CAIETE ARA

ARHITECTURĂ. RESTAURARE. ARHEOLOGIE.

9, 2018

CAHIERS ARA ARA HEFTE ARA REPORTS

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EDITURA „ARHITECTURĂ. RESTAURARE. ARHEOLOGIE.“, BUCUREŞTI

Excerpt from Caiete ARA 9, 2018.

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Editura ARA - „Arhitectură. Restaurare. Arheologie”, Bucureşti

Excerpt from Caiete ARA 9, 2018.

CAIETE ARA CAHIERS ARA ARA HEFTE ARA REPORTS
REVISTĂ ANUALĂ DE ARHITECTURĂ, RESTAURARE ŞI ARHEOLOGIE, PUBLICATĂ DE ASOCIAŢIA ARA

© a|r|a 2018
Editura ARA - „Arhitectură. Restaurare. Arheologie”
ARA - “Architecture. Restoration. Archaeology” Publishing
editura@simpara.ro
www.simpara.ro

Editor / Editor:
Monica MĂRGINEANU CÂRSTOIU

Colegiu de redacţie / Editorial board:

Maria ALEXANDRESCU-VIANU, Alexandru AVRAM, Alexandru BARNEA, Pierre DUPONT,
Wolfram HOEPFNER, Dan MOHANU, Corina POPA, Frank RUMSCHEID

Comitet de redacţie / Editorial committee:

Virgil APOSTOL (Editor adjunct / Deputy editor), Letiția COSNEAN NISTOR (Secretar / Secretary), Iulian BÎRZESCU,
Andreea CÂRSTOIU, Ileana LĂZĂRESCU, Natalia TOMA, Adriana PANAITE, Mariana Cristina POPESCU,
Florian MATEI-POPESCU

Grafică şi tehnoredactare / Graphic design and DTP:

Cabinet Mihai PĂUNESCU PFA

Tipărit / Printed by:

Pro Editură şi Tipografie, Bucureşti

Coperta / Cover:
Olbia. Antemion cu volute și palmetă / Olbia. Anthemion with volute and crowning palmette (Alla Bujskikh, Dmitrii Chistov, p. 11, fig. 7).

ISSN 2068-0686

Publicaţie apărută cu sprijinul Ordinului Arhitecţilor din România, prin Timbrul Arhitecturii / Published with the support of the Romanian Order
of Architects, through the Architecture Tax.
Manuscrisele propuse pentru publicare vor fi adresate redacţiei editurii ARA, pe adresa / Manuscripts proposed for publishing shall be addressed to
the ARA publishing, at: editura@simpara.ro

Excerpt from Caiete ARA 9, 2018.

CUPRINS / TABLE OF CONTENTS

Alla BUJSKIKH, Dmitrii CHISTOV, Architectural details and monumental buildings at Borysthenes ........................................................... 5
Florina PANAIT BÎRZESCU, Statue bases with honorific inscriptions from Histria in the Early Roman period ........................................ 23

Mihai IONESCU, Laurenţiu RADU, Robert CONSTANTIN,

Les recherches archéologiques dans la nécropole tardive de la ville de Callatis ........................................................................................................... 37

Letiția COSNEAN NISTOR, Architectural fragments from Callatis. New discoveries of Doric architecture ................................................. 53

Virgil APOSTOL, Funerary architecture in Alburnus Maior (Roșia Montană): rectangular masonry enclosures ........................................... 71

Valeria MONTANARI, Distinctive features of restoration work at Ostia Antica in the first half of the twentieth century ........................... 97

Monica MĂRGINEANU CÂRSTOIU, Fragments d’architecture avec images sculptées à Tomis: les Dioscures et Héraclès ...................... 105

Bianca Elena GRIGORAȘ, New information on the east and south-east Carpathian storage vessels (1st- 4th C. AD).................................. 123

Tekla SZABÓ, The 14th century representations of Navicella and the story of the murals from Jelna (Bistrița-Năsăud County) .................. 137

Maria-Venera RĂDULESCU, The Metropolitan Cathedral of Curtea de Argeș. The lead roof, the towers and the gilded crosses ............... 155

Dan MOHANU, The possibility and failure of reconstruction: two case studies of Văcărești and Cotroceni ..................................................... 175

Vasilica MÎRZA, Treasure hunters in Romania at the end of nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth ................................... 197

Petra VLAD, Du lien ambigu entre Monument et Patrimoine ............................................................................................................................. 209

NOTE ŞI DISCUŢII / NOTES AND DISCUSSIONS

Stefano D’AVINO,
Villa Hadriana: a number of methodological queries on preservation and restoration in the field of archaeology .............................................. 215

Alexandru MEXI, Diana Lavinia CULESCU,

Cișmigiu Garden and the beautification of culture. The role of vegetation in the coherence of a landscaped ensemble ........................................ 223

Hanna DERER,
Auf der Suche nach dem verlorenen Kulturdenkmal das Ensemble der Mariä Himmelfahrt-Kirche
in der Walachischen Kirchengasse / Bisericii Române Strasse, Kronstadt / Brașov ................................................................................................. 231
Vlad MITRIC-CIUPE,
Repressive mechanisms within the Romanian school of architecture on the onset of the communist regime.
The case of professor Gheorghe Simotta ....................................................................................................................................................................... 243

RECENZII / BOOK REVIEWS

Agnieszka TOMAS, Living with the army I. Civil settlements near roman legionary fortresses in Lower Moesia,
Institute of Archaeology. University of Warsaw, Warsaw, 2017 (Florian Matei-Popescu) .......................................................................... 253

IN MEMORIAM Șerban Cantacuzino ............................................................................................................................................................... 259

ABREVIERI / ABBREVIATIONS .................................................................................................................................................................. 263

Excerpt from Caiete ARA 9, 2018.

 THE 14TH CENTURY REPRESENTATIONS OF NAVICELLA
AND THE STORY OF THE MURALS FROM JELNA
(BISTRIȚA-NĂSĂUD COUNTY )
Tekla Szabó*

Keywords: Navicella, Rome, pilgrimage, donor, wind personifications, ship, Ship of the Church, Jelna, St. Jacob, Viștea,
Turnišče, Hungarian Kingdom, medieval wall painting, 14th century.
Abstract: A widely publicized event from 2016 was the rediscovery of a fresco representing a Navicella scene at Jelna (hu.
Kiszsolna, Zsolna, germ. Senndorf, Romania), a small village near the Transylvanian city of Bistrița (hu. Beszterce, germ. Bistritz,
Romania). Bombastic titles, remote from reality, such as “A rare Giotto painting discovered amidst the ruins of a church in Transylvania”,
also appeared in the international press.
In this article, I will analyse the paintings from Jelna and compare them with the few 14th century examples of Navicella
known in Europe, especially with the two other frescoes preserved on the territory of medieval Hungary, with an iconography proving
the knowledge of the image represented first in St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome. At Viştea (hu. Magyarvista, Romania) and Turnišče (hu.
Bántornya, germ. Turnitz, Slovenia), near the ship, we have few elements taken from the famous mosaic or its copies: the personifications
of the winds, the shape of the mast and a traveller covering his eyes, blinded by the presence of Jesus Christ. Jelna presents most features
common with Giotto’s composition, being the first known Navicella reproduction with the Prophets. In all three cases, the image of the
donor is placed nearby and in two of them we also find references to places of pilgrimage.
The analysed frescoes combine iconographic elements from different sources, creating original compositions, using the
metaphor of life as a journey across the sea, and representing the donor’s search for protection during his longer way to Heaven. At the
same time, they express fidelity to the Roman Papal See.
Rezumat: Un eveniment larg mediatizat din anul 2016 a fost redescoperirea unei fresce cu tema iconografică Navicella la
Jelna (hu. Kiszsolna, Zsolna, germ. Senndorf, România) într-un mic sat, lângă orașul Bistrița (hu. Beszterce, germ. Bistritz, România)
din Transilvania. Titluri bombastice, departe de realitate, au apărut în presa internațională, cum ar fi „O rară pictură a lui Giotto descoperită
printre ruinele unei biserici din Transilvania”.
În articolul de față analizez fresca de la Jelna în comparație cu cele câteva exemple din secolul al XIV-lea ale Navicellei
cunoscute în Europa, în special cu celelalte două picturi păstrate pe teritoriul Ungariei medievale, având o iconografie ce dovedește
cunoașterea imaginii reprezentate pentru prima dată în Bazilica Sf. Petru din Roma. La Viștea (hu. Magyarvista, România) și la Turnišče
(hu. Bántornya, germ. Turnitz, Slovenia), pe lângă navă, avem doar câteva elemente preluate (demonii vântului, forma catargului,
călătorul acoperindu-și ochii). Jelna are în mod evident cele mai multe trăsături comune cu compoziția lui Giotto, este prima copie cu
reprezentarea profeților. În toate cele trei cazuri donatorii au fost pictați în scena din dreapta imaginii navei. În două cazuri găsim și
referiri la unul sau mai multe locuri de pelerinaj.
În concluzie putem spune că frescele analizate combină elemente iconografice din diferite surse, creând compoziții originale,
care folosesc metafora vieții ca o călătorie pe mare, donatorul cerând protecție pentru călătoria lui mai lungă către Ceruri și exprimă, în
același timp, fidelitatea față de Scaunul Papal Roman.

A widely publicized event of the last year was the rediscovery of a fresco with the Navicella representation
at Jelna (hu. Kiszsolna, Zsolna, germ. Senndorf ), in a small village near the city of Bistrița (hu. Beszterce, germ.
Bistritz), in Romania. Bombastic titles, remote from reality, such as “A rare Giotto painting discovered among the
ruins of a church in Transylvania” also appeared in the international press in 2016.1
Specialists have known of the existence of this fresco before. The restorer Loránd Kiss presented it for
the first time in 2008, in a conference, as an undefined scene with a ship, as a result of his research on five Saxon
evangelical churches.² In 2009 and 2010, I spoke about the Navicella scene in Jelna, in connection with the

* Independent researcher, e-mail: szabotekla@yahoo.com

1
The news first appeared in the international press in AFP: https://www.afp.com/en/news/rare-giotto-copy-emerges-transylvanian-
church-ruins (the page could not be found in 2017.09.26), and taken over, between others, see: http://www.lefigaro.fr/arts-
expositions/2016/02/28/03015-20160228ARTFIG00030-un-rare-giotto-aurait-ete-trouve-parmi-les-ruines-d-une-eglise-en-
transylvanie.php; http://www.lacapital.com.ar/informacion-gral/hallan-copia-un-giotto-una-iglesia-rumana-n501847.html;
https://www.archaeology.org/news/4219-160229-hungary-the-navicella; http://stirileprotv.ro/stiri/actualitate/descoperire-
extraordinara-intr-o-biserica-ruinata-din-transilvania-ce-s-a-vazut-pe-perete-dupa-ce-a-cazut-tencuiala.html.
2
Loránd Kiss, Öt szászföldi evangélikus templom kutatásának az eredményei [The results of the research of five Saxon evangelical
churches], Monument Protection in Transylvania III. – Sovata (Romania), November 28-30, 2008. See also Kiss 2013.

Caiete ARA 9, 2018, pp. 137-154

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138 Tekla Szabó

Fig. 1. Navicella, Cappellone degli spagnoli, S. Maria Novella, Florence, Andrea di Bonaiuto,1365-1368. (source: https://commons.wikimedia.
org/wiki/File%3AMuseo_di_santa_maria_novella%2C_cappellone_degli_spagnoli%2C_affreschi_di_andrea_di_bonaiuto_4.JPG).

murals from Viștea.³ The article concerning the newly discovered frescoes from Viștea was published in 2008-
2010.⁴ In 2010, two studies were written about the church in Jelna. The restorer Zsuzsa Vali wrote the first short
description concerning most of the murals, and identified the scene with a ship as Jesus calming the seas or The
miraculous fishing.⁵ Vasile Duda from the Bistrița Năsăud County Museum did not focus on the frescoes, but he
considered them with certainty as the work of the painter Gabriel, attested in the region of Bistrița towards the
middle of the 16th century (c. 1512-1540/45), based simply on older research dating the church building to the

3
Szabó Tekla, Szent Miklós lecsendesíti a tengert vagy az Eklézsia hajója? Ikonográfiai pontosítások az újra feltárt magyarvistai
falképek kapcsán [St. Nicolas calming the seas or the Ship of Ecclesia? Iconographic questions of the Viştea murals], 2nd Conference
of Young Art Historians – Budapest, Novembre 27–28, 2009; Idem, Ikonográfiai pontosítások a magyarvistai falképek kapcsán [A
revised iconography of the Viştea murals], Monument Protection in Transylvania – Sovata (Romania), March 26–28, 2010; Idem,
The bishop of Transylvania represented on the newly restored frescoes from Viştea – Art and Architecture around 1400 – CIHA
Colloquium, Maribor, Slovenia, May 10-14, 2011.
4
Szabó 2008-2010, pp. 139−160, 150. The Navicella from Jelna was mentioned in further studies and conference lectures, see Szabó
2012, pp. 151-160, 154; Szabó 2015, p. 6.
5
Vali 2010.

Excerpt from Caiete ARA 9, 2018.

The 14th century representations of Navicella and the story of the murals from Jelna 139

Fig. 2. Navicella, Ex Chiesa del Tau, Pistoia, Niccolò di Tommaso, Fig. 3. Navicella, Santa Maria in Campis, Foligno, 1450 (after
1372 (source: http://www.discoverpistoia.it/images/naturart/ Köhren-Jansen 1993, fig. 55).
naturart_20/naturart_20_01/gallery/chiesa_tau_pistoia_13.jpg).

end of the 15th century.⁶ Both researchers mentioned that five pieces of the original fresco had been removed
and transported later in 2010 in the museum, in the context of a research project with the University of Art and
Design from Cluj-Napoca. In 2016, Szilárd Papp, researcher from the Szépművészeti Múzeum in Budapest,
“rediscovered” the topic and presented it as if nobody had ever spoken about the Navicella from Jelna before.
He made the first graphical reconstitution of the composition, and revised the dating of the church building
and murals to the second part of the 14th century, most probably at the end of the reign of Louis I of Hungary
(Fig. 9). The article along with a detailed analysis of the architecture of the church was published online.⁷ The
press and the scientific conference organized by the Möller Foundation in Budapest, announcing the news of the
discovery helped to raise funds to save the roof of the church choir, which was in a state of collapse at that time.⁸
In my article, I intend to analyse the paintings from Jelna in comparison with the few 14th century
examples of Navicella known in Europe, especially with the two other murals preserved in the territory of
medieval Hungary, with an iconography proving the knowledge of the image represented first in St. Peter’s
Basilica in Rome. One is preserved in the church of Viştea (hu. Magyarvista, Romania), the other is in Turnišče
(hu. Bántornya, germ. Turnitz, Slovenia).⁹

6
His work was supported by the Noesler Land Association, which tried to save the church with volunteers (Duda 2010, p. 21). About
the dating of the church see Teutsch 1921, p. 152 (15th century); Popa 1970, p. 317 (around 1482); Arion 1974, p. 43 (second part
of the 15th century); Léstyán 1996, p. 63 (an earlier building modified later, second part of 15th century); Fabini I, p. 699 (first part
of 15th century); Duda 2010, p. 21 (end of 15th century); Vali 2010, p. 16 (first part of the 15th century). The basic descriptions of the
church see Popa 1970, pp. 300–306, 2/a; Fabini I, p. 700; Duda 2010, pp. 13-15. Detailed presentation in Papp 2016a.
7
Papp 2016a; Published only in a shorted variant addressed to a larger public: Papp 2016b. Based on lectures presented first in
Budapest, FUGA-Budapesti Építészeti Központ, February 18, 2016: A kiszsolnai templom építéstörténete és falképei [The
building history and the frescoes from Jelna]. The lecture was repeated in the international conference organized by the County
Museum from Bistrița Năsăud on the theme of the discovery: “Biserica din Jelna. De la strălucire la năruire”, Bistrița, February 28,
2016 and later in Sovata, April 1-3, 2016.
8
Budapest, FUGA-Budapesti Építészeti Központ, February 18, 2016,
https://www.youtube.com/watch? v=ZZIvl2JPNQg. Since then, a provisory wooden construction has been built to support the
vaults and the loose fresco plaster was fixed. Now there is the hope that more funds will be obtained for the restoration, in
collaboration between the County Museum from Bistrița Năsăud, the owner of the monument, the County Council and the
Hungarian state, through the Teleki Foundation. The church from Jelna was part of an inventory of the built heritage from the
Transylvanian plain. From the restoration plans of church choir see Makkay et alii 2017. A temporary, today destroyed, roof was
build earlier in the second part of the 1990s.
9
The study is based on two conference lectures: Giotto Navicella képének 14. századi másolatai [14th century replicas of the Navicella
from Giotto], Műemlékvédelem Erdélyben V. Sovata, April 1-3, 2016; Reprezentările temei iconografice Navicella în secolul al
XIV-lea și povestea picturii bisericii din Jelna, [14th century representations of the Navicella and the story of the murals from Jelna],
Simpozionul ARA 18/2017, București, April 20–23, 2016.

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140 Tekla Szabó

Fig.4. Navicella, Parri Spinelli, New York, Metropolitan

Museum of Art (source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/
wikipedia/commons/4/49/Giotto_di_Bondone_-_Navicella_-_
WGA09364.jpg).

Fig. 5. Navicella, Parri Spinelli, Bayonne, Musée Bonnat (after

Köhren-Jansen 1993, fig. 76).

The mosaic from St. Peter’s basilica in Rome

All the frescoes of my present study had as source for their iconography, in a way or another, the mosaic
of the Old Saint Peter’s Basilica in Rome, known as Navicella, which was considered as an image of the Papacy
and a sacred allegory of Ecclesia Romana. It was mentioned under this name in many pilgrimage guides starting
with the 14th century. Giotto di Bondone’s masterpiece from the first third of the 14th century was very large,
designed to be seen from a distance, to have an impressive impact on pilgrims as they entered the atrium, but it
was almost completely destroyed in the 17th century when the new Saint Peter’s Basilica was built. The mosaic
is known only from later images, with similar iconographic elements, all named reproductions in spite of the
large differences from the original. Nevertheless, it must be mentioned that during the 14th and 15th centuries,
a copy was understood in a different way from the modern sense of the word (Figs. 1-3). It was enough to
take over only one recognizable, characteristic element, in order to make a symbolic representation of the
Papacy. In the early Renaissance, the style and aesthetic values of the famous mosaic also become important,
Albertis` treatise mentioning it as an exemplum varietatis, a model for artists, especially as an exemplary figure
composition. In Parri Spinelli’s model book, we find the Navicella as case studies for ship images (Figs. 4-5).¹⁰
Most of the information we have regarding the St. Peter’s Basilica mosaic comes thus from copies commissioned
to reproduce the original mosaic, mainly for restoration purposes. Francesco Beretta’s original size replica from
1628 is important, made before the mosaic was transported to another place, as well as Orazio Manenti’s
smaller adaptation in the New St. Peter`s basilica, in 1673-1675 (Figs. 6-7).¹¹

10
Köhren-Jansen 1993, pp. 159, pp. 223-230; Bayonne, Musée Bonnat, fig. 76; Cleveland, Museum of Arts, fig. 75; New York,
Metropolitan Museum of Art, fig. 74.
11
Köhren-Jansen 1993, pp. 246-259, figs. 1, 84.

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The 14th century representations of Navicella and the story of the murals from Jelna 141

The iconographical program of the famous

mosaic was conceived by its commissioner, Cardinal
Jacopo Stefaneschi, in connection with the holy year
1300. He had essentially used the theme Christ walking
on water to show the event related by the Gospel of
Matthew (14:24–32), where Saint Peter is summoned
to join Christ. The image was a popular representation
since early Christian times, its first representation,
from the first half of the 3rd century being known from
the Dura-Europos baptistery. It was connected to
personal salvation, pointing to the grace of God, who
saved the doubting Peter, despite his fleeting human
weakness.¹² The scene was taken out of the narrative
cycle and monumentalized, new valences and side
Fig.6. Navicella, Francesco Beretta, 1628 (source: https://
persons were added, some of them of late Ancient and upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/ae/Giotto_di_
Paleochristian origin, with particular meanings. There Bondone_-_Navicella_-_WGA09363.jpg).
is a large scholarly bibliography of the interpretations
of the Navicella image, but in my study I will only
consider the conclusion of the monograph written
by Köhren-Jansen in 1993.¹³ The most important
difference from the iconography Christ walking on
water is that Jesus Christ is represented frontally in
a golden robe, a scroll to his left, the traditio legis of
Rome’s primacy being thus emphasised. This valence
explains the presence of the white-bearded men sitting
on clouds, supposedly Prophets, as well as of the
architectural background, probably representing the
walls of the Heavenly Jerusalem. The most mysterious
element is the fisherman on the left side of the
composition. It was thought to be a symbol of hope,
a reference to Christ’s words to his future fisherman
disciples: “Come follow me, and I will make you fishers of Fig.7. Navicella, St. Peter`s basilica, Vatican, Orazio Manenti,
men” (Mt 4, 19). On both sides of the mast, flying wind 1673-1675 (after Köhren-Jansen 1993, fig. 1).
personifications with bat-wings and tubes illustrate
the words of Matthew (Mt 14, 24): “Meanwhile, the
disciples were in trouble far from land, for a strong wind had risen, and they were fighting heavy waves”. This refers
to Christ’s miracle, the calming of the storm after saving Apostle Peter from the sea, revealing His divinity.
In the right lower side, the donor was also depicted on a small island, raised over the sea of temptations.
The image was completed with a titulus, a verse probably written by cardinal Stefaneschi, running below
the image and included in a frame with angel medallions: „Quem liquidos pelagi gradientem sternere fluctus /
imperitas, fidumque regis, trepidumque labantem / Erigis, et celebrem reddis virtutibus almum. Hoc iubeas rogitante
Deus contingere portum.” It was interpreted as a prayer to God to navigate the life of the believers, the members
of the struggling church, in a state of pilgrimage on earth. The image has also been trying to propagate Rome’s
primacy, through the unity of the apostles in the ship representing the Church.¹⁴

12
Ibidem, pp. 47-80.
13
Ibidem, pp. 80-135. For the latest information regarding the artist, see Giotto 2009.
14
About the different questions of interpretation of this titulus, see Köster 1999–2000.

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142 Tekla Szabó

This short presentation is enough to suggest the

Fig. 8. Jelna, the church nave (photo Ferenc Márton).
importance of this image. Except for the first reflection
in Saint-Pierre-le-Jeune church in Strasbourg, in 1320,
with wind demons and the scene of saving St. Peter
from the seas, we can observe a return of the theme
around 1350, from the former St. Margarita church,
chapel St. Ursula, today in Museo Treviso.¹⁵ The next
one was Andrea di Bonaiuto who painted between
1365 and 1368, a variant of the Navicella in Florence,
in the Cappellone degli spagnoli, S. Maria Novella.
Another example we find on the predella of an altarpiece
made in 1370 (Lorenzo Veneziano, today in Staatliche
Museen, Berlin), as well as in a mural two years later
in Pistoia, Chiesa del Tau (Niccolò di Tommaso).¹⁶
Regarding the few 14th century representations, we
have the scene from Jelna in Northern Transylvania
and the frescoes in Viștea and Turnišče which use only
some elements of the mosaic.

The Navicella in the medieval wall paintings

of the Hungarian Reign

Fig. 9. Jelna, Navicella, the northern wall of the apse, graphical
reconstitution of the composition (after Papp 2016a, fig. 41).
Fig 10. Jelna, Navivella, apostles (photo Ferenc Márton).
JELNA
The ruins of the church of St. Peter of Jelna
a small Transylvanian village close to Bistriţa has a
fresco that had gained a lot of attention, presented as
a replica of the Navicella from Rome (Fig.  8). Papp
stressed the importance of the direct copy, but at the
same time proposed as source of the composition a
sketch brought home from Rome by the donor, or a
pilgrim he was acquainted with, or even a model kept
in the master`s workshop.17 Though in the 14th century
a Navicella reproduction could repeat only one easy
identifiable element from the original, to not cause
misunderstanding it is maybe more appropriate to call
them “reflections”.18 Köhren-Jansen noted that in this
period a copy was based essentially on the recognition
effect.19
The Transylvanian fresco from Jelna is no
longer intact. Today, the image needs to be assembled
as a giant puzzle with the murals still preserved on the
wall, the fragments from the museum in Bistrița, and

15
The scene from Treviso is fragmentary, the identification is not sure. See Ibidem, figs. 4-5.
16
Köhren−Jansen 1993, pp. 159-183, figs. 51-54.
17
Papp 2016a, pp. 31-33.
18
This expression was used by Gardner: the Navicella from Strasbourg was mentioned as the reflection of the Roman mosaic. See:
Gardner 2013, p. 160.
19
Köhren-Jansen 1993, pp. 159-223.

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The 14th century representations of Navicella and the story of the murals from Jelna 143

other elements known only from old photos (Figs. 9, 16).20 The scene dominated
by the ship with a mast, with eleven apostles inside, was painted on the northern
wall of the apse (Figs. 10-14). In Jelna, as well as in most of the early examples,
the arched pointed space for the composition was different from the original
rectangle framed mosaic, so certain modifications, mainly the omission of side-
way figures, was also necessary for this reason. It is interesting that in Transylvania
the composition exceeds one of the pointed arched spaces limited by the vaults,
Christ saving Apostle Peter being painted in the space nearby, clearly surrounded
by a red frame (Fig. 9, Figs. 15-16).21 The non-frontal position of Jesus Christ Fig. 11. Jelna, Navicella,
and his reddish robe also differs from the original mosaic, where he is dressed apostles, County Museum from
Bistrița Năsăud.
in a golden robe. Like most of the early copies, the artists didn’t understand the
importance of this detail, of traditio legis, emphasizing the primacy of Rome.22
The apostles painted at Jelna seem to reflect more elements of the
original mosaic (Figs. 10-14). In Rome, St. John is holding his hands in front
of his eyes, his right is covered with a maphorion repeating a gesture taken
from the iconography of the Transfiguration, where the apostle was blinded
by the presence of Jesus Christ. In Transylvania, we find this detail again, but
on the fresco fragment only the head and the left hand are preserved (Fig. 11).
Another apostle is repeating the gesture of the person standing in front of the
ship, holding his hands toward the sky (Fig. 12).23 Both gestures can also be seen
in Florence, and even partly in Turnišče and Viștea (Figs. 1, 21, 24).
In Jelna, the painting of two Prophets and the wind personifications Fig. 12. Jelna, Navicella,
can be assumed. Today, we can discern only darker patches on both sides of the apostles, County Museum from
mast, and a lighter part of a trumpet kept by a wind personification on the right Bistrița Năsăud.
(Fig. 14). Wind demons can often be found in early Navicella representations,
for example in S. Maria Novella, Florence, in Chiesa del Tau, Pistoia, or even
in Viștea (Figs. 1, 2, 24). The Prophets are rare, the first example being from
1450, in the church of S. Maria in Campis, Foligno, where two Prophets were
represented and not four, as in the original mosaic (Fig. 3).²⁴ Papp interpreted this
detail as an argument for attributing to Jelna the earliest known representation
of this iconographic element, proving at the same time that it was not only an
invention of later replicas of the image.²⁵ It is not known if the city of Jerusalem
and the fisherman are included in the fresco from Jelna, since the left part of the
scene is still covered by plaster.
In the nearby arched space under the vault, an original composition
was painted. In the right extremity, we can see an apostle with a book standing
in front of a cathedra, undoubtedly St. Peter, the patron of the church (Fig.
17).²⁶ A peculiar aspect of the painting is that he seems to catch with a bishop
Fig. 13. Jelna, Navicella,
crosier two kneeling people in prayer painted naked in front of him. Kinga apostles, County Museum from
German suggested for the identification of this image, painted in the proximity Bistrița Năsăud.

20
New details will surely appear with the cleaning and restoration of the fresco.
21
German 2014, p. 254. The author identifies the image as the Man of Sorrow, in connection with the nearby sacrament niche. The
fresco with the ship was not mentioned in the study. We know the figure of Christ only from archive photos, the fresco layer here
was also detached with the stacco technique.
22
Köhren-Jansen 1993, pp. 97-122.
23
Both are on fragments saved in the Museum.
24
Köhren-Jansen 1993, pp. 183-190.
25
Papp 2016a, p. 33.
26
Identified in 2010 by Vali.

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144 Tekla Szabó

of the sacrament niche, an unknown moment of St. Peter’s iconography, representing the fishing of the souls
(Fig.  15).²⁷ She interpreted it as a concrete representation of Christ’s words said to his future fishermen
disciples: “come and follow Me, and I will send you out to fish for people” (Matthew 4, 18-22, see also Mark
1, 16-20, and Luke 5, 1–11). Recently, another detail appeared: two men without haloes facing St. Peter
(Figs. 16, 18). The first standing man is praying. He has a short beard, wears a red felt hat, a bycocket and a
trapezoidal shoulder bag. He is followed by another man painted bust-length.²⁸ Only his head is preserved,
with fashionable, ear-long curly hair. Evidently, they are the donors. The bag and even the bycocket, an usual
accessory for a pilgrim, could suggest a pilgrimage, supposedly to Rome. This could explain the representation
in the proximity of the Navicella image.²⁹
In the next arched area of the north-eastern wall, on the narrow parts surrounding the central window,
the images of several angels were preserved (Figs. 19-20). Between others, on the upper side, to the right of the
window, a musician angel with a lute, while in the left lower zone an angel with a large candle was depicted.30
It is interesting to note that Giotto’s mosaic also had angels representations probably as part of the frame,
characterized as guardians of the salvation process, floating in the timeless area.31
As we can see, the mural in Jelna uses a lot of elements from the original mosaic, even in comparison
with the contemporaneous Italian examples, since here is the first one represent the Prophets. In Italy, only the
saving of Saint Peter from the seas is constant, while the fisherman, the wind demons, the wall of Jerusalem
may be missing. In these early images the style was never adopted, even the fresco from Strasbourg painted
a few years later has a completely different character. From this perspective, we cannot be surprised that the
Gothic style of the frescoes in Jelna has nothing to do with Giotto. The few maintained fragments show
personages with typical geometrically-curling hair, with traces drawn with large black lines, draperies with
rigid, heavy folds, doubled sometimes by a light line. The painted surface does not use too much shading. The
feet and hands are roughly painted, in the quite rudimentary, provincial style of the paintings.³²

TURNIŠČE
Another interesting ship representation can be seen in Turnišče, a village in Slovenia. The church
dedicated to the Assumption of Virgin Mary was decorated with murals by the painter Johannes Aquila and
his apprentices, and commissioned by the Bánfi family. The choir was painted first, in 1383, and the nave a few
years later, in 1389.
The scene with the ship is situated on the southern wall of the nave, close to the eastern wall.
Unfortunately, today only the right side of the composition had remained, and we can see only the rear half of
a ship with fishing apostles. The theme was identified as Apostle Peter’s calling (Fig. 21).³³ In the fragment we
can see five apostles. The one near the mast with a tonsure, might be Peter. The scene seems to represent the
first miraculous catch of fish reported in the Gospel of Luke (Luke 5:1–11). This is the only episode where
Peter and Christ are painted in the boat. After the fish miracle, Peter, James and John, the sons of Zebedee,
joined Jesus as disciples, to “catch men”. The second miraculous draught of fish happened shortly after Christ’s
Resurrection. This usually shows Jesus standing on the shore with Peter swimming towards him, in the ship
being more apostles ( John 21, 1−14).³⁴

27
German 2014, pp. 254–255. The object used to the fishing was not identified with a bishop crosier.
28
The upper part of the fresco is not cleaned yet.
29
Papp identified them with Peter near other disciples: Andrew, James and John, or even another apostles. He put the bag, an unusual
attribute for Peter, in relation to the fishing of the souls. Papp 2016a, p. 34.
30
Vali 2010. The auhtor mentioned the person with a long object, but didn’t identify it with an angel. Papp 2016a, pp. 37-38, with
archive photos of the angels: figs. 53-57.
31
Papp 2016a, p. 38.
32
Ibidem, pp. 41-42. In his opinion the murals are the work of a good workshop.
33
Gotik in Slowenien 1995, cat. Nos. 127-128, fig. 127 b.
34
Köhren-Jansen 1993, pp. 47-80.

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The 14th century representations of Navicella and the story of the murals from Jelna 145

Fig. 14. Jelna, Navicella, the mast of the ship, Prophets (photo
Ferenc Márton).
Fig. 15. Jelna, the northern wall of the apse. Two praying
people, County Museum from Bistrița Năsăud.

Fig. 16. Jelna, the northern wall of the apse, Christ from the
Navicella. Donors, two praying people, Saint Peter. Graphical
reconstitution of the composition (Tekla Szabó).

Fig. 17. Jelna, Saint Peter (photo Ferenc Márton). Fig. 18. Jelna, donors (photo Ferenc Márton).

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146 Tekla Szabó

The first miracle revealed in Turnišče combines

Fig. 19. Jelna, the northeastern wall of the apse, angels
(photo Ferenc Márton).
different iconographic elements. The large number of
apostles, at least five, could be from the Second miraculous
fishing, from the scene Jesus walking on the water or even
from its extended version, the Navicella. Anyway, the
painter was familiar with the Roman mosaic, and in the
ship we can see the characteristic figure of Apostle John
covering his eyes. Similarities can be found in the shape of
the mast also. The fishing, as well as the floating direction
of the ship from the left side of the composition, was
not characteristic of Navicella images. It is interesting to
note one of Parri Spinelli’s variants of the mosaic as ship
studies in the first part of the 15th century. In the drawing
from Bayonne, the fishing is also represented. This one
is farthest from the original, but still uses some of its
elements (Figs. 5-6).³⁵

VIȘTEA
An image incorporating a ship was restored in 2008 in Viștea, in a Transylvanian village mentioned as
the property of the Transylvanian bishop in 1291.36 Painted on the southern wall of the nave, the composition
has both static and narrative elements (Fig. 23). To the left of the ship are Saint Nicholas and Saint James the
Greater represented with his typical pilgrim hat, cloak and bag (Fig 24).37 To the right Our Lady is painted, in
a pose similar to the Hodegetria type. She is blessing a donor kneeling in front of her, dressed in a sumptuous
clerical robe. Close to the right border of the scene, we find another saint, probably the patron of the donor.
The iconographical identification of the centre raises some questions. The story of Saint Nicholas’ life says
that he saved from the storm common people and sailors in his ship sailing to Nicaea, where he attended the
Council.38 Questions appear in the right part of the composition, where in the front of the ship a shaven-
headed cleric is praying toward the iconic figure of Mary. Meanwhile, in the middle of the group, a woman
is covering her eyes with her maphoryon, the figure being in contrast with the modern clothes of the rest of
the travellers. Then, the question is, who can be represented here? A starburst is painted on her forehead, the
characteristic of Our Lady, and therefore we think that this might be a representation of Our Lady of the
Seas (Stella Maris).
This unique composition also uses elements of the Navicella iconography. The most evident parallel is
the presence of the flying wind demons with bat-wings and the shape of the mast with a rope twisted around.
The gesture of Our Lady covering her eyes with a maphoryon, also could have as source Apostle John’s pose
from the original mosaic. Both images, connected to personal redemption, represent the clerical donor in the
right part of the scene: in Rome he is kneeling at the feet of Christ saving the doubting Peter from the seas,
in Viștea in front of the Madonna. Other features of the scene seem to originate from the iconography of
the Church Triumphant (Ecclesia triumphans) in which the ship-church metaphor is illustrated by the image
of the Saviour crucified on the mast. Usually, the Saviour is at the wheel, but there are cases with Mary, Peter

35
Köhren-Jansen 1993, pp. 159, 223-230; Bayonne, Musée Bonnat, fig. 76; Cleveland, Museum of Arts, fig. 75; New York, Metropolitan
Museum of Art, fig. 74.
36
Published in Lángi, Mihály 2002, p. 73. The murals in the nave were discovered during renovations from 1912. In the following year,
István Gróh was sent by the Institute for the Protection of the Historical Monuments (MOB) to investigate and copy the frescoes.
Unfortunately, the murals were covered again in 1920. About the history of the renovation of this church see Szabó 2008-2010, pp.
139-143; Szabó 2015b, pp. 135-153.
37
LCI 7, pp. 23-39.
38
LCI 8, pp. 51-58.

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The 14th century representations of Navicella and the story of the murals from Jelna 147

Fig. 20. Jelna, the northeastern wall of the apse, angel (photo Fig. 21. Turnišče, Apostle Peter’s Calling, the southern wall of the
Ferenc Márton). nave (photo Tekla Szabó).

or the Pope as rectrix in navicula.39 In Viștea, the wheel is not painted, but the ship seems to be guided by the
clerical person in a praying pose, helped by the guiding star of Our Lady. In the ship of Ecclesia triumphans the
Virgin Mary, the saints, the Pope, kings, and ordinary redeemed people are represented. Frequently, the saints
do not have a halo, like the presumed Holy Mother from Viștea. The explanation could be that all people who
arrive in Paradise will be saints, even if they were or not sanctified by the Church on earth. One of the most
interesting representations of this iconography is the illustration of the “Adamas” (Fig. 25). Its author, Winand
von Steeg, was part of the legation of King Sigismund at the Constance Council. He completed his work on
the way back, in Esztergom, in March 1419.40

The Navicella as expressions of the fidelity to the Roman Papal See in the 14th century?
The presentation of the murals with Navicella elements in the medieval Hungarian Kingdom proved
that the theme was not unknown. All three frescoes are very close in date. The only definitively dated murals
are those from Turnišče: the church nave was painted by Johannes Aquila in 1389. My research connected
the fresco from Viștea with Imre Czudar, bishop of Transylvania between 1386 and 1389. Jelna was recently
dated by Papp to the final years of the reign of Louis I of Hungary (1342-1382).⁴¹ If we compare them with
the few 14th century European examples, we can see that, except for the one from Strasbourg (Saint-Pierre-
le-Jeune, 1320-1325), they are contemporary with the first attempts to return of the Papal See to Rome,

39
LCI 4, pp. 61−67.
40
Vaticana, Palat. Lat. 412, in Sigismundus 2006, cat. no. 5.35.
41
A proper interpretation of the chronological dating could be offered only after the restoration of the murals.

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148 Tekla Szabó

Fig. 22. Turnišče, donor scene, the southern wall of the nave
(photo Tekla Szabó).

Fig. 25. Ecclesia triumphans, Winand von Steeg, 1419 (after

Sigismundus 2006, cat. no. 5.35.).

an event that could awaken the interest in Navicella

Fig. 23. Viștea, Saint James the Greater and Saint Nicholas
(photo Tekla Szabó).
Fig. 24. Viștea, the Ship of the Church (photo Tekla Szabó).
mosaic. First, Pope Clement VI (1342-1352) refused
a solemn invitation from the city’s people, as well as
from the poet Petrarch. Finally, Pope Urban V entered
the City of Rome in 1367, and renovated St. Peter`s
basilica. He decided to turn back to the safer Avignon,
where he died, accomplishing the prophecy of Saint
Bridget. Pope Gregory XI returned to Rome in 1377,
but did not strengthen the Roman Papacy. After his
death, in 1378, the Western Schism began, with periods
when three persons simultaneously claimed the
title of Pope.⁴² The atmosphere of this period is well
illustrated by an episode of Saint Catherine of Siena’s
life, an active fighter for the returning of the Popes to
Rome. In 1380, on January 29, while contemplating
the mosaic in the St. Peter’s basilica, she suddenly felt
that Jesus stepped out of the image and came up to her,

42
Jenő 1999, pp. 117-121.

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The 14th century representations of Navicella and the story of the murals from Jelna 149

placing the ship on her shoulders. St. Catharine fell down to the ground and died under the unbearable weight
of the Ship of the Church left without the person to guide it, the Pope.⁴³
Urban VI proclaimed a Jubilee to be held in 1390, in order to raise funds. The next Roman claimant,
Boniface IX, held two Jubilees, the one announced earlier, largely attended by people from the Hungarian
Kingdom seeking for indulgences, and another one for the round year 1400. Hungary supported the Roman
claimants. Even before this, Pope Urban V, attempting to stabilize the papal state, had been helped by a
Hungarian royal army fighting in Italy. In this context, a Navicella reflection painted in a medieval church of
Hungary may express fidelity to the Roman Papal See. These crucial times for the Catholic Church ended with
the Council of Constance, initiated by the king of Hungary, Sigismund of Luxemburg, in 1414.
There is little written information from medieval Hungary known, therefore the discussed medieval
frescoes represent an important source for understanding the social and political background of the period.
The Navicella, the Ship of the Church and even the Miraculous catch of fish painted around 1400, have important
cultural and historical valences, messagers of a diplomatic aim.
In Viștea, the biography of the presumed donor Imre Czudar seems to explain some elements of the
iconography.⁴⁴ Before his Transylvanian career, as provost of Székesfehérvár, he was with his brother Péter, part
of a legation to King Charles V of France in 1374. The purpose was to engage a daughter of the King Louis I
of Hungary and Poland with the French king’s second born son, the prince Louis of Valois and future Duke
of Orléans. On the way, they stopped at the court of Pope Gregory XI in Avignon, who warmly received the
Hungarian guests, and later even named Imre Czudar as bishop of Oradea (hu. Várad, germ. Großwardein,
Romania). After this, the legation went to Rome, where they visited St. Peter’s Basilica, restored a few years before
by Pope Urban V.⁴⁵ We know that his brother, Péter Czudar, helped Pope Urban V with the Hungarian royal
army to keep the papal city of Bologna. For his success, he got great honours and become the Ban of Slavonia.⁴⁶
In Viștea, we identified a double representation of Imre Czudar, with allusions to important moments
of his life. As a bishop of Transylvania, he could be painted as a devotee to the iconic figure of the Virgin. His
second image in the ship could be a reference to his legacy, which included pilgrimages, but also to his merits
steering the Ship of the Church. The composition can be interpreted as a prayer to God the Father, to lead the
believer to the harbour of salvation.
Unfortunately, we don’t have any information on the possible donors from Jelna represented in the
scene near the Navicella. All the murals that we know today in the church choir seem to be in connection
with the image of the ship, even the army of angels painted around the north-east window can be related to
the redemption and the salvation. St. Peter’s fishing of souls painted near the donors could be a reference to
his merits in the conversion of souls. This could be extremely important here, close to the border areas. The
first donor has a bag and a hat typical for the travelling people, which could be interpreted as a reference to a
pilgrimage with his companion, the second donor, who also has a bag. Moreover, according to the medieval
documents from the Sibiu County Department of National Archives, in 1455 there were important relics in
Jelna, such as parts of the Virgin’s mantle, from the crown of thorns and earth from the Holy Sepulchre of
Jerusalem.⁴⁷
We reckon that Jelna could present a similar situation as the Navicella from the Cappella del Crocefisso
in the church of S. Maria in Campis, in Foligno, painted as a remembrance of the pilgrimage to Rome of his
donor Nicolò Alunno in 1450 (Fig. 3). The image is considered as one of the closest copy of the original
mosaic. Moreover, important relics had also been preserved here, parts of the Holy Cross and Holy Blood.⁴⁸

43
Köster 1999-2000, p. 12.
44
About the identification of the donor see more in Szabó 2008-2010, pp. 153-154; Szabó 2015a.
45
Temesváry 1922, pp. 211−245.
46
Iohannes de Kikullew 1960, p. 34.
47
The research of Adinel Dincă from Cluj-Napoca, presented in the conference about Jelna on the 25th of February 2016, in Bistrița,
referring to Registrul de socoteli al bisericii parohiale din Jelna. Sec. XV-XVI.
48
Köhren-Jansen 1993, pp. 183-190.

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150 Tekla Szabó

Fig. 26. Daia Secuiască, the Veil of Veronica (photo Dana Jenei). Fig 27. Daia Secuiască, the Martyrdom of Saint Ursula (photo
Dana Jenei).

In Turnišče, the Calling of St. Peter is situated near a donor scene with a cleric donor and a saint monk
in front of the Madonna (Fig. 22). Unfortunately, we don’t know too much about the donor represented near
the ship, but the main donor of the church, Ladislaus Bánfi I, was depicted in another donor image in the
church choir. The church property was shared with his brothers and nephews.⁴⁹ The iconological program
includes the Legend of Saint Ladislas painted in a variant set in the atmosphere of the regal court. We also
find scenes dedicated to Saint Paul and Peter on the southern wall and continuing on the triumphal arch. On
the north side of the arch the Coronation of the Virgin, Maria Ecclesia the mystical Bride of Christ is painted.
Above this, scenes from the life of Saint Nicholas, one of the principal confessors, are represented.⁵⁰ In this
case, the painting program seems to express hope in the straightening of the church, near the protection of
the donors’ family.
The common features of the frescoes (except for Turnišče, where we do not find direct hints) are
the reference to the places of pilgrimage. The assumptive donor from Viștea travelled to Rome, and that is
why, we reckon, he was depicted with the ship image and wind demons. The pilgrim donors painted near
the Navicella from Jelna could have the same connotation.

49
Bogyay 1986, pp. 151−153.
50
Zadnicar, Balažic 1994, pp. 60−88, pl. XXVIII, XXIX, XXXI. The murals from the choir are from 1384. The coat of arms of the
founding family is on the triumphal arch of the nave, painted later in 1389. We find further scenes in the here, amongst others the
legend of Saint Barbara, Saint Catherine of Alexandria, the Tale of Susanna, the Last Judgement.

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The 14th century representations of Navicella and the story of the murals from Jelna 151

Among Transylvanian murals we find other allusions to the Saint City too, as for example in Daia
Secuiască (hu. Székelydálya, Romania). Here the major relic, the Veil of Veronica is represented. The composition
is reflecting images known from pilgrim badges and medieval prints: the saint is holding the Vernicle in the top
of a tabernacle, surrounded by the walls of Jerusalem and guarded by the apostles Peter and Paul (Fig. 26).⁵¹
The donor was Leonard Barlabássy, the vice-voievode of Transylvania from 1501 to 1525. A similar image may
have been sculpted at the Lázó chapel from Alba Julia (hu. Gyulafehérvár, germ. Weissenburg, Romania),⁵²
commissioned by Barlabássy’s adoptive brother, the humanist János Lazói (1444–1523), who latter became
confessor of pilgrims in Rome.⁵³ From Daia Secuiască is interesting to note another mural related to the
Saint City, painted in the vicinity of Veronica’s Veil. There, the ship of Saint Ursula is represented sailing back
from Rome in a composition derived from the Ship of the Church representations, completed by a Crucifixion
on the Mast with Mary and Apostle John. These kinds of allegorical compositions can be seen in medieval
publications connected with Saint Ursula’s brotherhoods, where the ship of the saint is painted as the Ship of
the Faith, sailing the members to salvation (Fig. 27).⁵⁴
The most numerous references to places of pilgrimage are found at Viștea: the “effect” of the image was
increased by intercession of saints: James the Greater, Nicolas and the Virgin Mary.⁵⁵ A similar itinerary was
documented in a judgment case from 1307. Kakas Berzeviczy was obliged to ask forgiveness from the father
of the man he killed, and to go on a pilgrimage with four companions to Bari to Saint Nicholas, to Rome, to
Saint James in Compostella, and finally to Aachen to the Holy Virgin.⁵⁶ The role of these images was clearly
illustrated in Dorolțu (hu. Nádasdaróc, Romania), a village close to Viștea, part of the bishopric estate. Here
the donor was painted as a pilgrim sitting in the scales of Archangel Michael, while St. James tries to influence
the weighing of his soul in the good direction.⁵⁷
As a final conclusion we can resume that the frescoes from Jelna, Viștea and Turnišče have recognizable
elements reflecting the mosaic from Rome, a symbol of the papacy, painted for both its theological and
metaphorical content. At the same time, the image was adapted to the new iconology with a slightly different
sense. The Navicella representations painted close to the donor receive an eschatological symbolism.
Hopefully, the saving of the choir of the church in Jelna and the restoration of its fresco will offer new
information about the Navicella, an image with cultural history valences, important among the early European
examples of the kind.

51
Identified by D. Jenei in 2014, see Jenei 2014, p. 22; Jenei 2016, pp. 115-116. In 2008, Gombosi had identified it with the Virgin of
Mercy, see Gombosi 2008, cat. no. 39. In 2008-2010 I had also taken over this identification. See Szabó 2008-2010, p.151, revised
in Szabó 2015a, p. 6.
52
Kovács 2012, p. 29.
53
Barabássy 2012, Daia: pp. 110–116, Lázó chapel: pp. 116–121.
54
For the identification as the Martyrdom of Saint Ursula, see Kónya 2017, pp. 99-104. The decisive element of the identification is
the soldier raising a sword in the right of the image, ready to behead a woman, characteristic for the scenes of martyrdom. She
identified in the right upper part of the image the Huns waiting the saint at her arrival back in Cologne. For other representations of
Saint Ursula in medieval Hungary, see Tüskés 2014, p. 37; Jenei 2016, p. 77. The identification of the scene as the Ship of the Church:
Gombosi 2008, cat. no. 39. See also Szabó 2008-2010, p.151; Szabó 2015a, p. 6.
55
For the medieval pilgrimage customs in Hungary, see Kovács 2012.
56
Bálint 1977, p. 594.
57
Kovács 2012, pp. 26-27.

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Bibliographical abbreviations

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Entz 1994 G. Entz, Erdély építészete a 11−13. században, Kolozsvár, 1994.
Bálint 1977 S. Bálint, Ünnepi kalendárium, Budapest, I, 1977.
Bogyay 1986 T. Bogyay, A bántornyai falképek donátorairól, Ars Hungarica 14, 1986, pp. 147-158.
Duda 2010 V. Duda, Biserica evanghelică din Jelna, 2010, http://www.nosnerland.ro/catalog/
jelna.pdf.
Fabini I. H. Fabini, Atlas der siebenbürgisch-sächsischen Kirchenburgen und Dorfkirchen,
Hermannstadt-Heidelberg, I, 1998.
Gardner 2013 J. Gardner, The Roman Crucible: The Artistic Patronage of the Papacy 1198-1304,
Romische Forschungen Der Bibliotheca Hertziana 33, München, 2013.
Giotto 2009 A. Tomei (ed.), Giotto e il Trecento. “Il più Sovrano Maestro stato in dipintura”, Milano,
2009.
German 2014 K. German, Sakramentsnischen und Sakramentshäuser in Siebenbürgen. Die Verehrung
des Corpus Christi, Petersberg, 2014.
Gombosi 2008 B. Gombosi, “Köpönyegem pedig az én irgalmasságom…”: Köpönyeges Mária ábrázolások
a középkori Magyarországon, Szeged, 2008.
Gotik in Slowenien 1995 J. Höfler (ed.), Gotik in Slowenien, Ljubjana, 1995.
Iohannes de Kikullew 1960 Geréb László (trans.), Küküllei János és a Névtelen Minorita krónikája, Monumenta
Hungarica, 4, Budapest, 1960.
Jenei 2014 D. Jenei, Thèmes iconographiques et images dévotionnelles dans la peinture murale
médiévale tardive de Transylvanie, Revue Roumaine d’Histoire de l’Art. Série Beaux
Arts 51, 2014, pp. 11−35.
Jenei 2016 D. Jenei, Goticul în Transilvania. Pictura, București, 2016.
Jenő 1999 G. Jenő, A pápaság története, Budapest, 1999.
Kiss 2013 L. Kiss, Falképek kutatása és helyreállítása az erdélyi szász evangélikus templomokban,
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