe aceast cale, n felul meu, autorului, care se ntreab retoric undeva pe cine mai poate intersa azi aa-ceva, o poveste urt, care s-a ntmplat demult.3 nainte de toate, trebuie punctat faptul c o astfel de lectur, o frm din kilometrii de rafturi cu dosare similare, este n mod absolut necesar pentru oricine dorete s deslueasc mecanismele unei epoci recente.
Nicolae Iuga, Securitatea, cezarul i sfoara de cli a lui Elie Wiesel, Editura Limes, Cluj Napoca, 2012, p. 18 3 Nicolae Iuga, Securitatea, cezarul i sfoara de cli a lui Elie Wiesel, Editura Limes, Cluj Napoca, 2012, p. 15
2

Mai mult dect att, dincolo de astfel de pagini transpare caracterul omului n general i, n cazul de fa, al romnului n special. A accede la propriul dosar, al a analiza i, finalmente, a-l face public reprezint un act de curaj dendoielnic. E un pas care poate reaeza piesele n jocul prieteniei, al relaiilor de colegialitate, chiar de familie. E un moment de confruntare cu sine, cu propriul trecut, i de re-nelegere a propriei deveniri. Dosarul lui Nicolae Iuga a funcionat, n cazul nostru, ca o lectur revelatorie. Am avut mereu certitudinea existenei, dar nu i interesul aplecrii asupra dosarelor viznd propria familie, vinovat n special de ... intelectualitate. Lectura alert a scriiturii proaspete, marca Nicolae Iuga, a determinat aezarea preocuprii pentru acestea n lista prioritilor noastre, de ndat ce vom gsi curajul necesar unei atare asumri.

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Virginia Popovi

Mass-media despre vntoare i despre turismul cinegetic

popovic.virdjinija@gmail.com Vladimir Barovi (2011). Mediji u lovstvu i lovnom turizmu. Novi Sad: Editura Show me. ISBN 97886-85913-05-1, 118 pagini. De-a lungul timpului, n vederea satisfacerii nevoilor n continu cretere i diversificare, oamenii s-au ocupat cu o multitudine de ndeletniciri de natur economic, social, politic, militar, sportiv etc. Indiferent de natura activitii umane, oamenii depuneau un anumit efort fizic i/sau intelectual, utiliznd instrumente i mijloace specifice unei anumite perioade din istoria societii. n tot mai multe ri, vntoarea este considerat un sector economic distinct n ansamblul economiei naionale. Termenul de cinegetic provine din cuvintele kion (cine) i agein (a conduce), avnd iniial semnificaia unei activiti exercitate prin folosirea cinilor n scopul capturrii vnatului. Turismul cinegetic este o alternativ ecologic la expediiile de vntoare. Se adreseaza tuturor celor dornici s observe animalele slbatice fr a le vna. Este o modalitate de a petrece timpul liber din ce n ce mai solicitat de ctre cei care sunt preocupai de protejarea fondului cinegetic. Despre vntoare i despre turismul cinegetic n mass-media actual apar tot mai multe articole care scot n eviden misiunea acestor tipuri de publicaii, ceea ce constituie o form de repunere a oamenilor n contact cu natura. n ultimii ani, cuvntul vntor a devenit sinonim cu uciga de animale. Prin programele pe care le-a iniiat i prin editarea revistelor de vntoare, se propune s se schimbe percepia publicului asupra fenomenului cinegetic i deopotriv, atitudinea anumitor vntori asupra vntorii, pentru c vntoarea nseamn mult mai mult dect tirul pe animale vii, iar vntorii au fost i sunt primii interesai n conservarea speciilor. Cartea lectorului univ. dr. Vladimir Barovi de la Departamentul de Jurnalistic din cadrul Facultii de Filosofie din Novi Sad, publicat ntr-o ediie lux i recenzat de profesori universitari cunoscui n Serbia, aduce n faa noastr un ir de lucrri tiinifice care au ca tem rolul i importana mass-mediei n vntoare i n turismul cinegetic. Aceast monografie este mprit n trei capitole: n primul capitol se vorbete despre istoria mass-mediei dedicate vntorii, n capitolul doi se gsesc articolele i lucrrile publicate n reviste de specialitate. Acestea sunt articole i modele ale unei bune practici n meseria scrierii reportajului i altor genuri ale jurnalisticii, n legtur cu vntoarea i turismul cinegetic. Capitolul trei cumuleaz articolele tiinifice dedicate mass-mediei specializate n turism cinegetic. Deoarece din acest domeniu al jurnalisticii n Serbia nu exist un numr mare de texte tiinifice i de specialitate dedicate relaiei dintre mass-media i vntoare, aceast carte este bine-venit pentru studenii de la jurnalistic i

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de la turism interesai de munca mediilor specializate n domeniul turismului cinegetic. Iat cteva titluri interesante din aceast carte: Rolul mass-media i al serviciul public n activitatea organizaiilor turistice i cinegetice din Voivodina; Relaii i perspective ale sistemului contemporan mass-media i turismul cinegetic n Voivodina; Educaia managerilor n mass-media i n turism cinegetic; Strategia mass-media a Societii Cinegetice din Serbia; Configurarea spaiului mass-media n domeniile specializate n vntoare. Cartea autorului Vladimir Barovi aduce n faa noastr o cercetare interdisciplinar dintre mass-media i turism cinegetic, cu dorina ca analizele teoretice s se poat implementa i n practic, contribuind astfel la formarea unui model de cooperare tiinific dintre dou discipline, la prima vedere diferite. Prin

aceast carte se pot scoate n eviden i nelege un ir lung de puncte comune, care nu au fost cercetate pn acum n acest spaiu. Turismul cinegetic este cu siguran unul dintre potenialele de dezvoltare ale Voivodinei, iar rolul mass-mediei n promovarea acestui domeniu este extrem de important. Raportrile privind vntoarea i turismul cinegetic contribuie la educaia n acest domeniu, la dezvoltarea ei, dar i la promovarea Voivodinei ca o interesant destinaie turistic. Cartea lui Vladimir Barovi este un document util pentru toi cei interesai de a cunoate mai profund legtura dintre om i natur, descoperind cititorului faptul c vntoarea, fiind o ramur important turismului, ntoarce omul n snul naturii.

REVISTA Istorie i civilizaie

Noul numr al revistei Istorie i civilizaie care apare la Bucureti i strnge laolalt cele mai renumite nume de istorici care vizeaz di verse zone ale istoriei, aduce n faa cititorului cteva cr m peie din istoria, cu l tura, civilizaia poporului romn i nu numai. Numrul 31 din aprilie 2012 cuprinde texte legate de istoria monarhiei, mai precis date despre cstoria Mariei de Edinburgh cu Ferdinand de Hohenzollern, apoi cteva date despre renunarea principelui Carol la tronul Romniei, despre onomastica regal universal, unde este luat ca exemplu numele Ion sau Ioan, care este cel mai frecvent nume masculin la nivelul ntregii populaii i n majoritatea epocilor istorice. La rubrica de opinii, apare un text despre activitatea serviciilor secrete de informaii n Romnia. Rubrica Aniversare este dedicat activitii didactice i tiinifice a academicianului Dinu C. Giurescu. Revista conine articole de antropologie urban, unde este pus n centrul ateniei valoarea antropologic a patrimoniului muzeistic. Despre misterele Dondonei putem citi la rubrica de Mit, memorie i istorie, iar la rubrica de Memorialistic sunt redate amintirile despre Carol al II-lea i despre epoca sa unde se gsesc date preiose despre imaginea lui Mu s solini, prbuirea Fra n ei i cedarea Basarabiei. Cnd este vorba despre Romnia modern, revista pune la dispoziie cititorului cteva pagini despre nceputurile drumului constituional al Romniei, unde sunt redate rnduri despre Constituia lui C. Mavrocordat, despre cea a lui Ioan Cantacuzino pn la Tudor Vladimirescu, care deschide cu sabia porile procesului istoric de construire a unei Romnii (acad. Dan Berindei, p.33). Despre problemele lui Michelangelo n realizarea tavanului Capelei Sixtine se vorbete la rubrica de Imagistic, iar despre cuvintele arabe intrate n limba romn, la capitolul de Istorie a cuvintelor scrie acad. Marius Sala. n revist sunt incluse pagini despre primii diplomai romni, despre activitatea tiinific a lui Pico della Mirandola, dar i despre o istorie de mine unde se pune problema dezvoltrii simultane a fenomenelor cu aceeai matrice ontologic: teama europenilor de emergena politic i demografic a lumii islamice i teama lumii musulmane de asaltul modernitii, pe care unii dintre conservatorii locului o vd ca fiind un complot al lumii cretine mpotriva lor (prof. dr. Adrian Cioroianu, p. 50). La capitolul care cuprinde istoria Romniei n perioada comunist se gsete un text despre reorganizarea administrativ a statului n perioada ocupaiei sovietice, mai precis despre regiunea Olteniei pn la 1965. Nu lipsesc nici relatri des-

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pre feme ile care au influenat destinul unor popoare, de data aceasta es te vorba despre Vir ginia Oldoini, considerat cea mai frumoas femeie a secolului al XIXlea i care a contribuit la nfptuirea unificrii Italiei i la victoria Risorgimento-ului. La capitolul de Cri de referin, de data aceasta este prezentat volumul Asasinrile n mas din RASSM n perioada Marii Terori (documente desecretizate din arhivele MAI i SIS ale Republicii Moldova). Urmeaz cteva pagini despre activitatea Serviciului Secret Britanic de Informaii MI6 n Romnia, despre rolul agenilor dubli n istorie, despre istoria cafelei, despre haiducie ca fenomen al istoriei Sud-Estului Europei din Evul Mediu i pn n perioada comunist.

Revista conine aproximativ optzeci de pagini, n culori, cu o hrtie de calitate i cu un coninut excepional, fiind de mare ajutor n cunoaterea istoriei i civilizaiei poporului romn i a popoarelor care ne nconjoar.

REVISTA Letopis Matice Srpske

Letopis Matice srpske este o revist literar n limba srb care apare nc din anul 1824. Pare ciudat i minunat faptul c o astfel de realizare a creat-o chiar cultura srb, iar revista, cu intermitene, apare de 188 de ani. Revista a aprut pentru prima dat la Novi Sad cu numele , a fost tiprit la Buda iar fondatorul ei a fost scriitorul i istoricul literar George Magaraevi. n scurt timp revista devin locul cel mai de seam unde se pot publica rezultatele cercetrilor asupra literaturii srbe. Letopis Matice srpske a pus nc de la nceputul apariiei sale n centrul ateniei cercetrile din limb, literatur, istorie, religie, folclor i cultur a tuturor popoarelor slave. Revista apare lunar, cu sprijinul Ministerului Culturii al Republicii Serbia i de Secretariatul Provincial pentru Educaie i Cultur din Voivodina. Redactorul-ef este poetul i profesorul universitar Ivan Negriorac. Revista este mprit n patru capitole (Poezie i proz, Cercetri, Mrturii i Critic literar). Numrul de fa, din aprilie-mai 2012, aduce n faa cititorilor noi cercetri asupra legturii dintre tehnic i filosofie, despre prerile lui Adorno despre conceptele de nelepciune i virtute, despre alchimie ca o metod de traducere a operei, portretele literare unor cunoscui scriitori srbi ct i cercetri asupra personificrii podului i jertfei n opera lui Ivo Andri i alegoriile lui Matija Bekovi din cartea sa Drumul inexistent. Despre ntlnirile dintre diferite culturi, despre poezia epic oral srbeasc se poate citi la capitolul de mrturii iar cele mai de seam cri de critic literar aprute n anul 2011 sunt recenzate de cercettorii care descoper cititorilor c antologiile care cuprind texte despre moarte, texte despre drama expresionist srbeasc, despre barbarie ca autodestrucia umanitii, texte despre opera scriitorilor rui din secolul XIX dar i despre cei mai de seam nuvelitii srbi a cror opere literare sunt puse n contextul spiritualitii europene, pot strni mare interes cititorilor care au avut norocul s le rsfoiasc. Revista literar Letopis Matice srpske nu conine niciun rezumat ntr-o limb de circulaie mondial, este publicat cu alfabetul chirilic, ceea ce face s aibe un public mai restrns de cititori, ns calitatea textelor nu se poate pune n discuie. O revist literar ieit de sub pana celor mai de seam oameni de tiin din Serbia, care chiar n titlul ei conine cuvntul letopiscronic nu aduce lucrurile n faa noastr puse n ordin cronologic ci diahronia i sincronia se suprapun, vechiul i noul fiind ntotdeauna n actualitate iar rezultatul este aceast revist care apare de aproape dou secole.

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Eugen Bunaru

Din nou, despre poezia fr frontiere

eugenbunaru@yahoo.com Smbt, 23 iunie, ora 10 i 30 de minute. Un cer limpede-limpede, un soare torenial ce anun nceputul unei zile caniculare. Suntem deja la ieirea din Timioara, n maina Bibliotecii Judeene Timi, pe drumul ce are drept punct terminus localitatea Torac. Un nume care probabil n-ar spune mai nimic celor mai muli cititori ai acestor rzlee rnduri sau simple impresii, fugitive, (ca s nu le numesc, pretenios, nsemnri) de cltorie. Un nume care, ns, ne va face mult mai sensibili la sonoritatea sa ciudat, parc deopotriv exotic i familiar, atunci cnd vom ,,deconspira c e vorba de toponimicul unei comune, din Serbia vecin, locuite n majoritate de romni, ajuni, aici, n virtutea tumultului istoriei, pe vremea vajnicei mprtese Maria Tereza. Suntem o formaie de trei poei: Andrei Bodiu, Tudor Creu i subsemnatul. Nu trebuie omis un personaj-cheie: oferul instituiei, un adevrat profesionist al volanului, n compania cruia ne-am simit, pe tot traseul, dus-ntors, n perfect siguran. Facem un scurt popas la Novi Sad, ora de un farmec aparte, meridional, cu strzi largi i curate, adiate laolalt de lumin i briz, cu oameni amabili i veseli (e weekend!), cu biserici i cldiri ce impun prin nota lor, distinct i distins, de apartenen arhitectural la un timp centraleuropean, cu podurile sale arcuindu-se svelte peste o Dunre maiestuoas, ce ascunde, n apele sale calme, abia vlurite, tot zbuciumul i misterul veacurilor trecute dar, poate, i ale celor ce vor veni ... Ne ntlnim cu poetul i prietenul nostru Pavel Gtianu, nsoit de un coleg al su, (ardelean, de origine), de la Radio Novi Sad, secia romn, un conviv ct se poate de jovial i colocvial (mea culpa, pentru faptul de-a nu-i fi reinut numele). De la o teras la alta, ne ntreinem, pre de vreo dou ore i mai bine, intersectndu-ne amical vocile, n jurul paharelor cu binevenite licori rcoritoare, n conversaii pe toate temele i subiectele posibile. n fine, ne mbarcm i o lum din loc. E aproape ora 17,00 (ne-am sincronizat cu ora local), iar la ora 18,00 suntem ateptai la Casa Bnean din Torac. n drum, ne vom abate i la Zrenianin, un ora mai mic, dar, nu mai puin plcut vederii, chiar i, aa, din goana mainii. La Torac, suntem ntmpinai cu mult cldur (alta dect aceea a asfaltului topit de soarele vratic) de o mn de oameni, de toate vrstele i profesiile, dornici parc de o anume regsire, dornici de o ntlnire, de suflet i spirit, prin glasul poeziei, prin vraja cuvntului ncrcat nu doar de har, ci i de aromele limbii materne. Dup un cuvnt, (deloc convenional), al domnului Costa Rou, directorul Institutului Cultural al Romnilor din Voivodina, care puncteaz semnificaia i importana acestor ntlniri iniiate i statuate, de o bun vreme, printr-un protocol de parteneriat cu Biblioteca Judeean din Timioara, a venit rndul poeziei. Au citit din creaia lor (recent sau deja antologat) binecunoscutul poet, prozator i eseist braovean Andrei Bodiu, oaspetele de onoare al serii, Pavel Gtianu, ,,acest poet extraordinar (Cezar Ivnescu), mereu fermector i insurgent, neostenitul redactor ef al EUROPEI, revist care nu mai are nevoie de nicio

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Eugen Bunaru, Tudor Creu, Pavel Gtianu, Lavinel Orza, Andrei Bodiu, pe o teras din Novi Sad

prezentare, poetul, editorul i traductorul Nicu Ciobanu, laureatul filialei din Timioara a U.S.R., n 2011, pentru o excelent carte de proz scurt romneasc, tradus n limba srb, poetul, prozatorul i criticul literar Tudor Creu, managerul Bibliotecii Judeene Timi, i subsemnatul. Ar fi nedrept dac am omite, din aceste rzlee i comprimate impresii, ambiana i atmosfera de de-

gajare, de amiciie, de frietate care au nsoit, post festum, discuiile de la om la om, de la suflet la suflet, acolo, sub geana asfinitului, n curtea mbiat n miros de fn proaspt cosit, la umbra bisericuei de lemn, veghind, ocrotind un spaiu binecuvntat sub acest spirit al unei frumoase i de neuitat mprtiri cu poezia. Cea, dintotdeauna, dincolo de frontiere ...

Nada Tomi

Primul atelier de jurnalistic n limba romn

tomichns@neobee.net Se ncheag a treia generaie de ziariti Mediile de informare n limba romn se afl n faa unor mari schimbri de cadre. Radioteleviziunea i sptmnalul Libertatea - care constituie suportul arhitecturii informative a romnilor din Voivodina, se afl n faa schimbului de generaii de ziariti, cel de-al doilea de la nfiinarea presei romneti actuale. Faptul c un numr mare de cadre ziaristice n limba romn se afl n preajma pensiei, a determinat Departamentul pentru Informaii a Consiliului Naional s mobilizeze tinerii interesai de aceast meserie n jurul unui atelier de jurnalistic. Pe parcursul lunilor aprilie, mai i iunie au fost organizate sesiuni n patru centre culturale ale romnilor: Zrenianin, Alibunar, Novi Sad i Vre, la care au luat parte 24 de tineri. Unii dintre ei deja colaboreaz la presa scris sau la posturile de radio cu programe n limba romn, dar au fost prezeni i studeni interesai de jurnalism. Atelierul de jurnalistic, primul de acest fel n limba romn, a fost realizat de Petar Tomici, actualmente eful DESK-ului la cotidianul Dnevnik, care n cariera sa a trecut prin toate mediile ziaristice, cunoscnd specificul fiecrui mediu. A nceput ca ziarist la Radioteleviziunea Novi Sad, apoi civa ani a fost angajat la Libertatea, de unde a trecut la agenia iugoslav de pres Tanjug. n calitate de corespondent al Tanjugului de la Bucureti a fost martorul Revoluiei romne din 1989. La rentoarcerea n ar, a trecut i prin rzboaiele sngeroase din spaiul iugoslav. La cotidianul Dnevnik mai mult de zece ani a redactat politica extern, comentnd evenimentelecheie pe mapamond dup cderea comunismului i a blocurilor militare. Astzi, i el n apropierea pensiei, i-a revenit funcia de redactor coordonator, unde lucreaz cu colegii mai tineri i vegheaz apariia fiecrui numr de Dnevnik n parte. Bizuindu-se pe bogata sa experien, nsuit n marile redacii de pres, Tomici a ntocmit un program de instruire a tinerilor care valideaz toate principiile teoretice aflate la baza jurnalisticii actule. Atelierele organizate, ns, au mers i un pas mai departe, comentnd texte concrete scrise de participani sau luate la ntmplare din alte ziare i din ageniile de pres. Accentul a fost pus pe scrierea corect a tirii i a raportului - ca cele mai frecvente forme de informare la zi sau sptmnal. Au fost subliniate deosebirile dintre o contribuie scris pentru sptmnalul Libertatea, unde evenimentul se prezint cu ntrziere de mai multe zile de la data consumrii. n alt fel se scrie pentru radio, unde asculttorul trebuie s rmn convins c prin ceea ce i se comunic, el afl primul datorit raportorilor de la faa locului. n mod aparte a fost comentat tehnica TV, folosirea filmului ntr-un raport de pe teren. A fost vorba despre deosebirile dintre genuri ca ancheta, dezbaterea n faa microfonului (a camerei de luat vederi), interviul sau masa rotund. Tinerii participani au pus ntrebri i s-au manifestat cu problemele pe care ei le au zi de zi, ncercnd s-i lmureasc dile-

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mele la nceputul carierei. Din discuiile cu ei, dup aceste sesiuni, majoritatea au afirmat c au aflat lucruri despre care nimeni nu le-a vorbit niciodat. ntra-devr, la aceste sesiuni au fost analizate situaii concrete, cunoscute cursanilor i care nu sunt cuprinse n manualele de ziaristic. Neobinuii cu practica atelierelor, unii tineri s-au artat sceptici, ba chiar indignai c, dei au terminat studiile, nu pot s-i gseasc un serviciu. i tineretul romn, ca vrsnicii lor din ntreaga ar, se simt marginalizai i dezorientai. La Vre au declarat c ar fi bine dac sesiunile de acest gen ar continua i la toamn prin includerea elevilor de la Liceu i de la coala de economie din Alibunar. Discuiile purtate n asemenea ateliere ajut omul tnr s priveasc mai altfel la chiciul destrblrile care se perind zi de zi prin faa ecranelor TV sau n presa de bulevard. O idee interesant poate fi ca sptmnalul Libertatea s dechid i o rubric de critic a programului

Radio i TV n limba romn. O sumedenie de emisiuni bune, dar i prost lucrate trec fr nicio reacie a celor care le urmresc. Critica oblig, avertizeaz i ndeamn la progres.

EDIIA A VII-a A FESTIVALULUI INTERNAIONAL DE LITERATUR DIN NOVI SAD

Poezia nseamn libertate La Novi Sad, sfritul lunii august i al unei veri caniculare, a fost marcat i anul acesta de tradiionalul Festival Internaional de Literatur. Cea de-a VII-a ediie a ntlnirii poeilor i scriitorilor din diferite pri ale lumii a evoluat sub semnul creaiei literare poloneze. Krzysztof Karasek, reprezentant al aa-numitului nou val n poezia polonez, este recentul deintor al premiului tradiional al acestui festival. Jovan Zivlak a subliniat, n numele juriului, c versurile lui Karasek i ale altor poei polonezi consemneaz tulburrile sociale din anii aptezeci ai secolului trecut. Aceast poezie a zguduit ca un val puternic contiina intelectualitii i n ara noastr, a spus Zivlak. Krzysztof Karasek afirm c poezia nseamn libertate. Sunt profund convins c poezia este o necesitate. Cum altfel s explicm c oamenii evoc vorbele poetului atunci cnd iubesc? Cnd lupt, de asemena cnt versuri scrise de poet. n ceasul morii se roag folosind cuvintele poetului... Poezia nseamn comprimare, ea este starea condensat a limbii care nu poate fi confundat cu precizia tiinific, a explicat laureatul viziunea sa liric asupra realitii. n faa publicului din Novi Sad s-au prezentat zeci de autori,muli dintre ei cu stagiu ndelungat n munca de traductori. Grzegorz Lausthinsky din Varovia a tradus peste 30 de cri de proz i versuri din limbile ceh, srb, croat, sloven, slovac, macedonean i rus. Scriitorul francez Jean Portante s-a consacrat traducerii autorilor spanioli i sudamericani. Literatura francez a fost reprezentat i de Linda Maria Baro nscut n Bucureti, dar care scrie i traduce n limba francez. Literatura de expresie romneasc a fost prezent cu succes prin vocile poeilor Vasile Dan i Slavomir Gvozdenovi din Romnia i Adam Pusloji i Pavel Gtianu din Serbia. O surpiz a primei zile a Festivalului a fost poetul, scriitorul i regizorul britanic Tim Cumming care practic o poeziei urban plin de umor inteligent i sofisticat. Poetul i publicistului rus Vladimir Sergeievici Simakov, alturi de ali civa participani, se concentreaz asupra fenomenelor tranziiei. Simakov spune c s-a nscut n Leningrad, iar acuma trieete n St. Ptersburg. Pn la urm, nc nu-i este clar cui aparine. Poezia contemporan ofer dovezi clare c lumea globalizat nu satisface ateptrile intelectualitii.

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Ivana Janji

EUrOPA and Ivana Janjic in France

ivana_janic@yahoo.com Ivana Janjic from University of Novi Sad was one month in France. The work program was determined in the frame of research activities managed by Center for European Slavic Studies. The CESS is created by laboratory MIMMOC EA3812 at University of Poitiers (France). One of the objectives of the Center for European Slavic Studies (CESS) is to promote the scientific dynamics to facilitate interdisciplinary and multilingual intellectual exchanges by gathering currently disparate segments of Slavic research and to create a kind of digital European portal. The CESS has created partnerships with several European universities: University of Nottingham (Great Britain), University of Berlin Humboldt (Germany), University of Moscow Lomonossov (Russia), University of Yaroslavl (Russia), University of Wroclaw (Poland), University of Banja Luka (Bosnia and Herzegovina), University of Goteborg (Sweden); the CESS made also special relationship with the Quebec Network for Slavic Studies. In the aim to get wider European Slavonic Network and to include the universities and researchers from

the Balkan area Ivana Janjic, from University of Novi Sad (Serbia), was invited to present her work in France. During her stay, Ivana Janjic, worked on preparing of two projects of CEES: organization of the international colloquium Cultural Slavic Memory Maps and European Summer School for Slavic Studies. The Scholarship Program for Young Researchers from Eastern Neighboring Countries integrated the young colleague Ivana Janjic, as well as University of Novi Sad in the new research projects and larger European scientific cooperation. Ivana Janjic also presented magazine Europa - Magazine about Science and Art during the Transition. In presentation, Ivana Janjic told that Europa is a science magazine, periodical publication with news, opinions, reports and papers about all science fields for a non-expert and expert audience. As periodical publication for scientific experts, Europe is one of the best Romanian scientific journal in Serbia.

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Virginia Popovi

COLOcVIUL INTErNAIONAL Cultur i comunicare: interferene, Confluene

popovic.virdjinija@gmail.com Vineri, 11 mai n Sala Senatului din cadrul Universitii Libere Internaionale din Moldova, Chiinu a avut loc colocviul tiinific internaional Cultur i comunicare: interferene, confluene. Evenimentul a fost organizat de catedra de Jurnalism i Comunicare Public, Institutul de Cercetri Filologice i Interculturale (ULIM) n colaborare cu Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza din Iai, Romnia. Dup alocuiunile de salut susinute de Elena Prus, prof. univ. dr. hab., Director al Institutului de Cercetri Filologice i Interculturale, ULIM, Ludmila Lazr, conf. univ., dr., Coordonator al Direciei de Comunicare i Mass media, ULIM i Ludmila Branite, conf. univ., dr., Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza, Iai, Romnia, au fost susinute comunicrile n plen unde s-au prezentat urmtoarele prezentat comunicri: Jean-Luc Michel, professeur des universits, Directeur du master de stratgie de communication globale, Universit Jean Monnet Saint-Etienne, France - Perspective systmique de la culture et de la communication; Ana Guu, prof. univ. dr., Prim-Vicerector ULIM, Deputat n Parlamentul Republicii Moldova - Trois lgendes de la libert de la cration en Amrique Latine: Doa Marina, Frida Kahlo, Eva Pern; Traian Stnciulescu, prof. univ. dr., Facultatea de Filosofie, Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza, Iai, Romnia - Semiotica: ipoteze (ne)convenionale privitoare la geneza cuvntului. La colocviu au participat i lec. univ dr. Virginia Popovi, lect.univ. dr. Vladimir Barovi i drd. Ivana Janji de la Departamentul de Romnistic i Departamentul de Jurnalistic din cadrul Facultii de Filosofie din Novi Sad care au prezentat lucrarea Interculturalitate i tranziie n revista Europadin Voivodina la seciunea Jurnalism, etic i comunicare: Experiene interculturale. Colocviul Cultur i comunicare: interferene, confluene face parte din proiectul: Interculturalitate & Francopolifonie, care se desfoar anual n cadrul Universitii Libere Internaionale din Moldova. Comunicrile vor fi publicate n anuarul Francopolyphonie, publicaie de categoria B a Institutului de Cercetri Filologice i Interculturale din cadrul Universitii ULIM, Chiinu, (www.icfi.ulim.md) redactate n limba francez i n alte limbi de circulaie. Coninutul tuturor comunicrilor in de problemele propriu-zise sau conexe spaiului francofon.

Zilele Academice Ardene, 2012

O nou ediie a Conferinei Internaionale Zilele Academice Ardene n perioada 18-20 mai s-a desfurat la Arad cea de-a XXII-a ediie a Conferinei Internaionale Zilele Academice Aradene unde au fost prezentate peste 900 de comunicri tiinifice, care au fost onorate de prezena a peste 1000 de participani, studeni, masteranzi, doctoranzi, postdoctoranzi, cadre didactice i cercettori tiinifici din peste 20 de Universiti din UE. Aceast srbtoare academic, ZILELE ACADEMICE ARDENE Ediia a XXII, au inclus n program spectacole artistice i competiii sportive studeneti. La Complexul Universitar de la Macea, proprietate a Universitii de Vest Vasile Goldi, s-au desfurat seciuni de comunicri i ntlniri informale ale Asociaiei Absolvenilor Universitii de Vest Vasile Goldi din Arad ALUMNI: Curricula academic i traiectul profesional al absolvenilor Universitii de Vest Vasile Goldi din Arad ediia a III-a i Asociaiei stu-

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deneti E.L.S.A. Promotor al formrii profesionitilor n domeniul tiinelor juridice. Zilele Academice Ardene, manifestare organizat de Universitatea de Vest Vasile Goldi, au demarat cu un Te Deum la Monumentul marelui corifeu al Unirii, Vasile Goldi, printele spiritual al Universitii de Vest Vasile Goldi, oficiat de un sobor de preoi condus de Arhiepiscopul Dr. Timotei Seviciu.

Deschiderea oficial a Zilelor Academice Ardene, Ediia a XXII-a, a avut loc n Aula Magna Universitaria din cadrul Campusului Universitar Vasile Goldi. Comunicrile tiinifice s-au desfurat pe seciuni iar n programul Zilelor Academice Ardene, la seciunea Traductologie: tiin a comunicrii lingvistice i culturale transfrontaliere a fost prezentat comunicarea Revista Europa o revist cu caracter bilingv, prezentare efectuat de redactorul-ef al revistei, scriitorul Pavel Gtianu.

Mihaela Lazovi

Seara romneasc la LIFE COLLEGE

laz_13@yahoo.com Adina Iorga. A fost prezentat i o expoziie de artizanat i de port romnesc din Voivodina, Banat i Serbia de rsrit iar costumele populare au fost mbrcate de cursaii acestei coli. La fel a fost organizat i o expoziie de cri, reviste i ziare n limba romn, publicate n Voivodina, aprute la editurile Fundaia Europa din Novi Sad i Libertatea din Panciova.

coala noastr Life College din Novi Sad organizeaz cursuri de limb romn pentru toate nivelele i toate vrstele. Cursurile au nceput n luna februarie a.c. Grupul are patru cursani harnici i interesai s nvee limba romn. Cursanii folosesc manuale i caiete de exerciii publicate n Romnia. Profesoara de limba romn la Life College e Mihaela Lazovi, doctor n tiine lingvistice la Facultatea de Filosofie din Novi Sad. Pe data de 26 mai 2012 la coala noastr a fost organizat o sear romneasc. Au fost prezentate cunotinele lor despre limb, cultur i civilizaie romneasc ntr-un mod interesant i neobinuit. La nceputul serii a fost interpretat un cntec romnesc de

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AUTORII
Alina Crihan este lector la Facultatea de Litere a Universitii Dunrea de Jos din Galai, n cadrul Catedrei de Literatur, Lingvistic i Jurnalism. Ary Pimentel Licenciado em Letras (Portugus-Espanhol e respectivas literaturas) pela Universidade Estadual do Rio de Janeiro UERJ. MESTRADO (1995) e DOUTORADO (2001) em Literatura Comparada pela Faculdade de Letras / UFRJ. Tese de Doutorado: LITERATURA, IMAGEM & AO: intelectuais, massas e poder no discurso cultural argentino orientada pelo Prof. Dr. Eduardo F. Coutinho. Desde 1999, professor de Literaturas Hispano-Americanas da Faculdade de Letras da UFRJ, onde ministra cursos para alunos de Portugus-Espanhol e Portugus-Literaturas. Professor do Programa de Ps-Graduao em Letras Neolatinas. Tem experincia na rea de Letras (ensino e pesquisa de Literatura) e em projetos de extenso (dilogos da academia com os espaos populares). Desenvolve atualmente o projeto de pesquisa: MARGENS DA LITERATURA E PERIFERIAS DA CIDADE: autorrepresentao do subalterno na literatura e na msica de Buenos Aires e do Rio de Janeiro Bogdan Dragomirescu - Bogdan Dragomirescu (b. 1984). From 2009, Ph.D. student, Faculty of European Studies, BabeBolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania. 2007-2008 M. A. Philosophie franaise, Faculty of Philosophy, Babe-Bolyai University. 2003-2007 B. A. Faculty of Philosophy, Babe-Bolyai University. Carmen Cerasela Drbu s-a nscut pe data de 3.02. 1966 la Baia Mare, Maramure, Romnia. Studii: Facultatea de Litere a Universitii Babe-Bolyai din Cluj-Napoca, specializarea romn-francez, doctorat n Filologie la Universitatea din Bucureti, masterat n Sociologie-Administraie Public la Universitatea din Bucureti. Conf. univ. dr. la U.T.C.N. - CUNBM i lector de limba romn (I.L.R.) la Skopje (Macedonia) i Novi Sad (Serbia). Ciprian Vlcan (n. 5 decembrie 1973, Arad) este un eseist i filozof romn. Devine doctor n filosofie al Universitii BabeBolyai din Cluj-Napoca (2002), doctor n filologie al Universitii de Vest din Timioara (2005) i doctor n istorie cultural al cole pratique des hautes tudes din Paris (2006). Daniela Sitar Tut s-a nscut la 7 noiembrie 1972 n Baia Mare, judeul Maramure. Este actualmente lector de limba romn la Universitatea Comenius din Bratislava i redactor la Nord literar din Baia Mare Darko Gavrilovi - profesor universitar la Departamentul de geografie i turism din cadrul Facultii de tiine Matematice, Universitatea din Novi Sad. Dubravka Vali Nedeljkovi - este eful Departamentului de Jurnalistic din cadrul Facultii de Filosofie de la Universitatea din Novi Sad. Titlul de doctor n tiinele lingvisitcii l-a primit la Facultatea din Novi Sad unde este angajat ca confereniar universitar din 2004. Eugen Bunaru este poet i publicist. Membru al Uniunii Scriitorilor din Romnia. Absolvent al Facultii de Filologie a Universitii din Timioara. Ioana Iulia Olaru (n. 1968, Iai). Lector universitar la Facultatea de Arte Plastice Decorative i Design, Universitatea de Arte George Enescu din Iai. Ivana Janji s-a nscut pe 3 ianuarie 1979 la Vranje. Este doctorand la Facultatea de Filosofie, Departamentul de Romnistic. A participat la numeroase simpozioane tiinifice internaionale pentru studeni. Are lucrri publicate n reviste din strintate despre viaa cultural a aromnilor din sudul Serbiei. Iveta Kontrkov este lector universitar la Universitatea Matej Bel din Banska Bystrica, Matej Bel University in Bansk Bystrica, Slovakia, Institute of Managerial Systems in Popra. Jelena Stanojev s-a nscut la 1. octombrie 1984 la Zrenianin. Este nscris la doctorat la Departamentul de limba i literatura srb. A publicat articole n periodice. Este membru juriului de specialitate n cadrul Festivalului internaional de poezie n organizarea Comunitii Scriitorilor din Voivodina Justin P. Liuba - Justin P. Liuba is a free-lance journalist, former Romanian bureau chief of Radio Free Europe and president of the Romania Relief Foundation. Laura Rebeca Precup Stiegelbauer (n.1982), din 2012 aprilie, doctor n filologie, Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza, Iasi, Romnia, specializarea Cultur i Civilizaie Britanic (Istorie Oral Britanic). n prezent lector universitar n cadrul Universitii de Vest Vasile Goldi, Arad, Romnia Laura Spriosu - (1976, Panciova), lector universitar la Departamentul de Limba i Literatura Romn, Facultatea de Filosofie, Novi Sad. Este membr a Societii de Lingvistic Aplicat din Serbia i a Fundaiei Romne de Etnografie i Folclor din Voivodina. Luiza Caraivan, lector de limba engleza la Universitatea Dimitrie Cantemir din Timioara. Doctorand in filologie cu o tez despre literatura Africii de Sud, post-colonialism i alteritate. Autoare a volumului Limba englez: A Course in Business English (2003) i coautoare a volumului First Steps in Business English (Editura Eurostampa, Timioara, 2009). Maja Medan was born on December 23th 1988 in Mostar. She graduated from the Faculty of Philosophy at the University of Novi Sad, Serbia, at the Department of Comparative Literature. Currently, she is pursuing the MA studies at the same Faculty. Manojlo Maravi (n. Subotica, 1977) A absolvit Universitatea de Art din Belgrad unde a susinut teza de doctorat Critica politicii i fenomenologia jocurilor video. Este lector universitar la Academia de Art la Novi Sad. Nada Tomi este nscut n 1952 la Lovenac. A terminat coala superioar de comer din Novi Sad. A fost angajat la funcia de corector la ziarul Dnevnik timp de zece ani. Colaboreaz la revista Europa, Secolul XXI, Foaia Sn Mihaiului. Triete la Novi Sad. Narcisa irban - irban Narcisa (n. 1975, Tulca, Bihor): absolvent a Facultii de Litere si tiinte Socio Umane, profil: Filologie, specializarea: Limba i literatura romn Limba i literatura englez; Din 2001 pn n prezent: cadru didactic

la Universitatea de Vest Vasile Goldi Arad; din 2008 pn n prezent: lector universitar doctor n cadrul Facultii de tiine Umaniste, Politice i Administrative a Universitii de Vest Vasile Goldi din Arad. Activitate tiinific: peste 30 de articole publicate n ar i strintate. Nicolae Iuga - (n. 1953) a absolvit Facultatea de Filosofie a Universitii din Bucureti. A susinut doctoratul n Filosofie la Universitatea Babe Bolyai din Cluj cu o tez referitoare la Etica cretin, sub ndrumarea lui Andrei Marga. A intreprins cltorii de studii n Europa, Maroc i Israel. In prezent este confereniar de Filosofie i tiin politic la Universitatea de Vest Vasile Goldi din Arad. Nicolas Trifon - un crivain et diteur n en 1949 Bucarest. Il vit en France depuis 1977 et est titulaire dune thse de doctorat en linguistique (Paris, EHESS, 1983) intitule Des blagues : masses parlantes et rhtorique marxiste-lniniste de pouvoir, qui a donn lieu plusieurs publications en revues (Change International, Babylone, International Journal of Rumanian Studies). Oliviu Felecan - (n. 1974, Baia Mare) este liceniat al seciei Limbi clasice de la Facultatea de Litere, Filozofie i Istorie din cadrul Universitii de Vest din Timioara, unde a obinut i titlul de Doctor n filologie (2004), cu distincia magna cum laude, la prof. G. I. Tohneanu. Din 1997 activeaz la Universitatea de Nord din Baia Mare, unde, n prezent, este conf. dr. la Catedra de limba i literatura romn, din cadrul Facultii de litere. Ott Tolnai - (1940, la Kanjia). Poet, prozator, dramaturg, eseist. A studiat limba i literatura maghiar i filosofia la Novi Sad i Zagreb. Ott Tolnai este unul dintre cei mai prolifici scriitori maghiari din Voivodina, preocuprile sale cunoscnd un larg diapazon de manifestare artistic de la poezie la eseu, de la proz experimental la texte dramatice. n anul 1998 a fost ales membru al Academiei Maghiare de Literatur i Art, iar n anul 2007 primete cea mai nalt recunotin maghiar de stat, Premiul Koshut. Pavel Gtianu s-a nscut n Sn Mihai, Voivodina, Serbia, la 15 decembrie l957. Absolvent al Facultii de tiine Politice din Belgrad. Poet, prozator, artist multimedia, jurnalist. A publicat zece cri de poezie, dou cri de proz, mai multe antologii de autor, i a fost tradus n mai multe limbi. Se ocup cu publicistica i art performance. A fondat revistele culturale Foaia Sn-Mihaiului (1993), Cuvntul romnesc (1991), Kulturbrcke (1999), Caiete Pavel Gtianu (2005). Liber cugettor Ranko Jakovljevi (1959), jurist, lucreaz n Administraia vamal a Serbiei. Este interesat de istoriografie i istoria rii i de drept. Efectueaz cercetri n legtur cu aspectele istorice, sociologice i juridice ale relaiilor sociale n regiunea Serbiei de rsrit. A publicat zece cri i un numr mare de lucrri tiinifice. Lucreaz i triete la Cladovo. Rare Iordache s-a nscut pe 7 noiembrie 1983 la Hunedoara. Studii: Liceul Pedagogic, dubl specializare: educator-institutor; Liceniat n filosofie la Facultatea de Istorie i Filosofie, specializarea filosofie, 2007, cu o lucrare cu titlul: O perspectiv de ansamblu asupra filosofiei ficiunii coordonat de lect.dr. Gabriel Chindea; Absolvent al masterului Cultur i Comunicare, de la Facultatea de Istorie i Filosofie, specializare filosofie; Doctorand la Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, coala Doctoral Filosofia valorilor, a culturii i istoriei, condus de prof.dr. univ. Aurel Codoban. A publicat un numr mare de articole de specialitate n ar i strintate.

Rodica Teodora Biri, absolvent a Universitii de Vest din Timioara, Facultatea de Litere, Filosofie i Istorie, specializarea Limba i Literatura German - Limba i Literatura Romn. 2007 Doctor n Filologie; 2010 confereniar universitar doctor la Universitatea de Vest Vasile Goldi Arad, Activitate tinific: 6 cri peste 40 de artcole publicate n ar i strintate. Sabu Gianina Daniela - Gianina SABAU has a B.A. in English and French Philology from the West University of Timioara. She has been teaching English and French at the Vasile Goldis University of Arad, Romania, for 6 years and is currently a PhD student in English literature in Sibiu. Her thesis is an interdisciplinary work, tackling English author Graham Greenes novels and their reception in French and Romanian cultural milieu. Her main interests are French and English literature language and civilization and intercultural studies. Sperana Milancovici - Milancovici Sperana Sofia (n. 1980, Arad).; 2008 - doctor n filologie, Institutul de Istorie i Teorie Literar G. Clinescu, Academia Romn, Bucureti; Din 2008 pn n prezent: lector universitar dr. n cadrul Facultii de tiine Umaniste, Politice i Administrative a Universitii de Vest Vasile Goldi din Arad, cercettor n cadrul Academiei Romne, filiala Timioara i asistent departament FEDE (Federaia European a colilor) - responsabil relaii internaionale. Stncua Ramona Dima-Laza este lector universitar dr. n cadrul Facultii de tiine Umaniste, Politice i Administrative a Universitii de Vest Vasile Goldi din Arad; 2012 curs i diplom de studii superioare (FEDE) Cetenie Democratic i Drepturile Omului. Activitate tinific: 5 cri si peste 30 de articole publicate n ar i strintate; 2012 coordonator proiect Erasmus. Stevan Bradi was born in 1982. in Novi Sad, Serbia. He graduated at the Department of Comparative Literature of the University of Novi Sad. He has finished master studies at his home department as well as at the Department of English of Stockholm University. He is currently working on his PhD thesis at his home university. He writes poetry, essays and translates from English. Veronica Szinculics - Absolventa a Masteratului Etnologie i antropologie social, Baia Mare, 2011. Membru fondator i preedinte al ONG Comunicai prin noi din anul 2007. Virginia Popovi - PhD at the Department of Romanian Studies on Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad. Doctoral dissertation: Poesis and Mathesis in Poetic Work of Ion Barbu, exploring influence of mathematical symbols on creation of poetic works by Romanian modern poet, Parnassian and hermetic Ion Barbu. Published monography: Pavel Gataiantu, contributii la monografie (Ined Co, Novi Sad, 2004) and Literatura de limba romn din Voivodina i antropologia cultural (Risoprint, Cluj-Napoca, Romania, 2012). Vladimir Barovi was born on 17th March 1978 in Novi Sad. He graduated in 2004 at The Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad, Department of History. He got his Masters degree in 2007 at The Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad. In 2006/2007 accademic year he started working as a professional associate at the University of Novi Sad, Department of Media Studies teaching Desk and the editorial office. He received his Ph.D. i July 2010 at the Faculty of Political Sciences on Reporting the crisis and ethics of journalism.

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SUMAR/CONTENTS/SADRAJ
EDITORIAL / Subcultura / Subculture...................... EDITORIAL / Pavel Gtianu IDEI EUROPENE........................................................ EUROPEAN IDEAS Darko Gavrilovi Mitologia patriotic iugoslav 1945-1990.............. Yugoslavian Patriotic Mythology 1945-1990 2 3 Nicolae Iuga Condiia uman postmodern i Filosofia ca su b cultur............................................................................. 49 Postmodern Human Condition and Philosophy as Subculture FILOLOGIE ................................................................. 55 PHILOLOGY Narcisa irban, Laura Rebeca Precup Stiegelbauer, Rodica Teodora Biri Cultura. Subcultura. Limbajul tineretului din Romnia 56 Culture. Subculture. Romanian Youth's Language Carmen Drbu Cutarea eu-lui artistic. Miroslav Krlea, ntoarcerea lui Philippe Latinovicz............................................ 59 La recherche du sien artistique. Miroslav Krlea, le retour de Philippe Latinovicz The Search for the Artistic Self.Miroslav Krlea, the Return of Philippe Latinovicz Oliviu Felecan Aspecte ale limbii vorbite n muzica contemporan romneasc................................................................ 64 Aspects of Spoken Language in the Romanian Contemporary Music Maja Medan Poemele n proz ale lui Ren Char........................... 77 The Prose Poems of Ren Char Jelena Stanojev Motivul brcii n poezia lui Milo Crnjanski............. 81 The Boat Motif in the Poetry of Milo Crnjanski Stevan Bradi Necesitatea barbarilor................................................. 87 The Necessity of the Barbarians Alina Crihan Naraiunea identitar i ficiunile totalitarismului n eseurile autobiografice ale lui Norman Manea 92 Narration identitaire et fictions du totalitarisme dans les essais autobiographiques de Norman Manea Identity Narration and Fictions of Totalitarism in Norman Maneas Autobiographical Essays EUROMUZICAL.......................................................... 100 EURO MUSICAL Ary Pimentel Funk-ul din Rio de Janeiro i comunitile imaginate: ntre interzicerea prin lege i pacea prin rzboi...... 101

Ioana Iulia Olaru Graffiti art sau non-art?......................................... 10 Graffitti Art or Non-Art? Dubravka Vali Nedeljkovi Reality show-ul ca divertisment popular i/ sau promovarea comportamentului discriminatoriu prin acceptarea de roluri. Studiu de caz: Seria srbeasca Ferma 3 ........................................................... 15 Reality show folk entertainment and/or promotion of controversial and discriminatory behavior through role-playing. Case Study: Serbian series Farm 3 Manojlo Maravi Relaiile dintre art i jocurile video......................... 23 Relations between the Art and Video Games Veronica Szinculics Forme de socializare cultural a muncitorilor mineri din perioada comunist n bazinul minier Maramure 28 Forms of miners cultural socialization during the comunist period in Maramure mining area Laura-Rebeca Precup Stiegelbauer, Rodica Teodora Biri, irban Narcisa Subculturile rome n proiecte europene o dorin pentru includerea academic i social................... 33 The Roma Subcultures in European Projects - a Wish for Academically and Socially Inclusion INTERVIU /................................................................... 36 INTERVIEW / Daniela Sitar Tut n dialog: Daniela Sitar-Tut- Libua Vajdov........... 37 - A Dialogue between Daniela Sitar-Tut and Libua Vajdov ESEU /.............................................................................. 42 ESSAY / Rare Iordache Impactul viral al social media.................................... 43 The Viral Impact of Social Media

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 El funk de Rio de Janeiro y las comunidades imaginadas: entre la prohibicin por ley y la pacificacin por la guerra The Funk of Rio de Janeiro and the Imagined Communities: between the Prohibition by Law and Making Peace by War STIINTE SOCIOUMANE.......................................... 116 SOCIO-HUMANISTIC SCIENCES Bogdan Dragomirescu Adorno i raionalizarea artei...................................... 117 Adorno and the Rationalization of Art Justin P. Liuba Regina Maria la Conferina de Pace de la Paris, 1919 125 Queen Mary at the Peace Conference in Paris, 1919 Stncua Ramona Dima-Laza Comunicarea ntr-o societate intercultural bariere de limb i diversitate cultural........................... 130 Communication in an intercultural society language barriers and cultural diversity Iveta Kontrkov Minoritatea german n regiunea slovac Spisul de Sus n trecut i n prezent......................................... 134 Die deutsche Minderheit der Oberzipser Region in der Slowakei damals und heute German minority in the Slovak region of Upper Spis in the past and at present ARTE VIZUALE.......................................................... 138 VISUAL ARTS Marin Mohan................................................................... 139 Marina Gtianu POEZIE/POETRY........................................................ 140 Ott Tolnai........................................................................ 141 REFLECTOR CRI / REVISTE......................... 145 SPOTLIGHT BOOKS / MAGAZINES Luiza Caraivan Cui i e fric de filosofi.................................................... 146 Whose Afraid of Philosophers Laura Spriosu Numele i numirea....................................................... 148 The Name and the Name-Giving

Nicolas Trifon EmG-P, scriitor modern................................................ 149 EmG-P , crivain moderne EmG-P, Modern Writer Mihaela Lazovi A tri scrisori de dragoste dincolo de timp i spaiu 153 Living Love Letters beyond Time and Space Sperana Milancovici Semn de carte: Nicolae Iuga, Securitatea, cezarul i sfoara de cli a lui Elie Wiesel................................... 154 Bookmark: Nicolae Iuga, Securitatea, cezarul i sfoara de cli a lui Elie Wiesel Virginia Popovi Mass-media despre vntoare i despre turismul cinegetic............................................................................ 156 Mass-media on Hunting and hunting tourism Revista Istorie i civilizaie ............................................ 157 History and Civilization Magazine Revista Letopis Matice Srpske ..................................... 158 Letopis Matice Srpske Magazine SMS.................................................................................. 159 Eugen Bunaru Din nou, despre poezia fr frontiere.................. 160 Again, about Poetry without Borders Nada Tomi Primul atelier de jurnalistic n limba romn......... 161 The First Journalism Workshop in Romanian Ivana Janji Revista Europa i Ivana Janji n Frana.................... 163 Europa and Ivana Janjic in France Virginia Popovi Colocviul Internaional Cultur i comunicare: interferene, Confluene.................................................... 164 International Colloquium Culture and Communication: Interferences, Confluences Zilele Academice Ardene, 2012............................... 164 Academic Days in Arad Mihaela Lazovi Seara romneasc la Life College ............................... 165 Romanian Evening at Life College AUTORII ....................................................................... 166 AUTHORS

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