Caterina Preda-The State Artist PDF

The State Artist in Romania and Eastern Europe.
The Role of the Creative Unions
editor
CATERINA PREDA
PN-II-RU-TE-2014-4-0243
From the State Artist to the Artist Dependent on the State:
the Union of Visual Artists of Romania (1950-2010) the Bucharest Branch
(Contract 206/2015, UEFISCDI, director Caterina Preda, CPES,
Faculty of Political Science, University of Bucharest 2015-2017)
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The State Artist in Romania and Eastern Europe
The Role of the Creative Unions
editor
CATERINA PREDA
2017
REFERENI TIINIFICI:
Prof. univ. LAURENIU VLAD
Universitatea din Bucureti
Lect. univ. ANDREEA LAZEA
Universitatea de Vest Timioara
Prof. univ. RUXANDRA DEMETRESCU
Universitatea Naional de Arte Bucureti
Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naionale a Romniei

The state artist in Romania and Eastern Europe : the role of the creative unions/
ed.: Caterina Preda.
Bucureti: Editura Universitii din Bucureti, 2017
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Table of Contents
Acknowledgement ................................................................................................. 7
Biographies of the authors .................................................................................... 9
Introduction ............................................................................................................. 17
CATERINA PREDA, The State Artist in Romania and Eastern Europe: a
Theoretical Outline ..................................................................................................... 19
FIRST PART
The Romanian Artists Union (Uniunea Artitilor Plastici) and State Artists
in Romania ............................................................................................................... 35
1. ALINA POPESCU, Des Unions professionnelles et pour la cration dans la
Roumanie communiste: une comparaison institutionnelle entre lAssociation
des Cinastes et lUnion des Artistes ........................................................... 37
2. DAN DRGHIA, Tovarul artist! Conformism i beneficii n organizarea
profesional a artitilor plastici din Romnia comunist ............................ 65
3. DUMITRU LCTUU, Evoluia relaei dintre artitii plastici i
Securitate n perioada 1950-1990 ................................................................ 91
4 CRISTINA STOENESCU, The Transformation of the Romanian Artists
Union after 1990: the Case of Atelier 35 ...................................................... 129
5. MAGDA PREDESCU, Rolul Uniunii Artitilor Plastici n formarea
artistului de stat n primii ani de la nfiinare .............................................. 153
6. MONICA ENACHE, Mechanisms of Coercion and Control over the Artistic
Act: the Relationship between the Romanian Artists Union, the Artists
Fund, and Artists During the Gheorghiu-Dej Regime (1948-1965) ........... 177
7. ALICE MOCNESCU, The July Theses as a Game Changer: the
Reception of the July Theses within the Romanian Artists Union ......... 207
8. MIRELA TANTA, Neo-Socialist Realism: the Second Life of Socialist
Realism in Romania (1970-1989) ................................................................ 231
9. CLAUDIU OANCEA, Claiming Art for Themselves: State Artists
versus Amateur Artists in Art Exhibitions before and during the Song
of Romania Festival (1970s-1980s)............................................................. 259
SECOND PART
The State Artist in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe ................................. 281
10. CCILE VAISSI, LUnion du cinma dURSS, moteur, reflet et
victime de la perestroka ............................................................................ 283
11. VERA OTDELNOVA, The Moscow Young Artists Exhibitions of the
1960s and 1970s: Prudent Progress against Omnipotent Censorship ..... 309
12. INA BELCHEVA, State Commissions and Artistic Limits in 1950s
Bulgaria: the Case of Lyubomir Dalchev ................................................... 327
13. VLADANA PUTNIK, From Socialist Realism to Socialist Aestheticism:
Three Contrasting Examples of State Architects in Yugoslavia ............... 347
Annexes ..................................................................................................................... 375

Program And Abstracts Of The International Conference The State Artist
In Romania And Eastern Europe (5 November 2016, Institute Of Political
Research, University Of Bucharest) ...................................................................... 377
6
Acknowledgement
This volume is part of the research project From the state artist to the artist
dependent on the state: The Union of Visual Artists (of Romania) (1950-2010) the
Bucharest branch financed by the UEFISCDI (PN-II-RU-TE-2014-4-0243, Contract
206/2015, 01/10/2015 30/09/2017) hosted by the CPES at the University of Bucharest.
The collection of articles included in this volume was selected on the basis of the
presentations at the international conference, The State Artist in Romania and
Eastern Europe which was held at the Department of Political Science, University of
Bucharest (November 5, 2016). This volume could not have been possible without
the effort, patience and talent of the research team formed of Alina Popescu,
Dan Drghia, Dumitru Lctuu and Cristina Stoenescu, as well as of that of the
authors invited to contribute.
CATERINA PREDA
Biographies of the authors
CATERINA PREDA
Caterina Preda is a Senior Unviersity Lecturer (tenured) at the Faculty of Political Science,
University of Bucharest, and holds a PhD in Political Science of the University of
Bucharest (2008). Caterina Preda has had several undergraduate, post-graduate, and
postdoctoral scholarships in Europe and South America. At the Department of
Political Sciences (University of Bucharest), she teaches courses on Contemporary
Latin America, Art and Politics, and Cultural memory in Eastern Europe and
South America. Caterina works on topics related to art and politics in modern
dictatorships in South America and Eastern Europe as well as on issues related to art
of memorialization in the two areas. She has published several scientific articles in
international peer-reviewed journals, as well as chapters in volumes published at
important publishing houses such as Routledge, Ashgate, or Palgrave. Caterina is the
director of the research project From the state artist to the artist dependent on the
state: The Union of Visual Artists (of Romania) (1950-2010) the Bucharest
branch financed by the UEFISCDI (PN-II-RU-TE-2014-4-0243, Contract 206/2015,
01/10/2015 30/09/2017) hosted by the CPES at the University of Bucharest.
ALINA POPESCU
Alina Popescu holds a PhD in Political Science at the Universit Paris Ouest Nanterre
la Dfense, and studied Sociology at the University Babe-Bolyai (Cluj, Romania).
Her thesis deals with the phenomenon of censorship in Romanian Cinema during
Ceausescus regime (1965-1989). She is a fellow of the Marc Bloch Center in Berlin and
associated researcher at CEREFREA Villa Nol in Bucarest. Among her publications
are Pintilie-films and censorship or How an author is born and a national film
school dies in a collective volume edited by IICCMER, (Polirom, Iai, 2014) and Les
archives de la Securitate, de nouvelles sources pour comprendre le fonctionnement

de la cinmatographie roumaine lpoque communiste, in LArchive-Forme.
Cration, Mmoire, Histoire, edited by Giusy Pisano (LHarmattan, Paris, 2014). Her
research interests focus on East European Cinema, Censorship, Social and Cultural
History of Communism, Art during the Cold War. Alina Popescu is part of the
research team of the project From the state artist to the artist dependent on the
state: The Union of Visual Artists (of Romania) (1950-2010) the Bucharest
branch financed by the UEFISCDI (PN-II-RU-TE-2014-4-0243, Contract 206/2015,
01/10/2015 30/09/2017) hosted by the CPES at the University of Bucharest.
DAN DRGHIA
Dan Drghia holds a Ph.D in Political Science from the University of Bucharest with
a thesis that deals with the workers unrest in Romania as a result of the First World
War. He worked as a researcher within The Institute for the Investigation of the
Communist Crimes and the Memory of the Romanian Exile (IICCMER), where his
main areas of expertise were minorities and exile, as well as the history of the
communist movement in Romania. He now works as an associate lecturer at the
Faculty of Political Science, University of Bucharest. Among his publications are:
Proletariat in Power. The Impact of the October Revolution on the Romanian
Socialism in Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review, and Gheorghe
Gheorghiu-Dej vs. the Moscow group in tefan Bosomitu, Mihai Burcea, (coord.), The
spectra of Dej. Insights into a dictators biography and regime (Polirom, Iai, 2012). Dan
Drghia is a researcher in the research project From the state artist to the artist
dependent on the state: The Union of Visual Artists (of Romania) (1950-2010) the
Bucharest branch financed by the UEFISCDI (PN-II-RU-TE-2014-4-0243, Contract
206/2015, 01/10/2015 30/09/2017) hosted by the CPES at the University of Bucharest.
DUMITRU LCTUU
Dumitru Lctusu holds a PhD in History of the University Alexandru Ioan Cuza
in Iai. His thesis dealt with the communist repression and with the role of
bureaucrats in communist Romania (1948-1968). His research interests focus on the
communist repression, the Securitate, and biographies of the perpetrators. Among
his most recent publications are Alexandru Viinescu. O biografie in Studii i
Articole de istorie, nr. 82/2015, and Procesul Anei Pauker de la Craiova i Bucureti
(27 februarie 1936 i 5 iunie 7 iulie 1936), in Adrian Cioroianu (ed.), Comunitii
nainte de comunism. Procese i condamnri ale ilegalitilor din Romnia (Bucureti,
10
Editura Universitii din Bucureti, 2014). Dumitru Lctuu is a research assistant in

the research project From the state artist to the artist dependent on the state: The
Union of Visual Artists (of Romania) (1950-2010) the Bucharest branch financed by
the UEFISCDI (PN-II-RU-TE-2014-4-0243, Contract 206/2015, 01/10/2015 30/09/2017)
hosted by the CPES at the University of Bucharest.
CRISTINA STOENESCU
Cristina Stoenescu graduated the Master program of the Center for Excellency in
Image Studies in Bucharest, and the Arts & Heritage track for graduate studies at the
University of Maastricht. Cristina has specialized in the history of contemporary art,
with a focus on curatorship. She has cultivated an interest in the archive study of the
Union of Visual Artists in Romania (UAP) ever since 2011 when the results of her
archive research were published in a special issue of the journal Studia Politica (No. 4,
2011), entitled Continuities and Contrasts in the Post-communist Romanian Artistic
Space. During her Romanian graduate studies she helped document Erwin
Kesslers project: X20: A radiography of Romanian Art after 1989. Presently, Cristina
Stoenescu focuses her research on UAP's recent history, in terms of attempted
institutional reforms and artistic projects. Cristina is a research assistant in the
research project From the state artist to the artist dependent on the state: The
Union of Visual Artists (of Romania) (1950-2010) the Bucharest branch financed by
the UEFISCDI (PN-II-RU-TE-2014-4-0243, Contract 206/2015, 01/10/2015 30/09/2017)
hosted by the CPES at the University of Bucharest.
MAGDA PREDESCU
Magda Predescu works as a scientific researcher in the Documentation & Digital
Memory Department of the National Museum of Contemporary Art. She is a
member of AICA Romania and AICA International. She collaborated as a researcher
in projects such as The Contemporary Visual Art Conservation Platform (UNArte,
2013); The Sculpture Camps in relationship with Romanian Public Art (MNAC,
2012); Arts in Romania between 1945 and 2000 (New Europe College, Bucharest,
2009-2010, 2012-2013). She delivered several lectures: as part of the colloquia Texts
and statements by artists from North Africa, Middle East and Eastern Europe during
the Cold War, IISMM/EHESS, Paris, 2015; The Living Archive About the
Donation of Art Historian Barbu Brezianu (1909-2008), The George Oprescu Art
History Institute, 2010; Lart et lEurope Communiste, 1945-1989. Pour une Histoire
Transnationale, Marc Bloch Center, Berlin, 2009. She published in the collective
11
volumes Enchanting Views. Romanian Black Sea Tourism. Planning and Architecture of the
1960s and 70s (2015), After Brancusi. Proceedings of the International Conference
organized in the framework of the project The Saint of Montparnasse from
Document to Myth. A Century of Constantin Brancusi Scholarship (2014) and in
magazines such as Arta, Revue Roumaine dHistoire de lArt, SCIA.
MONICA ENACHE
Monica Enache is a curator at The National Museum of Art of Romania (Romanian
Modern Art Department). She graduated from The National University of Fine Arts
in Bucharest and obtained a Master Degree in Art History and Philosophy of Culture
from The University of Bucharest (Faculty of History). She is currently a PhD candidate
in Art History (National University of Fine Arts in Bucharest), studying the Romanian
official art between 1944 and 1965. She is the author of several exhibition projects and
studies on modern Romanian art. Among her most recent publications are: Going
underground. A few cases of art critics and visual artists in the archives of the
Securitate, Caietele CNSAS, no. 1:15 (2015); The embodiment of the utopia: Socialist
Surrealism, Art for the people? Official Romanian fine arts between 1948 and 1965
(Bucharest: National Museum of Art of Romania, 2016).
ALICE MOCNESCU
Alice Mocnescu obtained her PhD from the University of Durham, United
Kingdom, with a dissertation on the cult of Nicolae Ceauescu in painting. Her most
recent publications are Practising Immortality: Schemes for Conquering Time
during the Ceauescu Era, Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism, Special Issue: Nation
& Charisma, 10:3 (2010), pp. 413-434; Artists and Political Power: The Functioning
of the Romanian Artists Union during Ceauescu Era, 1965-1975, History of
Communism in Europe, Issue on Avatars of Intellectuals under Communism, 2 (2011),
pp. 95-120 and Folk Art in Post-Communist Romania: Change and Continuity,
Centropa, Issue on Folk Art/National Art, 11:3 (2011): 227-239.
MIRELA TANTA
Mirela Tanta is an Assistant Professor of Art History at Millikin University. In 2014,
she earned her doctorate degree from the University of Illinois at Chicago for her
dissertation titled: Propaganda or Resistance: Socialist Realism in Romania 1972-1989.
Mirela Tanta specializes in Modern and Contemporary Art and Criticism. Originally
12
from Romania, she was first exposed to the United States as an Arts Link fellow in
poetry through the International Writing Program at the University of Iowa. Her
interest in the ways in which underrepresented, ephemeral, and personal art objects
can empower the individual to become a maker of knowledge informs her poetry as
well as her research and teaching. The recipient of numerous grants and fellowships,
Mirela Tanta has continued to present her scholarly work internationally on the
subjects of memory, visual culture, and artistic agency under dictatorships.
CLAUDIU OANCEA
Claudiu Oancea is currently a Postdoctoral Fellow at New Europe College in
Bucharest, Romania. He holds a PhD in History and Civilization from the European
University Institute in Florence, Italy (2015). He earned a Master in History from
Central European University in Budapest, Hungary (2007) and a BA in
History/Philology from the University of Bucharest (2006). He was a visiting student
at UC Berkeley (2011) and University of Pittsburgh (2011-2012). His research interests
center on the Cold War and post-communist periods, state socialism, nationalism,
memory studies, oral history, popular culture, as well as official and alternative culture.
His region of specialization is Eastern Europe, with a particular focus on Romania.
His PhD dissertation, entitled Mass Culture Forged on the Partys Assembly Line:
Political Festivals in Socialist Romania, 1948-1989, has paid attention to the structure
and functions of officially sanctioned culture festivals in socialist Romania, construing
the role played by such performative manifestations in the larger political, financial,
and cultural framework of the socialist Romanian state from 1948 until 1989.
CCILE VAISSI
Ccile Vaissi is a Professor in Russian and Soviet Studies at Rennes 2 University
(France) and a Doctor in political sciences (Science Po Paris). She writes mainly on
the relation between art (literature, cinema, theater) and politics in Russia from the
1940es to nowadays and on the oppositions in Russia during the same period. She
published many articles and several books, including books on the Russian
dissidents (Pour votre libert et pour la ntre. Le combat des dissidents de Russie, Robert
Laffont, the translated updated version being published by NLO, Moscow, in 2015;
Une femme en dissidence. Larissa Bogoraz, Plon), on the leaders of the Soviet Union of
Writers (Les ingnieurs des mes en chef. Littrature et politique en URSS (1944-1986),
Belin) and on todays Russian propaganda (Les Rseaux du Kremlin en France, Les
Petits Matins). She also organized and supervised collective publications on the
13
creation of the New Soviet Person and the role played in its creation by the Soviet
arts and culture (La Fabrique de lhomme nouveau aprs Staline, Presses Universitaires
de Rennes, and La Fabrique du sovitique dans les arts et la culture (avant 1953), La
Revue russe), and on todays Russian diversities (Dautres Russie. Altrit, diversit et
complexit dans la Russie daujourdhui, La Revue russe). She is currently finishing a
book on the Mikhalkov family and is working on Sartres trips to the Soviet Union.
VERA OTDELNOVA
Otdelnova Vera is a PhD Student at the State Institute for Art Studies, Moscow and is
working on a doctoral research dedicated to The Union of Visual Arts of Moscow in
the 1960s and 1970s. She investigates institutional practices of Socialist Realism,
particularly such problems as the relationship between the artist and the State in the
Soviet Union, forms of their collaboration and different strategies that helped artists
to escape from the state ideological control. Vera Otdelnova has published scientific
articles at Russian peer-reviewed journals such as Aktual'nye problemy teorii i istorii
iskusstva (Actual Problems of Theory and History of Art), Dom Burganova. Prostranstvo
kul'tury (Burganov House. The space of culture), or Observatorija kul'tury (Observatory
of Culture).
INA BELCHEVA
Ina Belcheva is a PhD candidate at the University of Paris 1 Pantheon-Sorbonne. The
title of her dissertation is Socialist Monuments in the Post-Socialist Public Space: conflicts,
memories, aesthetics. The Bulgarian case in the South-East European context, which she is
writing under the coordination of Dominique Poulot. For her Master thesis at the
Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (Paris) she worked with Eric Michaud
on the problem of The Monumental Sculpture in Sofia During the Establishment of the
Communist Regime (1947/8 1956). In 2014 she also worked as a curator at the
Bulgarian National Art Gallery, in its newest branch the Museum of Socialist Art.
VLADANA PUTNIK
Vladana Putnik works as a research associate at the Art History Department, Faculty
of Philosophy, University of Belgrade. Her field of research is the history of
architecture in Serbia and former Yugoslavia in the XX century, especially
architectural typology and the relationship between architecture and ideology. She
defended her Ph.D. thesis Architecture of Sokol Halls in the Kingdom of Serbs,
14
Croats and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 2014. She was the co-author
of several exhibitions in Belgrade and other cities of the Balkan region regarding the
Serbo-Czech architectural relationships, the Sokol movement, and the Memorials of
the Second World War in Yugoslavia. She also participated in numerous
international conferences in Serbia, Slovenia and France, and she published a
significant number of articles in many distinguished scientific journals. She is also
active as a member of Docomomo Serbia and ICOMOS Serbia.
15
Introduction
The State Artist during the Communist Regimes
in Romania and Eastern Europe: a Theoretical Outline
CATERINA PREDA
The study of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe has developed considerably
in the almost three decades that have passed since the fall of the Berlin wall. Several
aspects have been analyzed, such as the role of the communist parties, and of the
secret police forces, the policies of the communist regimes including the
collectivization of agriculture, the cold war logic, the different national models, and
the varying influence of the Soviet Union.1
However, the establishment of communist regimes in Eastern Europe signified
an important transformation for other spheres of society, such as the arts, which
witnessed the establishment of the state artist2, and which have not benefitted from
the same attention from social scientists. This lack of scientific attention contrasts
with the importance of the transformation conveyed by the communist regimes. The
communist regimes imagined a comprehensive visual representation of their
understanding of the world, and artworks were commissioned by the state, which
offered extensive rewards to artists, who were encouraged to comply with the
political and ideological rigors of the new establishments.
1 Some examples of the relevant literature include: Gale Stokes (ed.), From Stalinism to Pluralism:
A Documentary History of Eastern Europe since 1945 2nd Edition (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1996); Jean-Franois Soulet, Istoria comparat a statelor comuniste (Iai: Polirom,1998);
Anna M. Gryzmala-Busse, Redeeming the Communist Past: The Regeneration of Communist
Parties in East Central Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002); Constantin
Iordachi and Arnd Bauerkamper (eds.), The Collectivization of Agriculture in Communist
Eastern Europe: Comparison and Entaglments (Budapest, New York: CEU Press, 2014).
2 Mikls Haraszti, The velvet prison: Artists under state socialism (London: I.B Tauris Co, Ltd, 1988).
CATERINA PREDA
When the topic of the transformation of the arts was acknowledged by social
sciences it mostly consisted in the issue of art as resistance, dissenting artworks, or
the role of art as propaganda. In this volume we want to shift the focus to the artistic
institutions that partook in the change imposed by the communist regimes. We
consider, it is important to further analyze and discuss the role played by artists in
the design of the new worlds, as well as their transformation by the ideology put into
place by the new regimes: Marxism-Leninism and its national trajectories, such as
national-communism in Romania.
As part of the research project From the state artist to the artist dependent on
the state: the case of the Romanian Artists Union (1950-2010) the Bucharest branch3,
this volume is the result of a selection of the presentations given at the international
conference The state artist in Romania and Eastern Europe organized at the
Department of Political Science, University of Bucharest (5 November 2016). The
articles in this volume explore the different transformations that the artists
experienced in order to comply with the extensive role assumed by the totalitarian
state in the arts. The question that lies at the ground of this investigation is: How did
artists contribute to the maintenance of the communist regimes? A preliminary
answer would be that they were effective in helping the propaganda, but the role of
institutions is also paramount.
The conference discussed the state artist in the context of communist regimes
from multiple points of views, which included such interrogations as: How was the
new state artist shaped by the communist regimes? Were artists able to integrate
Socialist Realism as a mandatory style, and if not, which were the limits of this
mandatory style or the national specificities? Which were the types of resistance to
the model of the state artist? How did Socialist Realism translate in different visual
practices? What role did the Romanian Artists Union (Uniunea Artitilor Plastici,
UAP) of Romania play and how does it compare to other unions in the East? What
were the transformations of the unions of artists after 1990?
The case of the UAP has not been studied extensively until now. There is a
small volume by the art critic Radu Ionescu, which is the most comprehensive
description of the Union.4 Additionally, the Union and its functioning have been
mentioned in more general studies of the evolution of the fine arts, or of the cultural
3 In the framework of the research project PN-II-RU-TE-2014-4-0243 From the state artist
to the artist dependent on the state: the Romanian Artists Union of Visual Artists (of
Romania) (1950-2010) the Bucharest branch (Financed by UEFISCDI and hosted by the
CPES, Department of Political Science, University of Bucharest 2015-2017).
4 Radu Ionescu, Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din Romnia. 1921 1950 2002 (Bucureti: Editura
Uniunii Artitilor Plastici din Romnia, 2003).
20
sphere during communism.5 Few studies have analyzed in detail specific aspects
related to the functioning of the Union, or its relationships with other institutions.6
Because of this lack of scientific literature dealing with the specific case of the
UAP, and of the artists that helped consolidate the communist regime through their
artworks, and as part of the research project on the UAP, we have explored several
archival funds: the UAP Fund at the Central Historical National Archives of
Romania in Bucharest (ANIC, for the period 1950s to 1970s), the Archive of the
Union at the Combinatul Fondului Plastic (AFCP for the period 1950-2010), and the
personal files for artists and art critics, as well as the Fund Art and Culture of the
National Council for the Study of the Archives of the Securitate (ACNSAS). Other
interesting files concerning the relationships of the Union with other countries were
examined in the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
This introduction addresses several issues, among which the analyses of art
during communism in Eastern Europe, the model of totalitarian art, and its version
in the East, Socialist Realism. At the same time, I argue we should study more in
depth artistic institutions, and specifically the creative unions in the line of political
science studies, and especially of the studies of the new institutionalism of
5 Magda Crneci, Artele plastice n Romnia 1945-1989 (Fine Arts in Romania 1945-1989). (Bucureti:
Editura Meridiane, 2001); Cristian Vasile, Literatura i artele n Romnia comunist. 1948-1953
(Literature and the arts in communist Romania 1948-1953) (Bucureti: Humanitas, 2010);
Cristian Vasile, Politicile culturale comuniste n timpul regimului Gheorghiu-Dej (Communist
cultural policies during the Gheorghiu Dej regime) (Bucureti: Humanitas, 2011), Cristian
Vasile, Viaa intelectual i artistic n primul deceniu al regimului Ceauescu. 1965-1974
(Intellectual and artistic life during the first decade of the Ceauescu regime 1965-1974)
(Bucureti: Humanitas, 2014).
6 Carmen Rdulescu, Uniunea Artitilor Plastici. ntre control politic i arta neangajat (The
Romanian Artists Union. Between political control and independent art), n Forme de
represiune n regimurile comuniste (Forms of repression in communist regimes), ed. by
Cosmina Budeanc i Florentin Olteanu (Iai: Polirom, 2008), 248-255; Monica Enache,
Coborri n subteran. Cteva cazuri de critici de art i artiti plastici n Arhivele
Securitii (Going underground. A few cases of art critics and visual artists in the archives
of the Securitate), Caietele CNSAS, 1:15 (2015): 301-334; Mdlina Braoveanu, Gnduri
pentru o expoziie documentar: urme ale reelei artistice Oradea Trgu Mure Sfntu Gheorghe
n Arhiva fostei Securiti (Thoughts for a documentary exhibition: traces of the artistic
network Oradea- Trgu Mure Sfntu Gheorghe in the archive of the former Securitate),
Caietele CNSAS, 2:14 (2014): 85-166; Alice Mocnescu, Artists and Political Power: The
Functioning of the Romanian Artists Union during the Ceauescu Era, 1965-1975, History of
Communism in Europe vol. 2 (2011), Avatars of Intellectuals under Communism (Bucharest: Zeta
Books, 2011), 95-122.
21
CATERINA PREDA
autocracies that have analyzed formal institutions, but not cultural institutions.7
This volume examines in the first place, explicitly and for the first time from so many
points of view, the specific case of Romania and of the Romanian Artists Union
(Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, UAP), through the conceptual lens of the state artist.
The articles included in this volume also show the limits of this unifying concept,
and the authors advanced other possible typologies. At the end of this brief study,
we shall recall the landmarks of the articles included in this collective volume, as
well as the common threads that connect them.
Art during the communist regimes in Eastern Europe
The study of art during the communist regimes was dominated by Western analyses
that largely preferred the lens of totalitarian art put forward by authors such as Igor
Golomstock.8 Ccile Pichon-Bonin observed how, this totalitarian perspective was
followed in the 1970s by a revisionist perspective, which focused on society instead
of the grand political framework, but had a limited impact due to its failure to take into
account terror and violence, and its tendency to generalize.9 After the end of the USSR,
the opening of the archives has allowed for a better understanding of the functioning of
the socialist cultural model. We follow in this volume the perspective of Pichon-Bonin
for the USRR and focus on the large corpus of archives that exist on the UAP and
other cultural institutions, and that have not been used extensively until now.
Totalitarian art that is the conceptualization of art as ideology, art as propaganda
has been the dominant interpretation of the artistic development of the communist
regimes in Eastern Europe. The model of totalitarian art was introduced for the study
of totalitarian regimes in Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union by authors such as
Igor Golomstock, who, in his book Totalitarian Art: in the Soviet Union, the Third Reich,
Fascist Italy and The Peoples Republic of China discussed the similarities between these
regimes approach of the arts. According to Golomstock, inspired by Hannah Arendts
analysis of totalitarianism, a tripartite framework characterized totalitarian art: ideology,
organization and terror. In fact, in a totalitarian regime, art accomplishes the function
of transforming the material of ideology into images, and myths built for general
7 Andreas Schedler, The New Institutionalism in the Study of Authoritarian Regimes,

Totalitarismus und Demokratie, 6 (2009), 323340.
8 Igor Golomstock, Totalitarian Art in the Soviet Union, the Third Reich, Fascist Italy and the
Peoples Republic of China (London: Collins Harvill, 1990).
9 Ccile Pichon-Bonin, Peinture et politique en URSS Litinraire des membres de la Socit des
artistes de chevalet (1917-1941) (Paris: Les presses du reel, 2013), 17.
22
consumption, totalitarian art has its own ideology, aesthetics, organization and
style.10 In these regimes, the state became the unique patron, with the role to protect
and direct art, and the party-state announced its historical right to control art. In fact,
some authors, as Ccile Pichon-Bonin challenge the establishment of totalitarian art
in the form described by Golomstock, observing how in the 1920s and 1930s an art
market subsisted in the Soviet Union.11 The use of archival sources helps amend the
grand framework put forward by such analyses.
The ideal language of total realism was the poster, colored photography, in
which myth and invention were the fundamental meaning of reality, and social
optimism dominated. The exceptional was put forward as the normal, and the
typical. Propaganda claimed, and art demonstrated through images, that the new
man with its exceptional qualities had been born.12 Art was no longer autonomous
during totalitarianism.
Whatever sources one turns to in studying totalitarian culture the speeches

of leaders, the texts of Party documents, or the statutes of artists unions one
always finds precise formulations stating that art is not simply an autonomous
sphere of activity of the human spirit, but an object that is created according to
predetermined (not necessarily benevolent) aims. The concept of pure art, of
art for arts sake, of laws of artistic development independent of the human
will is alien to totalitarian consciousness.13
Art was assigned an ideological function, which transformed any artistic gesture in a
political action. By transforming art into ideology, totalitarian regimes completely
altered the conceptualization of arts role in society.
Socialist Realism
After 1948, the communist regimes in Eastern Europe supported by the Soviet Union
introduced a new mandatory artistic style, that of Socialist Realism, and accompanied
this ideological position with an institutional apparatus able to support it. Socialist
10 Golomstock, Totalitarian Art, xii, xv.

11 Ccile Pichon-Bonin, Peindre et vivre en URSS dans les annes 1920 1930. Commandes,
engagements sous contrat et missions de creation, Cahiers du monde russe, 49:1 (2008): 47-74.
12 Golomstock, Totalitarian Art, 215.
13 Ibid. 168.
23
CATERINA PREDA
Realism was in place between 1932 and 1956, but in same cases it remained the only
officially recognized artistic style until the end of the communist regimes in 1989, or 1991.14
The term of Socialist Realism was used for the first time in 1932 in the
magazine Literaturnaia Gazeta and its principles were sketched out at a secret meeting
between Stalin and Soviet writers on October 26, 1932.15 It became the official style in
1934 when it was defined by three ideas: the link with the people, people-ness
(narodnost), party-mindedness, the identification with the Communist Party
(partinost) and its capacity to present socialist ideas, to be biased (ideinost).16 Socialist
Realism was a specific form of realism that had a national form and a socialist
content. Michel Aucouturier reminds us that the aesthetical content was secondary,
as the essence of Socialist Realism did not reside in its prescriptions, but in its statute
as orthodoxy in placing art under the control of the totalitarian party-state.17
The new official style/method had a didactic, educative role: Educating the
workers in the spirit of Communism' means using art to develop and stimulate the
best qualities in Soviet man, and socialist realist art must portray reality objectively
and assist the masses to understand historical processes and their own role in them.
It is thus one of the means of developing the social awareness of the people.18
Artists were assigned the task of creating the ideals put forward by the Soviet
Union and to create the new socialist society, fulfilling the desire of the avant-garde
to transform art from a representation of life, to that of a total aesthetic-political
plan.19 Artists were attracted to the power circle so as to see from the inside the
formation of reality and, as state bureaucrats they could be involved in the
establishment of the new reality, the object of mimetic representation in art is not
visible exterior reality, but the interior reality of the artist, his capacity to identify
with the will of the party and Stalin, to become one with it.20 As Sergei Tretiakov
wrote in the constructivist journal LEF (Left Front of the Arts), it was not the
production of new paintings, of verses or stories, but the formation of the new man,
using art as a means of production which was the goal of futurism.21
14 In Romania it was denounced in 1965.

16 C. Vaughan James, Soviet Socialist Realism Origins and Theory (London and Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan, 1973), 2; Jrome Bazin, Ralisme et galit Une histoire sociale de lart en
Rpublique Dmocratique Allemande (Paris: les presses du reel, 2015), 5.
17 Michel Aucouturier, Realismul socialist (Cluj-Napoca: Ed. Dacia, 2001).
18 Vaughan James, Soviet Socialist Realism, 93-94
19 Boris Groys, Stalin-Opera de art total (Cluj: Idea Design and Print, 2007), 13.
20 Ibid., 43, 44.
21 Ibid., 32.
24
At the same time, Socialist Realism was not uniform in the Soviet Union, and did
not constitute a single unvarying doctrine, it never constituted an exceptionless or
monolithic style.22 What is more, according to Piotr Piotrowski the national trajectories
were the most important in Eastern Europe especially after 1956. Certain countries
allowed a certain amount of freedom of artistic expression, but only within the
sphere of formal experimentation, for example in Poland the regime required
modern but uncritical art that did not question the status quo and respected the
post-totalitarian social order, an order that was both totalitarian and consumerist, or
more precisely, post-totalitarian and pre-consumerist.23 While in other countries,
like Romania, there was a new strengthening of a new form of Socialist Realism in
the 1970s and 1980s, a reflection of what Trond Gilberg has called Ceauescuism.24
An institutional approach to the study of art: the creative unions
How did these regimes achieve control? Through institutional centralization, the
establishment of official prizes, ideological education, and cultural repression. The
party state gradually acquired a monopoly on artistic life through a quick process of
nationalization of all means of creation, and diffusion of artistic works, as well as
through the reform of the education system, and the establishment of unique state
controlled institutions. Art was given an important status, but only ideological art.
An ideological guide to artists was enforced.
Artists were organized in mandatory party state dominated unions of creation
for each artistic expression: literature, visual arts (arte plastice), music, architecture,
cinema, and theater. Amateur artists were given special attention too. The role of
these unions was to exert ideological control, and new state aids were granted to
artists who conformed. The benefits given to artists helped consolidate the new
preferred method of creation, of Socialist Realism. At the same time, repression and
censorship made sure artists respected the new canon.
In the USSR, the Union of Soviet Artists was created in two phases, the first
one, in 1932 witnessed the establishment of the Union of Soviet Artists, and the
22 Matthew Cullerne Brown, Brandon Taylor (eds.), Art of the Soviets: Painting, Sculpture and
Architecture in a One-Party State 1917-1992 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993), 10.
23 Piotr Piotrowski, In the Shadow of Yalta. Art and Avant-garde in Eastern Europe 1945-1989
(London: Reaktion Books, 2009), 288.
24 Trond Gilberg, Nationalism and Communism in Romania. The rise and fall of Ceauescus Personal
Dictatorship (Boulder, San Francisco, Oxford: Westview Press, 1990).
25
CATERINA PREDA
second phase only in 1957 saw the first Federal Congress of Soviet artists.25 In East
Germany the Union of artists (VBK) established in 1950 was meant to organize
artists inside the new socialist economy.26 Other unions were established after the
Second World War, as the Union of Bulgarian Artists (1944/53), or the Association of
Hungarian Fine and Applied Artists (MKISZ, 1949).
In this new institutional architecture, the state gradually assumed the most
important position. As Golomstock observed, the state commissions became the
main, and eventually only, source of the artists material livelihood, the only
inspiration behind his work. 27 And so, the artists union can then be seen as a
mediator between the artist and the State, which had as a main routine task the
organization of the annual theme and All-Union exhibitions which defined the
countrys artistic life; the state had a monopoly on buying works of art for all the
countrys museums as well as for its own reserves.28
Irene Semenoff-Tian-Chansky observed how the political power legislates,
institutional collaboration exists between the union and the state institutions, and the
political power infiltrates the artists organizations; artists allegiance to the Party is
inscribed in the statutes of the unions.29
In fact, as Galina Yankovskaya and Rebecca Mitchell wrote,
In a more global context, the Stalinist transformation of art into planned

artistic production was part of the universal process of modernization, in
which creative activities became professions (providing a basic source of
income) and the artist became an independent figure, free from the obligations
of craft responsibilities. Mass-produced art penetrated all spheres of life and
became an industry. Finally, a mass audience for art appeared, mastering new
social practices: visiting artistic exhibitions, lectures, museum; collecting objects
of art; and so on.30
25 Irne Semenoff-Tian-Chansky, Le pinceau, la faucille et le marteau Les peintres et le pouvoir en

Union Sovitique de 1953 1989 (Paris : IMSECO et Institut dtudes slaves, 1993), 65.
26 Bazin, Ralisme et galit, 24.
28 Ibidem.
29 Semenoff-Tian-Chansky, Le pinceau, la faucille, 65.
30 Galina Yankovskaya and Rebecca Mitchell, The Economic Dimensions of Art in the
Stalinist Era: Artists' Cooperatives in the Grip of Ideology and the Plan, Slavic Review, 65: 4
(Winter, 2006): 769-791, 770.
26
Uniunea Artitilor Plastici in Romania (1950)
In Romania Uniunea Artitilor Plastici (the Romanian Artists Union, UAP) was
established in 1950, but it was based on a previous institution, that of the Syndicate
of Fine Arts (1921), and the Mixed Syndicates of the other cities, and included the
Fondul Plastic (Artistic Fund, FP) founded in 1949.
In its first statute, of 1950, the UAP stated, that artists were ready to make of
their art a powerful weapon of the working people in their fight to build socialism,
they assumed Socialist Realism through different means. Later on, in a statute of
1973, the Union promoted socialist humanism and artists participated to the
building of the new socialist society multilaterally developed. The Union exerted
ideological control through propaganda, the ideological commissions, visits to the
USSR in the 1950s etc.
In 1949, the Fondul Plastic (FP) was already established as an institution
designed to grant loans to artists, to help them with their health problems, and also
give pensions in case of their death to their families, it was supposed to ensure the
establishment of resting houses, kindergartens, and cooperatives to sell art, and also
give studios to artists. In 1952 the UAP established the Combinatul Fondului Plastic31
(CFP) and the factory itself was built between 1967 and 1972 to produce goods for the
artists and the state. Placed under the authority of the FP, the UAP and the Ministry
of Education and Culture, it dealt with the production of materials needed to create
public art and to reproduce works of art.
Besides the plural institution that was the UAP, encompassing several other
entities, among other the FP, and the CFP, it had relations with the party and state
institutions, such as different ministries that participated to the public orders the
Union realized, and with the Securitate (secret police) giving information about its
members and being surveyed by its officers. According to a document of the
Securitate, in 1987-8 the institution had thirty-three informers, of which twenty were
artists, and thirteen were administrative personnel.32
The post-communist leadership of the Union has argued the patrimony it
acquired during communism granted it certain autonomy. The union owned several
buildings, which it received as a result of the forced nationalization of property, and
then others were built for it such as the galleries, and the studios for artists.
31 This would roughly translate as the Factory of Art supplies of the Artists Fund.
32 Informers network, File D 0001200 Volume 3, Fund Art and Culture, ACNSAS,
Bucharest, 46.
27
CATERINA PREDA
If in 1953, the Union had only 576 members, they were 1.318 in 1989 (of which
967 full members and 351 trainees).33 Despite this increase in its membership, the
union became gradually a very exclusive institution, with very few candidates becoming
definitive members in the 1980s. Members were given various benefits, which also
changed through the decades, from the 1950s to 1990. The types of benefits granted
included the access to public orders, prizes, and awards, enjoying access to the
holiday and creative houses, the right to participate to exhibitions, and to send their
artworks to international competitions, or the right to travel abroad through the
protocols established by the Union. The letters the members of the UAP wrote, and
which are included in the archival fund of the National Archives of Romania, or the
archive of the UAP refer to a large panoply of demands from the right to have a
studio, to the request to have a Trabant car, or to have installed a stove.
The state artist
Besides an institutional focus, in this volume we propose to look at the case of the
state artist. We ask how were artists affected by the dictatorial power? How did
the party state achieve the control of artists? Which artists can be given this label?
How were they selected? What did they create? Did their colleagues support them?
Were they marginal?
Mikls Haraszti in his book about the Hungarian case, The Velvet Prison Artists
Under State Socialism (1988) discussed the instance of the state artist, which was an
organized professional. Haraszti wrote that as workers, artists were a thoroughly
organized and rationally subdivided group of state employees, to which the state
guaranteed a public, and through regulation offered them protection.34 Artists were
educated to be unable to create anything unpublishable. They [were] trained to be
creative executors.35 State artists were at the center of the transformation of the
artistic panoramas and benefitted of the new norms, and of the public orders
organized together with the party, and state institutions. According to Magda
Crneci, in Romania a totalitarian triangle was formed between the party, the union,
and artists. The institutions of the Communist Party of Romania (PCR), which
included the Propaganda and Culture section of the Central Committee of the PCR,
33 File 3/1953, UAP Fund, Bucharest: ANIC; Documentary regarding the evolution of the
members of the UAP, File 1989, Archive of the Combinatul Fondului Plastic, Bucharest.
34 Haraszti, The velvet prison, 129, 43, 46.
35 Ibid.,133.
28
the different forms taken by the Ministry of Culture (State Committee for Culture
and Art, Council of Socialist Culture and Education), and then the unions. For Crneci,
artists were divided into party artists, committed artists, such as Max H. Maxy, or
Jules Perahim, opportunists, and artists who mimicked commitment. 36 Later,
mediocre artists and amateur artists became important during the 1970s and 1980s.
Referring to the case of the Soviet Union, Boris Groys answers the question
Why [Soviet] artists did not practice something like an institutional critique directed
against power structures why they were not politically engaged? by saying that
opposing the state would have meant opposing the Union of Soviet Artists that was a
bureaucratic organization that dominated the artistic space governed by other artists.37
At the same time, not all artists followed the official guidelines, and asked for
artistic autonomy. Because the role of Socialist Realism, and of the creative unions in
the transformation of the artistic spheres, and of the relations between the new
institutions of the communist regimes remain an understudied topic, this
introduction has presented an overview of theoretical issues related to the case of the
visual state artists based on the extensive archival research of the Romanian
Artists Union (UAP).
The structure of the volume
The volume offers a diversity of points of view on the Romanian Artists Union, and
the state artist, but also on other unions (cinema), and artists in additional countries
(Bulgaria, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia). The studies advance different
typologies of artists (Dan Drghia, Ina Belcheva), offer parallels in the functioning of
the creative unions (Alina Popescu, Ccile Vaissi), or of their specific youth
organizations (Vera Otdelnova, Cristina Stoenescu). New amendments to the concept
of totalitarian art are put forward, as Mirela Tanta discusses the case of the New
Socialist Realism, and Vladana Putnik considers socialist aestheticism in the
architecture of Yugoslavia.
The first part of the volume The Romanian Artists Union (Uniunea Artitilor
Plastici) and state artists in Romania focuses on the case of the UAP and introduces
the comparison with other unions, as well as the importance of the amateur artists
through the Cntarea Romniei Festival (Song to Romania Festival).
36 Crneci, Artele plastice n Romnia.

37 Groys, Stalin-Opera de art total, 52.
29
CATERINA PREDA
The first four articles are part of the research project on the UAP and discuss
very diverse viewpoints on the Union and its evolution throughout the period 1950-
2010. Alina Popescus article, Des Unions pour les forces professionnelles et
cratives dans la Roumanie communiste: une comparaison institutionnelle entre
lAssociation des Cinastes et lUnion des Artistses Plasticiens (Unions for
professional and creative forces in communist Romania: an institutional comparison
of the Association of Cinematographers and the Romanian Artists Union) compares
two creative unions, that of visual artists, and that of cinematographers underlining
several important differences between the two, but also interesting parallels. Dan
Drghias article Tovarul artist! Conformism i beneficii n organizarea profesional
a artitilor plastici din Romnia comunist (Comrade Artist! Conformism and
benefits in the professional organization of visual artists in communist Romania)
analyzes the case of the UAP from the perspective of trade-union studies and finds
that the union offered a soft form of syndicalism through a series of benefits it
introduced. Dumitru Lctuus study, Evoluia relaei dintre artitii plastici i
Securitatea n perioada 1950-1990 (The evolution of the relationship between artists
and the Securitate in the period 1950-1990) discusses at length the type of
surveillance the secret police organized in different periods of the communist
regime, comparing the 1950s and 1960s to the 1970s and 1980s. Through the analysis
of seven files of artists and the examination of the file the Securitate had for the
visual artists, Lctuu put forward a framework of analysis of the dynamics of this
relationship during communism. Cristina Stoenescus article, The transformation of
the Romanian Artists Union (UAP) after 1990: the case of Atelier 35 analyzes for the
first time the case of Atelier 35 or Studio 35, the specific entry entity the UAP
imagined in the 1970s and 1980s for the young artists that could no longer join the
Union. Stoenescu examines the transformation of A35 after 1990, and its evolution
until the end of the years 2000.
The article by Magda Predescu, Rolul Uniunii Artitilor Plastici n formarea
artistului de stat (The role of the UAP in the formation of the state artist) examines
the first period after the establishment of the Union, and the different mechanisms,
such as the ideological commissions used to impose the state artist. Dealing with the
same period of the beginning of the UAP, the article of Monica Enache, Mechanisms
of coercion and control over the artistic act: the relationship between the Romanian
Artists Union, the Artists Fund, and artists during the Gheorghiu-Dej regime
(1948-1965) discusses the modalities used by the Union to control artists.
The following three articles discuss the 1970s and 1980s. Alice Mocnescus
study, The July Theses as a Game Changer: The Reception of the July Theses
within the Romanian Artists Union analyzes the precise impact Ceausescus 1971
30
ideological speeches had inside the Union. Mirela Tanta examines in her study
Neo-Socialist Realism: The second life of Socialist Realism in Romania and brings
forward the specific evolution of Socialist Realism in Ceausescus Romania. Finally,
Claudiu Oancea investigates the case of amateur artists in his study Claiming Art
for Themselves: State Artists versus Amateur Artists in Art Exhibitions before and
during the Song of Romania Festival (1970s-1980s)
The Second Part of the volume, The state artist in the Soviet Union and
Eastern Europe includes four studies that analyze other countries than Romania so
as to offer a comparative perspective. The study of Ccile Vaissi, LUnion du
cinma dURSS, moteur, reflet et victime de la perestroka (1986-1991) discusses the
impact of the Perestroika inside the Union of cinematographers in the Soviet Union.
Vera Otdelnovas article, The Moscow Young Artists Exhibitions of the 1960s and
1970s: Prudent Progress against Omnipotent Censorship analyzes the specific case
of youth exhibitions and the limits of the totalizing perspective on the period, offered
by the concept of totalitarian art, as well as by the concept we put forward of the
state artist. Ina Belchevas article State commissions and artistic limits in 1950s
Bulgaria: the case of Lyubomir Dalchev examines in detail the case of one state artist
using the notion of the counter-adaptive artist and thus amending the totalizing
perspective of Harasztis concept. Finally, the article of Vladana Putnik, From
Socialist Realism to Socialist Aestheticism: Three Contrasting Examples of State
Architects in Yugoslavia compares three architects during Titoism and amends our
conceptualization by showing the nuances of the role played by state artists.
LIST OF REFERENCES
Primary sources
Documentary regarding the evolution of the members of the UAP. File 1989.
Bucharest: Archive of the Combinatul Fondului Plastic (ACFP).
File 3/1953. UAP Fund. Bucharest: Central Historical National Archive (ANIC).
Informers network. File D 0001200, Volume 3. Fund Art and Culture. Bucharest:
Archive of the National Council for the Study of the Archive of the
Securitate (ACNSAS).
31
CATERINA PREDA
Secondary sources
Aucouturier, Michel. Realismul socialist. Cluj-Napoca: Ed. Dacia, 2001.

Bazin, Jrome. Ralisme et galit Une histoire sociale de lart en Rpublique Dmocratique
Allemande. Paris: les presses du reel, 2015.
Braoveanu, Mdlina. Gnduri pentru o expoziie documentar: urme ale reelei
artistice Oradea Trgu Mure Sfntu Gheorghe n Arhiva fostei Securiti
(Thoughts for a documentary exhibition: traces of the artistic network Oradea
Trgu Mure Sfntu Gheorghe in the archive of the former Securitate). Caietele
CNSAS, 2:14 (2014): 85-166.
Crneci, Magda. Artele plastice n Romnia 1945-1989 (Fine Arts in Romania 1945-1989).
Bucureti: Editura Meridiane, 2001.
Cullerne Brown, Matthew, Brandon Taylor (eds.). Art of the Soviets: Painting, Sculpture
and Architecture in a One-Party State 1917-1992. Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 1993.
Enache, Monica. Coborri n subteran. Cteva cazuri de critici de art i artiti plastici
n Arhivele Securitii. (Going underground. A few cases of art critics and visual
artists in the archives of the Securitate). Caietele CNSAS, 1:15 (2015): 301-334.
Gilberg, Trond. Nationalism and Communism in Romania. The rise and fall of Ceauescus
Personal Dictatorship. Boulder, San Francisco, Oxford: Westview Press, 1990.
Golomstock, Igor. Totalitarian Art in the Soviet Union, the Third Reich, Fascist Italy and
the Peoples Republic of China. London: Collins Harvill, 1990.
Gryzmala-Busse, Anna M. Redeeming the Communist Past: The Regeneration of Communist
Parties in East Central Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.
Ionescu, Radu. Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din Romnia. 1921 1950 2002. Bucureti:
Editura Uniunii Artitilor Plastici din Romnia, 2003.
Iordachi, Constantin and Arnd Bauerkamper (eds.) The Collectivization of Agriculture
in Communist Eastern Europe: Comparison and Entaglments. Budapest, New York:
CEU Press, 2014.
Mocnescu, Alice. Artists and Political Power: The Functioning of the Romanian
Artists Union during the Ceauescu Era, 1965-1975. History of Communism in
Europe vol. 2 / 2011: Avatars of Intellectuals under Communism. Bucharest: Zeta
Books, 2011. 95-122.
Pichon-Bonin, Ccile. Peinture et politique en URSS Litinraire des membres de la Socit
des artistes de chevalet (1917-1941). Paris: Les presses du reel, 2013.
Pichon-Bonin, Ccile. Peindre et vivre en URSS dans les annes 1920 1930.
Commandes, engagements sous contrat et missions de creation. Cahiers du
monde russe 49:1 (2008): 47-74.
32
Piotrowski, Piotr. In the Shadow of Yalta. Art and Avant-garde in Eastern Europe 1945-1989.
London: Reaktion Books, 2009.
Rdulescu, Carmen. Uniunea Artitilor Plastici. ntre control politic i arta neangajat,
(The Romanian Artists Union. Between political control and independent art) n
Forme de represiune n regimurile comuniste (Forms of repression in communist regimes),
editat de Cosmina Budeanc i Florentin Olteanu. Iai: Polirom, 2008. 248-255.
Schedler, Andreas. The New Institutionalism in the Study of Authoritarian
Regimes. Totalitarismus und Demokratie 6 (2009): 323340.
Semenoff-Tian-Chansky, Irne. Le pinceau, la faucille et le marteau Les peintres et le
pouvoir en Union Sovitique de 1953 1989. Paris : IMSECO et Institut dtudes
slaves, 1993.
Soulet, Jean-Franois. Istoria comparat a statelor comuniste. Iai: Polirom,1998.
Stokes, Gale (ed.) From Stalinism to Pluralism: A Documentary History of Eastern Europe
since 1945 2nd Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996.
Vaughan James, C. Soviet Socialist Realism Origins and Theory. London and Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan, 1973.
Vasile, Cristian. Literatura i artele n Romnia comunist. 1948-1953 (Literature and the
arts in communist Romania 1948-1953). Bucureti: Humanitas, 2010.
Vasile, Cristian. Politicile culturale comuniste n timpul regimului Gheorghiu-Dej (Communist
cultural policies during the Gheorghiu Dej regime). Bucureti: Humanitas, 2011.
Vasile, Cristian. Viaa intelectual i artistic n primul deceniu al regimului Ceauescu.
1965-1974 Intellectual and artistic life during the first decade of the Ceauescu
regime 1965-1974). Bucureti: Humanitas, 2014.
Yankovskaya, Galina and Rebecca Mitchell. The Economic Dimensions of Art in the
Stalinist Era: Artists' Cooperatives in the Grip of Ideology and the Plan. Slavic
Review, 65: 4 (Winter, 2006): 769-791.
33
First Part
The Romanian Artists Union (Uniunea Artitilor Plastici)
and State Artists in Romania
Des Unions professionnelles et pour la cration
dans la Roumanie communiste: une comparaison institutionnelle
entre lAssociation des Cinastes et lUnion des Artistes
ALINA POPESCU
Abstract. The FilmmakersAssociation and the Union of Artists were two of several creative
unions that organized the cultural and professional life in communist Romania. In a context where
free association was not tolerated, these institutions had a crucial role in defending artistsrights
and in defining their status. To date, the available studies have only partially documented the way
in which they functioned, with much emphasis placed on their dependency on the communist
party or on their Eastern transplantation according to a preeminent Soviet model. Although the
political aspect cannot be diminished, the majority of these studies seem to ignore a pivotal element
of these organizations: namely, their professional and creative purpose. This article advances a
sociohistorical perspective of the two institutions, wich takes into account these primary goals. For
this purpose, we will first examine the conditions of their foundation, especially the discrepancy
between their statutes, on the one hand, and the time they acquired official recognition, on the
other hand. Further, we will analyze the internal structure of each of these institutions. Finally, we
will scrutinize the professionalization and creative initiatives that were meant for the members. A
comparison between two similar institutions will allow us to reconstitute key moments of their
existence, which would otherwise remain ambiguous through monographic research. The focus on
them as institutions will help us assess the importance they had for the artists, the cultural field and
the political power.
Introduction
Lhistoriographie des rgimes communistes, en particulier en Roumanie, sest

proccupe jusqu prsent principalement des chelons suprieurs du pouvoir le
parti communiste et ses leaders ou des trajectoires individuelles des personnalits
ALINA POPESCU
culturelles, des figures assimiles la dissidence ou la rpression accordant peu

dattention ce quon peut appeler un niveau intermdiaire danalyse, celui des
institutions qui ont contribu la configuration des politiques du rgime.1 Parmi
celles-ci on compte les unions professionnelles, actives dans plusieurs domaines de la
vie culturelle: dans le cinma, lart, la littrature, larchitecture ou la musique.
Runissant ceux qui taient considrs comme les crateurs dans ces domaines,
tout en leur confrant le statut officiel de professionnels et fonctionnant en tant
quinterface principale entre ceux-ci et le pouvoir politique, les Unions ont occup
une position dominante et influente dans le paysage institutionnel culturel du
rgime communiste. Leur analyse permettrait ainsi de sonder de quelle manire elles
ont contribu la mise en place dune logique syndicale, la cristallisation dune
mouvance esthtique, la structuration conomique de diffrents secteurs culturels,
la transposition concrte des impratifs idologiques ou la revendication des
liberts de cration, la formation du got du public, la constitution dune lite
culturelle ou la consolidation dune identit professionnelle.
John et Carol Garrand, se penchant sur lexemple de lUnion des crivains
sovitiques, observent que ces institutions ntaient ni tout fait des associations
professionnelles ni tout fait des syndicats, tels quils en existaient de lautre ct du
Rideau de fer, puisquelles taient soumises au contrle du parti communiste;2 les
unions de lespace sovitique reprsentaient lunique possibilit dassociation
professionnelle, sous patronage politique. Lappartenance de telles institutions,
rserve des membres attentivement slectionns, confrait un statut spcial,
accompagn de bnfices matriels ou symboliques, difficilement accessibles ceux
qui nen faisaient pas partie. Citons laccs aux commandes officielles, aux aides
financires diverses ou des voyages ltranger. En contrepartie, ceux-ci devaient
se plier des contraintes et des devoirs sur le plan politique, esthtique ou
conomique. Ce statut, produit dans le cadre dun systme de validation
professionnelle fonctionnant en symbiose avec le pouvoir politique, a t dsign par
Mikls Haraszti par le syntagme artiste dEtat. 3 Les unions ont contribu de
1 Nous avons plaid pour ce positionnement dans le cadre de notre thse de doctorat, o
nous avons analys de telles institutions, comme les maisons de production, mais aussi
lAssociation des Cinastes, en spcial du point de vue de leur contribution la censure,
voir: Alina Popescu, Les films taient en couleur, mais la ralit tait grise La censure
dans la cinmatographie roumaine sous Nicolae Ceauescu (1965-1989) (PhD. diss.,
University of Paris Ouest - Nanterre La Dfense, 2015).
2 John and Carol Garrand, Inside the Soviet Writerss Union (London/New York: I.B.Tauris,
1990), 3, 5-6.
3 Mikls Haraszti, The Velvet Prison. Artists Under State Socialism (London: I.B. Tauris, 1988).
38
Des Unions professionnelles et pour la cration dans la Roumanie communiste: une comparaison
institutionnelle entre lAssociation des Cinastes et lUnion des Artistes
manire significative sa dfinition. Ltude de ces institutions peut apporter des

clairages sur la structuration la vie culturelle et sociale et sur le rle assign aux
crateurs dans un rgime communiste.
un niveau plus gnral, comme le remarque Lucia Dragomir, de telles
Unions existaient dans plusieurs pays de lancien bloc sovitique, ce qui leur confre
un caractre transnational.4 Cette observation ouvre un champ dinterrogation par
rapport la diffusion et aux dclinaisons locales dun modle sovitique pralablement
tabli, ainsi que par rapport la circulation des influences culturelles, voire des
modles institutionnels, entre les diffrents pays du bloc. Une dmarche comparative
savre utile de ce point de vue, dautant plus que ces Unions ont t peu ou
partiellement tudies. Ceci soulve des interrogations quant leurs similitudes et
leurs dissemblances, et ce tant au niveau national, quau niveau transnational.
En ce qui suit, nous proposons de dvelopper quelques points de comparaison
entre lAssociation des Cinastes (Asociaia Cineatilor, ACIN) et lUnion des
Artistes (Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, UAP) de Roumanie. Outre lintrt gnral
dune telle approche, indiqu prcdemment, cette comparaison est motive au
dpart par linsuffisance des sources, et plus prcisment des archives concernant
lACIN; par rapport celles-ci, les archives de lUAP peuvent tre qualifies
de riches.5 En explorant les sources disponibles dans un cas et dans lautre, nous
souhaitons clairer un moment cl de la vie de lACIN, qui est celui de sa
constitution, beaucoup plus tardive que celui des organisations similaires,
notamment dans lart. la diffrence de lUAP, lACIN na pas russi acqurir le
statut dUnion avant la chute du rgime communiste. Les enjeux de lchec de cette
transformation sont difficiles cerner en se fiant seulement aux archives la
concernant ou lhistoire orale. quoi est d ce dcalage entre les deux institutions,
par ailleurs similaires de nombreux gards, et comment se rpercute-t-il sur leur
volution ultrieure ?
4 Voir Lucia Dragomir, LUnion des crivains. Une institution transnationale lEst: lexemple
roumain (Paris: Belin, 2007), 9-14. Il sagit dune des premires et rares tudes ralises dans
une perspective comparative sur les unions professionnelles et de cration dans le bloc
sovitique, mais qui aborde seulement le cas des crivains et de la littrature, tout en se
focalisant sur la situation de la Roumanie.
5 Les archives de lUnion des Cinastes comptent trs peu de documents, non-inventories
(au moment o nous les avons consults, en 2011) et sans date. la diffrence de celles-ci,
les archives de lUAP sont beaucoup plus riches et bien prserves, si lon pense au fonds
UAP disponible aux Archives Nationales. Un volume significatif de documents se trouve
aussi auprs du Combinat du Fonds des Arts Plastiques (Combinatul Fondului Plastic) et au
sige de lUnion.
39
ALINA POPESCU
Afin de rpondre cette question, nous allons tout dabord revenir sur le contexte
de la fondation de ces structures, moment crucial pour comprendre le dcalage statutaire
et son impact sur la vie institutionnelle. Ensuite nous analyserons schmatiquement
leur organisation, en montrant quelques points communs et quelques diffrences au
niveau de leur structure. Cette approche se limite au cadre institutionnel, formel, au
dtriment de lapprofondissement dautres aspects non moins intressants, comme la
diversit des acteurs institutionnels, les rapports de ceux-ci dans le cadre et lextrieur
de linstitution ou les relations avec le pouvoir politique et administratif.6 Nous allons
galement passer en revue quelques-uns des objectifs professionnels et de cration,
afin de voir en quoi consistait le rle assign aux cinastes et aux artistes, dans la
Roumanie communiste. Notre propos porte davantage sur lACIN que sur lUAP. Ce
choix se justifie dans la mesure o elle a t moins tudie que son homologue dans
lart. 7 Au final, nous reviendrons sur lintrt et les limites dune dmarche
comparative concernant les unions professionnelles et pour la cration.
La fondation de lACIN et de lUAP: un dcalage temporaire,

rvlateur dune autonomie institutionnelle problmatique?
Dans les annes de laprs Seconde Guerre Mondiale, le parti communiste8 arriv la
direction du pays entame une phase de remodelage culturel. Ce processus a connu
6 Une perspective sur la complexit de la vie institutionnelle de lUAP se dgage du volume

de documents darchives, que nous avons codits avec un collectif de chercheurs: Dan
Drghia, Dumitru Lctuu, Alina Popescu, Caterina Preda et Cristina Stoenescu, Uniunea
Artitilor Plastici din Romnia n documente de arhiv (Bucarest: Editura Universitii din
Bucureti, 2016).
7 Des tudes (partielles) sur lUnion des Artises Plasticiens ont t ralises par Magda
Crneci, Artele plastice n Romnia 1945-1989. Cu o addenda 1990-2010 (Iai: Polirom, 2013) et
par Radu Ionescu, Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din Romnia 1921/1950/2002 (Bucarest: UAP,
2003). La revue IDEA art+societate a consacr rcemment son dossier central lUAP, voir
arhiv: Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din Romnia elemente pentru un studiu de caz/
archive: Romanian Artists Union entries for a case study, IDEA art+societate/arts+society
48 (2015): 5-39. En ce qui concerne lACIN, la seule tude ralise jusqu prsent sur ce sujet
nous appartient, voir: Alina Popescu,The Romanian FilmmakersUnion: Between an
Ambiguous Past and an Uncertain Future, IMAGES. The International Journal of European
Film, Performing Arts and Audiovisual Communication, vol. XI, special issue (Re)imagining the
Past, no. 20 (2012): 93-98.
8 Le Parti Communiste Roumain (PC) tait dnomm Parti Ouvrier Roumain (Partidul
Muncitoresc Romn) de 1948 1964.
40
des formes et des intensits variables, mais une des proccupations communes dans
plusieurs domaines culturels tait la mise en place de groupements professionnels de
type unions. Celles-ci semblent avoir fonctionn dans un tel contexte tant comme
filtre social et politique visant la constitution dune nouvelle catgorie de travailleurs
culturels, fidles aux idaux du nouveau rgime, que comme une promesse
dgalisation de la condition sociale de ceux-ci.9
Cette lame de fond npargne pas la cinmatographie qui passe par une phase
de transformations tout au long des annes 1950. Cette priode est caractrise par
une faible production filmique, par lexistence dun groupe professionnel restreint et
par linstabilit des formules organisationnelles. Labsence dune union
professionnelle ddie la cinmatographie est notable dans ce paysage, dautant
plus que le cinma tait considr dune grande importance pour la propagande
visuelle du rgime. Pourtant, un projet de cration dune union des crateurs de
film date de cette priode, plus prcisment de lanne 1956, lorsquun groupe de
ralisateurs, oprateurs, techniciens et scnographes 10 avancent quelques
propositions en ce sens.
Il est difficile de dire dans quelle mesure ce projet a t une initiative propre
aux cinastes ou la traduction de la volont des autorits politiques, puisque le seul
cho sur celui-ci nous vient dun rapport rdig par la Section Propagande et
Agitation du parti communiste.11 la lecture de ce document il rsulte que le projet
des cinastes se distingue et il est critiqu pour cela par le pouvoir de dcision
que ces derniers sarrogeaient, en proposant par exemple la cration de groupes de
production dirigs par des ralisateurs. Ceux-ci sont effectivement devenus dans les
annes 1970 des maisons de production, mais diriges par des bureaucrates. Les
cinastes proposaient galement la cration dun studio de films exprimentaux ou la
cession de la gestion financire un Fonds cinmatographique, responsable
9 La problmatique de lgalit dans le rgime communiste est dveloppe par Jrme Bazin
propos de lart en RDA, dans Ralisme et galit. Une histoire sociale des arts en Rpublique
Dmocratique Allemande (1949-1990) (Dijon: Les Presses du rel, 2015).
10 Parmi ceux-ci se trouvaient Paul Clinescu et Jean Georgescu. Paul Clinescu a commenc
sa carrire dans les annes 1930 et il est le ralisateur du premier film du nouveau rgime,
La valle rsonne (Rsun Valea, 1949). Jean Georgescu dbute dans la cinmatographie dans
les annes 1920 et excelle dans la ralisation de comdies; dans le contexte du rgime
communiste il ralise le premier film sur la collectivisation, Chez nous au village (n sat la noi,
1951), avec Victor Iliu, et la comdie Notre directeur (Directorul nostru, 1955), considre une
satyre ladresse de la bureaucratie en place.
11 Voir le Dossier 22/1956, Fonds CC du PCR. Section Propagande et Agitation, Archives Nationales
Historiques Centrales, Bucarest (ANIC). La Section Propagande et Agitation est une des
structures du parti ayant des attributions de supervision et de contrle de la cinmatographie.
41
ALINA POPESCU
galement du contrle politique des films. Le studio de films exprimentaux na

jamais vu le jour mais lide dun fonds cinmatographique sest concrtise
partiellement, dans le cadre de la future Association des cinastes. Ces
responsabilits taient partages lpoque entre plusieurs structures, menant
constamment des conflits entre personnes et institutions, un manque de fluidit
organisationnelle et un mcontentement gnral.
Le rapport cit apprhende le fait quavec de telles pratiques le contrle
politique, ainsi que la gestion financire et la supervision artistique reviendraient aux
cinastes, en cartant ou en diminuant le rle des autres structures administratives et
politiques. La dsapprobation qui transparat du document est enveloppe dans une
rhtorique de lgalit: lorganisation par groupes de production, confronte la
ncessit dassurer du travail pour tout le monde, aurait donn la possibilit de faire
des films seulement quelques-uns, au dtriment des jeunes, surtout. Aussi, parmi
les ralisateurs qui feraient partie de la future Union, un seul tait membre du parti
et prsentait donc une garantie politique. Mme si le rapport admet que les cinastes
taient encore les seuls ne pas bnficier dun cadre institutionnel unifi, o
discuter des problmes de la cration cinmatographique, ou que la ralisation des
scnarios fortement problmatique aurait t plus rigoureusement organise dans
le cadre dune union, les propositions sont qualifies la fois danarchiques et
menant au libralisme. Par consquent, le projet ft abandonn.
Cest finalement en 1963 quune Association des Cinastes a vu le jour, dans un
contexte daccalmie politique sur le plan interne et douverture vers lOuest.12 Des
signes du changement se faisaient ressentir dans le domaine culturel, y compris dans
la cinmatographie: la production de films avait dpass le seuil de 10 long-mtrages
par an depuis 1960; de jeunes ralisateurs commenaient saffirmer, apportant sur
lcran les dilemmes de leur gnration et exprimentant des formules esthtiques
nouvelles;13 en 1963 parassait le premier magazine de spcialit, Cinema, ddi au
public large et la premire superproduction roumaine, Tudor,14 fut diffuse sur les
crans. Cest dans cette conjoncture que la cration dune association fut envisage,
cest--dire dune forme institutionnelle qui reconnaissait le statut de professionnel et
de crateur des cinastes. Dans le groupe dinitiative qui a donn vie au projet se
12 Cette priode est marque par le tournant nationaliste du rgime et par une distanciation
progressive vis--vis de Moscou. Une Dclaration dindpendance est proclame en ce
sens, en 1964.
13 Dimanche 6 heures (Duminica la Ora 6, 1965) de Lucian Pintilie ou Un film avec une charmante
fille (Un film cu o fat fermectoare, 1966) de Lucian Bratu illustrent, ct dautres, ces tendances.
14 Ralis par Lucian Bratu, daprs un scnario de Mihnea Gheorghiu.
42
trouvaient des ralisateurs importants: Liviu Ciulei, 15 Ion Popescu-Gopo, 16 Mircea

Drgan, 17 Victor Iliu, 18 mais aussi Mihnea Gheorghiu. 19 Le premier prsident de
lACIN, Victor Iliu, un des cinastes qui sest affirm dans le contexte du nouveau
rgime politique, reprsentait une vritable autorit professionnelle dans ce
domaine. Iliu a dtenu cette fonction jusqu sa mort, en 1968, lorsquil ft remplac
par Ion Popescu-Gopo, un autre ralisateur bnficiant de la lgitimit artistique et
de soutiens politiques.20
En ce qui concerne lUAP, celle-ci sest constitue beaucoup plus tt, en 1950,
sur la base dun Syndicat des beaux-arts, existant depuis 1921.21 Le syndicat, et le
Fonds des arts plastiques qui lui tait rattach furent dissouts. Le premier prsident
de lUAP, Boris Caragea, tait un sculpteur qui stait fait remarquer par son activit
de gauche dans la priode davant la Seconde Guerre Mondiale. Cette transformation
institutionnelle nest pas singulire, dautres Unions stant formes en Roumanie
sur la base dun noyau professionnel et syndical prexistant: LUnion des crivains a
vu le jour 1949, sur les bases dune Socit des crivains existant depuis la priode de
lentre-deux-guerres; lUnion des compositeurs a t fonde la mme anne,
incorporant la Socit des compositeurs, constitue en 1920, tandis que lUnion des
15 Liviu Ciulei tait connu pour son activit au thtre, tandis que dans la cinmatographie il
stait fait remarquer avec Lruption (Erupia, 1957) et Les vagues du Danube (Valurile Dunrii, 1959).
16 Figure prominente de lanimation roumaine, Ion Popescu-Gopo avait obtenu la Palme dOr
Cannes, en 1957, pour Courte Histoire (Scurt istorie).
17 Ralisateur de films historiques, politiques, de comdies, dont quelques-uns remportant des
succs notables auprs du public, il a t secrtaire de lACIN de 1965 1974.
18 Stant distingu par ses affinits de gauche avant la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, Iliu est le
ralisateur de plusieurs films thmatique communiste et du notable Le Moulin de la chance
(Moara cu noroc, 1957).
19 Scnariste, traducteur, journaliste, Mihnea Gherghiu a dtenu plusieurs fonctions responsabilit
dans la cinmatographie au dbut des annes 1960 et a dtermin plusieurs changements
dans ce domaine, comme par exemple la cration dun studio danimation. Les interviews
ralises avec plusieurs membres de lACIN attestent que la cration de lAssociation lui est
due en grande partie. Cette russite serait due au fait quil avait mobilis ses contacts dans le
monde cinmatographique et politique, en Roumanie et ltranger.
20 Cest ce qui ressort des dossiers de surveillance tablis par la police politique: au moment
des lections de 1974, Popescu-Gopo semble avoir t impos politiquement, mme si les
prfrences des cinastes sexprimaient en faveur dautres personnes, voir les Dossiers
D259665, Fonds Informatif et D13147, vol. 45, Fonds Documentaire, Archives du Conseil
National pour lEtude des Archives de la Securitate, Bucarest (ACNSAS).
21 Pour plusieurs dtails sur ce moment de la fondation voir Cristian Vasile, Cteva reflecii
privind evoluia artelor plastice n primul deceniu comunist, 1945-1953, Revista Arhivelor
1(2008): 257-82, consult le 15 dcembre 2016, http://ow.ly/j6PZ308eqV6.
43
ALINA POPESCU
architectes sest constitue en 1952, sur le socle dune Socit des architectes
roumains, fonde en 1891. Lmergence de ces structures au dbut des annes 1950
rend la fondation tardive de lACIN nigmatique.
Une possible explication tient au contexte de la premire tentative de
constitution dune Union des crateurs de film en 1956, une anne trs mouvemente
politiquement cause des rvoltes en Hongrie et Pologne et dont les chos ont retenti
en Roumanie. Diffrents documents darchives indiquent que les cinastes roumains
suivaient avec intrt et inquitude les vnements qui se produisaient dans le pays
voisin, anticipant un durcissement du pouvoir communiste roumain avec le monde
culturel. leur tour, les autorits politiques surveillaient ces discussions qui avaient
lieu dans les studios, se mfiant probablement dune possible accumulation des
mcontentements et du potentiel de rvolte de ces groupes. 22 Les annes suivantes,
dailleurs, une vague dpuration a touch la cinmatographie. Parmi les victimes se
trouvaient des artisans du projet dunion, Jean Georgescu et Paul Clinescu.23
Le contexte politique nexplique pas probablement tout le retard pris par la
constitution dune structure associative regroupant les professionnels du cinma. En
outre, il faut remarquer que la cinmatographie roumaine de lpoque manquait
dinfrastructures adquates, que la production de films restait faible et que les
ralisateurs de longs-mtrages ntaient pas nombreux. Aprs la guerre, ce furent
principalement les oprateurs ayant une exprience sur le front de la guerre qui se
sont convertis la ralisation de films. La situation changea la fin des annes 1950,
lorsque la cration du studio Buftea et le retour dun contingent de cinastes forms
en URSS a permis laccroissement du nombre de professionnels. On peut supposer
que du fait que les ralisateurs les premiers concerns par la ncessit dacqurir un
statut qui offre une protection juridique et conomique taient moins nombreux
que les artistes, il a t plus difficile pour eux de se constituer dans une union
professionnelle. la diffrence de lart, dans la cinmatographie, les structures de
production taient centralises Bucarest, et laccs au mtier de ralisateur tait
restreint. titre dexemple, au moment de lavancement du projet de constitution
dune Union des crateurs du film, la cinmatographie roumaine comptait soixante-
douze ralisateurs, dont quarante-trois taient rattachs au studio de films
documentaires Sahia Film.
22 Voir le Dossier 22/1956, Fonds CC du PCR. Section Propagande et Agitation, ANIC, Bucarest.
23 Bujor Rpeanu, Asociaia Cineatilor nainte i dup nfiinarea sa, All About Romanian
Cinema, consult le 12 dcembre 2016, http://ow.ly/ZpsJ308er3P. Voir aussi, du mme
auteur, Cinematografitii (Bucarest: Meronia, 2013), 107, 225-6.
44
La fondation tardive de lACIN a pour consquence une moindre affectation

par les purations qui ont eu lieu dans les annes 1950 et qui ont touch lUAP. Cette
dernire est passe par une slection drastique des membres, lavalanche de
demandes de r/inscription dans lUAP, au cours des annes 1960, attestant que
lUnion a connu aux premires heures de son existence des exclusions et des
dcisions discrtionnaires de non-acceptation de membres. Il faut remarquer que
mme si les unions servaient de moyen de promotion sociale et dgalisation des
conditions matrielles des artistes et des cinastes, cette logique est entre
constamment en tension avec celle de la slection politique, artistique ou
conomique, lune et lautre se manifestant de manire plus prononce en fonction
des priodes concernes. Par exemple, dans les annes 1970 lACIN se pose la
question de lacceptation de plus de membres, mais craint la diminution de ses
capacits financires.
Les institutions culturelles tant considres par beaucoup dhistoriens comme
des transplantations lidentique dun modle sovitique, il est intressant de
mentionner ici la temporalit de la cration de lACIN et de lUAP par rapport aux
structures similaires en URSS. Si le projet des cinastes roumains avait t accept
par les autorits en 1956, ils auraient probablement pu se constituer en un
groupement professionnel similaire peu prs en mme temps que leurs collgues
sovitiques, qui ont constitu une Union des travailleurs du cinma en 1957; celle-ci
sest transforme en Union des cinastes en 1965, soit deux aprs lACIN ait vu le
jour.24 De mme, une Union des artistes sest forme en URSS en 1957, apparemment
plus tard quen Roumanie.25 Les deux structures sovitiques sont constitues donc
dans un contexte de dtente survenue suite la dstalinisation. Les tudes
disponibles sur les cas sovitique et roumain montrent que les structures de type
union se ressemblent du point de vue de lorganisation et du fonctionnement. On
peut ds lors faire lhypothse que les dcalages au niveau de la transformation en
24 Pour dautres informations sur cette union voir la thse de Clara Darmon, LUnion des
Cinastes. La condition des agents du cinma en URSS et en Russie, 1957-2007 (PhD diss.,
Sorbonne Nouvelle - Paris 3 University, 2013). Lauteur noffre malheureusement pas assez
dlments pour lucider le moment de la constitution tardive de cette structure.
25 Mme si un dcret pass en 1932 en URSS vise la rorganisation des structures artistiques et
littraires, une union artistique pour lensemble de lURSS ne voit le jour quen 1957, selon
Irne Semenoff-Tian-Chansky, Le pinceau, la faucille et le marteau. Les peintres et le pouvoir en
Union Sovitique de 1953 1989 (Paris: Institut dtudes slaves, 1993), 327. Pour plus de
dtails sur le moment de la fondation institutionnelle voir Ccile Pichon-Bonin, Peinture et
politique en URSS: litinraire des membres de la Socit des artistes de chevalet (1917-1941) (Dijon:
Les presses du rel, 2013).
45
ALINA POPESCU
union sont dus un contexte politique sous tension en URSS ou un mode

dorganisation professionnelle et territorial qui a rendu dlicat ltablissement de
telles institutions plus tt.
La comparaison du moment de la fondation de lACIN et de lUAP, lune sous
forme de revendication choue et reprise dans un climat politique diffrent, lautre
par assimilation institutionnelle, lune dans une priode de relaxation politique,
lautre dans la priode complique de laprs-guerre, nous montre que de telles
institutions, dont le but est de soutenir la profession et la cration, sont en fait trs
labiles politiquement. Le projet des cinastes de 1956 ne sest pas concrtis dans le
sens voulu par ceux-ci, ce qui leur aurait confr la possibilit de devenir les
administrateurs de leurs propres projets cinmatographiques.
Similaires, mais pas identiques: structure, organisation et fonctionnement
LACIN et lUAP fonctionnent sur la base de statuts do se dgagent des buts

similaires et qui explicitent les critres qui dfinissent le corps professionnel et les
objectifs lis la cration cinmatographique et artistique. Le statut adopt par lUAP
en 1950 reflte de manire plus prgnante autant la reconnaissance de lUnion
sovitique en tant que modle et guide, que lintensification de la lutte de classe ou la
lutte contre le cosmopolitisme, le formalisme ou limprialisme, ainsi que par
lvocation du ralisme socialiste en tant que mthode de cration.26 Avec le statut
adopt en 1973, lUAP se donne pour mission la construction de la socit socialiste
multilatralement dveloppe, la promotion de lhumanisme socialiste, la formation
de lhomme nouveau.27 Le statut de 1978 apporte comme nouveaut laide accorde
lart amateur, aux artisans, la contribution au programme de systmatisation
urbaine, laccent mis sur la valorisation des traditions culturelles et nationales.
Plusieurs stipulations de ce statut ont un caractre nationaliste prononc et un ton
vhment concernant la qualit des productions artistiques et lurgence de former le
bon got du public.28
Les diffrents statuts adopts par lUAP au fil du temps refltent fidlement le
tournant politique pris par le rgime divers moments de son histoire et la direction
donne la politique culturelle. Les rfrences plus ou moins directes au PCR sont
26 Voir Statutul de organizare al UAP din RPR adoptat la Conferina Naional din 1950,
dans Drghia et. ali., Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, 30-5.
27 Ibid., 52-62.
28 Ibid., 62-74.
46
un indice de linfluence que celui-ci avait sur les unions, mme si ces structures ne lui
taient pas officiellement subordonnes. 29 Des rfrences politiques telles quon
pouvait les trouver dans les statuts adopts par lUAP dans les annes 1950 se
retrouvent galement dans le premier statut de lACIN, adopt en 1965. Ce statut
consacre lexistence juridique de lassociation. 30 Le statut suivant fut adopt en
1974,31 cette anne tant caractrise par un virage vers le dveloppement du culte de
Nicolae Ceausescu, de plus en plus visible au niveau des productions
culturelles.32 Cette anne acquiert galement une signification particulire sur le plan
de la vie interne de lACIN, puisque cest la dernire fois avant 1989 quon convoque
une Assemble gnrale des membres et quon adopte un nouveau statut.
En ce qui concerne la structure organisationnelle, lACIN et lUAP sont
structures de manire similaire, sur le modle pyramidal et hirarchique du parti
communiste. Les dcisions principales concernant le fonctionnement de lACIN
taient prises dans le cadre dune Assemble gnrale. cette occasion tous les
membres se runissaient pour dbattre des problmes professionnels et choisir un
Conseil de direction, qui dirigeait lassociation entre deux Assembles. Les
responsabilits du Conseil variaient entre ladmission et lexclusion des membres,
lapprobation du budget et la validation des commissions. son tour, le Conseil
avait un organe excutif, le Bureau de lassociation, dirig par un prsident choisi
lors de lAssemble gnrale, deux vice-prsidents, des secrtaires et des membres.
Les responsabilits du Bureau variaient entre la mdiation en cas de problmes
internes de lassociation et la reprsentation auprs des autorits politiques. Cette
formule organisationnelle a connu des variations mineures au long du temps.
Outre cette configuration pyramidale, lAssociation tait galement structure
sur la base de sections, qui runissaient les professionnels dun certain domaine. Au
dbut de son existence, lACIN comptait seulement trois sections: une pour les longs-
mtrages de fiction, lautre pour les courts-mtrages, des films documentaires et
danimation, et une troisime pour les cinphiles. Peu de temps aprs sa constitution,
lassociation sest ouverte galement aux professions dites techniques, exclues du
projet initial. Ceci a dtermin des rorganisations successives des sections en
fonction du nombre des membres, de la diversit de leurs occupations et des objectifs
29 Dragomir, LUnion des crivains, 21-3.

30 Voir Statutul Asociaiei Cineatilor din RPR (1950), Archives de lUnion des Cinastes de
Roumanie, Bucarest (AUCIN), Bucarest.
31 Voir Statutul Asociaiei Cineatilor din RSR 1974, AUCIN, Bucarest.
32 En 1974, Ceauescu devenait prsident de la Rpublique socialiste de Roumanie (Republica
Socialist Romnia). Lors de la crmonie dinvestiture, il a port un sceptre, symbole du
pouvoir monarchique.
47
ALINA POPESCU
poursuivis par lassociation diffrents moments. Ainsi, de nouvelles sections

ont-elles vu le jour, par exemple: ralisation, critique, image, scnographie, conomie,
scnarios, animation, documentation.
Chaque section choisissait son propre Bureau, dont les membres taient en
gnral des personnes bnficiant dun certain prestige professionnel. De cette
manire, la politisation qui pouvait se faire ressentir au niveau de la direction de
lAssociation, ne serait-ce que parce que ses membres devaient tre des membres du
parti, tait attnue grce cette organisation transversale. En plus des sections,
lACIN disposait galement de commissions en charge de diverses activits, comme
la discussion des scnarios, lorganisation de projections de films ou la gestion des
contacts avec ltranger. En 1980, lACIN comptait dix sections et dix-huit
commissions, ce qui dnote un accroissement du nombre des membres et du type
doccupations reconnues comme professionnelles et cratives, ainsi quune
diversification des activits.
Laccs au statut de membre des Unions tait en gnral assez slectif. Ce
processus dadmission tait filtr par divers critres qui variaient en fonction du
contexte politique, des contraintes conomiques ou de celles lies la proccupation
de prserver un statut prestigieux. Au moment de sa constitution, en 1963, lACIN
comptait seulement cinquante-quatre personnes. En 1965, le nombre des membres
tait cinq-cent-quinze,33 en 1982 ceux-ci taient mille-six-cent.34 La section considre
comme la plus prestigieuse et comptant le plus de membres a t constamment celle
des ralisateurs: en 1963 cette section avait cent-seize membres et soixante-neuf
stagiaires.35 Pour devenir membre de lassociation, il fallait avoir ralis trois longs-
mtrages, ce qui reprsentait un critre assez exclusif. Faire partie de lassociation
tait une chose dsirable et valorisante, car cela ne reprsentait pas seulement la
reconnaissance de lappartenance une lite professionnelle, mais aussi la possibilit de
bnficier davantages comme de prts immobiliers ou laccs des maisons de repos.
Le support financier et laffiliation institutionnelle taient mme cruciaux pour
les ralisateurs dont le statut change dans les annes 1970, de salaris en contractuels
travaillant sur des projets proposs par les maisons de production. La consquence
dun tel changement tait que pendant la priode, parfois assez longue, entre deux
33 Dare de seam asupra activitii Asociaiei Cineatilor din RPR de la nfiintare i pn n

prezent, AUCIN, Bucarest.
34 Ce nombre ressort dune discussion qui a lieu loccasion dune runion du Conseil de
lACIN. La retranscription de celle-ci se retrouve dans le Dossier Dosar edin Consiliu
ACIN, 3 dec. 1982, AUCIN, Bucarest.
35 Comme il en ressort dun document sans titre, retrouv dans un recueil de documents
dnomm Materiale din anii 1963-1964, AUCIN, Bucarest.
48
projets, ceux-ci ne bnficiaient daucune protection salariale. Qui plus est, le

manque dancrage institutionnel aurait pu les transformer en personnes soustraites
toute influence politique directe. Laffiliation des ralisateurs lACIN tait
considre indispensable autant par les ralisateurs, que par les autorits politiques.
Mme si au dbut lACIN se proposait de devenir une structure rserve aux
forces cratives de la cinmatographie, avec le temps cette ide a t abandonne,
puisque pour devenir une union il fallait avoir un nombre plus grand de membres.
Aprs lAssemble gnrale de 1974, a t dcide lacceptation de tous les professionnels
du cinma. Le moment tait favorable lentre dans lassociation dune vague de
jeunes surnomme la gnration 1970.36 Nanmoins, les admissions sont stoppes
une anne plus tard. Cette dcision tait motive par la crainte de la diminution du
prestige et des ressources financires de lassociation. 37 lpoque on remet sur le
tapis les difficults des ralisateurs passs du statut de salari celui de contractuel
et lurgence de leur ralliement une union des cinastes, qui leur offrirait une
protection juridique et conomique adquate. cette occasion on discute galement
de lurgence dadopter une loi de la cinmatographie qui rglemente son
organisation dans son ensemble, ainsi que le souhait davoir une publication propre.
LAssemble gnrale prvue pour 1977 na finalement plus eu lieu et tous les
changements imagins pour ce moment sont rests au stade de dolances. Une possible
explication de cet chec peut tre recherche dans les tourments traverss par le rgime
ce moment-l, le tremblement de terre qui a dvast le pays au mois de mars, les
critiques adresses publiquement au rgime par Paul Goma,38 une grve des mineurs
en aot.39 Dans une telle conjoncture, suivie dun durcissement du contrle politique,
la non-convocation dune Assemble gnrale peut tre perue comme une mesure
danticipation visant empcher lmergence dun movement de contestation.40
36 Dont faisaient partie des ralisateurs comme Dan Pia, Mircea Veroiu, Alexandru Tatos ou
Mircea Daneliuc.
37 Une politique darrt de nouvelles admissions est applique par lUnion des crivains
partir des annes 1970, voir Dragomir, lUnion des crivains, 172. Des discussions similaires
se portent dans le cadre de lUAP, mais il est difficile de dire quel moment une telle
politique sera effectivement applique.
38 Lcrivain Paul Goma exprime sa solidarit avec la Charte 77 et demande le respect des
droits de lhomme dans une lettre adresse au pays de lOrganisation pour la Scurit et la
Coopration en Europe. Il sera arrt pour ces agissements et aprs sa libration, la mme
anne, il sexilera Paris.
39 Les mineurs de la Valle du Jiu ont dclench une grve pour protester contre les conditions
difficiles de travail.
40 Cette hypothse a t notamment mentionne par Ioana Popescu, membre de lACIN, dans
le cadre dune interview ralise en 2011.
49
ALINA POPESCU
Conformment au statut adopt en 1950, lUAP sest constitue en tant

quorganisation des peintres, des sculpteurs, des artistes dcorateurs, des critiques et
des historiens de lart. Dans les statuts adopts en 1973, en plus de ces catgories
professionnelles, lUnion se dfinit galement en tant quorganisation des
graphiciens, des scnographes et des designers. En 1950, ladmission des membres se
faisait sur la base dune demande prcisant lactivit artistique et sociale. Ce critre,
assez vague, a rendu possible un tri des admissions sur critres politiques. La
structure de lUAP sest ramifie au fur et mesure que la base des membres a
augment. Progressivement, les critres dadmission sont devenus de plus en plus
exigeants. Par exemple, le statut de 1978 stipule le fait que les membres devaient
possder un diplme denseignement suprieur dans le domaine artistique,
prsenter des recommandations en vue de ladmission et avoir un comportement
conforme au code de lthique et de lquit socialiste.41
Concernant lorganisation de lUAP, tout comme dans le cas de lACIN,
lorgane de direction est la confrence (ou le congrs), organise tous les trois ou
quatre ans. Dans ce cadre on pouvait changer les statuts et renouveler lquipe
dirigeante. Entre deux rassemblements, lUAP tait dirige par un comit assez
nombreux, variant entre peu prs trente membres dans les annes 1950 et presque
cent membres dans les annes 1970. son tour, ce comit choisissait un Bureau
excutif, dont faisaient partie un prsident honorifique, le prsident du comit de
direction, trois cinq secrtaires et des membres simples. Le Bureau dcidait la
cration de nouvelles sections, validait les propositions de dpart ltranger, faisait
des recommandations concernant lorganisation des expositions dans le pays et
ltranger, nommait des commissaires dexpositions et autres. LUAP disposait
galement de commissions comptentes dans diverses affaires de la vie interne de
linstitution, comme par exemple, une commission de guidage dans la peinture, sur
le parcours des annes 1950, charge de guider la ralisation dun point de vue
technique, idologique ou esthtique, dvaluer le rsultat et de proposer lartiste
pour lobtention dun prt pour la cration.
LUAP tait galement organise sur la base de sections de cration, de filiales
territoriales et de cercles de cration (appels cenacluri). La filiale de Bucarest, la
plus importante, avait des sections de sculpture, de peinture, de graphique, darts
41 Il sagit dun document adopt en 1974, lors du XIme Congrs du PCR, nomm le Code
des principes, des normes du travail et de la vie des communistes, de lthique et de lquit
socialiste. Ce document devait orienter le comportement des membres du parti. Voir:
Codul principiilor i normelor muncii i vieii comunitilor, ale eticii i echitii socialiste (Bucarest:
Editura Politic, 1974).
50
dcoratifs, de scnographie, de critique dart. Dans les villes moins importantes, o il

ny avait pas de filiales, il tait possible dorganiser des cercles de cration mme
pour un nombre trs restreint de personnes. Cela montre la volont de lUAP de se
prsenter comme une institution reprsentative pour tous les artistes du pays, la
diffrence du Syndicat des beaux-arts, considr au moment de sa suppression
comme une structure reprsentant lintrt dune catgorie limite dartistes. En plus
de cette ramification territoriale, lUAP disposait dun rseau de studios pour les
artistes, de galeries et despaces commerciaux.
Labsence de filiales locales de lACIN a men une plus grande proximit
avec le pouvoir et la cration dun micro-univers professionnel conflictuel, divis
entre groupes et gnrations, se trouvant en comptition pour diverses ressources et
avantages 42 et exprimant des options esthtiques et des affinits personnelles
divergentes. Ceci semble avoir rendu difficile la construction dintrts communs.
un autre niveau, si lUAP disposait de filiales dans le territoire cela ne se traduisait
pas pour autant en une vie interne plus harmonieuse, la province se trouvant
souvent dsavantage par rapport au centre. Par exemple, les membres de la capitale
profitaient plus souvent des dparts ltranger et de bourses, ce qui a conduit
lintroduction dans les annes 1980 dun ratio pour corriger ce dsquilibre. De
mme, une analyse des revenus raliss par les artistes en 1970 rvle le fait que le
revenu moyen mensuel net dun artiste a t de deux mille lei,43 mais certains artistes
ralisaient des revenus beaucoup plus levs que dautres. Ainsi, un rapport44 qui
recense les revenus raliss par les membres de lUAP et dpassant les 100.000 lei, le
sculpteur Oscar Han45 apparat avec la somme de 820.500, gain ralis en 1969 grce
une commande dart monumental.46 Plus gnralement, les revenus levs taient
42 La comptition pour les ressources dans une conomie de pnurie est observe par
Catherine Verdery propos des luttes pour le pouvoir des crivains roumains dans
Socialismul ce a fost i ce urmeaz, (Bucarest: Institutul European, 2003).
43 Evoluia veniturilor artitilor plastici, Dossier 127/1970, Fonds UAP, ANIC, Bucarest, 46-5.
44 Situaia nominal a artitilor cu ncasari peste 100 000 lei, Dossier 127/1970, Fonds UAP,
ANIC, Bucarest, 43-5.
45 Oscar Han (1891-1976), sculpteur, a t rcompens avec plusieurs prix pour son activit,
dont Maestru emerit al artei (Matre mrite de lart) en 1964 et Ordinul Steaua RSR cls. I
(lOrdre lEtoile de la RSR, Ire classe) en 1972. Pour plus de dtails sur sa biographie, voir
Ioana Vlasiu, eds., Dicionarul sculptorilor din Romnia. Secolele XIX-XX, vol. 2
(Bucarest: Editura Academiei Romane, 2011), 17-19, dernier accs le 12 dcembre 2016,
http://ow.ly/44XL308esNg.
46 Lingalit daccs aux logements, aux voyages ltranger ou aux expositions est
galement voque par Magda Radu dans UAP ntre sisteme: contradicii, diviziuni i
cezuri, IDEA art+societate/arts+society 48(2015):7.
51
ALINA POPESCU
raliss par les peintres, les sculpteurs et les graphiciens. La plupart dentre eux
appartenaient la filiale de Bucarest.47
Au dbut des annes 1950, lUAP comptait peu prs 500 membres. En 1968, la
filiale de Bucarest comptait 786 membres, stagiaires compris, dont les plus nombreux
taient les peintres (294), les graphiciens (169) et les sculpteurs (128). En province, il y
avait 309 membres et 127 stagiaires. Au total, lUAP comptait 1221 membres.48 Leur
nombre augmente lentement et en 1980, Bucarest, se trouvaient 978 membres et
stagiaires, tandis quen province ils taient 564. Le nombre total des membres tait
donc de 1542.49 Il est surprenant que ce nombre ne soit pas beaucoup plus lev que
celui observ dans lACIN. Sous cet angle lajournement de la transformation de
celle-ci en une Union est dautant plus difficile comprendre, surtout que largument du
nombre et de la diversit des occupations tait une des conditions de cette transformation.
On pourrait sattendre ce que la similitude constate en ce qui concerne la
parit du nombre des membres de lACIN et de lUAP se retrouve galement au
niveau des ressources des deux structures. Dans le cas de lACIN, celle-ci a reu des
financements de ltat de 1963 1965 et russit constamment remplir ses objectifs
conomiques. En 1963, ses revenus taient de 110863 lei et les dpenses slevaient
62.500 lei; un an plus tard, ceux-ci saccroissent considrablement, atteignant
respectivement 669219 lei et 360.713 lei.50 En 1976, le budget total ACIN tait de
7.000.000 lei.51 La source principale des revenus tait les cotisations des membres, un
pourcentage prlev sur les droits dauteur et les activits lucratives propres,
principalement lies ldition ou lorganisation de projections de films. Quant aux
dpenses, les plus importantes taient lies aux salaires et aux activits ddition. Ces
dernires consistaient dans la publication et la vente de livres et de photos de
vedettes locales et internationales. La commercialisation des photos, surtout,
apportait des revenus considrables lACIN.
Un fonds cinmatographique, constitu en 1975, collectait un pourcentage de la
rmunration de base verse aux scnaristes et aux ralisateurs et leur offrait ensuite
des aides financires en cas de difficults financires, par exemple pendant la priode
o ils ne bnficient pas de contrats de travail. Par rapport lUnion des crivains,
qui dpendait dans une plus grande mesure des aides financires de ltat, cause de
47 Analiza veniturior artitilor plastici, membri U.A.P, cu ncasari nette peste 100.000 lei,
Dossier 127/1970, Fonds UAP, ANIC, Bucarest, 41-2.
48 Voir le Dossier 5/1966, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucarest, 1.
49 Voir le Dossier Membri UAP 1981-1984, Archives du Combinat du Fonds des Arts
Plastiques (ACFP), Bucarest.
50 Dare de seam asupra Activitii , AUCIN.
51 edina Consiliului ACIN, 17. dec. 1976, AUCIN, 2.
52
son activit ddition tendue,52 lACIN a russi maintenir son budget en quilibre,
voire pargner. Pourtant, lassociation na pas russi obtenir lautorisation de
ralisation dune publication propre de spcialit ou la constitution dun fonds en
devises trangres. Dans les annes 1980, les autorits interdisent mme lutilisation
des sommes pargnes. Il en rsulte que de telles structures se trouvaient non
seulement sous tutelle politique, mais aussi sous dpendance conomique.
Dans le cas de lUAP, conformment aux statuts adopts successivement, les
revenus pouvaient tre des taxes dinscription, des cotisations des membres, des
subventions accordes par ltat et autres associations, des taxes sur les uvres
ralises par les membres, des revenus produits par la valorisation des biens de
lUnion. LActivit du Fonds des arts plastiques (Fondul Plastic), 53 organe
conomique de lUAP, permettait loctroi daides financires pour la cration, daides
sociales, la construction de studios, le financement des activits de documentation, la
construction dateliers de production, le financement de maisons de repos, de
bibliothques, de cantines, de jardins denfants, la ralisation dexpositions, la
gestion de droits dauteur, etc. Les revenus du Fonds pouvaient tre obtenus des
cotisations des membres, des taxes sur les uvres, des sommes accordes par ltat
ou des revenus raliss par les entreprises propres. Le Fonds avait ses propres
membres, qui ne faisaient pas partie de lUAP, tandis que les membres de lUAP
taient automatiquement membres du Fonds. Un Combinat du Fonds des arts
plastiques (Combinatul Fondului Plastic) renforait la production artistique par la
production de matriaux ncessaires la ralisation des uvres et par la mise
disposition de techniciens et douvriers.
En ce qui concerne la structure du budget, un projet pour lanne 1962 montre
que les revenus de lUAP taient estims 338.168 lei. La partie la plus importante
152.000 lei, presque la moiti des revenus - provenait de la vente de la revue de
lUAP Arta Plastic (LArt Plastique) ensuite de cotisations, des taxes dinscription,
de la location despaces et autres revenus. LUAP jouissait aussi dune subvention de
1400000 lei de la part du Ministre de la Culture. 54 La somme prvue pour les
dpenses tait de 2.000.000 lei. Presque la moiti de cette somme allait vers les
salaires des employs. Dautres sommes taient prvues pour la rception dhtes
52 Pour une analyse du budget de lUnion des crivains voir Ioana Macrea-Toma, Privilighenia.
Instituii literare n comunismul romnesc (Cluj-Napoca: Casa Crii de tiin, 2009), 59.
53 Celui-ci existait depuis 1949, sous la tutelle du Ministre des Arts. Ses attributions ont t
redfinies en 1954.
54 Nous lappelons Ministre de la Culture pour simplifier, mais il porte des noms diffrents
au fils du temps; par exemple, de 1971 1989 il sappelle le Conseil pour la Culture et
lducation Socialiste (CCES).
53
ALINA POPESCU
provenant de ltranger, pour les dplacements nationaux ou internationaux, pour

lentretien des locaux, pour des abonnements de presse et lachat de livres pour la
bibliothque ou pour des activits de documentation.
Quant aux revenus du Fonds des arts plastiques, ceux-ci taient de 4.300.000 lei
et allaient en totalit vers le soutien financier de la cration, vers les aides sociales et
vers dautres dpenses administratives.55 En 1970,56 les revenus de lUAP slevaient
28.000.000 lei, dont 1.200.000 taient obtenus de revenus propres, 3.800.000
provenaient des subventions de la part du Ministre de la Culture et 23.000.000 du
Fonds des arts plastiques. Les encaissements pour la vente du magazine (rebaptis)
Arta reprsentent toujours la partie la plus importante des revenus propres (450.000 lei).
En ce qui concerne les dpenses, elles taient gales aux revenus planifis pour 1970.
Le budget du Fonds y tant intgr, les dpenses visaient autant loctroi des aides
financires pour la cration, des investissements, que le paiement des salaires des
employs de lUAP.
Ce micro-univers conomique, qui incluait la production de matriaux, la
commercialisation de produits artistiques par le biais de galeries propres, le systme
de commandes dtat, 57 sest avr trs profitable pour lUAP et a contribu
maintenir un train de vie lev pour ses membres. 58 Dans le cas des cinastes, en
revanche, les commandes (les contrats pour des films) taient gres par dautres
institutions, notamment par les Maisons de film. Linfluence de lACIN sur ces
commandes tant limite, on peut supposer que cela a eu des consquences
ngatives en termes dinvestissement des membres dans la vie de lassociation.
55 Referat, Dossier 31/1961, Fonds UAP, ANIC, Bucarest, 123-7.

56 Planul de venituri al Uniunii Artitilor Plastici pe anul 1970, Dossier 19/1967, Fonds UAP,
ANIC, 2 et Planul de cheltuieli al UAP pe anul 1970, Dossier 19/1967, Fonds UAP, ANIC,
Bucarest, 3-4.
57 Dans ce systme, les membres de lUAP recevaient des commandes de la part de diverses
institutions et entreprises dtat. Pour une analyse du fonctionnement conomique de
lUnion des artistes, voir Semenoff-Tian-Chansky, Le pinceau, la faucille et le marteau, pour le cas
sovitique, et Bazin, Ralisme et galit, pour le cas de la Rpublique dmocratique allemande.
58 En voquant les bnfices gnrs par un tel systme, Petru Lucaci, le prsident actuel de
lUAP, considre que lunion des artistes a fonctionn comme une organisation capitaliste
dans un systme communiste. Voir: Interviu cu Petru Lucaci, preedintele Uniunii
Artitilor Plastici din Romnia. Discuie condus de Raluca Voinea i Igor Mocanu, IDEA
art+societate/ arts+society 48(2015): 10.
54
Des institutions pour les forces cratives et professionnelles

dans lart et la cinmatographie
tre cinaste ou artiste professionnels dans la priode communiste est une identit
qui a revtu des sens variables dans le temps. Ce statut sest dfini lintersection de
la mission trace par les autorits politiques, notamment par Nicolae Ceauescu, des
contraintes imposes par les autorits administratives, notamment par le Ministre
de la Culture, par la spcificit de lindustrie ou de lconomie, base plutt sur des
commandes dtat que sur la validation par un public consommateur. Les unions y
ont contribu en confrant une reconnaissance officielle du statut de professionnel et
de la dimension crative de ces occupations, en tablissant des hirarchies de
prestige et des frontires entre les professionnels et les amateurs ou les marginaux,
entre les titulaires, les stagiaires et les aspirants, entre les plus ou moins mritants
pour occuper le statut de membre.
La reconnaissance du statut de professionnel se faisait tout dabord par la
rgularisation de laccs des membres, par limposition dune distinction entre
occupations artistiques et techniques. Dans le cas de lACIN, celle-ci sest voulue tout
dabord une organisation des crateurs, cest--dire des ralisateurs et des
scnaristes. travers les dcennies, la fonction remplie par le ralisateur na pas eu la
mme importance. Au cours des annes 1950, les ralisateurs dploraient le fait quils
taient traits plutt comme des techniciens qui transposent un scnario en images et
que les films se trouvaient la merci des non-spcialites responsables de la
cinmatographie. Une reconnaissance officielle du caractre cratif de cette
occupation se produit au milieu des annes 1960, avec larrive de Nicolae Ceauescu
au pouvoir. lpoque il semble se produire un changement de vision sur la
cinmatographie, marqu par des dbats lis la comptence, au talent, au prestige,
des cinastes et des bureaucrates galement, la motivation financire des
ralisateurs.59 En absence dune loi de la cinmatographie, qui transpose en principes
et en pratiques de tels aspects, il revenait lACIN de modeler lthos professionnel
et de dfendre les droits des cinastes.
La professionnalisation signifie que lACIN et lUAP se proposaient de faire
des efforts dans la formation des membres et dlever la qualit de lart et de la
59 lpoque on discute dune rvaluation de la rmunration des ralisateurs, pays

jusqualors avec un salaire fixe, la diffrence des scnaristes et des compositeurs, qui
bnficiaient dintressements sur la vente de billets de cinma. De telles proccupations
sont exprimes dans le cadre de plusieurs rencontres entre les cinastes et les reprsentants
politiques et administratifs sur le parcours des anne 1960. Voir les Dossiers 67/1966,
88/1968, 106/1968, Fonds CC du PCR. Section Chancellerie, ANIC, Bucarest.
55
ALINA POPESCU
cinmatographie, en assurant un espace dinteraction et de dialogue et en participant

ainsi la dfinition dune vision commune de la cinmatographie et de lart du
rgime communiste. Si, pendant les premires annes aprs sa constitution, les
cinastes taient contraints par le truchement de documents et de discours lutter
avec les influences bourgeoises et adopter les positions du ralisme socialiste, aprs
larrive de Nicolae Ceauescu au pouvoir, le ton sest adouci. Les cinastes taient
encourags faire des films dactualit, inspirs de la ralit socialiste. LACIN est
notamment le lieu o lon chercheait tablir un consensus sur la manire de
reprsenter cette ralit lcran.60
Former un sens partag de la culture professionnelle et une cinmatographie
de qualit impliquait de mobiliser les cinastes dans la perspective de raliser la
politique culturelle du PC et lducation du got cinmatographique du public. Dans
ce sens, les membres de lassociation taient tenus de participer des projections et
des dbats avec le public dans les usines, les villages, dans le cadre des cinclubs.
Avec de telles pratiques, on aspirait non seulement raliser une ducation
cinmatographique, mais constituer un public rceptif, de manire homogne, au
message politique des films.
Les principales activits ddies la professionnalisation des membres taient
dans le cas de lACIN les projections de films, leur analyse et celle des scnarios, ou
les dbats plus thoriques. Les projections de films connaissaient un succs certain,
dans la mesure o les membres pouvaient voir des films inaccessibles dautres. Les
dbats portaient sur les principaux problmes lis la cration ou lindustrie, aux
volutions sur le plan politique et international. Dautres discussions techniques
avaient lieu entre les ralisateurs, les critiques de film et les scnaristes, pour valuer
de nouveaux scnarios et les premires. Les critiques de film ou les oprateurs les
trouvaient instructives, puisquelles formaient une opportunit pour mettre en
valeur les capacits danalyse et avoir accs au savoir-faire des collgues. Les
ralisateurs, en revanche, les trouvaient inutiles, dautant plus que cela donnait
loccasion aux paires de se transformer en critiques-censeurs. La pratique des
discussions, que les autorits se sont efforces dintroduire depuis les annes 1950,
na pas connu de succs particulier ni dans le cadre des studios ni dans le cadre de
lACIN, probablement parce que cela ne remplaait pas les responsabilits dautres
institutions en matire de contrle des films et des scnarios.
60 Voir le document Dare de seam asupra Asociaiei Cineatilor din RPR de la nfiinare i
pn n prezent, (1965), AUCIN, Bucarest. Il ressort de ce compte-rendu que celle-ci se
proposait notamment de contribuer la formation dune cole nationale de film.
56
LUAP se fixait des objectifs de professionnalisation et dducation similaires.

Le contexte historique diffrent, o celle-ci sest constitue, ainsi que la spcificit de
la profession ont imprim nanmoins quelques diffrences au niveau des activits
envisages dans cette optique. LUAP avait pris naissance dans une priode o la
nationalisation avait dj eu lieu, o des purations menaaient divers domaines de
la vie culturelle et o le premier plan quinquennal ft lanc. Ce contexte demandait
une mobilisation politique intense des artistes pour la ralisation des objectifs
immdiats du nouveau rgime. Tout comme dans le cas de lACIN, conformment
au statut de 1950, lUAP se proposait de reprsenter les artistes dans leur rapport
dautres institutions, doffir un cadre pour discuter des problmes de la cration, la
formation technique, lamlioration des conditions de travail et de diffusion des
uvres, ltablissement des contacts avec ltranger, lducation des travailleurs et
des artistes. Au cours des annes 1950, des commissions de guidage devaient aider
les artistes se familiariser avec les principes du ralisme socialiste. Des cercles
dtudes ont t galement mis en place pour permettre dacqurir les principes du
marxisme-lninisme, tandis que dans le cadre des ateliers collectifs on amliorait sa
technique de travail et sa vision artistique grce lautocritique et la critique du
collectif. Ces formes dducation collective et sur le tas disparatront plus tard et la
formation sera envisage sous dautres formes, plus professionnelles, par exemple
dans le cadre des camps de cration (de sculpture). Dautres activits par lesquelles
lUAP assurait sa mission ducative vis--vis des artistes et du public large taient les
confrences, les visites documentaires, les visites aux expositions, les rencontres avec
des travailleurs.
En utilisant des pratiques comme les discussions, lACIN et lUAP ont fonctionn
dans une certaine mesure comme des structures de contrle, imposant des standards
de comportement public leurs membres ou en crant un cadre propice une
censure exerce par les paires. Elles ont reprsent en mme temps des cadres de
socialisation professionnelle, 61 des arnes de dbats, o lon donnait voix aux
proccupations lies au travail dans le cinma ou dans lart, parfois avec une libert
de parole qui ntait pas autorise ailleurs. Les deux structures fonctionnaient comme
des porte-voix de leurs membres vis--vis des reprsentants politiques et dautres
institutions et comme des relayeurs de consignes politiques. Elles fonctionnaient en
mme temps comme des autorits interprtatives des normes esthtiques. Le rle
tendu jou par ces structures, aspirant sexprimer sur tous les aspects lis au
61 John et Carol Garrand parlent dun sens de la communaut cr par ces institutions, voir
Garrand, Inside the Soviet Writerss Union, xii.
57
ALINA POPESCU
domaine culturel respectif, mme si elles ne regroupaient quune partie des

travailleurs cultures, est caractris par Kirill Tomoff de monopole sur lexpertise.62
Cette expertise laissait une marge de manuvre dans les rapports avec dautres
institutions et avec le PC. La prsence du dernier se faisait ressentir plusieurs
niveaux: dans le cadre de lUAP et de lACIN il existait une organisation du parti,
responsable entre autres du maintien du contact avec ceux qui ntaient pas des
membres du parti; des reprsentants de haut niveau du PC participaient diverses
rencontres avec les cinastes et les artistes, et lactivit institutionnelle se droulait
selon un plan dactivit pli sur lagenda politique. Il ressort du moment de fondation
des deux institutions que le contexte politique et la dpendance au pouvoir politique
ont eu une influence considrable sur la vie institutionnelle et sur la stabilit
professionnelle. Cet aspect est important souligner, car, comme lont dj remarqu
dautres chercheurs, la relation avec le pouvoir politique ntait pas ouvertement
assume par ces institutions, qui se voulaient surtout des structures professionnelles.
Comme lobserve Tomoff propos de lUnion des compositeurs sovitiques,
les autorits politiques avaient besoin de cette expertise pour lgitimer leurs
dcisions dans la sphre culturelle,63 mais, comme nous lavons dj mentionn, les
unions ne fonctionnaient pas forcment comme un bouclier contre les diverses
immixtions. LACIN et lUAP, pour leur part, ont cherch constamment augmenter
le pouvoir de dcision des cinastes/artistes dans diffrentes commissions et
structures administratives et tatiques. LACIN a revendiqu, par exemple, une
implication dans llaboration du plan des scnarios et la participation des cinastes
dans diffrentes commissions de visionnage des films, tandis que lUAP a russi
initier son propre compte des contacts avec ltranger et soutenir financirement
lorganisation dexpositions, dpassant ainsi limmobilisme du Ministre de la
Culture. Cependant, lexistence dun paralllisme institutionnel, comme la supervision
constante de la part de ce ministre et lexistence dune conflictualit interne, que ce
soit par rapport au langage artistique ou aux stratgies de ngociation avec le pouvoir
politique, a transform les initiatives de ce type en quelque chose de superflu.
Dans le cas des cinastes, les documents darchives et les interviews indiquent
que lACIN na pas russi acqurir lautonomie dsire par les artisans du projet de
1956, et na pas non plus cr une solidarit parmi ses membres. Le fait quaucune
Assemble gnrale nait eu lieu depuis 1974 a men une accumulation progressive
des frustrations, tel point quau dbut des annes 1980 un groupe de cinastes, dont
plusieurs de la gnration 1970, a dcid doutrepasser lautorit du Conseil afin
62 Kiril Tomoff, Creative Union, 2, 96.

63 Ibid.
58
dexposer certains problmes directement Nicolae Ceauescu. Lesprit de leurs

revendications semble nanmoins diffrent de celui qui animait le projet dUnion des
crateurs de film en 1956, puisquil tait li cette fois-ci laccumulation de problmes
conomiques et au renforcement de lautorit des structures administratives et
politiques: le manque de pellicule, les petits budgets pour les tournages, la censure,
les privilges discrtionnaires dont bnficiaient certains, y compris des membres de
la direction, le dialogue insatisfaisant avec certaines institutions, comme le Ministre
de la Culture. Ces problmes ont t ignors, et cest probablement pourquoi la fin
des annes 1980 lACIN tait vue par de plus en plus de membres comme une
machine bureaucratique, incapable de dfendre leurs intrts.64
Pour une sociohistoire des institutions de la priode communiste
Sans avoir lambition dune comparaison systmatique et respectant finement la

chronologie de lACIN et lUAP, le parallle entre ces structures qui ont contribu de
manire fondamentale la mise en place dune politique culturelle, dans le cinma
ou dans lart, plaide pour lintrt dinvestiguer plus en profondeur la sociohistoire
institutionnelle. Une comparaison entre les unions professionnelles et pour la
cration, autant sur le plan national quinternational, semble dautant plus ncessaire
quelles ont survcu au rgime communiste et fonctionnent toujours, permettant
laccs une mmoire institutionnelle, politique et culturelle commune, encore
insuffisamment tudie.
Les tudes monographiques disponibles jusqu prsent sur ce type
dinstitutions, dont la majorit documente partiellement leur fonctionnement,
prdisposent leur comprhension sous langle de lexceptionnalit, or la
comparaison de lUAP et de lACIN montre quil sagit de structures prsentant une
organisation et un fonctionnement similaires. Les diffrences semblent trouver leur
origine dans le contexte de leur constitution et dans les particularits du domaine
professionnel o elles fonctionnent. De mme, lide dune transplantation du
modle sovitique dans la vie culturelle de la Roumanie communiste, vhicule par
beaucoup dhistoriens et plie sur lide dune communisation force, peut tre
nuance grce aux exemples analyss dans cet article.
64 Ces informations sont consignes dans plusieurs dossiers de la Securitate, notamment dans
les dossiers de surveillance des ralisateurs Mircea Daneliuc et Sergiu Nicolaescu: Dossiers I
903, I 904, I 372 et I 380, Fonds Informatif, Archives du Conseil National pour lEtude des
Archives de la Securitate (ACNSAS), Bucarest.
59
ALINA POPESCU
Sans pouvoir contredire le fait quun modle sovitique aurait inspir la mise
en place dunions professionnelles et cratives dans plusieurs pays du bloc, parmi
lesquels la Roumanie, et sans toutefois disposer de suffisamment dinformations
pour comprendre linternalisation concrte ce modle, lexemple des artistes,
constitus plus tt en union que leurs confrres sovitiques, plaide pour une analyse
plus approfondie de la manire dont les modles institutionnels et culturels ont
circul dans le cadre du bloc de lEst. En outre, comme le montre lexemple de
lACIN, le contexte politique de la fondation et la solidit du groupement
professionnel sont dautres facteurs prendre en compte avant de supposer une
transposition lidentique dun modle sovitique.
Choisir la perspective dune sociohistoire institutionnelle permet de dpasser
lopposition entre les artistes/cinastes et le pouvoir politique et de montrer que les
unions ont faonn autant lidentit professionnelle que la production cinmatographique
et artistique. Celles-ci se sont constitues lintersection de ngociations entre
gnrations, options esthtiques, intrts conomiques, besoins sociaux diffrents et
en tension avec des facteurs politiques ou administratifs. Comme le fait remarquer
Kiril Tomoff, 65 la constitution et la coagulation sous tension de groupements
professionnels nest pas spcifique aux rgimes communistes, puisque toutes les
professions se constituent dans une comptition entre des groupes cherchant
imposer leur vision de la profession. En mme temps, on ne peut pas ignorer la
constance et le poids du contrle politique dans le cas des unions constitues lEst
et du monopole que celles-ci ont eu sur la dfinition des professions et des
professionnels. cause de ce double rle, de reprsentation des intrts dun corps
professionnel et de courroie de transmission politique, les unions semblent avoir
fonctionn plus comme des ngociateurs entre les cinastes/les artistes et les autorits
politiques et administratives, que comme des structures contestataires ou revendicatives.
LISTE DES REFERENCES
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60
rtributions de plus de 100.000 lei). Dossier 127/1970. Fonds UAP. Bucarest:

Archives Nationales Historiques Centrales (ANIC).
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RPR de sa cration jusquau prsent). Bucarest: Archives de lUnion des
Cinastes de Roumanie (AUCIN).
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Combinat du Fonds pour les arts plastiques (ACFP).
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Conseil National pour lEtude des Archives de la Securitate (ACNSAS).
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Bucarest: (ANIC).
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plasticiens). Dossier 127/1970. Fonds UAP, Bucarest: (ANIC).
Informaie privind organizarea Uniunii creatorilor de film i a fondului Cinematografic
(Information concernant lorganisation de lUnion des crateurs de films et du
fonds Cinmatographique). Dossier 22/1956. Fonds CC du PCR, Section Propagande
et Agitation. Bucarest: (ANIC).
Materiale din anii 1963-1964 (Materiaux des annes 1963-4). (AUCIN).
Planul de cheltuieli al UAP pe anul 1970 (Plan de dpenses de lUAP pour lanne
1970). Dossier 19/1967. Fonds UAP. Bucarest: Archives Nationales Historiques
Centrales (ANIC).
Planul de venituri al Uniunii Artitilor Plastici pe anul 1970 (Plan des revenus de
lUAP pour lanne 1970). Dossier 19/1967. Fonds UAP. Bucarest: (ANIC).
Referat (Essai). Dossier 31/1961. Fonds UAP. Bucarest: (ANIC).
Situaia nominal a artitilor cu ncasari peste 100 000 lei (Situation nominale des
artistes avec des encaissements de plus de 100 000 lei). Dossier 127/1970. Fonds
UAP. Bucarest: (ANIC).
Statutul Asociaiei Cineatilor din RPR (1950) (Statut de lAssociation des cinastes
de RPR). Bucarest: (AUCIN).
Statutul Asociaiei Cineatilor din RSR, 1974 (Statut de lAssociation des cinastes
de RSR). Bucarest: (AUCIN).
edina Consiliului ACIN, 17. dec. 1976 (Sance du Conseil ACIN). Bucarest: (AUCIN).
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ALINA POPESCU
Interviews
Popescu, Ioana. Interview ralise par lauteur. Enregistrement audio. Bucarest,

10 septembre 2011.
Mihilescu, Florin. Interview ralise par lauteur. Enregistrement audio. Bucarest,
15 octobre 2011.
Daneliuc, Mircea. Interview ralise par lauteur. Enregistrement audio. Bucarest,
29 avril 2012.
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Bazin, Jrme. Ralisme et galit. Une histoire sociale des arts en Rpublique Dmocratique
Allemande (1949-1990). Dijon: Les Presses du rel, 2015.
Crneci, Magda. Artele plastice n Romnia 1945-1989. Cu o addenda 1990-2010. (Arts
plastiques en Roumanie 1945-1989 Avec une addenda 1990-2010) Iai:
Polirom, 2013.
Codul principiilor i normelor muncii i vieii comunitilor, ale eticii i echitii socialiste (Le
code des principes et des normes de travail et de la vie communiste, de
lthique et de lquit socialiste). Bucarest: Editura Politic, 1974.
Darmon, Clara. LUnion des Cinastes. La condition des agents du cinma en URSS
et en Russie, 1957-2007. PhD diss., Sorbonne Nouvelle - Paris 3 University, 2013.
Dragomir, Lucia. LUnion des crivains. Une institution transnationale lEst: lexemple
roumain. Paris: Belin, 2007.
Drghia, Dan, Dumitru Lctuu, Alina Popescu, Caterina Preda, Cristina Stoenescu, (eds.).
Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din Romnia n documente de arhiv (LUnion des Artistes
Plasticiens dans des documents darchive). Bucarest: Editura Universitii din
Bucureti, 2016.
Garrand, John, and Carol Garrand,. Inside the Soviet Writerss Union. London/New
York: I.B.Tauris, 1990.
IDEA art+societate/ arts+society. arhiva: Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din Romnia
elemente pentru un studiu de caz/ archive: Romanian Artists Union entries for a case
study, #48, 2015.
Ionescu, Radu. Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din Romnia 1921/1950/2002 (Lunion des
artistes plasticiens de Roumanie 1921/1950/2002). Bucarest: Uniunea Artitilor
Plastici din Romnia, 2003.
Haraszti, Mikls. The Velvet Prison. Artists Under State Socialism. London: I.B. Tauris, 1988.
62
Macrea-Toma, Ioana. Privilighenia. Instituii literare n comunismul romnesc (Les

privilgies. Institutions littraires dans le communisme roumain). Cluj-Napoca:
Casa Crii de tiin, 2009.
Pichon-Bonin, Ccile. Peinture et politique en URSS: litinraire des membres de la Socit
des artistes de chevalet (1917-1941). Dijon: Les presses du rel, 2013.
Popescu, Alina. Les films taient en couleur, mais la ralit tait grise La censure
dans la cinmatographie roumaine sous Nicolae Ceausescu (1965-1989). PhD diss.,
University of Paris Ouest - Nanterre La Dfense, 2015.
Popescu, Alina. The Romanian FilmmakersUnion: Between an Ambiguous Past
and an Uncertain Future. IMAGES. The International Journal of European Film,
Performing Arts and Audiovisual Communication, 20(2012): 93-8.
Rpeanu, Bujor. Cinematografitii (Les cinmatographistes). Bucarest: Meronia, 2013.
Rpeanu, Bujor. Asociaia Cineatilor nainte i dup nfiinarea sa (LAssociation
des cinastes avant et aprs sa fondation). All About Romanian Cinema. Accessed
December 12, 2016, http://ow.ly/ZpsJ308er3P.
Semenoff-Tian-Chansky, Irne. Le pinceau, la faucille et le marteau. Les peintres et le
pouvoir en Union Sovitique de 1953 1989. Paris: Institut dtudes slaves, 1993.
Tomoff, Kiril. Creative Union. The Professional Organisation of Soviet Composers, 1939-1953.
Ithaca & London: Cornell University Press, 2006.
Vasile, Cristian. Cteva reflecii privind evoluia artelor plastice n primul deceniu
comunist, 1945-1953 (Quelques rflexions concernant lvolution des arts
plastiques dans la premire dcennie). Revista Arhivelor, no. 1 (2008): 257-282,
accessed December 15, 2016, http://ow.ly/j6PZ308eqV6 .
Verdery, Katherine. Socialismul ce a fost i ce urmeaz (Le socialisme ques ce que
ctait et ques ce que suit). Bucarest: Institutul European, 2003.
Vlasiu, Ioana, (eds.). Dicionarul sculptorilor din Romnia. Secolele XIX-XX, vol. 2
(Dictionnaire des sculpteurs de Roumanie. Les sicles XIX-XX). Bucarest:
Editura Academiei Romne, 2011.
63
Tovarul artist! Conformism i beneficii n organizarea
profesional a artitilor plastici din Romnia comunist1
DAN DRGHIA
Abstract. This article analyzes the relationship between visual artists and the political regime in
communist Romania from the perspective of the benefits that the latter had as a result of their
compromise with the regime. Using the framework of trade union functions in communist states,
it argues that the visual artists took advantage of the prominent status the regime endowed them
with, to increase their collective and personal influence, as well as their material wellbeing. The
qualitative case study centers on the Fine Arts Trade Union (1945-1950) and its successor, the
Romanian Artists Union (1950-1989), as well as other complementary institutions such as the
Artists Fund. They constituted the official system of fine arts in communist Romania, the only one
allowed by the regime. Through this system the regime elevated the status of the artist to what we
called Comrade artist!, a privileged and special type of worker that received different kinds of
advantages in exchange for completing political orders, as the income of artists was almost
exclusively based on state orders.
Introducere
Studiul de fa analizeaz Uniunea Artitilor Plastici (UAP) din Romnia n timpul

regimului comunist prin prisma laturii sale sindicale, concentrndu-se pe
perspectiva funciei de promovare i aprare a drepturilor artitilor plastici. Acest rol
1 Acest articol reprezint dezvoltarea unei prezentri susinute la conferina internaional The
state artist in Romania and Eastern Europe, organizat pe 5 noiembrie 2016 la Facultatea de
tiine Politice Universitatea din Bucureti. Att conferina, ct i articolul de fa sunt
parte a proiectului UEFISCDI, PN-II-RU-TE-2014-4-0243 De la artistul de stat la artistul
dependent de stat. Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din Romnia (1950-2010) Filiala Bucureti,
finanat prin contractul 206/2015 i implementat la CPES, Universitatea din Bucureti.
DAN DRGHIA
este vizibil n primul rnd prin beneficiile i avantajele pe care le presupunea

calitatea de artist plastic, membru sau nu al Uniunii. Analiza va cuprinde, acolo unde
este cazul, i punerea n relaie a funciei sindicale cu alte obiective mai vizibile ale
Uniunii, precum promovarea i aprarea ideologiei comuniste, principalul beneficiu
oferit de artiti regimului.
O astfel de cercetare este important i necesar prin noutatea demersului analitic
n ceea ce privete UAP, fiind vorba de o abordare care are darul de a completa spectrul
nelegerii unei instituii eseniale pentru propaganda comunist i pentru construirea
societii comuniste. Cazul Uniunii a mai fost cercetat i n studiile dedicate acesteia
apar inclusiv consideraii cu privire la drepturile i beneficiile artitilor plastici, dar
acesta este primul studiu care analizeaz UAP dintr-o perspectiv sindical.
Printre studiile despre artele plastice putem aminti lucrarea Magdei Crneci
care a scris o monografie a artelor plastice din Romnia comunist, analiza sa avnd
n vedere mai ales aspectele de natur ideologic.2 Tot ntr-o perspectiv ideologic,
se situeaz i analiza lui Alice Mocnescu dedicat relaiei dintre puterea politic i
UAP n primii zece ani ai regimului lui Nicolae Ceauescu.3 Cristian Vasile ofer o
descriere pertinent a funcionrii Uniunii, i pe alocuri discut i situaia material a
artitilor, ca parte a unor studii mai ample care privesc cultura i artele n general i
au n vedere n principal perioada regimului Gheorghiu-Dej.4 Nu n ultimul rnd,
Radu Ionescu, din poziia de intim al micrii artistice, ofer o imagine descriptiv,
din interior, a Uniunii n perioada comunist, 5 iar Carmen Rdulescu prezint
controlul politic exercitat de Partidul Comunist din Romnia asupra UAP n primii
ani ai regimului Dej.6 Mai gsim referine semnificative despre artele plastice din
Romnia n perioada comunist la Pavel ugui i, mai specific, la Mihai Pelin. Primul
descrie, oferind uneori detalii interesante, aspecte din viaa cultural n domeniul
artelor plastice, 7 iar cel de-al doilea ofer o imagine a trecerii de la fascism la
2 Magda Crneci, Artele plastice n Romnia 1945-1989 (Iai: Polirom, 2013).

3 Alice Mocnescu, Artists and Political Power: The Functioning of the Romanian Artists
Union during the Ceauescu Era,1965-1975, History of Communism in Europe 2 (2011): 95-122.
4 Cristian Vasile, Literatura i artele n Romnia comunist. 1948-1953 (Bucureti: Humanitas,
2010), 130-171 i Politicile culturale comuniste n timpul lui Gheorghiu-Dej (Bucureti:
Humanitas, 2011), 270-300.
Uniunii Artitilor Plastici din Romnia, 2003).
6 Carmen Rdulescu, Uniunea Artitilor Plastici. ntre control politic i arta neangajat, n
Forme de represiune n regimurile comuniste, editat de Cosmina Budeanc i Florentin Olteanu
(Iai: Polirom, 2008), 248-255.
7 Pavel ugui, Despre lumea cultural-artistic din Romnia secolului al XX-lea, Vol. II, Arte
plastice, Teatru (Bucureti: Fundaia Naional pentru tiin i Art, 2012).
66
Tovarul artist! Conformism i beneficii n organizarea profesional
a artitilor plastici din Romnia comunist
comunism prin intermediul vieii i activitii unor artiti plastici. 8 Toate aceste
abordri vorbesc ntr-un fel sau altul despre controlul din partea regimului, sau
despre compromisul dintre artist i regim, care au fcut din creator ceea ce volumul
de fa numete artist de stat.
Cel de-al doilea motiv pentru a considera analiza de fa necesar este acela c
studiul nostru i propune s explice mecanismul prin care artistul a ajuns s fie de
stat, privind dincolo de renunrile acestuia, la beneficiile care l-au ncurajat s
accepte mai uor tutela regimului. n acest scop vom folosi cteva repere din
literatura analitic asupra sindicalismului, care explic n general conflictul industrial
i, n particular, formele acestuia.
Lsm de o parte multitudinea de teorii secveniale care ncearc s explice
conflictul dintre angajat i patron, subsumndu-le celor dou interpretri majore,
aferente grosso modo capitalismului i socialismului. Pentru capitalism, o definiie
clasic i relativ universal afirm c sindicatul este asocierea muncitorilor salariai
pentru protecia i mbuntirea standardului de via prin lupta cu patronii.9 n cel
de-al doilea caz, pentru etapa pre-socialist, Marx i mai ales Lenin, atribuiau
sindicatelor, dincolo de obiectivele economice pe termen scurt, un pronunat rol
politic, respectiv acela de a obine puterea.10 Dar ce se ntmpl ns cnd muncitorii
ajung, cel puin n teorie, proprietarii mijloacelor de producie, aa cum s-a ntmplat
n Rusia dup 1917 i n Romnia dup 1948? Poate i pentru c n comunism
sindicatele i-au pierdut rolul fundamental, acela de lupt cu patronatul, fiind astfel
analizate din alte perspective, literatura asupra sindicatelor n comunism nu este la
fel de extins i se concentreaz mai ales asupra tranziiei acestor asociaii de la
comunism la capitalism, interesul fiind legat de influena lor n spaiul post-
comunist.11 Romnia nu face excepie de la acest tipar, astfel c n aceast privin
exist cteva lucrri tiinifice care ns nu ajut la nelegerea cazului UAP.12 La
8 Mihai Pelin, Deceniul prbuirilor: 1940-1950. Vieile pictorilor, sculptorilor i arhitecilor romni
ntre legionari i staliniti (Bucureti: Compania, 2005).
9 G.D.H. Cole, A Short History of the British Working Class Movement 1789-1848, Vol. I, (London &
New York: Routledge, 2002), 15.
10 Richard Hyman, Marxism and the Sociology of Trade Unionism (London: Pluto Press, 1971), 4-14.
11 Putem s amintim aici trei titluri mai importante: Alex Pravda, Blair A. Ruble, (eds.), Trade
unions in communist states (Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Sue Davis, Trade Unions in Russia
and Ukraine, 1985-1995 (London: Palgrave, 2001); Sarah Ashwin, Simon, Clarke, Russian
Trade Unions and Industrial Relations in Transition (Basingstoke & New York: Palgrave, 2002).
12 Cele mai consistente referiri la organizarea organizarea sindical din Romnia comunist
gsim la Jacqueline M. i Thomas J. Keil, The State and Labor Conflict in Postrevolutionary
Romania, Radical History Review 82 (2002): 9-36 i n Trade Unions of the World, 6th editin,
(London: John Harper Publishing, 2005), 280-282.
67
DAN DRGHIA
intersecia celor dou arii tematice, artele plastice i sindicalizarea, gsim referine
importante ntr-o lucrare a Irinei Crba-Olaru care mbin istoria instituional a
artitilor plastici n perioada 1945-1953 cu destinele profesionale ale unor artiti.13
Din perspectiv instituional, fr a folosi cadrul teoretic al sindicalismului, ci pe cel
al colectivizrii muncii n statele comuniste, autoarea argumenteaz tot n sensul
unui anumit asociaionism muncitoresc, care avea de fapt scopul de a controla arta i pe
artist, cu beneficii pentru artist, fr ns a-i terge acestuia complet individualitatea.14
Din punct de vedere teoretic, studiul de fa se bazeaz deci pe literatura
tiinific dedicat sindicalismului i pe cele cteva referine care exist despre UAP.
i din aceste cauze, sursele primare, de arhiv, n mare parte inedite, sunt utilizate n
mod extensiv pentru a construi argumentaia. Documentele de arhiv provin n
principal din Fondul Uniunea Artitilor Plastici 1950-1973 de la Arhivele Naionale
Istorice Centrale din Bucureti, dar includ i documente cercetate n premier, aa
cum sunt cele din arhiva Combinatului Fondului Plastic, care acoper, foarte
dezorganizat este drept, ntreaga perioad a existenei UAP, inclusiv dup 1989.
De altfel, cercetnd aceste fonduri arhivistice am observat numrul
disproporionat de mare al cererilor de natur material ale membrilor UAP, n
paralel cu numrul relativ important al beneficiilor de care se bucurau acetia. Toate
acestea ntr-un regim care i reprima pe artiti i, teoretic, nu recunotea
sindicalizarea clasic. Ne-am pus astfel ntrebarea: de ce exista aceast situaie
contrar ideii ncetenite despre reprimarea drepturilor economice n comunism i
care ar putea fi explicaiile sale? O prim explicaie este c schimbarea dinamicii
conflictului industrial n comunism s-a suprapus peste noul profil al artistului n
cadrul regimului, genernd o situaie oarecum privilegiat pentru Uniune i pentru
membrii si, care a constat inclusiv ntr-o inflaie de cereri ale membrilor ctre UAP
i ale Uniunii ctre instituiile superioare de partid i de stat. Cu alte cuvinte, n noua
societate comunist, din postura teoretic de beneficiari direci ai noii organizri
economice, lucrtorii n general i artitii n particular, cu att mai mult cu ct
regimul i-a investit cu un statut important, s-au simit ndreptii s cear
numeroase beneficii pentru munca special pe care o desfurau.
Cercetarea de fa pornete de la analiza instituional a rolului sindical pe care l-a
avut UAP n timpul regimului comunist i de la plasarea acestui rol n cadrul mai larg al
modului n care regimul privea sindicatele. Vom detalia apoi statutul artistului n Romnia
comunist i vom ilustra studiul exemplificnd pleiada de beneficii pe care le puteau
13 Irina Gh. Crba-Olaru, 1945-1953: trasee instituionale i destine politice n arta romneasc
postbelic (Bucureti: Editura Muzeul Literaturii Romne, 2015).
14 Ibid., 21-22.
68
avea artitii dac rspundeau cerinelor regimului. Concluziile vor evalua msura n care
rolul artistului de stat a fost unul privilegiat n raport cu noua dinamic societal.
n loc de Sindicat, Uniune: artitii plastici ntre capitalism i comunism
Pe 23 decembrie 1950, prezidiul Marii Adunri Naionale a Republicii Populare

Romne emitea Decretul nr. 266, prin care Uniunea Artitilor Plastici (UAP) era
recunoscut ca persoan juridic de utilitate public. Prin acelai decret erau
dizolvate Sindicatul Artelor Fumoase (SAF) din Bucureti i Sindicatele mixte de
artiti din provincie, atribuiile acestora fiind preluate de nou nfiinata Uniune.15
Uniunea prelua i patrimoniul Sindicatului printr-un proces verbal ncheiat o
sptmn mai trziu, pe 30 decembrie.16
nfiinat n 1921 la iniiativa lui Arthur Verona, 17 Camil Ressu 18 i Ion
Theodorescu-Sion,19 Sindicatul Artelor Frumoase a reprezentat vreme de peste un
sfert de secol, cu o pauz cauzat de al Doilea Rzboi Mondial, cea mai important
organizaie sindical a artitilor plastici din Romnia. Sindicatul a luptat, uneori cu
succes aa cum o arat casele de odihn i spaiile de creaie, diversele tipuri de
ajutoare furnizate i care includeau abonamente de cltorie etc. , pentru obinerea
de drepturi necesare artitilor, ntr-o perioad n care artistul plastic romn, supus
doar rigorilor pieei libere, nu avea mai deloc beneficii de la stat.20 Restabilit la puin
15 Traseul parcurs de asociaionismul artitilor plastici de la SAF la UAP este prezentat detaliat
n Irina Gh. Crba-Olaru, 1945-1953, 24-38.
16 Dan Drghia, Dumitru Lctuu, Alina Popescu, Caterina Preda, Cristina Stoenescu, (editori),
Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din Romnia n documente de arhiv (Bucureti: Editura Universitii
din Bucureti, 2016), 36-37.
17 Arthur Verona (1867-1946), pictor de origine aromn. Iniiator al Academiei Libere de
Pictur (1919) i profesor la coala superioar de pictur i sculptur bisericeasc (din 1940),
Verona a fost i preedinte al Societii Tinerimea artistic (1910-1921). n 1945 a participat
ca reprezentant al SAF la Congresul USASZ.
18 Camil Ressu (1880-1962), pictor, profesor i membru al Academiei, primul preedinte al SAF
(1921-1923). Cu o carier artistic bogat, dar i o activitate politic apropiat partidelor de
stnga, Ressu a devenit dup 1945 figura de legitimare pentru comuniti n domeniul artelor
plastice, aa cum Sadoveanu a fost n literatur.
19 Ion Thedorescu-Sion (1882-1939), pictor cunoscut mai ales pentru ncercrile lui de a crea o
pictur modern cu influene tradiionale romneti, inclusiv rneti i ortodoxe, lucru
care l-a adus n anii 1930 ntr-o poziie de apropiere fa de micrile de extrem dreapt.
20 Ionescu, Uniunea, 9. Mai multe detalii despre SAF pot fi gsite n Crba -Olaru, 1945-1953,
26-28.
69
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timp dup 23 august 1944 mai ales prin implicarea unor artiti cu vederi de stnga,21 aa
cum a fost H.H. Maxy22 , Sindicatul a fost inclus n Uniunea Sindicatelor de Artiti,
Scriitori i Ziariti (USASZ) nc din august 1945, atunci cnd a avut loc Congresul
acesteia.23 USASZ a reprezentat centralizarea asociaiilor de breasl ale artitilor de orice
fel cu scopul includerii lor, mai departe, n Confederaia General a Muncii (CGM),
creat nc din iunie 1945. 24 Prin intermediul Confederaiei, guvernul pro-comunist
condus de Petru Groza, instalat n martie acelai an, spera s controleze i s influeneze
n avantajul forelor comuniste masa de lucrtori din Romnia, deci i pe artiti.25 De
altfel, mobilizarea politic a muncitorilor la nivel naional a reprezentat una din
metodele prin care comunitii au reuit s se impun la putere nu doar n Romnia,26 pe
care au proclamat-o republic popular la 31 decembrie 194727.
Aceast mobilizare a nsoit i modificat treptat raporturile dintre muncitori i
patronat. ncetul cu ncetul nu au mai existat patroni, ci doar muncitori, acetia din
urm fiind, cel puin n retorica oficial, considerai adevraii deintori ai
mijloacelor de producie. Aa cum spunea Lenin dup succesul Revoluiei din 1917,
pe termen scurt principala funcie a sindicatelor urma s fie pregtirea masei largi a
muncitorilor pentru gestionarea mijloacelor de producie, iar pe termen mediu i
lung se urmrea transformarea acestora n organisme de stat cu funcie de gestiune.28
Astfel, opus rolului protestatar pe care l aveau sindicatele n capitalism, n
comunism principalele funcii ale sindicatelor au devenit cele de management:
ndeplinirea planului, organizarea i creterea productivitii, respectiv distribuirea
beneficiilor sociale. Abia apoi venea i unul dintre vechile roluri fundamentale ale
sindicatului, i anume protecia membrilor si, care n comunism i pierduse din
substan n condiiile n care, teoretic, muncitorii se gestionau pe ei nii. 29 n
21 Vasile, Literatura i artele, 153-154.

22 Max Hermann Maxy (1895-1971), pictor romn, profesor, preedinte al SAF (1945-1950).
Membru al Avangardei interbelice, Maxy a devenit unul dintre cei mai influeni artiti n
comunism, director al Muzeului de Art al Romniei (1949), Artist emerit i deintor al
Ordinului muncii printre altele.
23 Rdulescu, Uniunea Artitilor Plastici., 249.
24 Ionescu, Uniunea, 11.
25 Crba-Olaru, 1945-1953, 31.
26 Keith Hitchins, Scurt istorie a Romniei (Bucureti: Polirom, 2015), 245.
27 A se consulta viziunea lui Lenin despre organizaiile de mas drept curele de transmisie ntre
partid i masa celor ce muncesc. Vladimir Tismneanu, Cristian Vasile, Dorin Dobrincu,
(editori), Comisia Prezidenial pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste din Romnia. Raport final
(Bucureti, 2006), 137. http://ow.ly/KzZn307KbwU, accesat la data de 17 noiembrie 2016.
28 Ashwin et. ali., Russian Trade Unions, 10.
29 Davis, Trade Unions, 34.
70
practic ns, existau puine astfel de cazuri n care muncitorii protestau cu adevrat
pentru drepturile lor, funcia aceasta transformndu-se n acord cu timpurile: muncitorii
nu mai revendicau drepturi pe care le aveau dar nu le erau acordate de ctre patroni,
ca n capitalism, ci solicitau direct beneficiile promise de ctre partid i pe care ar fi
trebuit s le aib n noua lor calitate de edificatori ai societii socialiste. Au devenit
aadar, din greviti, petiionari, cererile i iniiativele lor ajungnd s fie justificate
prin fora lucrurilor, cel puin n proprii ochi.30 n realitatea de zi cu zi a regimului astfel
de beneficii erau de multe ori iluzorii i trebuiau ctigate la fel ca n capitalism, doar
c prin alte metode, variind n funcie de sectorul de activitate i de persoan.
ntrebarea care apare n acest context, este dac artitii plastici pot fi privii
asemenea muncitorului obinuit din oricare alt ramur de producie pentru a le fi
aplicat raionamentul de mai sus? Comunismul a adus fr ndoial o proletarizare a
artistului, i nu doar a celui plastic, dar nu pe aceeai poziie cu a muncitorului din
industrie. Vom detalia aici aspectele care in de proletarizarea artistului, urmnd s
expunem diferenele fa de muncitorul obinuit i specificul artistului plastic, n
seciunea urmtoare care discut statutul artistului n societatea comunist. Mai ales
dup ieirea formal a artitilor plastici din sistemul sindical naional, care s-a
produs odat cu transformarea SAF n UAP, artitii au intrat ntr-o zon de oarecare
autonomie, nici prea aproape, nici prea departe de puterea politic, de unde i-au
putut negocia mai bine poziia n societatea comunist.31
Oficial, noul regim i privea pe artitii plastici drept oameni n cmpul muncii
de creaie, pentru construirea socialismului n Republica noastr, n conformitate cu
articolul 2 din Decizia Consiliului de Minitri nr. 55 din februarie 1949.32 Lucrurile nu
s-au schimbat mult n aceast privin de-a lungul regimului, esena rmnnd
aceeai. Proletarizarea artistului n timpul comunismului a fost o realitate, dovedit
chiar prin existena i activitatea UAP.33 Cele dou funcii de baz ale sindicatelor n
comunism menionate mai sus, planul i productivitatea, sunt omniprezente n
documentele UAP. La nceputul anilor 1950, atunci cnd regimul era deja stabil i
mobilizarea nu mai era aa de important, legtura UAP cu Confederaia Muncii se
manifesta i pe trmul facilitrii de ctre cea din urm a ndeplinirii planului
cincinal al UAP, prin primirea artitilor la documentare n uzine sau organizarea de
30 Pentru situaia artitilor n aceast privin se poate vedea Crba-Olaru, 1945-1953, 30.
31 Jrme Bazin, Ralisme et galit. Une histoire sociale de lart en Rpublique Dmocratique
Allemande (1949-1990) (Paris: Les Presses du rel, 2015), 30 citat de Crba-Olaru, 1945-1953, 34.
32 Greutile ntmpinate de artitii plastici. Material cerut de Urzica, Dosar 6/1951, Fond
UAP, Arhivele Naionale Istorice Centrale (ANIC), 162.
33 Galina Yankovskaya, Rebecca Mitchell, The Economic Dimensions of Art in the Stalinist Era:
Artists' Cooperatives in the Grip of Ideology and the Plan, Slavic Review, 4 (2006): 769-791.
71
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expoziii n marile centre industriale. 34 Totui, documentul are mai degrab

coninutul unei solicitri de natur sindical, pentru c jumtate din punctele expuse
roag practic Confederaia s i ndemne membrii s cumpere art de la UAP.
Confederaia muncii era de altfel cupola sub care se fcea, pentru toi muncitorii din
ar, distribuirea celui mai important beneficiu financiar extra-salarial din timpul
comunismului, ajutorul reciproc (CAR): prin art. 3 al Decretului-lege 358/1949 au fost
desfiinate toate casele de ajutor reciproc existente, patrimoniul i rolul acestora
trecnd n seama CGM. 35 De cealalt parte, cum productivitatea era principalul
mijloc prin care putea fi ndeplinit planul, Uniunea se adresa n decembrie 1952
Comitetului pentru Art de pe lng Consiliul de Minitri cernd explicit msuri
prin care s fie achiziionat de ctre ntreprinderi i instituii de stat surplusul de
lucrri rezultat n urma unei producii prea ridicate, productivitate de altfel asumat
ca una dintre principalele preocupri ale UAP.36
ns nu doar Uniunea a intrat foarte bine n noul rol de petiionar, ci i artitii
n general, i membrii UAP n particular. Bunoar, unul dintre cele mai importante
lucruri de care avea nevoie un artist plastic n munca lui era atelierul de creaie. Dac
pn la instaurarea comunismului o astfel de facilitate era problema artistului, dup
1947 artitii s-au simit ndreptii s cear, colectiv sau individual, spaii pentru
ateliere.37 n ianuarie 1955, UAP se adresa Sfatului Popular al Capitalei pentru a-i fi
repartizat pentru ateliere cldirea fostei coli medii de Muzic din Str. Pictor
Verona, vizavi de Muzeul Simu, revenind de asemenea i asupra solicitrilor mai
vechi privind repartizarea de locuine i apartamente artitilor. 38 Documentele
Uniunii abund de asemenea n cereri ale artitilor justificate prin simplul fapt c au
contribuit la instaurarea i consolidarea comunismului, lucru dovedit pentru puini
de activitatea pro-comunist de pn la 23 august 1944, ns pentru cei mai muli
prin creaia de dup 6 martie 1945, exprimat n diverse premii i recunoateri din
partea regimului.39 Spre exemplu, n octombrie 1962, sculptorul Ion Jalea40 ncepea o
34 Drghia et. ali., Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, 120-121.

35 Gabriela Stnil, Corina Cace, Ana-Maria Preoteasa, Organizaiile mutuale i economia social
(Bucureti: Expert, 2011), 23.
36 Drghia et. ali., Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, 161.
37 Amploarea programului construciilor de ateliere se poate vedea ntr-o Infomare a Fondului
Plastic cu privire la previziunea pentru anii 1964-1974. Ibid., 295.
38 Ctre Sfatul Popular al Capitalei Cabinet, Dosar 39/1954, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 171.
39 ntr-o autobiografie profesional adresat preedintelui UAP n octombrie 1957 prin care
cere s fie primit n Uniune, caricaturistul Aurel Drago subiniaz cu trie munca pe care a
desfurat-o n presa democratic, la Dimineaa, Adevrul, Chemarea, Isbnda, Lupta, sau
72
cerere adresat tot Sfatului Popular Bucureti i n care cerea instalarea de gaze pe
strada Paul Greceanu, unde locuia, identificndu-se drept Artist al Poporului,
Deputat n Marea Adunare Naional, [i] Preedinte al Uniunii Artitilor Plastici.41
apte ani mai devreme, n 1955, tot n problema instalrii gazelor, UAP se adresa, de
aceast dat direct ntreprinderii de Gaze Bucureti, n favoarea pictorului Henri
Catargi42, solicitnd prioritate peste plan la comanda43 de introducere de gaze, deoarece
tovarul are comenzi de stat pentru care i trebuesc condiii bune de lucru.44
Tovarul artist!: rolul artei i statutul artistului plastic n Romnia comunist
Prioritatea peste plan este formula care caracterizeaz cel mai bine rolul artei i
statutul artistului plastic n Romnia comunist. Aa cum se vede mai sus ns, nu
era vorba de un statut necondiionat, ci unul la care este ridicat artistul pentru c
avea comenzi de stat. n termeni teoretici, era vorba de ceea ce Mikls Haraszti a
numit nchisoare de catifea, adic un compromis ntre artiti i regim, n urma
cruia artitii au creat art angajat45 n schimbul unei anumite sigurane a ctigului
Socialismul. Dosarul de cadre nr. 72-2 al lui Drago Aurel, Grafician-caricaturist, Arhiva
Combinatului Fondului Plastic (ACFP), Bucureti, nepaginat.
40 Ion Jalea (1887-1983), sculptor, preedinte al UAP n perioada 1957-1968, ulterior preedinte
de onoare. Una dintre cele mai importante figuri ale artei plastice n perioada comunist,
dovad i lista de recunoateri din partea regimului: Ordinul muncii clasa a II a (1954),
Premiul de Stat (1955), Maestru Emerit al Artei (1956), Artist al Poporului (1957), Ordinul
Aprarea Patriei (1957), Ordinul Steaua RPR clasa a II a (1959) i clasa I (1962), Ordinul
Meritul Cultural clasa I (1966), Ordinul Tudor Vladimirescu (1967), Medalia A XXV-a
aniversare a eliberrii patriei (1969), Erou al muncii socialiste - Medalia de aur Secera i
Ciocanul (1971). Vezi Drghia et. ali., Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, 199-200.
41 Ctre Sfatul Popular al Capitalei, Dosar 20/1961, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 74.
42 Henri Catargi (1894-1976), pictor, personalitate important a vechii generaii de artiti care,
asemenea altora menionai n studiul de fa, a fost nevoit s fac un compromis cu regimul
comunist, fiind recunoscut pe msur: Ordinul muncii clasa a II a (1957) i clasa I (1971),
Premiul de Stat (1962), Maestru Emerit al Artei (1964), Artist al Poporului (1964), Ordinul
Meritul Cultural clasa a III a (1966) i clasa I (1968), Medalia A XXV-a aniversare a
eliberrii patriei (1969) sau Medalia jubiliar A 50-a aniversare a PCR (1971). Vezi
Drghia et. ali., Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, 196-197.
43 Subliniat cu pixul n original.
44 Ctre I.D.G.B., Dosar 7/1955, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 67.
45 O discuie foarte util, care argumenteaz conceptualizarea Uniunii mai degrab drept o
organizaie ideologic dect una profesional-sindical gsim la Mocnescu, Artists and
Political Power, 97-100.
73
DAN DRGHIA
i a unor beneficii suplimentare.46 Prin urmare, n comunism, iar cel romnesc nu a

fcut excepie, artitii nu au fost doar reprimai i constrni ca ntr-o tipologie
totalitar clasic, ci au fost i cooptai i au primit un rol n stabilirea artei oficiale.47
Cu alte cuvinte, artei i artistului li s-a atribuit un rol proeminent n noua societate,
vechiul artist din interbelic devenind n comunism tovarul artist, un muncitor
mai special, aliat cu regimul i contributor la programul modernizator, dar tot un
muncitor la construcia socialismului.48
innd cont de experiena sovietic din anii 1920-1930, nu era nicio ndoial c
noua putere urma s i subordoneze arta i pe artiti, de care avea nevoie pentru
edificarea societii socialiste.49 Deja n 1948, artitilor plastici le era artat direct rolul
pe care urmau s l joace n cadrul noului regim. n perioada 11-28 aprilie 1948 a avut
loc la Sala Dalles expoziia grupului artistic Flacra, care, dei s-a vrut a fi prima
manifestare oficial a realismului socialist, noua orientare n cultura rii,50 a sfrit
prin a fi acuzat c nu reflecta suficient de apsat aceast orientare artistic i,
implicit, noul rol al artitilor n arhitectura regimului. 51 Fiind organizat sub
ndrumarea USASZ, dar venind mai degrab dinspre artitii activi n direcia
aservirii fa de noua putere, expoziia i urmrile acesteia au marcat nceputurile
realismului socialist n art prin folosirea organizaiei de breasl a artitilor pentru
impunerea viziunii regimului comunist.52
Dar regimul nu doar cerea, ci i oferea, prin jocul unei negocieri subnelese
ntre partid i artiti. La 19 august 1949, prin Decretul nr. 343, a fost organizat Fondul
Plastic, care funciona pe lng SAF cu scopul de a asigura condiii favorabile
pentru desfurarea muncii creatoare a artitilor plastici.53 Fondul nlocuia pentru
artitii plastici Casa compozitorilor, pictorilor i sculptorilor, nfiinat n 1940
pentru a le furniza asigurare social acestora. Aa cum arat Radu Ionescu, Fondul a
devenit imediat instituia care, sub forma contractelor de producie pentru diverse
lucrri cu caracter politic (portrete ale liderilor comuniti internaionali i locali,
46 Crneci, Artele plastice, 154.

47 John C. Campbell, recenzie la The Velvet Prison: Artists Under State Socialism, by Mikls Haraszti,
Foreign Affairs, 5(1988), http://ow.ly/Y085307KcbC, accesat la data de 18 noiembrie 2016.
49 C. Vaughan James, Soviet Socialist Realism: Origins and Theory (London: Palgrave Macmillan,
1973), 94.
50 Crneci, Artele plastice, 21. Vezi i Discuii la raport [al Comisiei de cenzori], Dosar
49/1963, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 278.
52 Crba-Olaru, 1945-1953, 30-31, 51.
53 Drghia et. ali., Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, 25.
74
pancarte, lozinci etc), furniza asisten social artitilor mai puin cunoscui, ori celor
aflai n situaii dificile.54 Artitii consacrai constituiau alt clas, din care fceau
parte Ion Jalea sau Henri Catargi, pe care i-am amintit mai nainte, dar i muli alii,
ceea ce dovedete c exista o stratificare n interiorul lumii artelor plastice.
Pentru dezvoltarea societii socialiste era nevoie ns nu doar de o art
angajat, ci i de un artist prezent peste tot n societate. Promovarea revoluiei aduse de
comunism necesita o art de mas, total, care s ptrund n toate colurile societii i
s ating pe toat lumea.55 Aa cum meniona criticul Aurel Ciupe56 la Conferina
naional a UAP din 1963, scopul primordial al revoluiei culturale este educarea i
instruirea maselor, crearea unui public cult, care s devin autentic consumator de
cultur i art, nzestrat cu cunotine alese i multilaterale. 57 Partidul, prin
intermediul UAP, nu a ezitat s fac niciun efort n aceast direcie, educnd masele
prin aciuni dintre cele mai diverse,58 astfel nct, spre exemplu, n 1963 se nregistrau
un milion de vizitatori n muzeele de art din ntreaga ar.59 Rezultatul acestei politici
de masificare a fost transformarea artei plastice dintr-o preocupare relativ elitist, cu
anumite standarde, aa cum era n perioada pre-comunist, ntr-un fel de ndeletnicire
popular n comunism, atunci cnd aproape fiecare romn avea tendina de a afia n
propria cas ceea ce de cele mai multe ori era un pseudo obiect de art.
Masificarea artei a contribuit direct la exinderea rolului i la creterea
importanei pe care o avea artistul n societate. n calitatea sa de creator al unui bun
de larg consum, dorit de popor, artistul plastic a cptat un statut asemntor
profesorilor sau medicilor, bineneles innd cont de specificul activitii i pstrnd
54 Ionescu, Uniunea, 14-15.

55 Igor Golomshtok, Totalitarian Art in the Soviet Union, the Third Reich, Fascist Italy, and the
People's Republic of China (London: Collins Harvill, 1991).
56 Aurel Ciupe (1900-1985), pictor, profesor la Cluj i director al Muzeului Banatului. Fr a
avea anvergura unui Catargi sau Jalea, Ciupe a fost totui un personaj important n lumea
artistic din timpul comunismului, dovad i titlurile pe care le-a adunat, pentru o oper
mai degrab de neremarcat: Ordinul muncii clasa a III a (1954), Premiul de Stat (1964),
Maestru Emerit al Artei (1957), Ordinul Meritul Cultural clasa a III a (1966) i clasa I
(1968) i Profesor emerit al RSR (1967). Vezi Drghia et. ali., Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, 197.
57 Discuii la raport [al Comisiei de cenzori], Dosar 49/1963, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 280.
58 ntlnirile dintre artiti i muncitori erau cele mai comune astfel de aciuni (Adres a
Muzeului de Art al RPR ctre UAP, Secia sculptur, Dosar 66/1957, Fond UAP, ANIC,
Bucureti, 2), ns la fel au contribuit i Universitatea Popular de Art, edinele de
documentare pentru public, micarea artistic de amatori, brigzile artistice, expoziiile i
muzeele steti etc (Aciuni ale UAP pe linia educaiei estetice a maselor, Dosar 14/1963,
Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 68-69).
59 Discuii la raport [al Comisiei de cenzori], Dosar 49/1963, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 120.
75
DAN DRGHIA
proporiile corpului profesional. Investit cu un mare capital simbolic de ctre regim,60

artistul era bine vzut i cultivat de ctre comunitate i membrii acesteia, fiind
ntlnit adesea n apropierea puterii i a resurselor, fiind privit cu deferen.61 Iar
acest lucru a fost cu att mai vizibil cu ct artistul era mai renumit, deci situat mai
sus n ierarhia acceptat de ctre regim a profesiei sale i certificat prin distinciile
de stat. 62 Dei se refer la scriitori i ziariti (parte i ei tot din USASZ), fiind
interpretat i n cheie comic, este emblematic n acest sens scena din filmul artistic
Secretul lui Bachus, n care un poet local recit una dintre creaiile sale directorului de
la ntreprinderea Agricol de Stat (IAS) Vinicola Todeti, primind n schimb laude
i o anumit cantitate de vin de la reprezentantul statului.63 Gsim aici o imagine
caricaturizat a situaiei artistului, care profit totui de statutul su. Ce-i drept, nu
este numit Tovare artist!, ci Maestre!, dar sensul este acelai.
Artistul de stat i comanda politic
Dac n seciunea precedent am detaliat ce le-a oferit regimul artitilor din perspectiv
simbolic, n seciunea de fa vom analiza cum s-a concretizat acest statut simbolic n
realitatea situaiei artitilor. ns nainte de a aminti aceste beneficii va trebui s explicm
mecanismul prin care partidul comunist a legat beneficiile artitilor de ceea ce ofereau
acetia la schimb regimului, mai exact circuitul prin care un artist devenea de stat.
Pentru artistul plastic romn, comunismul a nsemnat apariia mai multor
posibiliti de venit fa de perioad anterioar, capitalist.64 Mai ales dup 1947, n
contextul pierderii clientelei obinuite din perioada anterioar, format cu precdere din
persoane private bogate, i al nevoii de legitimare simbolic a noii puteri, n special prin
portrete i busturi publice, a fost instituit sistemul comenzilor de stat, statul rmnnd
practic singurul cumprtor de art.65 Publicul era asigurat prin masiva nevoie popular,
de art chiar dac aceasta era dedicat mai ales regimului i liderilor si, detaliu puin
important pentru muli artiti plastici, aflai n cutarea supravieuirii materiale.66 n
60 Crba-Olaru, 1945-1953, 23-24.

61 Radu Bogdan, Un martor al realismului socialist (III), n Dilema, (115, 24-30.03.1995), 2.
63 Geo Saizescu, Secretul lui Bachus (Bucureti: Casa de Filme 1, 1984), accesibil la adresa
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xBigQ_8kmg8, min. 55:40 56:50, accesat la data de
20 noiembrie 2016.
64 Crba-Olaru, 1945-1953, 23.
65 Vasile, Literatura i artele, 145.
66 Mocnescu, Artists and Political Power, 100-101.
76
aceast situaie, pentru c statul deinea resursele financiare, artitii plastici au devenit
complet dependeni de acesta pentru a-i asigura traiul de zi cu zi, aceasta fiind cea mai
simpl definire a termenului artist de stat. Mai puin la nceput, dar din ce n ce mai
mult pe parcurs, sistemul artelor plastice a devenit depozitarul unor resurse financiare
considerabile, la care un artist putea s aib acces n mod constant, dar nu n orice condiii.67
Practic ns, sigurana venitului pentru artitii plastici n comunism a fost ceva
extrem de relativ. Spre exemplu, sculptorul Nicolae Fula cerea aproape cu disperare
n 1972 repartizarea unei lucrri pentru a putea face fa cheltuielilor de construcie
a atelierului, avnd n vedere c, dei am o datorie de 100.000 lei [la Fondul Plastic]
nu am primit nicio comand de 4 ani i nici nu mi s-a cumprat lucrarea din
expoziie. ncasri pe 1971 sub 1000 lei.68
Formal, singurele persoane care primeau salariu lunar n sistemul artelor
plastice erau angajaii SAF/UAP, ai Fondului Plastic i, ncepnd din 1952, ai
Combinatului Fondului Plastic (CFP).69 Cei mai muli dintre acetia nu erau ns
artiti propriu-zis. Dintre artiti primeau salariu doar cei care deineau funcii
administrative n cadrul acestor instituii, n general preedintele, vice-preedinii,
secretarii i cei angajai la diversele departamente, inclusiv la revistele Arta i la
ARTIS, serviciul de publicitate al UAP.70 De aceea exista o concuren foarte mare
pentru aceste funcii, precum i pentru cele din instituiile nrudite, cum erau
Agitprop-ul,71 Ministerul Artelor, diverse muzee, etc. Artitii plastici, spre deosebire
de scriitori, muzicieni sau actori, aveau un specific al activitii care, n anii 1950 cel
puin, i fcea n general greu de angajat n producie, cu salariu lunar.72 Cea mai
rspndit profesie din aceast perspectiv era cea de profesor de desen, iar instituia
care angaja cei mai muli artiti plastici cu salariu era Decorativa, o cooperativ care
producea materiale artistice pentru toate ocaziile, din care s-a dezvoltat mai trziu i
Combinatul Fondului Plastic. Ulterior, n anii 1970-1980, a fost introdus practica
prin care, dup absolvirea facultii, artitii erau repartizai n diverse fabrici sau
instituii unde talentul lor putea fi folosit, aici fiind remunerai.73
67 Ionescu, Uniunea, 40-41.

69 Mai multe detalii despre crearea Combinatului n Ibid., 46.
70 Spre exemplu, ntr-un stat de funcii din noiembrie 1973, din cei 149 de angajai ai UAP nu
am identificat mai mult de 10 artiti. Ibid., 273-279.
71 Secia de Agitaia i Propagand din cadrul CC al PCR, precum i organismele similare
acesteia de la diverse niveluri.
72 Documentaie cu privire la unele probleme ale dezvoltrii artelor plastice, Dosar
Propuneri pentru mbuntirea activitii Fondului Plastic 1955-1961, ACFP, nepaginat.
73 Dan Perjovschi, interviu realizat de Cristina Stoenescu, 14 decembrie 2016, transcriere.
77
DAN DRGHIA
La nceputul regimului comunist ns, n lipsa unui salariu fix din art, pentru
a tri, cei mai mui artiti trebuiau s i comercializeze lucrrile. Puini erau artitii
care creau n afara sistemului comenzilor, pentru c astfel de lucrri se vindeau greu
chiar dac aveau o tem pe placul regimului. Iniiativa artistic i arta de dragul
artei, fr pecetea realismului socialist, erau descurajate n comunism. 74 n aceste
cazuri situaia benefic era vnzarea lucrrii prin intermediul magazinelor Fondului
Plastic, unul dintre riscurile mai mici fiind s rmn cu lucrarea n atelier,
nevndut, putndu-se ajunge ns i la neplceri mai mari pentru creator. 75 n
memoriile sale, pictoria i graficiana Hortensia Masichievici-Miu i amintete c
artitii nu aveau niciun venit sigur, trind din mprumuturi pe care le girau cu
lucrrile lor, de multe ori nerealizate nc. Propriu-zis, artistul i alegea s fac o
lucrare pe o tematic extras dintr-o list de tematici impuse de Ministerul Culturii.
Pe baza acestei alegeri primea un avans n bani din care trebuia s se i documenteze,
inclusiv prin cltorii. Dup ce executa lucrarea, un juriu trebuia s o accepte n
expoziiile oficiale, iar ulterior era cumprat.76
n atare condiii, majoritii artitilor le rmnea s acceseze ntr-un fel sau altul
fondurile disponibile pentru comezile de stat, consistente de altfel n anumite
perioade ale regimului. Oferind artitilor aceste fonduri i resurse de tot felul,
regimul comunist a creat, dincolo de un simplu mijloc de trai pentru artiti, i o iluzie
a bunstrii pentru acetia, instituind un fel de concuren care nu exista nici n
capitalism. De altfel, pentru cei mai importani artiti plastici bunstarea nu era deloc
o iluzie, ei fiind pltii uneori cu sume colosale i ajungnd s constituie adevrate
colective de creaie n jurul lor. Unul dintre cele mai cunoscute cazuri a fost cel al lui
Boris Caragea77, despre care Radu Ionescu spune c a primit 1 milion de lei pentru
statuia lui Lenin din faa Casei Scnteii, sum care nu se confirm n documentele
74 Se poate vedea n acest sens multitudinea de liste cu teme de creaie propuse artitilor
(Propuneri de tematic pentru caricaturi la Expoziia de stat a artelor grafice din R.P.R.,
Dosar 63/1955, Fond UAP, ANIC, 235-237) i activitatea comisiilor de ndrumare din anii
1950 (Dan Drghia et. ali., Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, 122-130), ambele din abunden n
documentele de arhiv.
76 A se vedea articolul Magdei Predescu, din volumul de fa.
77 Boris Caragea (1906-1982), sculptor, preedinte al UAP ntre 1950 i 1957. Dup o carier
bogat n perioada interbelic, cnd a lucrat inclusiv pentru Casa Regal, a devenit rapid un
favorit al noului regim. Din 1962 a fost preedinte al Consiliului artelor plastice din cadrul
Comitetului de Stat pentru Cultur i Art. Este autorul celebrei statui a lui Lenin de la Casa
Scnteii. Pentru activitatea de dup 1945 a devenit membru corespondent al Academiei
Romne, fiind rspltit de ctre regim cu diverse onoruri: Maestru Emerit al Artei, Artist al
Poporului i Premiul de Stat, Ordinul muncii cl. III, Maestru Emerit al Poporului.
78
UAP. Vrem s subliniem astfel mitul bunstrii i discrepanele de ctiguri care s-au
creat n lumea artelor plastice, alimentnd concurena pentru favorurile regimului.78
n acest fel, artitii au fost cei care au dorit s se alture UAP i implicit
regimului, fcnd tot posibilul n acest sens, cu scopul de a avea acces la ct mai
multe resurse i beneficii.79 Totui, accesul la comenzile de stat nu era att de simplu
pentru artiti, care trebuiau s fac eforturi serioase pentru a ctiga ct mai muli
bani atunci cnd se ivea ocazia. Situaia a generat ierarhii printre artiti n general i
printre membri UAP n particular, ducnd astfel la constituirea unor categorii de
artiti. Dei existau reguli formale pentru a face parte dintr-una sau alta din aceste
categorii, arbitrariul domnea de cele mai multe ori n aceast privin.80
Artiti i beneficii: categorii formale i informale
Analiznd documentele UAP i literatura secundar, constatm c n domeniul

artelor plastice din Romnia perioadei 1947-1989 existau trei categorii de artiti:
pseudo-artitii, aspiranii i membrii UAP. Aceast mprire este una de natur
economic i se refer exclusiv la artitii plastici, avnd la baz beneficiile oferite de
ctre regim fiecrei dintre cele trei categorii n parte. Magda Crneci i Sorin
Alexandrescu au propos alte tipologii ale artitilor plastici, ambele fiind ns mai
degrab de natur ideologic, avnd la baz tipul de compromis (total, partial sau
deloc) pe care artitii l-au fcut cu puterea. Dac Magda Crneci i mparte pe artitii
plastici n conformiti, fali non-conformiti (sau conformiti) i non-conformiti, Sorin
Alexandrescu vorbete despre mercenari, negutori i clugri. Din perspectiva
cedrilor politice, ei mai pot fi numii angajai, neutri i opozani.81
Tipologia noastr se bazeaz pe modul n care se raporta regimul comunist la
artitii plastici din perspectiva recompenselor materiale de orice fel oferite acestora,
prin sistemul de filtre creat n ascensiunea profesional, sistem dispus pe cele trei
categorii. Acest sistem era guvernat de loialitatea fa de regim i fa de
78 Ionescu, Uniunea, 40, 43.

79 Se poate vedea cererea pictorului Mihail Dsclescu din Iai, care n ianuarie 1960 solicit
reprimirea n UAP (fusese exclus n 1958), justificnd-o prin ataamentul su fa de regim,
exprimat n numrul i coninutul lucrrilor sale. Dosar 1/1960, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti,
11-12.
80 O serie de detalii edificatoare gsim n Cererea din 21 iunie 1990 a lui Ioan Drgan adresat
preedintelui UAP privind titularizarea sa ca membru. Dosar Reclamaii Msuri Diverse
1990-1991, ACFP, Bucureti, nepaginat.
79
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reprezentanii acestuia n domeniul artelor plastice. Aa cum se poate deduce din

numrul mare de cereri de reprimire n UAP, trebuie inut cont de faptul c traseul
ascensiunii profesionale nu era unul liniar i ascendent, putnd s fie oricnd
scurtcircuitat pe baza unor criterii existente n interiorul ultimelor dou categorii,
care de multe ori erau aplicate arbitrar. Avnd n vedere c recunoaterea de ctre
publicul iubitor de art era un criteriu secundar al ascensiunii, aplicat numai dup ce
artistul era verificat n raport cu principiul loialitii politice, apartenena la una din cele
trei categorii era cea care definea un artist i nu invers.82 Oricum, majoritatea artitilor i
doreau s reueasc din punct de vedere profesional i se conformau sistemului.
Fiecare categorie avea la rndul su nu att subcategorii, ct situaii individuale
diferite ale oamenilor de arte, generate de un cumul de factori, precum prevederile
legale i aspectele informale de relaionare n societatea comunist. Trecnd prin
prima categorie, ne vom opri puin mai mult asupra celei de-a doua, urmnd s
acordm cea mai mare atenie membrilor UAP, care au constituit categoria cea mai
privilegiat i unde i gsim pe artitii recunoscui de ctre regim. De altfel,
apartenena formal la SAF/UAP reprezenta att recunoatera oficial, ct i
consacrarea faptului c cineva era artist plastic. Cum SAF i apoi UAP au fost
singurele organisme prin intermediul crora se distribuiau comenzi de stat, a face
parte din acestea confirma statutul de artist profesionist, n sensul de a tri din
producia artistic.83 Alternativa nu prea exista pentru artiti, pentru c dac nu erai
membru UAP riscai de multe ori s fi omer, aa cum se plngea Odry Iosif n 1963:
sunt un artist ce trec drept om de valoare de art al vremurilor noi, ce le

triete clasa muncitoare. Dar eu artistul Odry de unde s le dau [copiilor mei],
cnd se tie n public c pe nedrept am fost scos din rndul dvs. al tuturor
artitilor plastici i exclus din Uniune. Aa de atunci de peste un an i jumtate
eu nu pot a lucra nimic din arta mea, parc nici nu ar mai fi necesar arta mea.84
Categoria pseudo-artitilor se refer n general la persoanele cu anumite

preocupri creative n domeniul artelor plastice, dar aflate complet n afara
sistemului oficial al acestora aa cum era el conceput de regim, fie c intenionau, sau
nu s fac o carier n acest domeniu. n msura n care iniiativele UAP legate de
cercurile oreneti de pictur sau sculptur, Universitatea Popular de Arte Plastice,
sau colectivele artistice din ntreprinderi nu nsemnau neaprat includerea formal a
82 Ibid.
83 Ibid. Vezi i Crba-Olaru, 1945-1953, 13, 31.
84 Cerere de readmitere n UAP, Dosar 1/1960, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 245.
80
unei noi categorii n sistemul oficial, ci erau mai degrab parte a efortului general de
rspndire a artei de mas,85 cazul artitilor amatori este emblematic cu privire la
pseudo-artiti n particular, dar i la mecanismul devenirii i cooptrii artitilor
profesioniti n general.86 nc de la acest nivel, care era n afara sistemului oficial,
existau beneficii asociate pentru cei implicai, aa cum puteau s fie scutirea unor ore
de munc pentru cei din colectivele artistice, excursii mai ales pentru cei nscrii la
cursurile Universitii Populare de Art, sau pur i simplu lecii gratuite de pictur i
scupltur pentru cei implicai n cercurile oreneti. Beneficiile includeau retribuii
financiare, aa cum era cazul diverselor concursuri de art pentru amatori. 87 n
ansamblu, aceste beneficii erau importante pentru iluzia bunstrii pe care o oferea
regimul, i care ncepea s se concretizeze odat cu urmtorul pas pe care putea s l
fac cineva nspre statutul de artist recunoscut, deci de membru al UAP.
Categoria cea mai extins era reprezentat de ceea ce am putea numi aspiranii,
care desemneaz persoanele hotrte s fie artiti plastici i angrenate formal, ntr-un
fel sau altul, n procesul accederii n UAP. Formal i fr a se exclude una pe alta,
aspiranii cuprindeau n general studenii la arte plastice, membrii Fondului Plastic i
stagiarii UAP. Calitatea definitorie pentru categoria aspiranilor era cea de membru
al Fondului Plastic, care era o organizaie complementar a UAP. Fondul era tot o
asociere colectiv, structurat ns mai degrab n jurul nevoii de resurse a artitilor
pentru creaie, i mai puin n jurul posibilitii de ctig material direct, prin
comenzi de stat, aa cum era cazul UAP. 88 Necesarul de creaie al artitilor era
reprezentat mai ales de ajutoare de creaie, nerambursabile, sau mprumuturi,
reprezentnd principala atribuie a Fondului n lumea artelor plastice.89
Din aceast etap ncepeau s se vad i beneficiile materiale non-salariale, care
includeau burse,90 asigurri sociale, pensii91 i un anume venit; precum i cele legate
85 Se poate vedea n acest sens exemplul Universitii Populare de Arte Plastice n Drghia et. ali.,
Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, 237-238.
86 A se vedea articolul Contribuia oamenilor de art la micare artistic de amatori, n
Informaia, 4 aprilie 1964.
88 O descriere util a sistemului de achiziii de stat n arta plastic din anii 1950-1960,
coninnd i diferena dintre membrii Fondului i ai UAP n privina accesului la comenzi i
la desfacerea artei lor gsim la Vasile, Politicile culturale, 279-283.
89 Crba-Olaru, 1945-1953, 36.
90 Se pot vedea insistenele UAP ctre Ministerul nvmntului i Culturii (MIC) privind
creterea numrului de studeni ai Institutelor de Arte Plastice care s beneficieze de astfel
de ajutoare lunare. Rspuns al MIC ctre UAP, Dosar 52/1953, UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 23.
91 A se vedea Dosarul 91/1957, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, care curpinde documente privind
pensionarea i plata pensiilor pentru membri Fondului Plastic.
81
DAN DRGHIA
de facilitarea creaiei, cum era spre exemplu punerea la dispoziia artitilor a unor
spaii de creaie i ateliere.92 n funcie de cum i gestionau banii din aceste surse,
ajutorul i mprumutul puteau s constituie un venit suplimentar celui care provenea
din comercializarea artei prin sistemul achiziiilor sau vnzrilor de stat. Dincolo de
aceste ajutoare, era important statutul membrilor Fondului n sistemul muncii din
RPR. Bunoar, prin decretele 294/1954 i 333/1958 privind organizarea i
funcionarea Fondului Plastic, membrii beneficiau de aceleai drepturi ca i
salariaii din instituiile i ntreprinderile de stat.93 Din decembrie 1961, prin decizie
a conducerii sale, a fost nfiinat i Casa de Ajutor Reciproc a Fondului, un aspect n
plus care punea membrii acestuia pe picior de egalitate cu ali angajai ai statului.
Situaia care exprim cel mai bine dificultile regimului de a face diferena
ntre membrii Fondului i ai UAP, dar i ntre categoriile de artiti n general, a fost
reprezentat n anii 1950 de artizani i de cei din sectorul artelor decorative, al cror
nivel de creaie este sub mediocru dar care constituiesc prin munca lor elemente
utile Statului.94 Acetia nu puteau fi transferai Fondului pentru c specificul lor de
activitate era comanda sau vnzarea (erau activi mai ales cu ocazia anumitor
evenimente prin confecionarea decoraiunilor i n producerea unor bunuri
artizanale de larg consum), astfel nct nu puteau s cear ajutoare i mprumuturi
de creaie. Pe de alt parte era aspectul social, pentru c scoi din Uniune, rmn
total deslipii de sectorul artistic, fr posibiliti normale de existen, crendu-se
astfel situaii nesntoase.95 Soluia a fost nfiinarea n cadrul Uniunii a unui sector
separat [Art Decorativ], unde vor fi trecui toi aceti artiti, executani valoroi,
dar necreatori, artizani , care vor avea drepturi limitate, fr a mai fi susinui din fondul
creaiei96, dar care vor avea legal ncadrarea n cmpul muncii i drepturile sociale
legate de pensie i asisten social.97 Cazul artizanilor arat un anumit elitism pe
care dorea s l transmit Uniunea cu privire la membriI si din perspectiva creaiei,
pstrndu-i n acelai timp i atributele economice care constituiau atracia sa
pentru artiti i lucrtori n general. nainte de 1989, apartenena la UAP, devenise nu
92 Se poate vedea controversa izbucnit ntre Sfatul Popular al Capitalei i Fondul Plastic pe
marginea unui schimb de spaii, n cele ale Fondului desfurndu-i activitatea artiti.
Adres a Fondului Plastic ctre UAP, Dosar 20/1961, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 146.
93 Decizia Nr. 13.366 din 2 dec 1961, Dosar nfiinarea CAR 1961, ACFP, Bucureti, nepaginat.
94 Adres din 25 iunie 1955 a UAP ctre Ministerul Culturii Direcia General a Artelor
Plastice, Dosar 64/1954, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 82.
95 Ibid.
96 Subliniere conform original.
97 Adres din 25 iunie 1955 a UAP ctre Ministerul Culturii Direcia General a Artelor
Plastice, Dosar 64/1954, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 82.
82
doar pentru artiti, ci i pentru angajaii Uniunii, un atribut n sine, ecoul acestui
statut pstrndu-se i dup sfritul regimului comunist.98
Acest lucru este ntrit i de situaia angajailor UAP, care dei nu erau artiti
aveau o poziie social mai special tocmai datorit proximitii cu Uniunea i
artitii. Lsnd la o parte angajaii de la departamentul juridic, de personal,
contabilitate, sau alte servicii administrative, Uniunea avea multe departamente care
se ocupau de organizarea i promovarea artei, aa cum erau spre exemplu Serviciul
expoziii sau Oficiul de documentare, pres i relaii externe, acolo unde poziiile
erau foarte rvnite chiar i de ctre artiti.99 Toate aceste poziii nsemnau beneficii,
precum cltoriile, diurnele sau, poate mai important, un anumit cuvnt de spus n
ce privete promovarea artitilor. Pentru a sublinia i mai mult statutul special pe
care l aveau membrii UAP n comparaie cu alte categorii profesionale, trebuie
remarcat c angajaii UAP au rmas n cadrul CGM ca sindicat dup ieirea UAP din
sistemul sindical reprezentat de Confederaia Muncii, n 1950.100
O situaie aparte au avut-o i criticii de art, grupai n secia cu acelai nume
din cadrul UAP. n cazul lor ns, lipsa posibilitii de creaie era compensat cumva
n ridicarea statutului prin faptul c ei erau cei care transmiteau mesajul regimului n
lumea artelor plastice. Acionau astfel ca o autoritate tutelar asupra artitilor,
primind respectul i avantajele cuvenite. Instrumentul lor era scrisul, iar scrisul putea
s fie uneori mai puternic dect pensula ori dalta, lucru pe care l tiau i de care
ncercau s profite. Este interesant faptul c inclusiv ei beneficiau de mprumut de
creaie, pe care de multe ori nu-l mai puteau returna din cauza lipsei evidente a
posibilitii de ctig financiar n activitatea lor.101
Relaia cu strintatea, poate cel mai sensibil subiect din perspectiva regimului,
este cea care ne poate oferi o imagine a ceea ce putea uneori s nsemne UAP nainte
de 1989 ca organism de aprare a membrilor si. 102 Citm n continuare din
rspunsul UAP la cererea Institutului Romn pentru Relaii Culturale cu Strintatea
de a mprumuta lucrri pentru o expoziie peste hotare:
98 Oana Dan, Arta dup 89: valuri de rupturi, creterea i descreterea unei instituii,
n Adevrul, 26 februarie 2013, accesat la adresa http://ow.ly/M0YF307KdzV, n data de
23 noiembrie 2016.
100 Raport de activitate - grupa sindical a salariailor UAP, Dosar 26/1951, Fond UAP, ANIC,
Bucureti, 236.
102 Este interesant de subliniat c UAP era una dintre puinele instituii care primise de la
organele abilitate, la sfritul anilor 1960, dreptul de a avea fond valutar. Drghia et. ali.,
Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, 399.
83
DAN DRGHIA
Uniunea [] nu poate fi de acord cu cererea Dvs., deoarece consider c

atunci cnd statul particip la astfel de expoziii, este normal s achiziioneze
lucrrile pe care le expune. Artitii nu au alt surs de venituri dect achiziiile
de stat []. Sistemul propus de Dvs. nu se sprijin pe un principiu socialist.103
Ce putea s fac Uniunea pentru membrii si putem s vedem i dintr-o cerere a filialei
Baia Mare tot din anii 1950 ctre Sfatul Popular, n care solicita evacuarea unui vecin al
sculptorului Nicola Andrei pentru c deranja linitea de creaie a acestuia, nu direct, prin
icane, ci indirect, prin glgia pe care o producea ca urmare a stilului su de via.104
n ceea ce privete beneficiile individuale pe care le aveau membrii UAP,
acetia aveau avantajele pe care le aveau i membrii Fondului Plastic, inclusiv ajutor
pentru creaie i asisten social. Mai ales n cazul membrilor UAP, de mprumutul
de creaie, acordat fr dobnd i de multe ori fr un termen de restituire, au
abuzat muli artiti plastici.105 Este i motivul pentru care restituirea acestora a fost
introdus drept condiie pentru acordarea vizei de ieire din ar artitilor.106 Paleta
de beneficii sociale pentru membrii UAP era totui mai cuprinztoare, incluznd
indemnizaii pentru accidente de munc i boli profesionale, prevenirea mbolnvirilor,107
pentru femeile nsrcinate, ngrijirea copilului bolnav, schimbarea locului de munc,
deces, etc.108 Existau chiar i instituii medicale destinate n mod special artitilor,
fr a ti sigur dac doar artitilor plastici, aa cum reiese dintr-un Tabel cu salariaii
UAP din 1960 ce primesc asisten medical prin policlinica instituiilor de art.109
Dar multe dintre acestea, la fel ca modalitatea obinerii venitului, pe care am
vzut-o mai sus n seciunea despre comenzile de stat, erau mai mult sau mai puin
comune i altor categorii de lucrtori n comunism. De asemenea, ca un avantaj care
compensa cumva lipsa unei sigurane lunare a venitului era i libertatea programului
de lucru pentru artitii plastici creatori. Pe de alt parte, mai ales n primii ani ai
103 Ctre..., Dosar 3/1954, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 38.

104 Ibid., 82.
106 Ctre Comitetul de Stat pentru Cultur i Art, Dosar 57/1965, UAP, ANIC, Bucureti,
197-198.
107 Se refer la situaia cnd cineva trebuia s-i reduc programul pentru a nu-i agrava o
afeciune, s mearg la tratament balneo, sau n caz de carantin. n Arhiva Combinatului
Fondului Plastic am gsit un ntreg Dosar 33/1955, consistent de altfel, despre concediile la
tratament, intitulat chiar Cure Balneo-Climaterice FP.
108 Planul de venituri i cheltuieli ce se cuprind n bugetul asigurri sociale de stat pe anul
1988, Dosar 154/1971, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 8.
109 Dosar 50/1960, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 27.
84
comunismului, atunci cnd SAF/UAP jucau rolul angajatorului pentru artitii

plastici, dei acetia nu erau angajai propriu-zis ai celor dou instituii, exista
scutirea de impozitul destul de mare care le era impus liber profesionitilor.110
Beneficiile erau n principal reprezentate de diferitele avantaje extra-salariale
pe care le aveau artitii i care i difereniau de restul societi. Multe dintre acestea
nu erau neaprat reglemenatate i ineau mai ales de statutul privilegiat al artistului
n comunism, care se concretiza prin diferite servicii sau faciliti pe care le primea
ntr-un context sau altul. Fr a avea pretenia unei prezentri exhaustive, vom
nfia mai jos dou categorii de beneficii extra-salariale, emblematice pentru
statutul artitilor n comunism.
Prima i cea mai direct legat de prestigiul i venitul artitilor categorie de
avantaje au fost premiile i recunoaterile din partea statului, pentru diverse
evenimente precum expoziiile sau pentru activitatea artitilor n sine.111 Acestea erau
nsoite i de anumite sume de bani, considerabile conform lui Radu Ionescu.112 Cele
mai importante distincii n aceast privin erau titlul de Artist al Poporului, care
se acorda pentru reuite n carier, Premiul de Stat, care era oferit anual celor mai
apreciai artiti romni, i premiile de la Expoziia anual de stat. Sistemul acesta
era ns mult mai extins, inclusiv n judee i localiti, astfel nct de el beneficiau
destul de muli artiti.
Apoi, concediile subvenionate, prin intermediul sindicatului, erau comune
mai multor categorii de oameni ai muncii n timpul comunismului. Nu era comun
totui s existe un circuit al locurilor de cazare i mas n staiuni, aa cum aveau
artitii plastici, indiferent c erau membri ai UAP sau doar ai Fondului Plastic, locuri
deschise de altfel i salariailor celor dou instituii. 113 Dincolo de concedii, n
privina cltoriilor artitii plastici erau cu adevrat privilegiai i n activitatea
curent.114 Pe lng expoziiile la care participau n ar i n strintate,115 primeau
110 Crba-Olaru, 1945-1953, 29.

111 Exista un sistem bine pus la punct privind stimularea membrilor i angajailor prin
acordarea de premii, aa cum se vede din diversele regulamente de premiere din arhive.
Dosar 52/1959, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 2-17.
113 Decizia Nr. 3881 a UAP din 6.X.1954, Dosar 28/1951, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 179.
114 Se poate vedea n acest lista consistent a artitilor care urmau s mearg ntr-o excursie de
o sptmn n Delt n august 1968, organizat de CC al UTC. Tabel tovarii propui
pentru excursia n Delta Dunrii, Dosar 7/1966, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 51.
115 Este interesant din perspectiva coninutului unei vizite n strintate Referatul vizitei n
URSS fcut de Petru Balogh, Ion Miurc i Dan Cristian Popescu n 1973. Drghia et. ali.,
Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, 414-415.
85
DAN DRGHIA
destul de des invitaii pentru diverse evenimente,116 pe lng celebrele cltorii de

documentare populare n special n anii 1950, 117 n etapa de construcie a
socialismului, cnd se picta realitatea socialist, sau taberele de creaie.
Concluzii
Cel puin n raport cu interbelicul, comunismul a fost fr ndoial o perioad

distinct n evoluia artelor plastice romneti. Din perspectiva coninutului,
Realismul Socialist a devenit metoda unic, fr a mai permite manifestarea liber a
creaiei, dect cel mult prin variaiuni pe marginea acelorai teme. n mod evident,
acest lucru nu putea s rmn fr urmri n sfera organizrii vieii artistice n
general i a artitilor plastici n particular. De fapt, implementarea Realismului
Socialist a necesitat n primul rnd reorganizarea vieii artistice. Aceast reorganizare
s-a concentrat pe schimbarea sistemului de ctig al artitilor ctre o siguran
condiionat de stat. Cu alte cuvinte, atta timp ct te supuneai imperativelor
ideologice, pe care artitii, n majoritatea lor, le-au neles i le-au respectat, erai
ndreptit s ceri i s primeti. Ce i ct depindea de multe aspecte din viaa de ci
cu zi a artelor plastice, ns ideea principal pe care am vrut s o analizm a fost
tocmai rspndirea acestei pracitici a solicitrii.
Pe filiera interpretrii comuniste a rolului sindicatelor, ntruchiparea
instituional a acestei practici a fost Uniunea Artitilor Plastici. La rigoare, aceasta a
reprezentat instrumentul prin care, pe de o parte, regimul transmitea cerinele
politice ctre artiti, iar pe de alt parte, acetia rspundeau cu solicitri de natur
material. Schimbarea denumirii din Sindicat (contestare) n Uniune (cooperare) a
reflectat n mod simbolic o contopire a intereslor politice ale regimului cu cele n
special materiale ale artitilor. Dei nu a fost formal un sindicat nici mcar n
accepiunea comunist, motiv pentru care nici nu a mai fost integrat Confederaiei
Munciii dup 1950, Uniunea a funcionat propriu-zis ca un sindicat pentru membrii
si, poate mai mult dect au fcut acest lucru sindicatele din Confederaie. Din
116 Un astfel de exemplu gsim n vara lui 1976, atunci cnd UAP a primit invitaia de a trimite
o delegaie la primul congres al Uniunii Naionale a Artelor Plastice din Algeria, sejurul
pentru o sptmn fiind asigurat bineneles de gazde. Telegram, Dosar 478, problema
217 Cultur, 1976/Algeria, Arhiva Ministerului Afacerilor Externe (AMAE), Bucureti, 1.
117 Citm n acest sens un acord din partea Ministrului Industriei Metalurgice i Construciilor
de Maini pentru artiti de a merge n uzine i mine pentru a-i alege singuri temele.
Drghia et. ali., Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, 342. De cele mai multe ori cazarea i masa erau
asigurate la faa locului.
86
aceast perspectiv, Uniunea a fost o asociaie special, asemntoare celorlalte

Uniuni de creaie din Romnia, ns unic prin prisma activitii sale.
Faptul c dorina de control total asupra societii pe care o avea regimul a
necesitat rspndirea artei la nivel de mas i, odat cu ea, ridicarea statutului pe
care artistul l avea n societate nu a reprezentat dect o oportunitate n plus pentru
artiti. n faa acestei realiti, artistul romn s-a acomodat tot mai mult cu situaia de
artist de stat, reprezentnd n fapt, dincolo de evidena situaiei sale de cvasi-
salariat al statului, locul important pe care l ocupa n ierarhia profesiunilor din
Romnia comunist, fiind un artist al poporului. Iar cum statul romn comunist
aparinea muncitorilor si, i deci poporului, artitii, n calitatea lor de reprezentani
de seam ai poporului, aveau o justificare generic s aib pretenii superioare
oamenilor muncii. De aici i prioritatea lor peste plan i beneficiile pe care artitii
au reuit s le obin de la regim.
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Surse primare
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Plastic (ACFP).
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Dosar 52/1959. Fond UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Dosar 50/1960. Fond UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Dosarul de cadre nr. 72-2 al lui Drago Aurel, Grafician-caricaturist. Bucureti: (ACFP).
Aciuni ale UAP pe linia educaiei estetice a maselor. Dosar 14/1963. Fond UAP.
Bucureti: (ANIC).
Adres a Fondului Plastic ctre UAP. Dosar 20/1961. Fond UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Adres a Muzeului de Art al RPR ctre UAP, Secia sculptur. Dosar 66/1957.
Fond UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Adres din 25 iunie 1955 a UAP ctre Ministerul Culturii Direcia General a
Artelor Plastice. Dosar 64/1954. Fond UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Ctre I.D.G.B.. Dosar 7/1955. Fond UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Naionale Istorice Centrale (ANIC).
Ctre Comitetul de Stat pentru Cultur i Art. Dosar 57/1965. Fond UAP.
Bucureti: (ANIC).
87
DAN DRGHIA
Ctre Sfatul Popular al Capitalei. Dosar 20/1961. Fond UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Ctre Sfatul Popular al Capitalei Cabinet. Dosar 39/1954. Fond UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Cerere de readmitere n UAP. Dosar 1/1960. Fond UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Decizia Nr. 13.366 din 2 dec 1961. Dosar nfiinarea CAR 1961. Bucureti: (ACFP).
Decizia Nr. 3881 a UAP din 6.X.1954. Dosar 28/1951. Fond UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Discuii la raport. Dosar 49/1963. Fond UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Documentaie cu privire la unele probleme ale dezvoltrii artelor plastice. Dosar
Propuneri pentru mbuntirea activitii Fondului Plastic 1955-1961.
Bucureti: (ACFP).
Domnule preedinte. Dosar 1/1960. Fond UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Domnule preedinte. Dosar Reclamaii Msuri Diverse 1990-1991. Bucureti: (ACFP).
Greutile ntmpinate de artitii plastici. Material cerut de Urzica. Dosar 6/1951.
Fond Uniunea Artitilor Plastici (UAP). Bucureti: (ANIC).
Planul de venituri i cheltuieli ce se cuprind n bugetul asigurri sociale de stat pe
anul 1988. Dosar 154/1971. Fond UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Propuneri de tematic pentru caricaturi la Expoziia de stat a artelor grafice din
R.P.R.. Dosar 63/1955. Fond UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Raport de activitate grupa sindical a salariailor UAP. Dosar 26/1951. Fond
UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Rspuns al MIC ctre UAP. Dosar 52/1953. Fond UAP. Bucureti: (ANIC).
Tabel tovarii propui pentru excursia n Delta Dunrii. Dosar 7/1966. Fond UAP.
Bucureti: (ANIC).
Telegram. Dosar 478. Problema 217 Cultur. 1976/Algeria. Bucureti: Arhiva
Ministerului Afacerilor Externe (AMAE).
Surse secundare
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Basingstoke & New York: Palgrave, 2002.
Bazin, Jrme. Ralisme et galit. Une histoire sociale de lart en Rpublique Dmocratique
Allemande (1949-1990). Paris: Les Presses du rel, 2015.
Bogdan, Radu. Un martor al realismului socialist (III). Dilema 115 (1995): 24-30.
Campbell, John C. recenzie la Mikls Haraszti. The Velvet Prison: Artists under State
Socialism by. Foreign Affairs 5(1988). online: http://ow.ly/Y085307KcbC.
Crba-Olaru, Irina Gh. 1945-1953: trasee instituionale i destine politice n arta
romneasc postbelic. Bucureti: Editura Muzeul Literaturii Romne, 2015.
Crneci, Magda. Artele plastice n Romnia 1945-1989. Iai: Polirom, 2013.
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Cole, G.D.H. A Short History of the British Working Class Movement 1789-1848, Vol. I.
London & New York: Routledge, 2002.
Tismneanu, Vladimir, Cristian Vasile, Dorin Dobrincu (editori) Comisia Prezidenial
pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste din Romnia. Raport final (Bucureti, 2006).
Dan, Oana. Arta dup 89: valuri de rupturi, creterea i descreterea unei
instituii. Adevrul, 26 februarie 2013, online: http://ow.ly/M0YF307KdzV.
Davis, Sue. Trade Unions in Russia and Ukraine, 1985-1995. London: Palgrave, 2001.
Drghia, Dan, Dumitru Lctuu, Alina Popescu, Caterina Preda, Cristina Stoenescu
(editori) Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din Romnia n documente de arhiv. Bucureti:
Editura Universitii din Bucureti, 2016.
Hitchins, Keith. Scurt istorie a Romniei. Bucureti: Polirom, 2015.
Hyman, Richard. Marxism and the Sociology of Trade Unionism. London: Pluto Press, 1971.
Informaia, 4 aprilie 1964.
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Keil, Jacqueline M., Thomas J. Keil. The State and Labor Conflict in Postrevolutionary
Romania, Radical History Review 82 (2002): 9-36.
Masichievici-Miu, Hortensia. O carte cu poze, o carte cu povestiri sau o profesiune de
credin? Bucureti: Anima, 2008.
Artists Union during the Ceauescu Era, 1965-1975. History of Communism in
Europe 2 (2011): 95-122.
Pelin, Mihai. Deceniul prbuirilor: 1940-1950. Vieile pictorilor, sculptorilor i arhitecilor
romni ntre legionari i staliniti. Bucureti: Compania, 2005.
Pravda, Alex, Blair A.Ruble (eds.) Trade unions in communist states. Boston: Allen &
Unwin, 1986.
Rdulescu, Carmen. Uniunea Artitilor Plastici. ntre control politic i arta arta
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Budeanc i Florentin Olteanu, 248-255. Iai: Polirom, 2000.
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xBigQ_8kmg8.
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90
Evoluia relaiei dintre artitii plastici i Securitate
n perioada 1950-1990
DUMITRU LCTUU
Abstract. The aim of this study is to analyze the relationship between the members of the
Romanian Artists Union (artists and art critiques) and the Securitate (secret police) during the
communist regime. The main goals of this investigation are the identification and the examination
of the reasons for which a visual artist or an art critic were followed and surveilled, and also if
there were any significant differences between the motives of the surveillance due to the large
period we analyze (the 1950s to 1960s and the 1970s to 1980s). This study answers such questions
as: Why did the Securitate follow a visual artist or an art historian? Which reason led to them being
followed was more important: the political one or the creative one? How did the relation with the
Securitate influence their career? The sources of this article are the files created by the political
police of the communist state, such as the files of the individual persons and the visual art
problem file. This article claims that, in general, the following and the surveillance, regardless of
the period, were motivated by political factors, rather than by their artistic or scientific activity. The
ascendancy of the political reasons in a persons surveillance resides in the functions and
attributions that the Securitate had from its beginning, and which remained unchanged during the
communist regime. Creative reasons were also taken into consideration, especially at the end of the
first period of the communist regime and were more frequent for the young artists, who were
noticed during Nicolae Ceauescus regime.
Introducere
Deschiderea arhivelor fostei Securiti a oferit istoricilor posibilitatea de a consulta o

nou surs pentru studierea trecutului recent al Romniei: dosarele create de aceast
instituie n timpul regimului comunist. n ceea ce privete relaia intelectualilor cu
Securitatea, se poate constata c, majoritatea studiilor publicate privesc scriitorii, n
timp ce alte categorii nu au beneficiat de acelai interes din partea cercettorilor.
DUMITRU LCTUU
De multe ori aceast atenie acordat intelectualilor a luat forma unor devoalri
a fotilor informatori. Astfel, au fost supuse unui oprobriu public, practic o form
atenuat a demascrilor tipice comunismului, nume importante din lumea filmului,
literaturii i a muzicii.1 Aceasta, fr a se cunoate motivaiile care i-au determinat s
colaboreze cu Securitatea, metodele prin care au fost recrutai i presiunile la care
unii dintre ei au fost supui, mai ales n anii 1950. 2 Monica Enache caracteriza
interesul cercettorilor pentru studiul relaiei dintre artitii plastici i Securitate ca pe
un subiect tabu, investigat puin, incomplet i cu discreie. 3 Drept cauze,
cercettoarea avanseaz deschiderea trzie a arhivelor Securitii i slabul interes
pentru studiul istoriei artei din perioada comunist.4
Chiar dac relaia artitilor cu Securitatea nu a reprezentat un interes major
pentru cercettori, n ultimii ani au fost publicate cteva studii care se opresc i asupra
acestui aspect. Principalele contribuii aparin cercettoarelor Mdlina Braoveanu,
Monica Enache i Caterina Preda.5 Merit semnalat aici i volumul lui Mihai Pelin,
Deceniul prbuirilor. (1940-1950). Vieile pictorilor, sculptorilor i arhitecilor romni ntre
legionari i staliniti, 6 dei autorul nu indic sursele folosite, el limitndu-se la o
menionare general a bibliografiei utilizate. De aceea, absena notelor de subsol
impune o anumit reticen din partea celor care utilizeaz acest volum n lucrrile lor.
Lucrrile Cristinei Vtulescu sunt indispensabile pentru a nelege rolul i
influena Securitii asupra muncii artistice, precum i metodele utilizate de instituie
pentru controlul i supravegherea artitilor. Autoarea analizeaz n detaliu evoluia
urmririi unui literat de ctre poliia secret a regimului comunist, evideniind i
unele diferene n funcie de perioada n care un artist erau supravegheat i urmrit.7
Importante pentru cercetarea istoriei UAP, evoluia artitilor plastice i a
artelor vizuale n timpul regimului comunist sunt i volumele Magdei Crneci,8 ale
1 Caterina Preda, Sub supraveghere (artistic). Relaia artitilor cu Securitatea, Studia

Politica. Romanian Political Science Review 1(2013): 159-172 167.
2 Pentru metodele privind recrutarea informatorilor vezi Marius Oprea, Bastionul cruzimii. O
istorie a Securitii [1948-1964] (Iai: Polirom, 2008), 80-93.
3 Monica Enache, Coborri n subteran. Cteva cazuri de critici de art i artiti plastici n
Arhivele Securitii, Caietele CNSAS 1(2015): 302.
4 Ibid., 303.
5 Vezi bibliografia de la sfritul articolului.
6 Mihai Pelin, Deceniul prbuirilor. (1940-1950). Vieile pictorilor, sculptorilor i arhitecilor romni
ntre legionari i staliniti (Bucureti: Compania, 2005).
7 Cristina Vtulescu, Police Aesthetics. Literature, Film, and the Secret Police n Soviet Times
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010), 27-55.
8 Magda Crneci, Artele plastice n Romnia. 1945-1989, ediia a II-a (Iai: Polirom, 2013).
92
lui Cristian Vasile9 i Radu Ionescu.10 Chiar dac autorii nu se opresc explicit asupra
relaiei dintre UAP, artitii plastici i Securitate, ei prezint evoluia UAP i a
artitilor plastici n timpul regimului comunist, analizeaz statutul artitilor plastici
sub comunism, transformrile instituionale ale UAP nc din primii ani ai
comunismului sau reconstituie principalele repere cronologice din istoria UAP n
perioada comunist. O serie de informaii de arhiv pot fi de asemenea identificate i
n unele dintre volume de documente publicate.11
Studiul de fa i propune s analizeze relaiile dintre artitii plastici i
Securitate, pornind de la examinarea dosarului problem care a fost deschis Uniunii
Artitilor Plastici n 1974, precum i a dosarelor individuale de supraveghere i
urmrire informativ create artitilor. Deoarece spaiul acestui articol este unul
limitat, m voi rezuma la indicarea unor aspecte generale despre relaia artitilor
plastici cu Securitatea n perioada regimului comunist. n acelai timp, voi prezenta
i apte cazuri de studiu, pe care le-am considerat relevante. Alegerea lor a fost
determinat att de anvergura lor artistic i funciile avute n cadrul uniunilor de
creaie n perioada interbelic, ct i de evoluia lor profesional n timpul regimului
comunist. Scopurile urmrite au fost s analizez n ce msur activitatea lor artistic
n perioada interbelic a reprezentat un motiv pentru supravegherea lor de ctre
Securitate, precum i dac ocuparea unor posturi de conducere n anii comunismului
a influenat n vreun fel relaia lor cu Securitatea.
Cazurile de studiu alese sunt cele ale sculptorului Ion Jalea, ale criticului de
art Ion Frunzetti, al pictorului Ioan Pacea, sculptorului Constantin Baraschi pentru
anii 1950, cel al sculptorului Ion Vlasiu pentru sfritul anilor 1950 i nceputul celor
1960. Pentru anii 1970 i cei 1980 am ales s discut, pe lng dosarul problem
deschis n 1974, i dosarele sculptorului Ovidiu Maitec i pe cel al pictorului
Constantin Flondor. Aceste cazuri permit evidenierea unor diferene n ceea ce
privete motivele pentru urmrirea artitilor plastici n funcie de perioad, dar i a
continuitilor n activitatea Securitii cu privire la artitii plastici n cele dou etape
ale regimului comunist romn: Gheorghiu-Dej i Nicolae Ceauescu.
9 Cristian Vasile, Literatura i artele n Romnia comunist. 1948-1953 (Bucureti: Humanitas,

2010), Ibid., Politicile culturale comuniste n timpul regimului Gheorghiu-Dej (Bucureti:
Humanitas, 2011), Ibid., Viaa intelectual i artistic n primul deceniu al regimului Ceauescu.
1965-1974 (Bucureti: Humanitas, 2014).
10 Radu Ionescu, Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din Romnia (Bucureti: Editura Uniunii Artitilor
Plastici din Romnia, 2003).
11 Carmen Chivu, Mihai Albu, Dosarele Securitii. Studii de caz (Iai: Polirom, 2007); Dan
Ctnu (coordonator), Intelectualii n Arhivele Comunismului (Bucureti: Nemira, 2006); Liviu
ranu (editor), Securitatea i intelectualii n Romnia anilor 80 (Trgovite: Cetatea de Scaun, 2013).
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n lucrarea sa, Cristina Vtulescu menioneaz c scopul principal al dosarelor

create de poliiile politice ale regimurilor de inspiraie sovietic l reprezint crearea
unor liste negre cu cei considerai suspeci, caracterizarea lor n baza extensivelor
biografii ce le erau rescrise, i nu identificarea autorilor unor presupuse crime. Dup
cum evideniaz autoarea, acetia din urm erau stabilii tocmai n baza biografiilor
ce le erau create, care prezentau gradul de periculozitate al acestora, i nu faptele
reale ale celor incriminai. Gradul de periculozitate era astfel fixat n baza
apartenenei la o categorie desemnat aprioric drept suspect. 12 De aceea, prin
supravegherea artitilor se urmrea documentarea acestor biografii ale suspecilor i
rescrierea lor potrivit scenariului imaginat de ctre supraveghetori.
Extrapolnd aceste afirmaii la cazul artitilor plastici romni, voi arta n
cuprinsul acestui articol c, n cele mai multe cazuri, urmrirea i supravegherea
sculptorilor, pictorilor i criticilor de art romni a fost determinat de presupusul
grad de periculozitate al acestora pentru stabilitatea regimului comunist identificat
de Securitate n biografia lor i nu de activitatea artistic propriu-zis a acestora.
Motivul pentru care Securitatea ncerca s identifice n biografia celor supravegheai
indicii privind existena unor factori activi sau lateni ce-l puteau transforma ntr-un
duman al regimului comunist se afl, n opinia mea, tocmai n rolul care i-a fost
atribuit instituiei nc de la nfiinarea ei. Acest rol a rmas neschimbat pe toat
durata de existen a regimului comunist i a Securitii, el fiind reflectat ca atare n
actele normative ce au reglementat activitatea, funciile i atribuiile Securitii.
Astfel, n Decretul nr. 221 din 30 august 1948 privind nfiinarea i organizarea
Direciei Generale a Securitii Poporului se specific faptul c instituia are ca
ndatoriri aprarea cuceririlor democratice i asigurarea securitii Republicii
Populare contra uneltirilor dumanilor din interior i exterior.13 Cu ocazia primei
reorganizri a Securitii, n martie 1951, acest rol al Securitii n lupta mpotriva
dumanilor este i mai bine evideniat. Decretul nr. 50 din 30 martie 1951 arat c:
Direcia General a Securitii Statului are ca ndatoriri: nfptuirea politicii de

aprare a cuceririlor poporului muncitor din RPR mpotriva claselor exploatatoare
rsturnate, care ncearc s reinstaureze n ar regimul burghezo-moieresc;
aprarea teritoriului rii noastre de ptrunderea agenturilor serviciilor de
spionaj imperialiste i satelite, inclusiv Iugoslvaia titoist i lichidarea fr
cruare a acestora [].14
12 Vtulescu, Police Aesthetics, 13, 32, 35, 41.

13 Decret 221 pentru nfiinarea i organizarea Direciei Generale a Securitii Poporului, n
Florica Dobre (coordonator), Securitatea. Structuri cadre. Obiective i metode. 1948-1967 vol. I
(Bucureti: Editura Enciclopedic, 2006), 11.
14 Decret nr. 50 privitor la reorganizarea Direciei Generale a Securitii Poporului, n Ibid.,
20-21.
94
Rolul Securitii a rmas neschimbat inclusiv dup preluarea conducerii

partidului i regimului comunist de ctre Nicolae Ceauescu, meninndu-se pn n
decembrie 1989. n Regulamentul de organizare i funcionare a Consiliului
Securitii Statului din 1967, atribuiile i funciile ce urmau s fie ndeplinite n
continuare de ctre Securitate sunt indicate la articolul 1:
Organele securitii statului, instrument al partidului i al statului, au

misiunea de a apra cuceririle revoluionare ale poporului romn mpotriva
uneltirilor i aciunilor dumanilor construciei socialiste.15
Pentru ndeplinirea sarcinilor i atribuiilor ce i fuseser fixate, Securitatea

beneficia n acte, n august 1948, de un efectiv de 4.641 de persoane. Nu toate
posturile erau ocupate. n acel moment, instituia era deservit de 3.549 de persoane.
ns, n doar trei ani, efectivul propriu-zis al Securitii a ajuns la 10.423, iar n 1956 la
12.865. Cifra i cuprindea att pe ofieri (10.693) i sergeni (954), ct i pe angajaii
civili (1.218).16 n decembrie 1989, numrul total al angajailor era de 14.259. Dup
cum subliniaz Dennis Deletant, toate aceste cifre nu includ numrul informatorilor
Securitii i nici pe angajaii Trupelor de Securitate, folosite de principala instituie a
regimului comunist n lupta armat mpotriva dumanilor interni.17 De asemenea, nu
au fost luai n calcul nici numrul i contribuia aliailor instituionali ai
Securitii, cum ar fi Miliia cu angajaii i informatorii ei.18
Numrul informatorilor Securitii a variat n perioada comunist, fiind
propuse de ctre istorici mai multe cifre. Florian Banu menioneaz c, n 1956, exista
un informator la 408 locuitori. Potrivit acestuia, la o populaie de 17.489.450, conform
recensmntului din 21 februarie 1956, existau, la 31 martie 1956, 42.853 de
informatori.19 Pentru sfritul regimului comunist, Marius Oprea avanseaz cifra de
aproape 400.000 de informatori, fr a indica ns sursa acestei afirmaii, ceea ce
15 Regulamentul de organizare i funcionare a Consiliului Securitii Statului, n Florica

Dobre (coordonator), Securitatea. Structuri cadre. Obiective i metode. 1967-1989vol. II
(Bucureti, Editura Enciclopedic, 2006), 27.
16 Florian Banu, Studiu introductiv, n Ibid., Securitatea. 1967-1989, XIX-XXI.
17 Dennis Deletant, Studiu introductiv, n Banalitatea rului. O istorie a Securitii n documente.
1949-1989 editat de Marius Oprea (Iai: Polirom, 2001), 21.
18 Pentru mai multe informaii despre aliaii instituionali ai Securitii, vezi Florian Banu,
Liviu ranu (coordonatori), Securitatea. Monografie. 1948-1989, vol. I (Trgovite: Editura
Cetatea de Scaun, 2016), 357-429.
19 Florian Banu, Reeaua informativ a Securitii n anii 50: constituire, structur, eficien,
Caietele CNSAS 2(2008): 36.
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impune o anumit rezerv cu privire la aceast estimare.20 Distrugerea unor evidene

ale Securitii dup 1989 sau chiar i nainte transform problema informatorilor
fostei Securitii n una dintre cele mai spinoase moteniri ale regimului comunist.
Urmrirea artitilor plastici n anii 1950-1960 prin patru cazuri de studiu
nc de la nceput, Securitatea lucra cu dosare probleme. n primii ani de funcionare,

cele mai importante astfel de dosare cu care opera instituia erau cele din problemele
legionar, partide politice, colectivizare, etc. n absena unui dosar problem
dedicat artitilor plastici i UAP din aceast perioad, analiza relaiei acestei categorii
socio-profesionale cu Securitatea poate fi realizat doar prin examinarea dosarelor
personale ce au fost create pictorilor, sculptorilor i istoricilor de art. Practica nu era
una nou. Un mod similar de lucru ntlnindu-se i n activitatea Siguranei. De fapt,
Securitatea a beneficiat din plin de numeroasele dosare problem create de Siguran
nainte de 23 august 1944, mai ales cele referitoare la problemele partide politice,
legionar i comunist .
Lectura dosarelor create artitilor plastici de Securitate n anii 1950 i 1960 arat
c, n general urmrirea lor a pornit de la notele informative produse n cadrul celor
mai importante dosare probleme aflate n vizorul instituiei i de la listele negre cu
care opera instituia. Prin acestea, unii dintre artitii plastici erau indicai drept un
potenial pericol pentru sigurana intern a regimului comunist.
n prima perioad a regimului comunist, acest prezumtiv pericol putea fi
reprezentat de mai muli factori: originea social, educaia i profesia includeau
automat o persoan pe lista neagr a Securitii.21 O astfel de list era periodic
revizuit i adugit de instituie n funcie de directivele politice ale partidului sau
de schimbarea politicilor interne i externe ale regimului comunist. De asemenea,
printre motive figurau att atitudinile politice prezente ale populaiei, cum ar fi
sentimentele pro-americane i declaraiile ostile mpotriva regimului,22 ct i activitatea
politic din trecut i funciile deinute n diferite organizaii politice din interbelic sau
alte asociaii precum Masoneria. Un alt motiv l reprezenta i teama Securitii ca nu
20 Marius Oprea, Securitatea i motenirea sa, n Comunism i represiune n Romnia. Istoria

unui fratricid national, coordonat de Ruxandra Cesereanu (Iai: Polirom, 2006), 25.
21 Cristina Vtulescu, Arresting Biographies: The Secret Police File in the Soviet Union and
Romania, Comparative Literature 3(2004): 245, 50.
22 Caterina Preda, Forms of Collaboration of Visual Artists in Communist Romania of the
1970s-1980, Hungarian Historical Review 1(2015): 177.
96
cumva artitii plastici, care prin natura profesiei lor cltoreau n strintate, s nu se
mai ntoarc n ar i s participe la aciuni ostile mpotriva Romniei comuniste.23
Astfel, n prima parte a anilor 1950, perioada n care se realiza impunerea
modelului sovietic, urmrirea informativ, arestarea i internarea unor persoane ca
urmare a funciilor deinute n diverse organizaii politice sau alte asociaii din
interbelic reprezentau o practic curent. Amploarea unor astfel de msuri mpotriva
unor persoane considerate aprioric dumnoase este indicat i n rapoartele
Securitii ce au urmat ndeprtrii lui Alexandru Drghici n 1968 din cercurile
puterii i reevalurii obsedantului deceniu:
n concluzie, arestarea i ncadrarea n uniti de munc a lui [], n perioada

1952-1954, s-a nscris pe linia msurilor ce erau luate n acel timp mpotriva
elementelor ce au deinut funcii de conducere n fostele partide burgheze i
alte organizaii contrarevoluionare.24
Prevalena unor factori politici n supravegherea i urmrirea informativ a

unor artiti plastici este indicat i de documentele existente n dosarele create de
Securitate. O astfel de concluzie rezult i din examinarea dosarelor create
sculptorului Ion Jalea, criticului de art Ion Frunzetti, i pictorului Ioan Pacea,
precum i sculptorului Ion Vlasiu.
n cazul lui Ion Jalea (1887-1983), reprezentant al vechii generaii de artiti
plastici, documentele Securitii au reinut doar datele biografice care l ncadrau n
grupul listelor negre. Din dosarul su, lipsesc acele informaii cu privire la cariera
sa profesional interbelic. Dup absolvirea Academiei de Arte Frumoase din
Bucureti n 1911, clasa profesorului Dimitrie Paciurea, Ion Jalea i-a continuat
studiile la Academia Julien din Paris. Lucrrile sale din tineree sunt inspirate din
teme mitologice i nc dinainte de Primul Rzboi Mondial s-a remarcat ca membru
al mai multor grupri artistice (Asociaiunea artistic, Arta romn, Salonul artitilor
sculptorilor romni, Criterion, Arta). n perioada interbelic, unul din domeniile n care
s-a afirmat a fost arta monumental public, fiind autorul lucrrilor Monumentul
Ostailor Francezi, Monumentul soldailor romni czui n Primul Rzboi Mondial,
Monumentul Eroilor Corpului Didactic, Monumentul Infanteriei.25
23 Vezi infra.
24 Consiliul Securitii Statului, Not privind cazul numitului V.G din 8 ianuarie 1969, Dosar 19,
vol. 3, Fond Documentar, Arhiva Consiliului Naional pentru Studierea Arhivelor Securitii
(ACNSAS), Bucureti, 153.
25 Ioana Vlasiu, (coordonator), Dicionarul sculptorilor din Romnia. Secolele XIX-XX, vol. II,
lit. H-Z (Bucureti: Editura Academiei Romne, 2012), 66-8.
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Astfel, o ntreag carier precomunist este trecut cu vederea de ctre

angajaii instituiei represive, interesai mai ales, dup cum rezult din lectura
dosarului de Securitate, de aspectele politice ale traseului su interbelic: poziionarea
lui fa de regimurile monarhic, legionar i antonescian i relaiile sale cu diveri
politicieni ai perioadei.
Din mai multe fie biografice i rapoarte de investigaii, aflm c n trecut []
lucra pe lng Curtea Regal, iar ntre 1941 i 1947 a fost director al Artei n
Ministerul Educaiei i Culturii. Dup al Doilea Rzboi Mondial, Ion Jalea a devenit
la 29 septembrie 1948 membru al Marei Loji Naionale Romne. Totodat, propriile
cercetri ale Securitii n arhiva Siguranei interbelice au scos la iveal i alte
informaii, cum ar fi prezena lui pe o schem din 1941 care cuprindea numele
unor legionari i simpatizani ai micrii, informaie incert ns. 26 Dei primele
documente ale Securitii despre Ion Jalea dateaz de la nceputul anilor 1950,
dosarul su arat c urmrirea sa a fost determinat de faptul c a fost identificat
drept francmason. 27 Pentru Securitate, calitatea de mason reprezenta un motiv
temeinic pentru arestarea unei persoane.
Potrivit lui Nicolae Ioni, ntre 1949-1953, membrii diferitelor loji masonice au
fost arestai i condamnai sub acuzaia de nalt trdare sau spionaj n favoarea
unor state imperialiste, mai ales dup 1948.28 Ioni mai menioneaz c, n timpul
regimului comunist, masonii au fost permanent supravegheai i urmrii de
Securitate, situaie aparent unic n cadrul statelor comuniste din Europa de Est.29
Dac ns activitatea lui Ion Jalea pe trmul artelor nu pare s fi prezentat
un factor important pentru intrarea lui n vizorul Securitii, cel puin conform
dosarului identificat n arhiva CNSAS, ascensiunea lui n cadrul UAP i funciile de
conducere avute n aparatul de stat au determinat scoaterea lui la 17 mai 1963 de sub
urmrirea instituiei i trecerea lui n evidena pasiv:
n prezent, Ion Jalea deine titlul de academician i funcia de preedinte al

Uniunii Artitilor Plastici, titlu i funcie deinute prin activitatea pozitiv,
desfurat n domeniul artelor plastice. [] Avndu-se n vedere activitatea
26 Investigaie asupra numitului Jalea Ion din 14 aprilie 1952, Dosar I385780, Fond Informativ,
ACNSAS, 4; Hotrre de trecere n eviden a numitului Jalea Ion din 30 decembrie 1962, Ibid., 8;
Hotrre de clasare din 24 mai 1963, 10, Fi; biografic a lui Ion Jalea din 22 iunie 1952,
Ibid., 13, Extrase din dosarele Siguranei despre Ion Jalea din 18 iulie 1950, Ibid., 19.
27 Hotrre de trecere n eviden a numitului Jalea Ion din 30 decembrie 1962, Ibid., 8.
28 Nicolae Ioni, Problema Oculta. Securitatea i masoneria n anii 80, Caietele CNSAS,
1 (2008): 95.
29 Ibid.
98
desfurat n ultima perioad de timp, aportul pe care i-l aduce n activitatea

Uniunii Artitilor Plastici, precum i funcia de rspundere care i-a fost
ncredinat propunem a se aproba trecerea numitului Jalea Ion n evidena
problemei 627, la capitolul II elemente pasive.30
Din dosarul de partid, cunoscut sub denumirea generic de dosar de cadre,

reiese faptul c att intrarea lui n vizorul Securitii, la nceputul anilor 1950, ct i
scoaterea lui de pe lista celor suspeci n 1962, au fost determinate de motive politice.
Membru al Partidului Muncitoresc Romn din 1948, provenind din Partidul Social
Democrat, a fost exclus din organizaie n timpul verificrilor membrilor de partid
dintre anii 1948-1950. Astfel, n 1962, Jalea a fost reprimit n partid. Activitatea sa a
fost recompensat cu numeroase ordine i medalii, printre care Ordinul Muncii,
Ordinul Steaua Republicii, Ordinul Meritul Cultural, Erou al Muncii
Socialiste, Maestru Emerit al Artei. De asemenea, n 1955, a fost ales membru
corespondent al Academiei RPR, fiind numit n 1957 preedinte al Uniunii Artitilor
Plastici.31 n toat aceast perioad de provizorat, n care era supravegheat i de ctre
Securitate, Ion Jalea s-a ncadrat n curentul artistic dominant al vremii: Realismul
Socialist. Acceptarea Realismului Socialist de ctre unii dintre artiti s-a realizat,
dup cum menioneaz Magda Crneci, prin unul din mijloacele folosite de
comuniti pentru atragerea artitilor plastici: cointeresarea unor nume de prestigiu
ale vechii generaii, ceea ce implica acordarea de onoruri publice i mari avantaje
materiale: intrarea n Academia Republicii Populare Romne, funcii culturale
importante n Ministerul Culturii sau n Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, comenzii i
achiziii anuale de stat sau locuine decente.32
Fr ndoial, ntr-o ierarhie a dumanilor interni ai regimului comunist,
indiferent de perioad, legionarii s-au aflat n vrful ei. Ca atare, apartenena la
micarea legionar reprezenta n opinia Securitii un motiv temeinic pentru
demararea iniial a unei activiti de supraveghere informativ, chiar dac
respectivul nu mai avea nicio legtur cu micarea legionar. Paza bun trece
primejdia rea pare a fi astfel unul dintre principiile muncii de securitate, ceea ce a
condus la deschiderea unui numr impresionat de dosare de verificare unor
persoane identificate ca suspecte. Cifra de apte milioane avansat n mai multe
30 Raport cu propunerea de a se aproba trecerea n evidena problemei 627, capitolul II,

elemente pasive, a numitului Jalea Ion din 17 mai 1963, Dosar I385780, Fond Informativ,
ACNSAS, Bucureti, 7.
31 Referat de Cadre despre Ion Jalea, n Dosar personal Ion Jalea (nenumerotat), Fond Dosare
Personale ale membrilor UAP, Arhiva Combinatului Fondului Plastic (ACFP), Bucureti.
32 Crneci, Artele Plastice, 29.
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studii nu pare ns credibil, avnd n vedere contextul n care a fost vehiculat

pentru prima oar: ndeprtarea lui Alexandru Drghici i discuiile ce au urmat n
interiorul Securitii i al Partidului.33
Pictorul Ion Pacea i criticul de art Ion Frunzetti sunt doi dintre membrii UAP
care au intrat n vizorul Securitii ca foti legionari. n cazul lor, materialele
coninute n dosare arat c relaia lor cu Securitatea nu a fost una liniar. Situaia lor
politic din trecut difer. Dac n cazul lui Ion Pacea categorisirea lui ca legionar avea
la baz o not informativ, n cazul celui de-al doilea nu exist dubii cu privire la
nregimentarea sa n Micarea Legionar la sfritul anilor 1930. n acelai timp,
documentele indic o anumit similitudine a relaiilor celor doi cu Securitatea. Materialele
arhivistice las s se neleag c, dup o perioad n care au fost urmrii ca foti
legionari, ei au acceptat la nceputul anilor 1960 colaborarea cu Securitatea. Indicii
privind motivele care au condus la schimbarea relaiei lor cu Securitatea pot fi gsite n
notele i rapoartele elaborate de principala structur represiv a regimului comunist.
Nscut la 7 ianuarie 1919, n Bacu, Ion Frunzetti a absolvit Facultatea de litere
i filozofie din Bucureti n 1940, funcionnd n anii urmtori ca asistent la catedra
de Istoria artei a acestei faculti. ntre 1941 i 1944, a fost referent la Direcia de
studii i documentare a Ministerului Propagandei, iar din octombrie 1944 i pn n
1947 a fost ef al Serviciului de pres din Ministerul Naionalitilor. n 1949, era numit
cercettor la Institutul de Istoria Artei al Academiei RPR, deinnd ulterior funcia de
ef de secie pn n 1968. Politic, a intrat dup 23 august 1944 n UTC, iar n 1946 a
devenit membru PCR. Exclus n 1949, era reprimit n partid n 1966.34 Este autorul
mai multor monografii despre pictura romneasc (Arta romneasc n secolul XIX,
Artele Plastice n Romnia dup 23 August 1944) i pictori romni (Brdu Covaliu.
Album, D. Paciurea. Album, Pictori revoluionari de la 1848). De asemenea, s-a remarcat
i prin activitatea sa de traductor.35
Referatul cu propuneri n vederea recrutrii numitului Frunzetti Ion din
22 septembrie 1954 prezint cele mai importante materiale compromitoare
identificate de Securitate. Ele au fost folosite pentru convingerea lui n vederea
acceptrii colaborrii. Ion Frunzetti este descris ca o persoan care a avut o intens
activitate legionar, unul dintre conductorii organizaiei legionare, precum i unul
33 Cristina Anisescu, Evidenele i Arhivele Securitii, n Partiturile Securitii. Directive,

ordine, instruciuni (1947-1987), editat de Cristina Aniseescu i Silviu Moldovan (Bucureti:
Nemira, 2007), 52.
34 Referat de cadre despre Ioan Frunzetti din 8 august 1984, Dosar Ion Frunzetti, Fond
Dosare personale ale membrilor UAP, ACFP, Bucureti.
35 Aurel Sasu, (coordonator), Dicionar biografic al literaturii romne. Lit. A-L (Cluj: Paralela,
2006), 603.
100
dintre efii serviciului de informaii al Micrii legionare. n acelai timp, mai este
menionat ca o persoan care a ncercat s-i camufleze trecutul, nscriindu-se n
1946 n Partidul Comunist, ns n 1949 a fost descoperit i exclus. De asemenea, mai
era prezentat ca fiind suspectat de spionaj, alturi de prietenul su, Mihnea
Gheorghiu. De fapt, recrutarea lui Ion Frunzetti avea scopul de a crea o linie
informativ pe lng Mihnea Gheorghiu. n referat, se arat c Frunzetti Ioan fiind
n bune relaii cu Gheorghiu Mihnea, vizitndu-se reciproc la domiciliu, va putea
primi instructajul nostru s descifreze activitatea acestuia.36 Totodat, din document
mai reiese c, din cauza activitii sale legionare din trecut, lui Ioan Frunzetti i s-a dat
de neles c n viitorul lui se ntrezreau dou posibiliti: nchisoarea sau
colaborarea cu Securitatea:
Recrutarea ne propunem s o facem prin metoda constrngerii, innd cont de

activitatea sa legionar ce este pedepsit de lege ca, crim mpotriva umanitii (sic!).
n acest scop se va organiza o deplasare a susnumitului n provincie cu care ocazie
va fi reinut i anchetat asupra activitii sale legionare i a legturilor lui cu
Gheorghiu Mihnea i ceilali vizitatori ai lui, dup care se va trece la recrutarea sa.37
Astfel, ntr-o perioad cnd cei ce aveau o activitate politic similar cu a lui
Ioan Frunzetti erau arestai i condamnai, unora dintre ei li s-a oferit posibilitatea
evitrii acestui destin prin colaborarea cu Securitatea. Unii au acceptat, ns alii nu.
Din acest punct de vedere, colaborarea cu Securitatea ar putea fi vzut i c o form
de reeducare i reabilitare a celor pctoi. Ca atare, reabilitarea implica i
colaborarea cu organele de partid i de stat ale regimului comunist, nu doar
dispoziia artitilor de a crea n conformitate cu sarcinile trasate.
Unele dintre aceste dosare ntrein o confuzie voit cu privirea la evoluia
relaiei lor ulterioare cu Securitatea. Sunt evidente intenia Securitii de a-i recruta,
disponibilitatea lor iniial de a colabora determinat de varii motive printre care
frica i nesigurana personal, dorina de ascensiune socio-profesional i
colaborarea lor pentru o perioad cu instituia. Nu este clar ns i n ce a constat
activitatea lor de prezumtivi colaboratori. Totodat, documentele sugereaz c odat
intrat ntr-o relaie cu Securitate de urmrit sau de colaborator, parcursul
respectivului nu era liniar. Relaia se putea schimba n una de urmrit, iar fostul
colaborator redevenea obiectiv al Securitii.
36 Referat cu propuneri n vederea recrutrii numitului Frunzetti Ion din 22 septembrie 1954,
Dosar I257937, vol. I, Fond Informativ, ACNSAS, Bucureti, 226.
37 Ibid., 226-227.
101
DUMITRU LCTUU
Astfel, ntr-un referat din 28 decembrie 1962 se arat c Ion Frunzetti se afla n
evidena cap. II al dosarului de obiectiv nr. 1071 ca fost legionar, iar la 23 mai 1959,
a fost recrutat ca agent al organelor noastre. Ca atare, s-a propus n 1962 aprobarea
trecerii lui Frunzetti Ion la pasivi.38 Tot n acest an, a fost i abandonat, fr a se
specifica motivele, dup cum rezult dintr-un Raport cu propuneri de luare n
lucru prin dosar de urmrire informativ a lui Frunzetti Ion din 2 septembrie 1985.
Astfel, la aproximativ dou decenii de la ncheierea relaiei sale de colaborator, Ion
Frunzetti redevenea un obiectiv al Securitii. S-a propus luarea sa n lucru prin
dosar de urmrire informativ n cadrul problemei Oculta, aprobarea de la partid
fiind obinut la 15 februarie 1985.39 Obinerea acordului partidului era necesar n
acele cazuri n care cei urmrii erau membri de partid i supravegherea lor se putea
realiza numai dup ce partidul ncuviina o astfel de msur.
Principalul obiectiv al Securitii de aceast dat l reprezenta clarificarea
suspiciunii de apartenen a lui Frunzetti Ion la francmasonerie. 40 Urmrirea
informativ a lui Ion Frunzetti s-a ncheiat la 14 septembrie 1985, la dou sptmni
dup ce fusese aprobat, fr s obin date care s confirme suspiciunile iniiale.
Conform Raportului cu propuneri de nchiderea dosarului de urmrire informativ
privind pe Frunzetti Ion, la 14.09.1985, obiectivul Frunz a decedat n urma unei
comoii cerebrale.41
Ion Pacea a intrat i el n vizorul Securitii sub suspiciunea c ar fi fost
legionar. Nscut la 7 septembrie 1924, a absolvit Academia de Arte Frumoase din
Bucureti n 1948. Membru al UAP nc de la nfiinare, a fost ales n 1960 secretar al
Seciei de pictur, iar n 1968 devine secretar al UAP i membru n Biroul executiv al
uniunii. n 1976, este ales vicepreedinte al UAP, iar din anul urmtor deine funcia
de preedinte. Pentru activitatea sa de pictor, Ion Pacea a primit n 1953 Premiul Ion
Andreescu, n 1965 Premiul Uniunii Artitilor Plastici pentru pictur. n 1971, obine
Marele Premiu al Uniunii Artitilor Plastici.42
38 Raport cu propunerea de a fi trecut la pasivi numitul Frunzetti Ion din 28 decembrie 1962,
Dosar I257937, vol. II, Fond Informativ, ACNSAS, Bucureti, 2.
39 Raport cu propuneri de luare n lucru prin dosar de urmrire informativ a lui Frunzetti
Ion din 2 septembrie 1985, n Ibid., 21.
40 Plan de msuri n dosarul de urmrire informativ privind pe Frunzetti Ion din
2 septembrie 1985, Ibid., 22.
41 Raport cu propuneri de nchiderea dosarului de urmrire informativ privind pe Frunzetti
Ion din 14 septembrie 1985, Dosar I257937, vol. II, Fond Informativ, ACNSAS, Bucureti, 34.
42 Referat de cadre despre Pacea Ioan din 8 martie 1978, Dosar P/607, Fond Cadre, Arhivele
Naionale Istorice Centrale (ANIC), Bucureti, 1-2.
102
n cazul lui Ion Pacea, spre deosebire de situaia lui Ion Frunzetti, verificarea
lui a avut iniial scopul de a certifica dac a fcut sau nu politic legionar. Miza era
reprezentat de meninerea lui mai departe n dosarul de obiectiv n care figura. Astfel,
la 25 decembrie 1962, Securitatea i-a solicitat o not informativ agentului Voicu n
care acesta a prezentat att informaii biografice privind studiile liceale i universitare,
parcursul profesional, situaia familial prezent, ct i motivul pentru care i-a fost cerut
aceast not. Ca atare, informatorul a declarat c Pacea Ion [] a nceput activitatea ca
frior de cruce la liceul din Bazargic. n nota biroului, redactat de cpitanul de securitate
Nicolae Ionescu se arat c Pacea Ion este legionar i se afl n eviden la 301/129,
iar acest material a fost luat agentului pentru a ntri celelalte materiale din dosar i
a fi trecut la categoria [legionari] nendoielnic.43 ns, primele documente care l
indic pe Ion Pacea drept un potenial obiectiv al Securitii dateaz din 1952.
Cinci ani dup aceast etichetare a lui sa ca legionar nendoielnic, s-a propus
trecerea lui n evidena pasiv a dosarului problem referitor la micarea legionar.
Dintr-o adnotare cu stiloul, reiese c propunerea a fost aprobat la 12 februarie 1968.
Motivele indicate n dosar sunt urmtoarele:
Activitatea politic dup 23 august 1944.

Nu a fost semnalat cu manifestri dumnoase, atitudini necorespunztoare,
sau s fie n anturajul legionarilor. A fost deseori evideniat i popularizat n
presa noastr pentru activitate pe linie cultural, fiind trimis de statul nostru n
strintate. Este apreciat ca o persoan retras, fiind caracterizat ca un om de
calitate att ca artist plastic, ct i ca cetean.44
Trecerea sa n categoria de eviden pasiv corespunde ca perioad cu intrarea

lui ntr-o aciune de reabilitare n ochii regimului. Dup mai multe ntlniri ale ofierilor
de securitate cu Ion Pacea, la 17 februarie 1966, a fost redactat de ctre Direcia a II-a,
Serviciul 2, Biroul 1, Raportul cu propunerea de nregistrare ca agent a numitului
Pacea Ion.45 Dintr-un referat al Securitii, aflm c noul interes al instituiei fa de
Ion Pacea a nceput la 2 aprilie 1965, dup ce a fost vizitat de ctre mai muli pictori
americani i invitat la recepiile date de Ambasada American. La acea dat, a fost
aprobat atragerea la colaborarea informativ a pictorului Pacea Ion, pentru a fi
43 Not a informatorului Voicu din 25 decembrie 1961 despre Ion Pacea, Dosar I3653, Fond
Informativ, ACNSAS, Bucureti, 3-4.
44 Hotrre de trecere n evidena pasiv a numitului Pacea Ion din 26 ianuarie 1966, Ibid., 10.
45 Raport cu propunerea de nregistrare ca agent a numitului Pacea Ion din 17 februarie 1966,
Dosar 96863, Fond Microfile Reea Bucureti, ACNSAS, Bucureti, 2-4.
103
DUMITRU LCTUU
folosit ca agent pe linia spionajului american.46 Dosarul su personal nu indic ns dac

a fost ulterior utilizat pentru supravegherea diplomailor strini cu care avea contacte.
Dosarele Securitii identificate conin informaii contradictorii, iar o serie de
documente lipsesc. Astfel, din acestea reiese intenia Securitii de a-l recruta pe Ion
Pacea ca informator, disponibilitatea iniial a acestuia de a colabora, dar nu reiese
modul n care a colaborat cu Securitatea sau dac a colaborat de fapt cu aceast
instituie dup nregistrarea lui ca agent.
Un alt motiv care i determina pe ofierii de Securitate n anii 1950 s propun
deschiderea unui dosar de verificare erau informaiile care l indicau pe un pictor sau
sculptor ca apropiat al Casei Regale. Elocvent este cazul lui Constantin Baraschi
(1902-1966). Acesta este menionat de Magda Crneci drept un exemplu pentru
oportunismul acelor artiti plastici care n perioada interbelic au fost artiti oficiali
ai regimului monarhic. 47 Potrivit cercettoarei, dei a fost artist oficial al Casei
Regale Romne i portretist al naltei burghezii nainte de 1945, a devenit n timpul
regimului comunist unul dintre sculptorii influenii i bogai ai noului regim.48
Cu toate acestea, nici el nu a scpat de privirea atent a Securitii. Astfel, la 5
septembrie 1959, Constantin Baraschi avea s devin un obiectiv al principalei
instituii represive a statului comunist. n Hotrrea pentru deschiderea dosarului
de verificare cu privire la sculptorul Baraschi Constantin sunt indicate principalele
date pentru care a intrat n vizorul poliiei politice comuniste:
Sculptorul Baraschi Constantin, prin relaiile sale a ajuns n scurt timp dup
ce s-a afirmat pe trm plastic sculptorul fostei casei regale. Dup abdicarea
fostului rege Carol al II-lea C. Baraschi pentru a intra n graia legionarilor, a
sculptat bustul lui C.Z. Codreanu. Dup rebeliunea legionar, pentru a-i arta
aservirea sa fa de guvernul antonescian i a stpnilor si hitleriti, a sculptat
un bust a lui Hitler. [] Din interceptarea corespondenei [] rezult c pe timpul
(1948) ct a fost bolnav de endocardit, a cerut penicilin fostului ministru
britanic la Bucureti. Menionm c Holman Adrian, fostul ministru britanic la
Bucureti, care a desfurat activitate de spionaj pe teritoriul patriei noastre, a
intervenit la Foreign Office pentru a i se elibera o cantitate de penicilin [].49
46 Referat cu propuneri de atragere la colaborare informativ a pictorului Pacea Ion din

2 aprilie 1965, Ibid., 17-19.
48 Ibid.
49 Hotrre de deschidere a dosarului de verificare cu privire la sculptorul Baraschi Constantin
din 5 septembrie 1959, Dosar I310550, vol. I, Fond Informativ, ACNSAS, Bucureti, 7.
104
Din pasajul de mai sus, reies, de asemenea, alte cteva motive pentru care un
artist plastic putea ajunge n vizorul Securitii. Cel puin n cazul lui Constantin
Baraschi, acestea au fost determinate de ncercarea lui de a se adapta de la un regim
politic la altul prin punerea artei i a serviciilor sale n slujba respectivelor regimuri.
Totodat, contactele sale cu reprezentanii diplomatici strini suspectai de spionaj,
iar relaiile sale neoficiale cu cetenii strini l transformau n ochii Securitii drept
un posibil element suspect pentru regimul comunist. Acestea din urm aveau s se
transforme n timpul lui Nicolae Ceauescu n principalele motive pentru care un
artist plastic ajungea s fie urmrit i supravegheat de ctre Securitate.
n acelai timp, cazul su indic i posibilitatea ca un artist plastic s fi fost
urmrit i ca urmare a poziiilor sale cu privire la arta pe care o crea i mai ales a
nemulumirilor personale despre modul n care erau tratai unii artiti. Acestea din
urm rbufneau atunci cnd unii dintre artitii plastici nu mai voiau s se supun:
n anul 1956, agentul Cezar al Dir. II-a, ntlnindu-se cu Baraschi, printre alte
discuii s-a exprimat: Am participat la un concurs pentru monumentul Eminescu
i am luat premiul I, ns nu mi s-a dat spre execuie i monumentul. De acum
nainte voi lucra numai ce-mi place mie. M-am sturat s tot joc cum mi cnt. Am
s fac ce-mi dicteaz sensibilitatea mea de artist, nu numai ce mi se comand.50
Ca atare, Constantin Baraschi a fost trecut n categoria de eviden operativ

pentru diversiune ideologic n sectorul creaiei plastice. 51 n acelai timp,
documentele existente n dosarul su indic faptul c sculptorul Constantin Baraschi
intrase n vizorul Securitii cu civa ani nainte de deschiderea dosarului de
verificare, fiind semnalat ntr-o not informativ din 2 iunie 1955. Atunci, acelai
informator Cezar a oferit unele informaii despre lucrrile realizate de Baraschi. El
a enumerat portretele Regelui Carol al II-lea, al lui Armand Clinescu, al
marealului Antonescu pentru a trece apoi odat cu instaurarea Republicii la
monumentul eroului Sovietic i la portretizarea personalitilor noului regim
politic.52 n fia personal ntocmit de ctre Securitate lui Baraschi, apar detalii
despre felul n care a fost creat Monumentul Eroului Sovietic din Piaa Victoriei i
despre poziiile sale fa de regimul comunist. Potrivit documentului, Baraschi i-ar fi
spus unui agent al Securitii, un anume Dragomir, c
50 Ibid., 8.
51 Ibid.
52 Not a informatorului necalificat Cezar despre unele aspecte din activitatea lui Baraschi
Constantin din 2 iulie 1955, Ibid., 22.
105
DUMITRU LCTUU
aceast statuie a fcut-o forat de sovietici, c n timpul ct a lucrat la aceasta,

el a fost nchis n atelier i pzit de ctre ostaii sovietici. Acesta a vrut s
demonstreze sursei c el nu iubete URSS i pe comuniti. n relaiile sale,
C. Baraschi este cunoscut ca un element dumnos regimului.53
De altfel, Constantin Baraschi nu este singurul artist plastic care a fost urmrit
fiind suspectat de diversiune ideologic. Un alt exemplu este cel al sculptorului Ion
Vlasiu (1908-1997). Spre deosebire de cazurile altor artiti urmrii, biografia
interbelic a lui Ion Vlasiu a fost in extenso documentat de ctre Securitate.
Nscut la 6 mai 1908, a urmat coala primar n comuna Ogra, Trnava Mic, i
ulterior coala de meserii din Trgu Mure, specializarea tmplrie i sculptur n
lemn. Dup absolvirea ei n 1926, a lucrat la fabricile Sechely i Ret din Trgu Mure,
iar dup aceea la Cile Ferate din Cluj. n 1928, a devint student al Academiei de Arte
Frumoase din Cluj. Peste trei ani, se stabilea n Bucureti. Fia biografic ce i-a fost
ntocmit de ctre Securitate subliniaz c n Capital ducea o via de boem.54 De
asemenea, ncepe s colaboreze la revistele Unu i Alege, alturi de Geo Bogza i
Jules Perahim. Rentors n 1932 n Ardeal, avea primele expoziii de sculptur la
Trgu Mure i Cluj (1932), care au fost urmate de cele din Bucureti i Timioara
(1934). Tot atunci, cltorea n Iugoslavia. La revenirea n ar, n cursul anului 1935,
se angaja ca profesor de desen linear la o coal de ucenici. n 1937, a avut o expoziie
de pictur i sculptur n lemn la Paris, unde i apare i cartea Am plecat din sat. n
1938, este numit profesor la Academia de Arte Frumoase din Timioara.
n timpul celui de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial, a colaborat la revista ara Nou,
alturi de Mihail Beniuc, dar i la gazetele Ardealul i Gnduri. Articolele publicate
n ultimele dou sunt descrise n fia biografic ca avnd caracter regalist.55 n 1942,
este numit inspector la Direcia Artelor, fiind responsabil cu regiunea Ardealului.56
Pentru Ion Vlasiu, instaurarea regimului comunist nu a fost un moment benefic,
afectndu-l att profesional, ct i financiar. Un posibil motiv ar putea fi reprezentant i de
faptul c era cstorit cu fiica lui Ioan Lupa, membru marcant al PN i fost ministru al
Sntii ntre 1926 i 1927.57 n 1948, era demis din funcia de inspector, iar sculpturile sale
despre Gorki, Horia, Cloca i Crian sunt respinse pe motivul c ar fi fost formaliste.58
53 Plan de msuri pe perioada de la 1 sept. 30 noiembrie 1959 n aciunea de verificare

privind pe sculptorului C. Baraschi, n Ibid., 9-10.
54 Fi personal despre Vlasiu Ion din 14 martie 1958, Dosar I143887, vol. I, Fond
Informativ, ACNSAS, Bucureti, 9.
55 Ibid., 10.
56 Ibidem.
57 Referat cu propuneri de arestare a pictorului Vlasiu Ion, Ibid., 19.
58 Fi personal Ion Vlasiu, Ibid., 10.
106
Anterior deschiderii unui dosar de supraveghere individual de ctre

Securitate, Ion Vlasiu a fost verificat n dou rnduri n cadrul unor dosare de
grup. Prima dat n 1955, alturi de Pavel Codi, Ion Vlad, Naum Corcescu,
Constantin Lucaci, care sunt descrii n fi biografic drept elemente cu trecut
legionar. Membrilor grupului li se imputau urmtoarele fapte:
[] au ncercat s introduc n conducerea UAP un numr apreciabil de

pictori i sculptori aflai pe poziii formaliste, s deschid cale liber rentronrii
artei decadente i s compromit i s demobilizeze prin atacuri violente pe
artitii care se ncadreaz n creaia lor pe drumul realismului socialist.59
Peste ali trei ani, n iunie 1958 mai precis, avea s fie supravegheat ntr-un alt
dosar de grup, mpreun cu Ghea Dumitru-Colibai i Nicolae Brana. Prin aceast
verificare de grup s-a urmrit s se afle scopul concret al activitii i manifestrilor
dumnoase de care erau bnuii membrii grupului, metodele prin care grupul
ncerca s-i ating scopul i legturile grupului cu elementele dumnoase din
afara Uniunii Artitilor Plastici. Dup treisprezece luni de supraveghere informativ
a grupului, Securitatea a ajuns la concluzia c adunase suficiente informaii pentru a-i
se deschide un dosar de urmrire informativ individual lui Ion Vlasiu.60
Motivele transformrii dosarului de grup n unul individual erau multiple.
Documentele l descriu drept adeptul promovrii unui curent naionalist n arta
plastic, precum i ca pe o persoan care considera c socialismul ngusteaz sfera
de creaie nct artistul nu are un cmp bogat s aleag tema i s-l inspire.61 Totodat,
n discuiile cu apropriaii si, se ridica [] mpotriva msurilor luate de partid, cu
care ocazie denigra conductorii.62 Politic, mai este descris drept un ins care a fcut
apologia lui Tito i a politicii sale.63 Portretul de element dumnos era ntregit i
de informaiile Securitii care l indic drept apropiat al doctorului psihiatru Eduard
Pamfil, arestat n 1959 pentru manifestri naionaliste.64 Ca atare, a fost inclus n categoria
de eviden: diversiune n sectorul ideologic, asemenea lui Constantin Baraschi.
Intrarea sa n vizorul Securitii a avut i consecine pentru cariera lui
profesional i, inclusiv, pentru situaia sa financiar. Neacordarea unor lucrri celor
considerai dumnoi i neinvitarea acestora la aciunile desfurate de UAP
59 Ibid., 11.
60 Hotrre pentru preschimbarea dosarului de verificare nr. 2800 n dosar de aciune
informativ individual din 23 iunie 1958, Ibid., 1.
61 Ibid., 2.
62 Ibid.
63 Ibid.
64 Ibid.
107
DUMITRU LCTUU
reprezentau alte modaliti prin care regimul obinea conformarea artitilor. De

altfel, n documentele Securitii, se subliniaz c unele dintre nemulumirile i
manifestrile dumnoase la adresa regimului erau determinate tocmai de faptul
c fusese ndeprtat de la principalele aciuni ale UAP i conducerii sale.65
Optica Securitii fa de cei doi urmrii pentru diversiune ideologic n
sectorul artei plastice s-a schimbat la nceputul anilor 1960, cnd instituia a ncetat
s-i mai priveasc drept prezumtivi dumani ca urmare a aa-ziselor atitudini
naionaliste ale lor. Din acest moment, ei au fost vzui mai degrab ca nite posibili
colaboratori. Motivul turnurii l poate reprezenta noua poziie a Romniei n cadrul
blocului sovietic i descoperirea naionalismului ca baz de legitimare.66
n cazul lui Ion Vlasiu, noua atitudine a Securitii fa de el s-a reflectat i n
comportamentul Uniunii i, inclusiv, a criticii de specialitate fa de acesta n cursul
anului 1961. Astfel, se arat c, n urma elogierii lui de ctre critici i de ctre
conducerea UAP, Vlasiu i-ar fi schimbat atitudinea fa de regim. Se menioneaz c
a nceput chiar s lucreze pe linia Realismului Socialist. S trimit lucrri bune n
expoziii, a nceput s-i reia locul la care fusese nevoit s renune cu ase ani n urm.67
Atitudinea binevoitoare fa de el avea s continue i n 1962, an n care i-a fost
publicat volumul al doilea al romanului autobiografic Drum spre cas. Concluzia
ofierilor de Securitate era c, dup perioada de ase ani n care fusese perceput drept un
prezumtiv duman, materialicete, dar mai ales moralicete, Vlasiu i-a revenit.68
Totodat, n 1963, dobndea o nou locuin n Cotroceni, iar un atelier propriu
i era repartizat n cartierul 23 august. Noua poziie a lui Vlasiu fa de regim era
semnalat inclusiv n rapoartele reelei informative, ceea ce i-a convins pe ofierii
de Securitate c Vlasiu ar putea colabora cu instituia ca urmare a noii sale poziii.
Ca atare, anumite documente ale Securitii indic intenia instituiei de a-l
recruta ca agent. O intenie similar exista i pentru Constantin Baraschi. Ca i n
cazul altor artiti care au fost urmrii iniial, documentele ntrein o anumit
confuzie. Nu este clar dac cei doi au acceptat sau nu calitatea de ageni ai Securitii
i nici n ce a constat. n mod clar, odat cu redescoperirea sentimentelor naionaliste
de ctre regim i apelul la ele n scop de legitimare a condus la revizuirea motivelor
pentru care o persoan putea fi urmrit de Securitate. Atitudinile naionaliste au
ncetat astfel s mai reprezinte un motiv pentru intrarea n vizorul Securitii.
Dimpotriv, ele reprezentau apoi, n perioada care a urmat, aspiraiile regimului.
65 Referat cu propuneri de contactare a numitului Vlasiu Ion din 28 ianuarie 1964, Ibid., 48.
66 Vezi Katherine Verdery, Compromis i rezisten. Cultura romn sub Ceauescu (Bucureti:
Humanitas, 1994).
67 Referat cu propuneri de contactare Ion Vlasiu din 28 ianuarie 1964, n Ibid., 48.
68 Ibid.
108
Urmrirea artitilor plastici n anii 1970-1980.

Dosarul problem UAP i dou cazuri de studiu
La 17 ianuarie 1974, Securitatea iniia o nou aciune de supraveghere i urmrire

informativ n grup: dosarul problema art-cultur. Conform lui Carmen Chivu i
Mihai Albu, unele dintre motivele care au condus la deschiderea acestei probleme
erau de natur politic, precum prezena unor foti membri ai Micrii Legionare sau
a unor foti condamnai politici printre oamenii de cultur. Prin aceast sintagm
erau definii scriitorii, regizorii i actorii, dar i artitii plastici i muzicienii. Alte
probleme priveau slaba pregtire ideologic a acestora, ceea ce, potrivit Securitii, i
fcea vulnerabili n faa propagandei occidentale i a emigraiei romneti
reacionare. 69 Existena acestui dosar ne permite astfel s vedem i s analizm
perspectiva Securitii cu privire la motivele pentru care un artist plastic putea
ajunge pe lista de suspeci n timpul regimului lui Nicolae Ceauescu (1965-1989).
Securitatea ntocmea periodic rapoarte n care era prezentat i analizat evoluia
situaiei operative n diferitele problemele lucrate. Un astfel de material este un document
din 30 octombrie 1986, intitulat Particulariti i forme de activitate dumnoas
desfurate de elemente cu poziie ostil, din rndul artitilor plastici din Capital.
Acesta prezint principalele probleme dumnoase identificate de ofieri n rndul
artitilor plastici. O parte erau comentarii negative fa de politica cultural a partidului
i a statului comunist i aprecieri ale artitilor c n conducerea Consiliului Culturii i
Educaiei Socialiste i a altor instituii ce coordonau sectorul art-cultur se aflau:
persoane incompetente i care din lips de pregtire cultural-artistic, nu

reuesc s surprind i s neleag fenomenul cultural i implicaiile lui la
scar naional n contextul micrii culturale pe plan mondial la ora actual.70
Altele priveau nemulumirile personale ale artitilor determinate de creterea

sistematic din 1981 a preurilor la materiale (culori, pnze, rame, pensule, uleiuri,
bronz etc.) i majorarea taxelor de export pentru lucrrile de art de la 10% la 20%,
diminuarea comenzilor din partea instituiilor statului, meninerea fondurilor de
achiziii ale CCES la un nivel sczut i lipsa spaiilor pentru ateliere.71
69 Carmen Chivu, Mihai Albu, Dosarele Securitii. Studii de caz (Iai: Polirom, 2007), 73-5.
70 Particulariti i forme de activitate dumnoas desfurate de elemente cu poziie ostil,
din rndul artitilor plastici din Capital din 30 octombrie 1986, n Dosar 10784, vol. I, Fond
Documentar, ACNSAS, Bucureti, 2-3.
71 Ibid., 3-4.
109
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Numrul mare al artitilor care cltoreau n strintate i ntlnirile acestora

cu elemente din emigraia reacionar, contactele neoficiale ale artitilor cu
diplomai strini n timpul recepiilor la care erau invitai par s fie una dintre
principalele probleme de care era preocupat Securitatea. O alta o reprezenta
publicarea unor lucrri cu un anume coninut ideologic interpretabil.72
n acest document, este menionat cazul graficianului MS, probabil Mihai
Stnescu, care n 1982 a tiprit (sub auspiciile UAP) un volum de caricaturi ce
cuprinde mai multe lucrri cu un asemenea coninut, motiv pentru care a fost scos
din vnzare i cel al pictorului H.B.73 n 1985, acesta din urm a avut o expoziie
personal de pictur la muzeul de art al RSR, organizat cu acordul CCES. ns, n
expoziie a prezentat mai multe lucrri proprii care conineau anumite imagini
ce puteau fi interpretate din punct de vedere politic.74
Din alte documente, reiese ns c principalul fenomen negativ cu care se
confrunta Securitatea i pe care inteniona s-l contracareze, era rmnerea unor
artiti plastici n strintate. Potrivit notei, numai ntre 1978 i 1979 un numr de
unsprezece artiti plastici plecai pentru organizarea unor expoziii n strintate au
refuzat s se mai ntoarc n Romnia.75
Cu toate acestea, Securitatea se mndrea ntr-un document intern c n
rndul problemei art-cultur, inclusiv printre artiti, nu existau evenimente
negative deosebite. Motivele indicate erau c n acest domeniu lucrau un numr
redus de foti condamnai politici sau persoane nesigure ideologic. Iar n cazul celor
care lucrau n instituiile culturale, exista o politic de stat prin care se realiza att
controlul lor, ct i mpiedicarea acestora s accead la poziii de conducere. n
opinia Securitii, ocuparea unor astfel de funcii le-ar fi putut permite s adopte
atitudini contrare i dumnoase celor oficiale:
n sectoarele art i cultur i-a desfurat activitatea un numr relativ redus

de persoane cu antecedente politice sau penale, care n prezent se ridic la 451
elemente. Dup anul 1964 aceste nu au determinat producerea unor fenomene
negative mai deosebite deoarece dei unele dintre ele prezentau reale caliti
profesionale nu au avut acces la funcii importante i n circuitul cel mai activ
al vieii litera-artistice.76
72 Ibid., 4-6.
73 Ibid., 6.
74 Ibid.,7.
75 Istoric n problema Activitatea dumnoas desfurat de unele persoane din domeniile
art i cultur, Dosar 120, vol. I, Fond Documentar, ACNSAS, Bucureti, 7.
76 Ibid., 3.
110
Existena unei politici de stat, care avea scopul de a opri ascensiunea unor
persoane considerate potenial periculoase pentru regim i producia cultural
oficial, este indicat i de documentele interne ale Uniunii Artitilor Plastici nc de
la nceputul anilor 1970. Astfel, potrivit unui referat din 20 martie 1972 ntocmit de
Dumitru Turlacu, eful Biroului Personal de la UAP i fost ofier de Securitate n anii
1950, 77 n lunile februarie i martie ale acelui an a avut loc o ntlnire la sediul
Comitetului de Partid al Municipiului Bucureti. La ntrunire au participat secretarii
de partid, efii instituiilor de stat i cei ai birourilor personal de pe raza Capitalei. Cu
aceast ocazie, s-a dispus nlocuirea din funciile de conducere a acelor cadre cu munci
de rspundere care nu corespundeau din punct de vedere al dosarelor de personal.78
De asemenea, li s-a recomandat reprezentanilor instituiilor s promoveze i s
angajeze n posturi de rspundere doar membri de partid corespunztori din
punct de vedere politic, moral i professional.79 i s-a fixat un termen de ase luni
pentru nlocuirea celor necorespunztori din funciile de conducere avute.
n cazul UAP, referatul indic existena unui numr de cinci persoane neconforme
din punct de vedere al dosarului. Principalele probleme existente n dosarul lor erau
originea social chiabureasc, erau exclui din partid, aveau rude apropiate
foti membri n partidele politice interbelice sau foti deinui politici. De asemenea,
exista i un caz al unui cadru cu funcii de conducere care era fost deinut politic.80
Documentele identificate arat astfel c inclusiv n anii 1970 i 1980 mai erau
valide nc unele dintre motivele primei perioade a regimului comunist pentru care
artitii plastici intrau n vizorul Securitii. De altfel, sinteze ale Securitii din acest
interval de timp ne indic att numele persoanelor considerate suspecte sau care
prezentau interes, ct i motivele pentru care acetia fuseser inclui n acest grup
de liste negre. Dintre acestea, enumerm urmtoarele documente interne elaborate de
ofierii care i urmreau i supravegheau pe artitii plastici: Elemente verificate n SI81
77 Calitatea de ofier a lui Dumitru Turlacu este menionat ntr-un document intern al
Securitii. Despre acesta se precizeaz urmtoarele: ef Birou personal la UAP, a
funcionat n cadrul Ministerului de Interne, organele de securitate UM 0350, n perioada
1954-1958, cnd a fost scos n rezerv cu gradul de lt. major (Tabel nominal cuprinznd
ofierii n rezerv care au funcionat n uniti militare, membri sau oameni ai muncii la
Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, Dosar 10784, vol. I, Fond Documentar, ACNSAS, Bucureti, 99.
78 Dan Drghia, Dumitru Lctuu, Alina Popescu, Caterina Preda, Cristina Stoenescu,
(editori), Uniunea Artitilor Plastici n documente de arhiv (Bucureti: Editura Universitii din
Bucureti, 2016), 368.
79 Ibid., 368.
80 Ibid., 368-70.
81 Elemente verificate n SI, Dosar 16298, vol. I, Fond Documentar, ACNSAS, Bucureti, 212-25.
111
DUMITRU LCTUU
care cuprinde numele a patruzeci i nou de artiti plastici aflai sub supraveghere
informativ; un Tabel cu elementele care au fcut parte din org. legionar i din
FDC existeni n Uniunea Artitilor Plastici82 i care include numele a douzeci i
dou de persoane; un Tabel cu persoanele ce prezint interes pentru org. noastre i care
cuprinde numele a aizeci i apte de pictori, sculptori, critici de art i graficieni etc.83
Din parcurgerea acestor documente, reies i principalele motive pentru care au
fost inclui pe listele negre. Exemplele sunt variate: Constana Dogeanu,
decoratoare, a fost luat n eviden la 29.4.1982, fiind avertizat pt. c a aderat, la
Meditaia transcendental,84 Mihai Cismaru a fost luat n verificri la 2.9.1986, fiind
semnalat c ntreine coresponden cu elemente din emigraia romn din SUA,85
Andrei Romoceanu a fost luat n verificri la 11.9.1986 fiind semnalat c ntreine
relaii neoficiale cu ceteni strini,86 Vasile Cel Mare are cumnat (fratele soiei
stabilit ilegal n Spania din 1982),87 Pavel Codi fost legionar n timpul studeniei.
mpreun cu un grup de studeni de la Arte Frumoase, au fcut dezordine la
8 noiembrie 1945,88 Maria Costa tatl su a fost membru PNL, Ioan tefan Clea
tatl su Clea Aurel fost legionar a participat la rebeliunea legionar,89 Ovidiu
Maitec, sculptor, a fost luat n verificri la 25.4.1984 pentru c a aderat la Meditaia
transcendental. A fost membru al CC al PCR i exclus n 1983 din CC i din
partid, 90 Virgil Preda este cstorit cu o cetean RPU [Republica Popular
Ungaria] care domiciliaz la Budapesta. A fost verificat n DUI n 1979-190, fiind
semnalat c ntreine relaii neoficiale cu directorul de la Biblioteca Italian i ali
diplomai strini. S-a nchis DUI prin informarea organelor de partid care l-au
atenionat 91, tefan Teodorescu a fost verificat n DUI 1979-1980 fiind semnalat cu
comentarii ostile la adresa politicii statului nostru. DUI s-a nchis prin atenionare.92
Cazurile de mai sus arat c, n general, motivele priveau att trecutul politic al
propriilor prini i pe cel al artitilor, ct i existena unor relaii neoficiale i
82 Tabel cu elementele care au fcut parte din org. legionar i din FDC [Friile de cruce]
existeni n Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, n Ibid., 246.
83 Tabel cu persoanele ce prezint interes pentru organele noastre, Ibid., 273-5.
84 Elemente verificate n SI, Ibid., 214.
85 Ibid., 216.
86 Ibid., 217.
87 Anexa 3, Ibid., 218.
88 Ibid., 219.
89 Ibid.
90 Elemente verificate n SI, Ibid., 212.
91 Anexa 3, Ibid., 222.
92 Ibid., 224.
112
neaprobate cu instituii de cultur vestice, diplomai strini acreditai n Romnia sau

ntreinerea unei corespondene externe cu persoane considerate nesigure de ctre regim.
Cu scopul de a preveni i eventualele aciuni ale artitilor plastici suspeci
mpotriva regimului comunist, Securitatea dispunea n 1983 pentru supravegherea i
urmrirea persoanelor suspecte n cadrul dosarului problem i n cele individuale
de o reea informativ format din 13 informatori; 10 colaboratori; 13 surse i 1
rezident care deserveau Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, Fondul Plastic i Combinatul
Fondului Plastic. n afar de acetia, mai existau apte surse ale altor ofieri din
SMB i nou surse ale altor organe.93 Informatorii trebuiau s acopere 105 de
persoane din rndul artitilor ce fuseser selecionate, adic identificare ca
suspecte. Patru dintre ei erau verificai prin DUI, treizeci i trei prin SI, iar aizeci i
opt erau verificai prin dosarul problem. Totodat, Securitatea mai avea n plan s
racoleze pe parcursul anului 1983 alte optsprezece surse.94
Reeaua informativ a Securitii era instruit s culeag o serie de informaii i
date n special despre urmtoarele categorii de persoane, care n ochii instituiei erau
pretabile la aciuni anticomuniste:
elemente cu antecedente politice sau penale i descendenii acestora;

persoanele nemulumite din punct de vedere al realizrii profesionale,
predispuse a da nuan politic acestor nemulumiri; elementele cunoscute sau
care vor fi depistate c intenioneaz s creeze lucrri de art plastic cu
coninut denigrator.95
Scopurile urmrite de Securitate prin culegerea de informaii despre categoriile de

mai sus erau: depistarea elementelor cu manifestri ostile fa de politica partidului i
regimului nostru, cunoaterea din timp a unor stri de spirit necorespunztoare n
mediu [printre artitii plastici], a factorilor ce le genereaz i informarea operativ a
organelor de partid i factorilor de decizie din sectorul art-cultur pentru a lua msurile
ce se impun i a preveni degenerarea acestora n situaii necorespunztoare,
identificarea celor care ascultau Europa Liber i a celor care aveau legturi i
contacte cu acest post, verificarea temeinic a artitilor care cltoreau n
strintate n interes de serviciu sau particular i pregtirea lor informativ pentru a
nu fi influenai negativ de emigraia reacionar, supravegherea informativ a
93 Not privind situaia operativ din mediul artitilor plastici din Bucureti, Dosar 10784,
vol. I, Fond Documentar, ACNSAS, Bucureti, 42.
94 Ibid., 46.
95 Ibid., 43.
113
DUMITRU LCTUU
celor care aveau rude n emigraia reacionar, lucrarea n mod organizat a celor
care erau elogiai sau au fost elogiai la radio Europa Liber, clarificarea legturilor
dintre artitii plastici cu diplomai sau ceteni strini i luarea unor msuri de
restrngere a numrului acestora.96
n 1986, potrivit unei note-raport interne a instituiei poliieneti, reeaua
informativ din rndul UAP crescuse, ajungnd la un numr de patruzeci i nou de
surse ale Securitii. Dintre care douzeci erau informatori, doisprezece colaboratori,
doi rezideni i cincisprezece persoane de sprijin. Acetia erau repartizai astfel n
cadrul subproblemei arta plastic: 32 i desfoar activitatea n cadrul Uniunii
Artitilor Plastici, 11 lucreaz n Combinatul Fondului Plastic, iar 6 la Fondul
Plastic. 97 Din punct de vedere al profesiei, douzeci i patru de surse erau
recrutate din rndul artitilor plastici (pictori, sculptori, graficieni, critici de art),
aptesprezece dintre funcionari, iar opt dintre ingineri, tehnicieni i muncitori.
Despre cei din a doua categorie, se menioneaz c majoritatea funcionarilor, care
erau i surse ale Securitii, aveau atribuiuni de conducere i coordonare.98
Cele patruzeci i nou de surse ale Securitii au produs ntre anii 1985 i
1986 un numr de:
816 note informative, din care 58 au fost exploatate n dosarele de urmrire

informativ, 106 n supravegherea elementelor incluse n baza de lucru, 66
trimise altor servicii sau uniti, iar 559 pentru verificrile i avizrile
persoanelor ce au fcut obiectul programelor de msuri ALFA i ATLAS.99
n afar de cei patruzeci i nou, pentru Securitate au mai lucrat n vederea

acoperirii informative a subproblemei arta plastic i pentru supravegherea artitilor:
15 persoane (legturi oficiale) cu funcii de conducere pe linie administrativ

i politic, att pe linia obinerii de informaii, ct i pentru influenarea
pozitiv a unor elemente predispuse la aciuni anarhice i protestare, precum i
n acoperirea msurilor operative de securitate ntreprinse n rezolvarea unor
cazuri aflate n lucru.100
96 Ibid., 43-44.
97 Not raport din 2 octombrie 1986, Dosar 10784, vol. I, Fond Documentar, ACNSAS,
Bucureti, 101.
98 Ibid., 102.
99 Ibid.
100 Ibid.
114
Cu toate acestea, autorul notei raport din 3 octombrie 1986, colonelul tefan
Grigorie, referindu-se la aportul reelei informative la cunoaterea i stpnirea
situaiei operative n mediul artelor plastice evidenia anumite carene i
neajunsuri. Prima sa nemulumire privea modul n care erau folosite sursele,
deoarece o parte important erau utilizate mai ales pentru furnizarea de note tip
caracterizri necesare acordrii avizelor de paapoarte i
mai puin [] instruite i determinate s adopte o conduit activ pentru a iniia

i aborda discuii de natur s pun elementele aflate n atenie n situaia de a face
destinuiri cu privire la inteniile i eventualele aciuni ostile ce le ntreprind.101
Un alt aspect negativ sesizat de colonelul Grigorie era faptul c n cursul anului
1986 nu a fost deschis nici un dosar de urmrire informativ, fiind luate n
supraveghere informativ doar 3 elemente. Ofierul sublinia c supravegherea n
continuare a altor persoane nu se mai justifica. n general, acetia erau foti legionari
cu vrste de peste 60 de ani, care erau bolnavi i perimai fizic i de aceea, astfel
de persoane nu mai puteau fi potenial periculoase.102
Pentru mbuntirea situaiei operative din rndul artitilor plastici, lucrtorul
de securitate a propus cteva msuri. Printre ele, reinstruirea surselor i fixarea
unor sarcini concrete, verificarea surselor prin teste i combinaii pentru a vedea
gradul lor de loialitate fa de ornduirea socialist din ara noastr i sinceritatea n
colaborarea cu securitatea statului, stabilirea de ctre eful de serviciu i colectiv a
unor msuri concrete care s duc la impulsionarea supravegherii informative a
celor [elementelor] pretabile la aciuni ostile i scoaterea din preocupri a acelora
care sunt meninute nejustificat n forme organizate de lucru.103 Atenie urma s fie
acordat i artitilor care cltoreau n strintate prin pregtirea lor contrainformativ
i contactarea acestora la rentoarcerea lor n ar.104
Sectantul: Ovidiu Maitec i Securitatea
Pn n 1983, sculptorul Ovidiu Maitec era unul dintre artitii plastici bine vzui de
partid i probabil unul dintre cei mai influeni. n afar de faptul c avea funcia de
101 Ibid., 105.

102 Ibid., 106.
103 Ibid., 107.
104 Ibid., 107.
115
DUMITRU LCTUU
secretar al UAP, acesta era i membru n Comitetul Central (CC) al Partidului

Comunist din Romnia (PCR). Nscut la 13 decembrie 1925 n Arad, a urmat ntre
1945 i 1950 Institutul de Arte Plastice din Bucureti. n primii ani ai carierei sale, a
fost asistent la acest institut (1950-1956). Lucrrile sale de debut din anii 1950 sunt
inspirate din teme ale Realismului Socialist.105 ns, dup cum menioneaz Magda
Crneci, asemenea altor tineri artiti care au debutat n timpul obsedantului deceniu,
dup traversarea acestei perioadei, Maitec a fost unul dintre cei care vor da tonul
schimbrii, la sfritul anilor 1950, cnd modelul realist socialist va fi treptat prsit.106
ns, n dosarul su de Securitate, exist foarte puine date i informaii cu
privire la biografia lui nainte de 1983. n acest an, situaia lui s-a schimbat dramatic
dup ce a fost exclus att din partid, ct i din CC pentru aderarea lui la Meditaia
transcendental. 107 n scurt timp, Ovidiu Maitec a fost luat n aciune de
supraveghere informativ n cadrul dosarului problem. Note informative date de
agenii Securitii, printre care cele ale sursei Apolodor, ne arat c era foarte
afectat de msurile luate mpotriva lui, considerndu-le prea aspre n raport cu fapta sa i c
era nemulumit de starea lui material, ca urmare a faptului c statul nu i-a mai
achiziionat demult lucrri, iar publicul nu cumpr sculpturi.108 Ultima fraz ne
indic astfel i una dintre consecinele intrrii unui artist pe lista neagr a Partidului
i Securitii: sistarea comenzilor din partea instituiilor statului, un risc de care cei
mai muli artiti erau contieni.
Acelai Apolodor informa c Sectantul109 era nemulumit i de faptul c n
1987 a solicitat s i se aprobe organizarea unei expoziii personale la galeria Art of
105 Ioana Vlasiu (coordonator), Dicionarul sculptorilor din Romnia. Secolele XIX-XX, lit. H-Z, vol. II
(Bucuret: Editura Academiei Romne, 2012), 105-7.
107 Micarea Meditaia Transcendental a fost adus n Romnia de inginerul Nicolae Stoian, indicat
de istoricul Adam Burakowski drept un posibil agent al Securitii. Dup obinerea acordurilor
necesare din partea instituiilor statului comunist romn, acesta a nceput s in cursuri i conferine
despre tiina inteligenei creatoare care, n urmtorii ani, s-au bucurat de succes n rndul
intelectualilor bucureteni. Scandalul legat de Meditaia Transcendental a nceput n 1981.
Principalele consecine au fost, n afar de arestarea participanilor, ndeprtarea din serviciu a
unor intelectuali cunoscui, precum i eliminarea din posturile ocupate a unor activiti de partid.
Burakowski menioneaz c aceast afacere a fost folosit de Nicolae Ceauescu i ca un
pretext pentru nlocuirea unor oficiali comuniti din fruntea ministerelor sau nomenclaturiti din
ealonul doi al partidului. Printre cei ndeprtai, se numr i Aneta Spornic, ministru al Educaiei.
A se vedea Adam Burakowski, Dictatura lui Nicolae Ceauescu. Geniul Carpailor (Iai: Polirom, 2011).
108 Not raport a sursei Apolodor din 20 iulie 1987, Dosar I474821, Fond Informativ, ACNSAS,
Bucureti, 11.
109 Numele conspirativ atribuit lui Ovidiu Maitec de Securitate.
116
this Century din Paris, ns cererea lui a fost trimis de UAP ctre CCES. 110
Rspunsul comunicat de aceast instituie n 1988 a fost unul negativ. ns, un motiv
al nemulumirii sale l reprezenta modul prin care i-a fost comunicat i noua poziie a
instituiilor statului fa de el: Maitec era mhnit c a trebuit s atepte luni de zile,
ca s primeasc un rspuns negativ i acela transmis ca la un oarecare, verbal prin
funcionaru[l] UAP, fr nici o motivaie.111
Finalul notei informative las loc de interpretri, fiind astfel posibil ca
informatorul s fi acionat i n interesul lui Ovidiu Maitec prin alarmarea Securitii
de posibilele consecine determinate de neaprobarea organizrii unei expoziii
personale n Paris:
Sursa Apolodor, apreciaz c Maitec Ovidiu, este posibil s comunice

galeriei din Paris, c nu i s-a aprobat expoziia de ctre CCES, s se
scandalizeze la rndul ei i a crea atmosfer. De asemenea mai apreciaz, c
este posibil ca n cazul cnd nu i se va aproba nici cltoria ca turist, s treac la
a face acte de protest, considerndu-se persecutat.112
Aparent, Securitatea s-a ncrezut n semnalul de alarm transmis i a acionat n

vederea mpiedicrii transformrii lui Ovidiu Maitec ntr-un disident, ceea ce a
nsemnat s i se ndeplineasc una dintre solicitri: cltoria n strintate. n
consecin, la 11 noiembrie 1987, Securitatea a propus printr-un raport s i se avizeze
favorabil cltoria n strintate, indicnd ca argument i opinia vicepreedintelui
UAP Viorel Mrgineau despre meninerea refuzului de a cltori n Frana.
Mrgineanu era de prere c Ovidiu Maitec poate deveni un caz dac nu i se va
aproba nici plecarea ca turist n Frana. Ca atare, unul dintre ofieri a sugerat ca
Maitec s fie sftuit s fac din nou cerere de cltorie ca turist.113 Dintr-o adnotare
a unui alt ofier, reiese c situaia lui a fost discutat la 8 ianuarie 1988 la conducerea
Direciei de Paapoarte, optndu-se pentru rezolvarea favorabil a cererii de
cltorie turistic.114 Chiar dac i s-a aprobat cltoria turistic n Frana, Ovidiu
Maitec era n continuare nemulumit.
Din toate aceste motive, Securitatea a deschis la 12 decembrie 1988 pe numele
su o map de verificare, intitulat Sectantul. Scopul principal al dosarului l
110 Not raport a sursei Apolodor din 13 octombrie 1987, Ibid., 41.
111 Ibid., 42.
112 Ibid., 42.
113 Raport cu propunerea de a se aproba avizarea pozitiv pentru cltoria turistic a
numitului Maitec Ovidiu n strintate din 11 noiembrie 1987, Ibid., 47-8.
114 Ibid., 47.
117
DUMITRU LCTUU
reprezenta cunoaterea atitudinilor sale fa de ornduirea socialist i dac acesta

mai avea preocupri pe linia sectei ilegale. n cazul lui Ovidiu Maitec, Securitatea
i-a propus influenarea [sa] pozitiv i determinarea [lui] s adopte o atitudine
corespunztoare i cunoaterea concepiilor sale pe linie profesional. Acestea urmau
s fie realizate prin discuii ntre ofieri i relaiile oficiale AG i HI, care, potrivit
raportului, urmau s acioneze ulterior n conformitate cu instruciunile Securitii.115
Dup cteva luni de urmrire prin map de verificare, ofierii de Securitate au
ajuns la concluzia c una dintre sarcinile asumate la deschiderea dosarului,
influenarea lui pozitiv prin intermediul reelei informative i a relaiilor oficiale, a
avut succes. Se ajunsese la aceast concluzie chiar dac n mai 1989 un informator al
Securitii relatase c Maitec era hotrt s i scrie inclusiv lui Nicolae Ceauescu
dac mai ntmpina greuti n privina plecrilor n strintate. Informatorul arta
c Ovidiu Maitec considera c msurile luate la adresa lui sunt abuzive i cineva
trebuie s fac dreptate.116 Aparent, noul informator al Securitii, care avea i funcia
de rezident, a reuit s-l influeneze pe fostul membru al CC, dup cum i-a fost
indicat de ctre ofierul de caz: Rezidentul va aciona pentru influenarea pozitiv a
celui n cauz i determinarea sa se abin de la aciuni cu caracter protestatar.117
Astfel, n august 1989, a fost ntocmit un raport privind influenarea pozitiv a
lui Maitec Ovidiu. n acesta, se arta c reeaua informativ a semnalat c
obiectivul n ultima perioad de timp, a evitat s mai fac afirmaii cu caracter
tendenios la adresa politicii partidului i statului nostru, dar i c nu mai avea nici
un interes pentru secta ilegal Meditaia transcendental i nici legturi cu fotii
adereni ai acestuia. Ca atare, s-a propus ca msur preventiv influenarea lui
pozitiv i nchiderea mapei de verificare.118 Aceasta a fost nchis la 7 august 1989,
dup cum reiese din raportul cu propunerea de a se aprobarea nchiderea mapei de
verificare sectantul.119
115 Raport cu propunerea de a fi luat n lucru prin map de verificare, numitul Maitec Ovidiu,
aflat n supraveghere informativ din 2 decembrie 1988, Ibid., 1-2.
116 Not a rezidentului Pictorul din 15 mai 1989, Ibid., 68.
117 Not a rezidentului Pictorul din 3 iulie 1989, Ibid., 76.
118 Raport privind influenarea pozitiv a numitului Maitec Ovidiu, sculptor din Bucureti,
lucrat prin map de verificare Sectantul din 4 august 1989, Ibid., 77.
119 Raport cu propunerea de a se aproba nchiderea mapei de verificare Sectantul prin
msura influenrii pozitive din 7 august 1989, Ibid., 78.
118
Pictorul: Constantin Strin Flondor i Securitatea
Majoritatea documentelor identificate n arhiva Securitii sugereaz c n general

artitii plastici au fost urmrii i supravegheai ca urmare a unor factori politici
precum originea social, funciile deinute in diferite partide politice nainte de 1948,
atitudinile fa de regim, dar i pentru c erau suspectai deevaziune, adic
intenia de a rmne ilegal n strintate. Cu toate acestea, nu au lipsit i motivele
care ineau de creaia artitilor plastici. Dei unele cazuri apar la sfritul anilor 1950,
ele sunt mai frecvente la artitii din generaia nou, a cror afirmare ncepe n anii
1970-1980. Spre deosebire de predecesorii lor, posesorii unui trecut politic suspect,
acetia nu aveau probleme cu atitudinile lor politice interbelice. Cei mai muli dintre
ei crescuser i socializaser integral n regimul comunist. Excepia o reprezentau
acei artiti care erau fii de deinui politici sau urmai ai unor altor elemente
nesigure. Un astfel de caz este al pictorului Constantin Strin Flondor.
Paradoxal, pe msur ce Securitatea i-a rafinat i mbuntit tehnicile de
control i supraveghere, informaiile biografice despre cei urmrii s-au diminuat
considerabil n raport cu fiele biografice ntocmite suspecilor n anii 1950. n
cazul lui Constantin Strin Flondor, se menioneaz c este descendentul unei familii
de nobili din Cernui [subl. original]120 i c era profesor la Liceul de art I. Vidu.121
Alte informaii biografice subliniaz meritele sale artistice, precizndu-se c
pentru activitatea [sa] de creaie a fost distins de dou ori cu premiul criticii
acordat de Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din Romnia n 1970 i 1979. Este
menionat n Dicionarul artitilor romni contemporani autor Octavian
Barbosa editura Meridiane.122
Ofierii anilor 1980 par interesai mai ales s documenteze aspectele

incriminatorii despre cei supravegheai. Foarte probabil, biografia acestora urma s
fie ntocmit dup finalizarea documentrii cazului i rescris conform uzanelor
perioadei. O posibil explicaie este c, la nceput, Securitatea trebuia s identifice n
arhivele fostelor structuri poliieneti, ale ziarelor interbelice, asociaiilor i
organizaiilor politice datele i informaiile compromitoare despre cei urmrii.
120 Not informativ din 4 septembrie 1989, Dosar I233475, vol. I, Fond Informativ, ACNSAS,
Bucureti, 39.
121 Not informativ din 29 octombrie 1984, Ibid., 40.
122 Profesor Ioan Perciun, Caracterizare a pictorului Constantin Flondor din 28 noiembrie 1984,
Ibid., 42.
119
DUMITRU LCTUU
ns, n epoca apariiei i dezvoltrii tehnologiei de supraveghere i control,

Securitatea putea mult mai uor s documenteze activitatea dumnoas a unei
persoane urmrite prin instalarea mijloacelor de ascultare la domiciliul i locul de
munc, interceptarea corespondenei i filaj. Un posibil motiv poate fi i faptul c cei
urmrii n anii 1980, ca urmare a vrstei, nu avuseser cum s dezvolte atitudini
politice nainte de instaurarea regimului comunist.
Totodat, un alt aspect care nu pare nu pare s fi interesat Securitatea este
activitatea lui Constantin Flondor n cadrul Grupului Sigma din Timioara.
Potrivit lui Victor Neumann, Grupul Sigma a fost nfiinat de ctre tefan Bertlan,
reuind s ofere artei contemporane romneti
o nelegere alternativ i o nou definire a lumii prin apelul la gramatica

formelor, estetica industrial, marketing, geometria industrial, culorile
complementare, design, geometria descriptiv, studiul bionic.123
n cazul lui Constantin Flondor, notele diferiilor ageni se artau surprinse

de maniera n care erau realizate mai multe lucrri plastice ale elevilor liceului [Ion
Vidu] din Timioara care, potrivit informatorului, nu respectau normele didactice.
Dornic s aprofundeze cazul, sursa Grigorescu l-a chestionat pe profesorul
acestora, pictorul Constantin Flondor, cu privire la picturile realizate de elevi.
Constantin Flondor i-a spus informatorului c din punctul lui de vedere, artistul
trebuie s fie liber, fr s se supun niciunui program impus de partid, ci fiecare s lucreze
ceea ce crede de cuviin.124 Informatorul mai relata c pe pereii atelierului se aflau
expuse peste 30 de afie tiprite clandestin, pe care erau formulate mai multe
ntrebri legate de viitorul, misiunea i rolul [ artei] n prezent i viitor. []. Mai
are rost arta, ce art dorii, vrei s distrugei arta, cum vedei viaa fr art, etc.. Opinia
lui era c activitatea lui Flondor putea reprezenta o form de refuz a unor programe
de art angajat, militant n spiritul cuvntrii de la Mangalia125 [din 1983].126
123 Victor Neuman, tefan Bertlan i spiritul Timioarei postbelice, Orizont 1 (2015).
124 Raport cu propuneri de nceperea urmririi informative din 19 septembrie 1984, Dosar
I233475, vol. I, Fond Informativ, ACNSAS, Bucureti, 1.
125 Tezele de la Mangalia. Intre 3-4 august 1983 a avut loc o consftuire a activitilor de partid
despre problemele muncii organizatorice i politico-educative a partidului. Potrivit lui
Adam Burakowski, referatul prezentat de Nicolae Ceauescu a intrat in istorie sub
denumirea de tezele de la Mangalia i era o reluare a principalelor idei exprimate n tezele
din iulie din 1971. In cuprinsul acestuia, liderul comunist a cerut crestarea general a
disciplinei, preluarea n cadrul activitii comitetelor de partid a tuturor domeniilor vieii,
consolidarea independenei patriei, consolidarea unitii i a forei politice a partidului,
120
Ca atare, la 19 septembrie 1986, Securitatea a aprobat nceperea urmririi

informative a pictorului Constantin Flondor. Din planul de msuri n cazul dosarului
de urmrire informativ Pictorul reiese i interpretarea Securitii dat
informaiilor lui Grigorescu. Potrivit documentului, Pictorul avea concepii de
liberalism n art, de nesupunere a artistului niciunui program i ndemna elevii
s nu respecte programele tematice, ci s se manifeste artistic fr nici un fel de
constrngere i nctuare.127 Din document, mai reiese i un alt aspect, care este
important pentru a nelege modul n care aciona Securitatea i pe ce se baza atunci
cnd i aeza lupa asupra unui obiectiv. n general, ofierii nu aveau o pregtire
de specialitate n domenii precum arta plastic, literatur, cinematografie etc.
Instrucia lor privea modul n care trebuia coordonat o aciune informativ, condus o
anchet, organizat un filaj etc. Ca atare, n cazul acelor aciuni unde trebuiau s identifice
potenialul subversiv al unei lucrri create de un artist plastic, acetia se bazau pe notele
informative sau se raportau la indicaiile partidului. La originea unor note informative,
nu este exclus s se fi aflat invidii personale ale informatorilor, sau ca ele s fi fost
produse de spiritul de concuren existent ntre artiti. Astfel, ofierii i-au asumat
integral caracterizrile artei lui Flondor produse de informatori, descriindu-l drept
promotorul unor aciuni de refuz a artei angajate, militante, n spiritul documentelor de
partid ncercnd s-i ctige adepi din rndul elevilor i a altor plasticieni.128
Planul de msuri prezint i principalele scopuri propuse n dosarul Pictorul:
1. Prevenirea oricror aciuni ostile i de influenare negativ a elevilor de la

secia de art plastic a Lic. De art Ion Vidu . 2. Stabilirea exact a modului
n care concepe rolul artistului plastic n societatea noastr, poziia obiectivului
fa de politica statului nostru n domeniu artei. 3. Documentarea i curmarea
activitii ostile a numitului Flondor Strin Constantin.129
necesitatea popularizrii prin cultura i prin mijloacele de difuzare n masa a unui tip de
erou care sa poat constitui un model pentru tineret. Mesajul central transmis artitilor i
intelectualilor era c nu poate exista creaie artistic sau cultural lipsit de mesaj
revoluionar, arta urmnd s fie transformat ntr-un mijloc de construire a omului
nou. A se vedea Adam Burakowski, Dictatura i Vladimir Tismneanu, Cristian Vasile,
Dorin Dobrincu, (editori), Comisia Prezidenial pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste din
Romnia. Raport final (Bucureti, 2006), 120, 602. http://ow.ly/KzZn307KbwU.
126 Not informativ a sursei Grigorescu din 5 aprilie 1984, Dosar I233475, vol. I, Fond
Informativ, ACNSAS, Bucureti, 3-4.
127 Ibid., 5-6.
128 Ibid.
129 Ibid., 6.
121
DUMITRU LCTUU
Documentele existente n dosarul su i mai ales notele de analiz al acestuia din

anii 1985 i 1987 ne permit s vedem cum a acionat Securitatea mpotriva lui Constantin
Flondor i modul n care au fost interpretate aciunile sale. Astfel, Pictorul era
bnuit cu intenia de a constitui n liceu un grup al seciunii experimentale,
similar celui din Bucureti. De asemenea, este portretizat n documente i drept un
artist cu pretenii, individualist i nonconformist.130 n acelai timp, mai era prezentat
n 1986 i ca un artist aflat ntr-o faz de cutri i experimentri n modul de
exprimare n art aa cum a fost n anii precedeni. Totodat, n nota de analiz din 1986
se arat c intenia lui de constituire a unui grup experimental nu a avut succes,
ntruct nici un profesor nu a aderat la concepiile sale experimentale.131
Un alt aspect rezultat din dosar, este c urmrirea lui era n desfurare i n
decembrie 1989, dat la care regimul comunist a fost nlturat, dosarul su fiind
nchis de abia n 1990. Motivul pentru care a fost nchis dosarul era urmtorul:
ntruct n prezent [] nu mai face obiectul activitii SRI.132 Cazul su nu este
singular pentru c n 1989, Securitatea avea nc n vizor mai muli artiti plastici.
Dosarele lor au fost nchise n 1990 sau mai trziu, dup crearea Serviciului Romn
de Informaii. De asemenea, dosarul care i-a fost ntocmit are i un alt rol, pe care
Securitatea nu i-l imagina n perioada urmririi: documentarea activitii celor
supravegheai. Acest lucru ne permite s analizm diferite imagini i situaii
surprinse de angajaii i informatorii Securitii.
Concluzii
Relaia artitilor plastici cu Securitatea n perioada 1950-1990 nu a fost una liniar.

Din acest motiv, ea nu poate fi calificat drept una de colaborare cu sistemul sau de
mpotrivire acestuia. ntr-un regim n care toate prghiile necesare afirmrii unui
artist plastic erau monopolizate de stat, fiind condiionat de conformarea artitilor
la normele ideologice, alegerea unei alte ci putea reprezenta o ntreprindere
riscant. n acelai timp, regimul beneficia de suficiente mijloace prin care se putea
apra mpotriva unor elemente nesigure din punct de vedere ideologic sau care
puteau reprezenta o ameninare (mpiedicarea ascensiunii acestora n funcii de
130 Ibid., 46-8.

131 Ibid., 50-1.
132 Raport cu propunere de clasare a dosarului de urmrire informativ cu nr. 4871 privind pe
numitul Flondor Strin, Ibid., 75.
122
conducere, sistarea comenzilor din partea instituiilor statului, interzicerea de a

participa la expoziiile naionale i la cele internaionale, arestarea etc.).
n timpul regimului comunist, artitii plastici, la fel ca i celelalte categorii
socio-profesionale, au fost constant supravegheai i urmrii de Securitate.
Principalii factorii care au determinat intrarea n vizorul instituiei represive au fost
cei politici. Unele dintre principalele motive pentru intrarea n vizorul Securitii
includeau un parcurs n partidele politice interbelice, existena unui membru al
familiei care era fost deinut politic, o condamnare politic, ntreinerea de relaii
neoficiale cu ceteni strini, sau participarea la recepiile reprezentanelor
diplomatice occidentale n Romnia. Toate acestea ridicau o serie de suspiciuni n
privina loialitii unor persoane cu astfel de pete, ceea ce implica verificarea i
urmrirea lor n cadrul dosarului problem sau a celor individuale.
O posibilitate de a scpa de acest tip de supraveghere o reprezenta i
colaborarea cu aceast instituie. Colaborarea cu Securitatea nu era un drum cu sens
unic deoarece colaboratorul putea redeveni oricnd un urmrit n funcie de evoluia
sa. n acelai timp, o astfel de relaie avea anumite avantaje att pentru ofierii care
recrutau, ct i pentru colaboratori. Recrutorii aveau sentimentul c prin existena
unui numr ct mai mare de surse controlau informativ situaiile dintr-un obiectiv.
Totodat, n ultimii ani ai regimului comunist, aceti colaboratori alei dintre
persoane cu prestigiu intelectual puteau aciona ca ageni de influen n exterior i
puteau impune o imagine pozitiv a Romniei.
Pentru colaboratori aceasta nsemna att simplificarea procedurilor birocratice
de obinere a vizelor pentru plecarea n strintate, ct i obinerea unui sprijin
material pentru organizarea unei expoziii n alt ar. Totodat, anumite documente
indic faptul c o alt form de recompensare a acestora, n afar de sumele care
puteau fi pltite pentru notele informative livrate, o reprezenta sprijinul pentru
organizarea unor expoziii personale, mai ales n strintate. n acelai timp, relaia
de colaborare putea presupune i transformarea colaboratorului n urmrit. De fapt,
majoritatea celor care colaborau cu Securitatea erau amnunit verificai, iar
loialitatea lor era testat prin diverse teste concepute de ctre ofieri.
Unul dintre motivele cele mai importante pentru verificarea artitilor era
posibila lor intenie de a rmne n strintate cu ocazia deplasrilor n interes de
serviciu sau personale. De aceea, orice cerere de acordare a paaportului era atent
investigat de ctre Securitate, iar multe dintre documentele existente n dosarul
problem privesc tocmai astfel de investigaii ale unor persoane care solicitau
acordarea unei vize. Strictul control al regimului paapoartelor i eliberarea lor doar
elementelor de ncredere era o alt modalitate a regimului prin care ncerca s se
123
DUMITRU LCTUU
protejeze mpotriva aciunilor celor suspeci. 133 Emiterea unui paaport n urma
interveniei Securitii reprezenta i un mijloc de recompensare a colaboratorilor sau
o ncercare de a diminua nemulumirile unora dintre artiti. Dar, dup cum au
evideniat unii autori, nu orice persoan cu un paaport era un colaborator al
regimului i al instituiilor sale represive.134
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124
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125
DUMITRU LCTUU
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Polirom, 2006.
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romni ntre legionari i staliniti. Bucureti: Compania, 2005.
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128
The Transformation of the Romanian Artists Union after 1990:
the Case of Atelier 35
CRISTINA STOENESCU
Abstract. This paper analyzes the potential continuities and discontinuities of the Romanian
Artists Union (UAP) youth structure, Atelier 35 (Studio 35, A35), in the period before and after the
fall of the Romanian communist regime, starting with the 1960s and until 2010. The antechamber of
the UAP for young graduate artists, Atelier 35, took over the activities of Cenaclul Tineretului (The
Youth Artistic Circle) in 1972. The study introduces a series of archival documents, regulations and
reports on Atelier 35 that have not been studied until now and which are analyzed chronologically.
By examining the various changes occurring in the functioning of Atelier 35, the research refers to
Mikls Harasztis state artist to explain the relation of Atelier 35 artists with the Romanian
Artists Union within the totalitarian regime and to Magda Crnecis triangle between the UAP, the
artist and the state. By examining the relations of authority and the statute or the artist in the
context of the socio-political changes, the study concludes on the existence of several roles that
Atelier 35 helped fulfill throughout its existence, from a selection instrument for the UAP in the
1960s and the 1970s, to an UAP enclave for the artists during Ceauescus personality cult in the
1980s and finally, as a legitimizing cultural brand in the years following the political transition
from the 1990s and the emergence of an art market in the 2000s.
Introduction
The present study analyzes the transformation of the Romanian Artists Union (UAP)
through the prism of its network of youth organizations, referred to as Cenacluri ale
Tineretului (Youth Artistic Circles, CT), since the beginning of the 1960s to 1974 and
Atelier 35 (Studio 35) from 1974 to present days. These structures functioned mainly
as pre-entry filters to the Romanian Artists Union for young art studies graduates
until the age of 35 years old. This article explores the main motives for initiating such
structures at the level of UAP in communist Romania and maps out the continuities
and the discontinuities of Atelier 35, before and after the fall of the communist regime.
CRISTINA STOENESCU
While not much has been researched on this topic, a few studies have proven
particularly useful for this approach. Magda Crnecis seminal work Artele Plastice n
Romania 1945-1989 (Fine Arts in Romania 1945-1989) describes the triangle of
dependency between UAP, the state and the artist while bringing forward important
information on the 1980s generation from a unique scholarly perspective of a former
coordinator of Atelier 35 Bucharest between 1984 and 1988.1 Other worth mentioning
studies include Adrian Gus overview of the 1980s generation, 2 Adela Ramona
Novicovs book on Atelier 35 Oradea3 and Erwin Kesslers fragmented yet critical
radiography of the post-communist Romanian art scene.4 A digital archive was made
available for the purposes of this research, due to the efforts invested between 2007
and 2012, by the research team comprised of Adrian Gu, Roxana Patrichi, Raluca Doroftei,
Magda Predescu, Milena Augusta Pop, Vlad Ionescu, Daniel Alexandru and Silvia
Saitoc.5 It includes several interviews with key-participants of Atelier 35, images and
videos documenting the exhibitions of the Atelier 35 as well as scans of Revista Arta
(Art Magazine), the main visual artist publication, edited by the UAP, during the
communist regime, mentioning youth exhibitions, with a special focus on Atelier 35.
This investigation has benefited in an important manner from the study of
primary sources, mainly archived documentation of Atelier 35 statutes and
regulations. These archive documents have never before been published or studied,
revealing key institutional frameworks concerning the relation between UAP and the
artistic youth. The paper presents this material together with several interviews of
Magda Crneci (Atelier 35 Bucharest coordinator 1984 1988), Adrian Gu (art critic
and former Atelier 35 participant), Petru Lucaci (president of the UAP 2010-2016),
and Dan Perjovschi (artist and former Atelier 35 participant). Due to the fact that that
the present research relies on newly analyzed archival sources of Atelier 35, the
preferred approach was a chronological one, so as to provide a facile read and a
proper presentation of the facts.
The main limitations of the current study reside in the difficulty to retrieve all
the statutory documents of Atelier 35, admitting several gaps in its history. It is
unclear for example, whereas there was a previous 1976 change in the activities of
Cenaclul Tineretului as a 1982 rulebook of Atelier 35 would suggest, or whether post-
1 Magda Crneci, Artele Plastice n Romnia 1945-1989. Cu o addenda 1990-2010 (Fine arts in
Romania 194-1989. With an addenda for the period 1990-2010) (Iai: Polirom, 2013).
2 Adrian Gu, Generaia 80 n artele vizuale (Piteti: Paralela 45, 2008).
3 Adela Ramona Novicov, Atelier 35 (Oradea: Muzeul rii Criurilor, 2007).
4 Erwin Kessler, O radiografie a artei romneti dup 1989 (A radiography of Romanian art after
1989) (Bucharest: Vellant, 2013).
5 Archive Atelier 35, unpublished.
130
1989 regulations of Atelier 35 were drafted at all. There is also an unexplained gap of
activity between 1969 and 1972 for the predecessor of Atelier 35, Cenaclul Tineretului,
so we explore only the timelines where sufficient data was available. Also, 1990-2015
documentation on Atelier 35 was particularly difficult to obtain, due to the fact that it
has not yet been submitted to the archives. The research relies then on key-
interviews and recent scholarly articles on the development of post-1989 UAP.
In analyzing the various changes occurring in the functioning of Atelier 35, the
research refers to Mikls Harasztis state artist6 to explain the relation of Atelier
35s artists with the Romanian Artists Union within a totalitarian regime. According
to Haraszti, the state artist was bought into the ideals of the regime, by receiving
benefits, the illusion of creative liberties and an acknowledged statute. The condition
of the artist became a velvet prison in which both official art and non-official art
became part of the totalitarian culture. The research follows Harasztis thesis to the
deformation of the UAP-state-artist triangle after 19897 by the emergence of the art
market and the involvement of other institutional and private actors on the post-
communist Romanian art scene. The study questions the transformation of an ante-
chamber structure such as Atelier 35 and its significance for the institutional changes
occurring in the UAP.
Supporting the artistic youth the 1960s and the 1970s
Atelier 35, the artistic youth organization of the UAP was founded in the 1960s,
initially under the name of Cenaclul Tineretului. By looking at its development
throughout the communist period, one can better understand the operating logic of
Atelier 35 and asses the discrepancies, if any, after the 1989 Revolution.
While some researchers, such as Magda Predescu, 8 support the idea of an
emerging youth structure of the UAP as early as the late 1950s, documents that
corroborate this statement with an official decision to establish a youth structure of
the UAP were not yet found. However, the archive study reveals the discussions
recorded during the National Committee Meetings, such as the one taking place in
1954, where there is a brief mentioning of the UAP offering support to young art
graduates that can make good work, by using Fondul Plastic [The Fine Arts Fund].
6 Mikls Haraszti, The Velvet prison: artists under state socialism (New York: Basic Books, 1987).
7 Cristina Stoenescu, Continuiti i contraste n spaiul artistic postcomunist romnesc",
Studia Politica, Romanian Political Science Review 4 (2011): 687-699.
8 Magda Predescu, e-mail message to author, September 23, 2016.
131
CRISTINA STOENESCU
In this proposal, a Guidance Committee was intended to be appointed to evaluate

young artists artworks and to decide who was deserving of the financial support.9
Also, in a file retrieved from the UAP Fund, The National Archives of Romania,
(ANIC), a hand-written proposal described an attempt to organize Clubul Tinerilor
Artiti Plastici [The Club of Young Visual Artists] in 1959. This proposal envisioned
that Partidul Muncitoresc Romn [PMR, The Romanian Workers Party] and Uniunea
Tineretului Muncitoresc [UTM, The Workers Youth Union] would supervise the
meetings of the said club in order to protect it from the emergence of malevolent
manifestations, by not allowing it to become a place of idle talk, gossip and sterile talks.10
These documents do not provide sufficient proof of a formal agreement on the
establishment of a youth structure connected with the UAP before the 1960s, yet they
indicate the existence of a voiced concern regarding the statute of the young
graduates, how to facilitate resources to them and how to train them better from an
ideological and cultural point of view. The Clubul Tinerilor Artiti Plastici proposal
included the mentioning of an overseeing body of control to watch over any such
organization. However, there was never an extensive arm of control connected with
PMR or UTM with such a role in relation to the youth organizations that UAP
fostered in the following years. The official control over Cenaclul Tineretului, and later
on, over Atelier 35, was implemented through censorship committees pertaining to
the Ministry of Culture and implemented through the UAP.
It is only in 1961 that the first public mention of CT, the first formal youth
structure of the UAP and the predecessor of Atelier 35, was made in Revista Arta in
1962, in an article entitled Ce este noul?/What is the New?11 The text remained
anchored in the official language of the times, describing one of the lectures
organized by CT, in the series of lectures that have already become a tradition
among the young artists. The article itself only reiterates the ideological role of art
under the communist regime, while proclaiming the end of the bourgeois society and
underlines the importance of the way in which the young artists manage to capture
the new type of artist, not as novelty, but as substantial difference for the new life
of the country.
CT was founded in a cultural climate that anticipated the de-Stalinization of
Romania, accentuated by the newly gained Romanian relative independence from
9 edina de comitet pe ar din 29.03.1954, Folder 22/1951, Romanian Artists Union (UAP)
Fund, National Historical Central Archives (ANIC), Bucharest, 3.
10 Propuneri pentru organizarea Clubului tinerilor artiti plastici, Folder 28/1959, UAP
Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 11.
11 Ce este Noul? (What New Is?), Arta Plastic (Fine Art), 1(1962): 39.
132
Soviet influence. Magda Crneci observes how the change was noticeable in Revista
Arta, no. 3 from 1961, where the first page portrays the Romanian communist leaders
and not Lenin or Stalin, as previous editions of the publication showed.12 Between
1965 and 1974, the Romanian communist regime went through a period of relaxation
of repressive policies that allowed for more flexibility. For the intellectuals this meant
extensive access to Western culture, increased access to resources and an
acknowledged professional status. According to some historians, artists and writers
received much more benefits than in any other European communist country at the
time.13 The increasing resources and freedoms the artists enjoyed in comparison with
the previous decade, attracted unaffiliated intellectuals who bought in the ideals of
national independence, breaking away from the Soviet model and who wanted to
seize the opportunity to change the system from within. CT and other artistic groups
were influenced by the relaxation of the regime and the subsequent albeit still
limited freedom to explore new art styles and ideas. The young artists adopted a
mixture of stylistic autonomy and thematic constraint to be able to perform in the
ideological requirements of the regime.14 Their participation to the Biennale des Jeunes
Artistes from Paris 15 and other important international events enabled them to
connect with Western art and develop a more widened overview of the European
artistic movements of the decade.
Some clues regarding the motivation to have a structure within UAP such as
CT may be explored through a 1957 stenogram of a meeting between the Executive
Board of the UAP and members of the Culture Ministry discussing the problem of
young graduates from the art institutes from Cluj-Napoca and Bucharest. The UAP
Executive Bureau expressed concerns regarding the process of gaining membership
to the Union, and the need of a more thorough selection that would not immediately
grant the membership of UAP to all graduates, but rather establish a scholarship
statute for two years since graduation. Many of the young artists rights deriving
from the discussed scholarship resemble the benefits that would later be included
into the official rulebooks of the CT and later on, of Atelier 35. Among others, these
included: the right to receive work orders and work authorizations; access to working
materials and equipment for working; exhibition opportunities in the Union galleries.16
The proposal on behalf of the UAP ensured that the prospective members of the

13 Gil Eyal, Ivn Szelnyi, Eleanor Townsley, Capitalism fr capitaliti: noua elit conductoare
din Europa de Est (Bucharest: Omega, 2001), 126.
15 Ibid., 48, 66.
16 edina Biroului Executiv din 27 iunie 1957, Folder 64/1957, UAP Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 24.
133
CRISTINA STOENESCU
Union would be required to work harder to become part of the UAP and not be
afforded full material help or be allowed to vote within the UAP without a proper
selection procedure. The representatives of the Culture Ministry expressed concern
towards the very urgent matter while no one had any interest to leave the students
unattended, prone to agitation and creating atmosphere among other students.17
The document also reveals the negotiation of attributions that the Ministry of
Culture, the UAP, or the art institutes could have in regards to the statute of the
young graduates, who were artists by education, but not yet UAP members.
By 1972 these problems seem to be settled through CT, according to the
documents attesting the rulebook for the functioning of CT in Bucharest. The
structure revisited its regulations on the 21st January 1972 with the purpose of
realizing a proper climate for the development of the young graduates of art
institutions within UAP.18 It was then thought of a structure that would function
according to a work plan (plan de munc) integrated with the UAP work plans.19
Membership in CT was referred to participation to underline its voluntary character.
Only the CT supervision positions were required to be held by UAP members. One
of the most well-known of these participation rules became part of the name of
Atelier 35: the biological threshold of 35 years of age, at the time when an artist was
considered already able to have a fully-fledged career, and therefore not part of the
youth anymore. The rules of organization for the Bucharest CT also included the
obligation to present proof for government assignation in Bucharest. In the same
time, the young artists had to be recommended either by CT management or by UAP
full members. However, at least two members of the CT supervisory board had to
view the proposed artworks. The CT board was composed of a president, a vice-
president and five other full members of the UAP, all named by the Executive
Bureau of the UAP for a one-year period. The Executive Bureau of the UAP would
also have to approve of any activity plan of the CT in due time. The CT was open to
all members of UAP in attending its meetings, thus strengthening the link with the
UAP even more. In 1976, there was an addendum to the regulations, stating that
The members of the leadership Committee can be half full members and half
probationary members of the UAP with well-renowned activity, 20 an important
17 Ibid., 28.
18 Regulament pentru organizarea i funcionarea Cenaclului Tineretului din cadrul Uniunii
Artitilor Plastici Bucureti, Folder 32/ 1972, UAP Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 4-9.
19 Proiect de Plan de munc al Cenaclului Tineretului din anul 1974, Folder Cenaclul
Tineretului 1976, Arhiva Combinatului Fondului Plastic (ACFP), Bucharest, 2.
20 Ibid., 5.
134
change that might have offered more weight in decision-making to the probationary
members of UAP, who were closer in age to the CT participants.
The activity of the CT participants was enabled by the UAP through rights and
opportunities previously reserved only to the full members of the Union. The artists
had the right to participate in documentation trips, artistic creative camps and had
access to the exhibition spaces of the UAP for both personal and group shows. In the
first draft of the regulations document, it is made explicit that on occasion there
might be even more elderly artists invited to participate, to realize a direct
communication on the problems that interest the artistic life in our socialist
society.21Although the name changed from CT to Atelier 35 in 1974,22 it was not until
the 1980s that Atelier 35 changed its regulations and became the organization better
known today as the most dynamic artistic structure of the 1980s, developed in the
context of a more repressive regime.
The generational spirit of the 1980s
From its beginning, Atelier 35 was organized as a pre-entry and selection structure
before the artists got admitted as full members in the Romanian Artists Union. At an
institutional level, it was a clearly useful structure to manage the increasing numbers
of the artists. In the second half of the 1980s, when the admission to the UAP became
more and more difficult, Atelier 35 became the bottleneck that enclosed most of the
1980s young artists at the time. It was within that period of time that events such as
the ones from Sibiu (1986)23, or from Baia Mare (1988)24 shaped up, in part because of
specific political conditions and in part because of individual artists and art critics
that helped construct the cultural memory of Atelier 35 as we know of it today: the
place that awarded young artists with liberty of expression and the means of
survival through culture.25
In order to better define the nature of CT and Atelier 35 it is important to
understand if the structure responded to internal conditions and necessities or if it
emulated a foreign model. In an interview with Alexandru Antik realized by Raluca
21 Ibid., 9.
22 Ibid.
23 Visul n-a pierit, performance by Alexandru Antik, Colocviul de art plastic i critic de art
tnr, in the basement of the Pharmacy Museum, 1986. More information can be retrieved
consulting Alexandru Antik, Inventar (Bucharest: Vellant, 2016).
24 Bienala Tineretului, Baia Mare, Maramure, 1988.
135
CRISTINA STOENESCU
Doroftei, he stated he heard that Atelier 35 functioned on the model of a youth art
department in France, 26 although no data was found to confirm this rumor.
However, artistic youth artistic clubs were not a rare institutional phenomenon. Irene
Semenoff-Tian-Chansky described how the recruitment of young artists in the USSR
seemed to be a chronic problem expressed in more than just one Union congress.
They complained about the long admissions of various probationary members, who
entered the Union at an advanced age. In order to remedy this problem Irene
Semenoff-Tian-Chansky explains how creating a youth structure was the
institutional solution of restricting access to the Union.27 In USSR, the young artists
and the young art historians were encapsulated in similar structures to Cenaclul
Tineretului or Atelier 35 that worked with various state committees for designing and
completing various work plans. In 1976, just three years after the creation of Atelier 35,
the USSR also created associations of artists and art historians in 64 organizations
across the RSFSR that included almost 1600 young artists and young art historians.
Their regulations were made official at the 9th Plenary of the Department of the
artistic unions on June 3rd 1982. The rules of admissions would be strikingly similar
to those described in the Romanian case: the first and most important condition
would be of course to have graduated from a profile university or similar
educational formation. The young artist had to have already participated in at least
two exhibitions and have a good moral behavior. Unlike the Romanian case, the
artist had a period of five years before of applying for a participant membership,
until the age of 34, so we could still be 39 years old until she or he got admitted to the
Romanian Artists Union.28 Irene Semenoff-Tian-Chansky states29 that in this way,
the entries of new members in the Romanian Artists Union were better controlled.
However, there is no indication that Atelier 35 in Romania was designed this
way at the moment of its apparition. The archival documents and the interviews
used for this study conclude to small changes occurring from the transformation of
Cenaclul Tineretului into Atelier 35 until the 1980s, when Atelier 35 expanded to more
cities in Romania, ensuring a national coverage of its activities.30 Therefore, while the
development of Atelier 35 was an organic one, responding to the internal necessities
26 Alexandru Antik, e-mail message to Raluca Doroftei, November 9, 2007, Archive Atelier 35.
27 Irene Semenoff-Tian-Chansky, Le Pinceau La Faucille Et. Le Marteau Les peintres et le pouvoir
en Union sovietique de 1953 a 1989 (Paris: Institut dtudes Slaves, 1993), 75.
28 Ibid.
29 Ibid.
30 Activitatea tinerilor participani la ATELIER 35 din cadrul Uniunii Artitilor Plastici,
Folder Raport asupra activitii Uniunii Artitilor Plastici pe perioada 1978-1989, 19 April 1990,
ACFP, Bucharest, 73-80.
136
of its context, a similar concern for the status of young graduates appeared in other
Eastern bloc countries.
In responding to the surrounding context, one can observe the transformations
underwent in Atelier 35 in regards to the regime changes occurring in the following
periods of time. In fact, most of the important changes occurring in the functioning of
Atelier 35 took place when the political landscape became more and more repressive,
shifting from the denouncement of the Soviet style proletcultism towards the
repercussions of the increasingly failing communist state, at the end of the 1970s31.
Although there is little documentation about Atelier 35, one of its official
regulations was found at the archive of the Combinatul Fondului Plastic (Factory of
Arts supplies of the Artists Fund). 32 It was issued in 1982, amending the 1978
previous regulations that were unfortunately not yet found at the date of the present
research. It is known that Atelier 35 was founded in the years 1972 1973, following
an internal discussion at CT about the need to restructure the youth organization into
a more permissive form.33 It later was renamed Atelier 35 as its first mention appears
in Revista Arta 3rd edition in 1973.34 The first exhibition took place at Orizont gallery
underground, and was entitled Fantasticul ca atitudine35 (The Fantastic as an Attitude).
The main principles of constituting such a structure, as they appear expressed
in the rulebook, were similar, almost identical to the ones expressed in the CT
Bucharest founding document. 36 The rulebook stipulates the generalization of
Atelier 35 structure all across the country starting with 1982, where both full and
probationary members of the UAP could participate alongside to young art
university graduates. The age limitation is thereby clearly stipulated, above all other
conditions, from the first paragraph of the document.
It was no longer enough to have just any recommendation from a full member
in order to be considered a participant. The previous CT condition was replaced by
31 Dennis Deletant, Romnia sub regimul comunist (Bucharest: Fundaia Academia Civic, 1997),
185-90.
32 Regulament privind organizarea i funcionarea Atelier 35 din cadrul Uniunii Artitilor
Plastici, Folder Regulamente UAP 1982, ACFP, Bucharest, 1-7.
33 Alexandru Antik, interview by Raluca Doroftei, November 9, 2007, Archive Atelier 35.
34 Scan of Revista Arta 3(1973): 26, Actualiti section, Archive Atelier 35.
35 Raluca Doroftei points out in her overview of the Atelier 35 activity further details written in
the article written by Raluca Alexandrescu, Arta de for public, arta privat. Interviu cu Ion
Nicodim, Observatorul Cultural, February 6, 2007, retrieved from http://ow.ly/kJ5x308en4B,
accessed on December 2nd, 2016. See also Raluca Doroftei, Overview of Archive Atelier 35,
Archive Atelier 35.
36 Regulament pentru organizarea i funcionarea Cenaclului Tineretului, 5.
137
CRISTINA STOENESCU
the explicit approval of the supervisory board of Atelier 35 and that of the operative
management of the UAP. Instead of two artworks that needed to be reviewed as
stipulated in the CT rulebook, the Atelier 35 regulations asked that there were three
artworks that needed pre-approval for participation purposes. Another important
change that enabled Atelier 35 structures to have more internal autonomy and
self-regulating processes, by allowing less control from representatives of the UAP
was that the artworks of the candidates were discussed not just by the Atelier 35
supervisory board, but by all participants, within a common debate at the level of the
local Atelier 35 structure.
The supervisory board itself was then to be changed to a total number of three
members, a coordinator that had to be a full UAP member and two participants,
unaffiliated members with the Union. Even if this board had to be pre-approved by
the Executive Bureau of the UAP, it still offered more decision-making power to the
participants, rather than to full Union members. The lengthened period of the
supervisory board, from the one year of the CTs rulebook, to the four years of
mandate stipulated by the Atelier 35s 1982 regulations was conducive to more
coherent planning and development. All members of the supervisory board were
still subject to the age limit of 35.
According to an activity report published in 1991,37 there were 24 Atelier 35 in
Alba Iulia, Arad, Bacu, Bistria, Botoani, Bucharest, Buzu, Baia-Mare, Cluj-
Napoca, Craiova, Constana, Iai, Lugoj, Miercurea Ciuc, Oradea, Piatra Neam,
Ploieti, Suceava, Sibiu, Timioara, Trgu Jiu, Trgu Mure, Vaslui and Zalu. These
were run by artists and art critics such as Ion Nicodim, Horia Bernea, Mihai Dricu,
Wanda Mihuleac, Radu Popovici and Magda Crneci. The activities of Atelier 35 were
not always constant in fact that is one of the few constants about Atelier 35
throughout its history. The activities of Atelier 35 are described to have been rather
spontaneous. 38 Former Atelier 35 participants and coordinators, such as Magda
Crneci remember that at the time, the artists were only trying to be able to create
unhindered by the regime.39 Any occasion, any possibility to express and to join
other in group or personal exhibitions was sought after, without a specific strategy to
either subvert the political regime or to comply with it. Besides the exhibitions, there
was also and important number of debates and discussions that generated over time
37 Activitatea tinerilor participani la ATELIER 35, 73-80.

38 The report mentions the year 1984 to to be the year when the expansion of Atelier 35 was
realised. However, retrieved documentary sources indicate to 1982. It can be suspected that
the implementation of the regulations did not become official until two years later, but a
propper chronology had not yet been possible to retrieve.
39 Magda Crneci, interview by Cristina Stoenescu, October 10, 2016.
138
thematic shows such as Desenul (The Drawing), Colajul (Collage), Gravura (Engraving),
Relieful etc.,40 but also one of the largest artistic exhibitions in the 1980s, namely the
National Biennale of the Youth, in Baia-Mare, 1988. 298 artists from 23 of the Atelier
35 structures exhibited in June 1988, together with art-critics and numerous visitors.
There were even three months of traveling exhibitions deriving from it to Galai and
Bacu. Three important events aided in creating the myth of Atelier 35 as it is referred
to it today Sibiu (1986), Timioara (1987) and Baia-Mare (1988). The last decade of
the communist regime changed the Romanian cultural environment following the
slight liberalization of the arts just a few years before. It was during those times that
pre-existing artistic movements, structures and groups started coagulating into a
something that cultural history would later label as the generation of the 1980s.41
More renowned in literature, this generation marked the emergence of post-modernism,
defined at least in practice, by the pre-eminence of various stylistic and aesthetical
choices that no longer fit one medium of expression, but rather several, giving birth
to what would be labeled as intermedial artworks and conceptual exhibitions.42
Without wanting to diminish their importance in contouring the specificity of
the 1980s generation, the various incarnations of Atelier 35 also became myths in the
sense that where there was censorship (the case of Sibiu, 1986), the artistic act became
dissident, where there was experimentation, the artist group became visionary, in a
sense that at most, is a part of history that only recently started being documented.
Therefore, the main analytical tools used in the present study are theories
pertaining to the condition of the artists and the cultural policies of the communist
regime. In that sense, Harasztis definition of the state artist43 deals with the degree
of collaboration with the regime. The artist collaboration with the regime changes
from one based on coercion and censorship to one based on self-censorship and
willing participation. The latter remains a totalitarian regime, with a dictated culture,
in which the artists are encouraged to believe that they can expand to match their
own artistic aspirations. The peculiar consequence is that the artist ends up building
state culture with bricks of free will.44 In that way the artist can rightly be proud
of the fact that we help to disseminate a particular kind of freedom within the
constraints of state culture.45 Harasztis view on the state artist can be applied to
40 Activitatea tinerilor participani la ATELIER 35, 73-80.

41 Adrian Gu, Generaia artistic 80 de la un mileniu la altul (The 1980s Artistic Generation
from One Millennium to the Other), Revista Arta, March 30, 2012, 6-7.
42 Crneci, Artele Plastice, 120-200.
43 Haraszti, The Velvet Prison, 85-101.
44 Ibid.
45 Ibid.
139
CRISTINA STOENESCU
the period of relaxation of the communist regime in Romania. As discussed earlier,

the artists were willing to align to the Partys re-orientation to nationalist ideals and
independence from either Soviet or Western models. Through the UAP, the artists
were acknowledged and their work was facilitated generously by the state. CT and
later on, Atelier 35 were the vehicles through which the UAP ensured its
professionalization and a certain ideological training of its future members.
However, in the years that followed, through the 1980s, the resources became
scarcer, as the regime became harsher and harsher. Art high-school and art
institutions were closed down, the entry conditions for young students became
extremely competitive with only four or six students being admitted in an art
department each year, until finally, in 1986, admission in the UAP became virtually
impossible.46 Within this political landscape, Atelier 35 transformed from a pre-entry
structure for UAP in a UAP enclave, where many of the young artists found
themselves stranded, with no other possibility to advance in their artistic careers.
Although Harastzis model is still pertinent in explaining the expectations of the
1980s artist generation in Romania and the many benefits that they continued to
access through the Atelier 35 UAP structures, the context of the regime largely
changed away from the soft communist regime. Therefore, a more nuanced approach
would be necessary to explain the transformation that Atelier 35 has underwent
during the 1980s.
Within the increasingly repressive Ceauescu regime, the personality cult of the
dictator replaced the cultural model that the artists adhered to during the relaxation
period of the communist regime. Cntarea Romniei was the annual national cultural
festival that began in 1976 and was meant to promote ideologically-approved artistic
manifestations, featuring both professional and amateur artists from across the
country. 47 The cultural elites registered thus a breakdown of relative criteria for
artistic performance together with the decline of state support for the arts. A shortage
of resources brought by the austere economic situation contributed to an overall loss
of hope in the betterment of the situation.48 Diverging interests of multiple factions
within the power system worsened the overall conditions, with few privileged
leaders of the institutions having access to enough resources. In the context of the
UAP, Atelier 35 represented the only structure in which young artists could continue

47 Plan de msuri privind desfurarea expoziiilor artitilor plastici n cadrul Festivalului
Cntarea Romniei, Folder Cntarea Romniei, Ediia 1977, ACFP, Bucharest, 10-11.
48 Eyal et. ali.,Capitalism fr capitaliti, 236.
140
to create, becoming an enclave of passivity, of quiet resistance that nevertheless

fostered and encouraged the 1980s generation of artists.
In the chaos resulted in the 1980s several leaders, artists and art-graduates
managed to shape and influence the activity of the Atelier 35 network established
throughout the country by the end of 1985. Ana Lupa for example was a vice-
president of the UAP and also a well-respected leader of Atelier 35 structures all over
the country. Adrian Gu 49 and Magda Crneci 50 both stated that most of the
important events of Atelier 35 happened because of the efforts of Ana Lupa and of
the artists and art historians she managed to recruit. The 1980s favored a more united
behavior of the artists and a distancing from the previous two main cultural centers
towards smaller towns, where censorship would probably not be as harsh and as
well-supervised. However, different identities of the Atelier 35 seem to be shaped by
the people operating its events and discussions, making the Atelier 35 of the 1970s a
different artistic endeavor to the members of Atelier 35 in the 1980s. The resistance
through culture51 used so many times to describe the silent opposition of the artists
against the political regime propagates in the end an even more paradoxical artistic
stance in rapport with the regime after 1989.
The 1990s meant in many ways social fragmentation and a craze of re-arranging,
re-creating the old into the new.52 However, unlike the mid 1960s relaxation of the
communist regime, there were few incentives for the artists to buy into the new
values of the Romanian society. The transition process ensued an even deeper lack of
resources and little certainties of the future. In fact, the only way that the Romanian
intellectuals could collect the fruits of democracy was through foreign aid and not
through national re-invention53. UAP was not an exception there were frequent
changes in leadership, many voices requesting that the Union play other roles during
the transition period. Yet the institution lacked the coordination and the vision of its
new role. In the end, even in different political climates, the Romanian Artists Union, as
an institution, was always compliant to the same role of sole manager of visual arts
and artists, always able to invent and re-invent itself with growing resources and
means of economic certainty, such as Fondul Plastic and Combinatul Fondului Plastic.
49 Adrian Gu, interview by Cristina Stoenescu, October 7, 2016.

51 Deletant, Romnia ..., 185-90.
52 Alexandra Titu offers a short overview on the artistic movements in the 1990s and comments
upon a loss of social impact, of a provocative game that consumes itself in a narrow
cultural environment, where the space, as topos, becomes more and more important. See
Alexandra Titu, Experimentul n arta romneasc (Bucharest: Meridiane, 2003), 156.
53 Kessler, O radiografie, 11-53.
141
CRISTINA STOENESCU
Changing paradigms. Atelier 35 after 1989
Having established the context in which Atelier 35 was created, we continue to focus
on the discontinuities between different socio-political periods, especially in the
post-communist years. The previous section briefly analyzed the main differences
between the Atelier 35 during the relaxation of the communist regime, until the end
of the 1970s and the Atelier 35 network during the 1980s. The inevitable changes that
occurred to the structure of Atelier 35 after the 1989 Revolution are to be approached
in the following section. After a short overview of the 1990s situation, we will focus
on the continuities or lack thereof of the status and regulations of Atelier 35 in the
1980s to the post-communist period.
In the 1990s, Atelier 35 slowly became more of a legend to younger generations,
while the 1980s artists dispersed and sought an access to the new opportunities
brought by the change of the regime. The Romanian Artists Union underwent
important changes, losing most of its ability to self-manage its resources inherited
from the communist regime: the monopoly of Combinatul Fondului Plastic over
painting materials, many of its previous artist studios and exhibition spaces, while
also being burdened with the administrative responsibilities that were previously
entrusted to Fondul Plastic as it was merged into the UAP.54 Some of these changes
still have on-going effects with numerous litigations and discussions over what is left
of the UAPs means of supporting the artists.
Meanwhile, Atelier 35 across the country either withered away, or continued to
function according to the older regulations, supporting young artists under the age
of 35. Most notable of this network were Atelier 35 Oradea, Atelier 35 Timioara,
Atelier 35 Iai and Atelier 35 Bucharest. The previous network from the 1980s
developed under the leadership of Ana Lupa discontinued its personalized
collaboration. Bienala Tineretului / The Youth Biennial from Baia Mare (1988) remained
the last, singular event reuniting hundreds of artists from the same generation. After
the 1990s, the surviving Atelier 35 structures from Oradea, Timioara and Iai
gradually returned to their role of facilitating spaces and materials to young
graduates wanting to apply for full membership to the UAP, hosting youth debates
and exhibition events. In Bucharest, Atelier 35 transitioned from a collective structure
defined by its participants to a specific exhibition space defined by its activities,
although between the period of 1990 and 1995 there is no evidence of activity.
54 ncetarea activitii Direciei Fondului Plastic i rentregirea patrimoniului Uniunii Artitilor

Plastici din Romnia, Decizia nr. 79, August 16, 1933, Entry no. 3307/1993, ACFP, Bucharest.
142
The actual exhibition space changed venues more than once, from Cminul
Artei, to the Eforie Street, to the underground of Orizont Gallery, to and finally to
elari 13.55 The definitive juxtaposition between Atelier 35 and its occupying space
became so important, that at some point there was a need to specify which Atelier 35
is being talked about in examples such as Atelier 35 Orizont, and separately a project
under the name elari 13.56
Starting with 1995, Erwin Kessler had a very programmatic approach to the
exhibitions that started at the Cminul Artei gallery, under the name Atelier 35, with
dual conceptual themes that mirrored the Attitudes theme of the 1980s artistic shows,
but differed strongly as a matter of approach from what had taken place before, with
a very pronounced theoretical basis unlike the intuitive, debate-resulted exhibitions
of Atelier 35 in the past.57 Ultimately, after Erwin Kessler gave up his activity as
Atelier 35 curator, the team of Horea Avram took over at another address, on Eforie
Street. Instead of an official appointment to the coordination of Atelier 35, the
handing over the key of Atelier 35 space (in a literal sense) was a result of private talk
between various members of the UAP and curators that they personally knew. At the
time Horea Avram and Adrian Pora reorganized Atelier 35 with a new statute that
the next coordinators claim to have respected in spirit, but have never seen it.58 The
period between 1996 and 1998 witnessed a partial return to the ethos of the initial
role of Atelier 35, as an open space dedicated once again to young artists debates. It
had a larger pretense of self-organizing by attempting to institute its own voting
system for the planned exhibitions and themes:
We wanted and we partially succeeded to make Atelier 35 a platform for

analysis and debate, where our prospects and the curatorial concept were
confronted with the needs, the requirements, and the artistic themes that the
artists would express. Yet without a doubt we always kept a strong theoretical
line and exhibition strategy at hand, well argued-for and nuanced, oriented
towards the newest tendencies in art.59
55 Simona Dumitriu, Istoria-i n nettime. Cltoriile Atelier 35, IDEA arts + society (2015): 34-39.
56 Rezultatele Concursului de proiecte curatoriale, last modified February 6, 2016, retrived
from http://uap.ro/rezultatele-concursului-de-proiecte-curatorial/.
57 Doroftei, Overview of Archive Atelier 35, Archive Atelier 35.
58 Most interviews conducted for the present research indicated Atelier 35 Regulations, but
there was no actual documentation found.
59 Horea Avram, e-mail message to Raluca Doroftei, November 9, 2007, retrieved from Archive
Atelier 35.
143
CRISTINA STOENESCU
Horea Avram claims that Atelier 35 was at the time the most dynamic part of
contemporary art, the place where the most radical moments of art took place. Atelier
35 functioned on a curatorial project.60 As a gallery of UAP, Atelier 35 was host to
some exhibitions that did not have a specific thematic, but were rather collections as
diploma projects. It was a time when students in their first year of study, but also older
artists exhibited at the Atelier 35, in an attempt to break the previous age boundaries.
Horea Avram was followed by Eugen Gustea at the coordination helm of
Atelier 35, after which in the period of 2002 and 2003 the coordination team changed
to Alina erban and Cosmin Nsui and the space moved to elari 13. Teodor Graur
moved Atelier 35 between 2004 and 2006 at H003. Between 2005 and 2007 Simona
Vilu managed NIT, a new UAP programme in the space of Atelier 35 of elari 13.
Vlad Ionescu, Daniel Alexandrescu continued Atelier 35 as part of the coordinating
team between 2007 and 2009. From 2010 and 2012, the space was run by Silvia Saitoc.
Starting with 2012, Xandra Popescu, Larisa Crunanu and Alice Gancevici managed
the Atelier 35 space on elari 13, until 2016 when it was taken over by the ODD NGO,
under the coordination of Cristina Bogdan.61 The activity of Atelier 35 Bucharest was
sometimes interrupted and largely contested by the coordinators who were given the
space and the UAP. There is much uncertainty about the existence of actual
contractual agreements for the running of the Atelier 35 space after 1989, and few of
the coordinators were UAP members. In many of the cases, the space was simply
externalized to non-UAP actors, even if some of them affirm that they always
organized these things independently, without any financial support from the UAP.62
The six-year Atelier 35 archive project (2007 2012), run on a voluntary basis,
was the most consistent attempt to link with the past. But even then, when the team
took over the space, they did not really have a specific purpose in mind. Atelier 35
was perceived as an exhibiting space, a gallery of UAP where young artists could
exhibit. By talking with the artists residing in the vicinity of elari 13 and with some
other UAP members they learnt about the history of the space and decided to create
an archive with historical documents, exhibition photographs and videos as well as
interviews and scans of the Arta magazine with articles about CT and Atelier 35.63
Another example of the discontinuities of information about Atelier 35 is the
one concerning the following team that took over the coordination of the gallery in
2012. According to Xandra Popescu64, one of said coordinators, there was a strong
motivation to research more about what Silvia Saitoc (previous team coordinator)
60 Ibid.
61 Dumitriu, Istoria-i n nettime. Cltoriile Atelier 35, 35.
62 Xandra Popescu, interview by Cristina Stoenescu, October 25, 2016.
63 Roxana Patrichi, e-mail message to author, November 3, 2016.
64 Ibid.
144
had accomplished a few years back in terms of curatorial projects, and what could
still be accomplished under the roof of Atelier 35, rather than a specific want to
continue the historical Atelier 35. The interest in the archival research arose as a
quasi-total lack of any knowledge of what had happened before, with the exception
of told testimonies of former members.
Throughout these years, Atelier 35 had been the home of new enquiries of art
forms, connecting the Bucharest audiences with performances, new media art, and
immaterial art in general and artistic debates. The age limit became more of a
guide-line than a condition with no discovered written statute. This informal
situation, undocumented by written agreements and contracts would not make
Atelier 35 a sustainable model, with little institutional memory to transmit over
waves of voluntary coordinators of the post-1989 space.
It can therefore be argued that there is little connection between the historical
embodiments of Atelier 35 before 1989 and the different versions that succeeded it
after the Revolution. The name - the brand as both UAP and artists have discussed
it65 is a shell-construct, best embodied by the circumstances of the moment and by
the preferences of the individuals coordinating the structure. By disregarding
responsibilities concerning statutory provisions or archival commitments of Atelier
35, the UAP had not laid the basis for any institutional continuation other than the
propagation of the name. However, the UAPs discourse claims the legitimacy provided
by a continuous Atelier 35 project throughout the four decades of its existence.66
I have briefly presented some of the most important differences in the activities
and organizing principles of Atelier 35 before and after 1989. The name of Atelier 35 is
self-explanatory in part. It is an atelier, so to say a studio, thus referencing the
concept of work in progress something that while it may already be finished for an
exhibition setting, it still belongs to a personal process of artistic development. It is
not yet established as a fully-fledged artistic endeavor. The number 35 describes
the biological threshold of the artists allowed to participate to activities inside the
Atelier 35 structure, connected with the role that the structure fulfilled in the past: an
antechamber of young artists before they proceeded to become full members of the
Union. UAP kept the name even after the 1989 Revolution, in a decision that was
later on to be associated with the branding of Atelier 35. In a public statement that
followed an open conflict at the time between UAP and the team that coordinated
Atelier 35 activities in 2014, UAP affirmed its position on the structure:
65 Xandra Popescu, Larisa Cruneanu, The Case of Atelier 35 (Bucharest Romania),

November 21, 2014, https://art-leaks.org/2014/11/24/the-case-of-atelier-35-bucharest-romania/.
66 Atelier 35 revine acas, la galeriile Orizont, Consiliul Director al UAP din Romnia,
November 23rd, 2014, accessible at http://www.modernism.ro/2014/11/23/atelier-35-revine-
acasa-la-galeriile-orizont/.
145
CRISTINA STOENESCU
Atelier 35 is a brand created, supported and protected by the R.A.U.

[Romanian Artists Union] throughout the four decades of its existence. It was
and should remain a vector of change, experimentation and renewal for the
contemporary art space. Atelier 35 has not ceased its activities. It only returns to
the space that made it famous and where history was created.67
The word brand, an indicator of the cultural economy of marketing strategies

and an indicator of commodification (something is branded for commercial value)
would make the Union seem less than the communist, slow-adapting institution it is
so often accused of. While its role of support is attested in documents and
testimonies alike, the protection role of the Union becomes unclear, especially after
1989. It is of course known that self-censorship and Union censorship have protected
the artist from the effects of state censorship, especially in Atelier 35, a structure with
artists who were not necessarily part of the UAP.
However, its attitude towards this brand was not always so clear. Earlier, in
2007, the UAP report on the Operative Activity of the Union was announcing the
restoration of Galeria elari 13 that functioned under the name of Atelier 35 under the
coordination of Marcel Bunea. After the restoration, the name of the space was
juxtaposed with the NIT project68 , with a mission similar to what Atelier 35 had
named its own in the 1982 regulations:
(...) the project to found, organize and function of NIT a project meant to
revitalize the exhibiting space on elari Street nr. 13, for four months, February
May 2009, supported by U.A.P. Romania. NIT is a new organizing and
functioning formula, destined to young artists, whether they are already UAP
members or part of the finalizing stage of their art studies (high-school,
university, postgraduate studies). NITs objective is to professionalize and to
offer responsibilities to the most effervescent segment of contemporary art, the
artists at the start of their career.69
Within this report Atelier 35 was not considered unique, but more a concept
that could be simply replaced or complemented with another program meant to
67 Xandra Popescu, Larisa Cruneanu, The Case of Atelier 35.

68 Also referred to as the NIT Gallery space, an exhibition project initiated by the UAP.
69 Activitatea Conducerii Operative a UAP din Romnia prezentat n Adunarea cu
reprezentani ai Uniunii Artitilor Plastici din Romnia n edina din data de 17 iunie 2006
[pentru perioada] 17 mai 2002 17 iunie 2006, Bucureti 2006, ACFP, Bucharest.
146
encourage the young artists. Whether the brand of Atelier 35 meant to always
illustrate the decades during which the phenomenon has functioned, or whereas it
was supposed to continue on the same note, it is not very clear. From the interviews
and emails exchanged with former coordinators of Atelier 35 and former members of
Atelier 35, before and after 1989, it never really had a programmatic function. It
existed, serving the interests of the participants and of course, of the Union, rather than
being focused on a strategic aim of exhibition programming and statement positions.
Atelier 35 is a marketed phenomenon marking the development of the most
well-known contemporary artists and art critics today: Ion Grigorescu, Dan
Mihlianu, Iosif Kiraly, Magda Crneci or Adrian Gu, just to name a few. The
phrase generational consciousness contiina de generaie is used to describe
the main attribute of the group of artists from the 1980s.70 Such artists are said to
have recognized their role on the art scene at the proper moment and to have
succeeded in building the exhibitions and the artistic projects. According to this
narrative, Atelier 35s potential was truly brought to life in the 1980s, when a new
generation of artists and creators were able to coagulate an important mass of artists.
The context of the communist repression may have ironically encouraged this
aggregation. Through the pressures of the regime, there were not really any other
places to exhibit, or from where to conjure the resources needed for ones works to
see the light of day.
In the 1990s, the relation between UAP, the state and the artists was
continuously deformed. New actors such as the art market, other organizations and
even state institutions played a role in shifting the Romanian art scene.71 For Atelier
35, its relation with other actors was not prescribed anymore so it had to find another
role within the shaping Romanian art market, the role of a brand.
The brand was interpreted and appropriated by generations of artists after its
emergence. For example, in 2015 an independent work-group even asked that Atelier
35 become an integral part of the union, a subsidiary of UAP with a manifesto was
published at the time. The lack of resources and possibility of working ensuring a
coherent running schedule at Atelier 35 also led to the creation of two Atelier 35
independent NGOs: Atelier 35 and Atelier 35 Timisoara, the latter one continuing its
activities without any connection to the Atelier 35 UAP, other than the inter-personal
ones, with the exception of the fact that the team that coordinated the UAP during those
years were in charge with said projects on behalf of the Union. UAPs leadership
reaction towards the first NGO was a negative one, but it ended up supporting their
70 Gu, Generaia 80.

71 Stoenescu, Continuiti, 715.
147
CRISTINA STOENESCU
activity as long as they brought funding for Atelier 3572. Momentarily, even though
the NGOs have no other connection with the space, recently taken over by ODD and
renamed after it, the UAPs position towards these NGOs is non-conflicting.
However, the privatization of something that used to be collective and
common is not much different from calling Atelier 35 a brand. It partakes to the same
legitimization and creation of a certain cultural memory, even if it references its past,
even if it remains oblivious to its act of doing so. On both parts of its coordinators,
and of its institutional framework, Atelier 35 is an appropriated phenomenon, in the
purpose of redefining present actions to individual preferences.
Conclusions
Following newly discovered archival sources about Atelier 35, the pre-entry structure
for young graduates wishing to become UAP members, the present study analyzed
the potential continuities and the discontinuities of its development. This chapter
was structured into three main parts dealing with the chronological history of Atelier
35. The main theoretical instrument was provided by Harastzis state artist concept
explaining the participation of youth in Atelier 35 activities and the transformations
underwent in their relation with the Romanian Artists Union, during the communist
regime and after the 1989 Revolution.
The main results of this research contribute to a better understanding of the
changes occurring in the regulations of Atelier 35, from its predecessor, Cenaclul
Tineretului to its perpetuation on the Romanian art scene after the fall of the
communist regime.
Firstly, Cenaclul Tineretului was intended to be a filter-structure that would
support the artistic youth, but also help the selection of the young artists to the
Romanian Artists Union. Before its foundation, the young graduates directly became
prospective members of the UAP and after a waiting period of four to five years,
they would become full members of the UAP. The CT and afterwards, Atelier 35
helped the young artists to exhibit and gather more experience before becoming
candidates for prospective membership.
Secondly, during the 1960s and most of the 1970s the role of CT and
subsequently, of the Atelier 35 remained largely unchanged, with certain shifting
degrees of autonomy given to the youth organizations. The main change occured in
72 Xandra Popescu, interview by Cristina Stoenescu, October 25, 2016, corroborated with Petru
Lucaci, interview by Cristina Stoenescu, December 9, 2016.
148
the 1980s, when the overall shortage of resources and the UAP restrictions imposed
on admitting new members in its ranks, transformed Atelier 35 from a filter-structure,
to an enclave, effectively hosting the 1980s generation of young artists throughout
the last years of the communist regime. Acting as a pressure valve to the increasing
difficulties of the Romanian Artists Union to provide for its members, Atelier 35 was
extended into a network of Atelier 35s throughout the country. The network
facilitated large-scale exhibitions, fringe artistic shows that encouraged free-thinking
and helped shaping viable resource and internal communication pathways within
the otherwise repressive regime. Atelier 35 of the mid-1980s was a network of
participants, of artists that later on became widely known at a national and
international level.
Thirdly, the 1989 Revolution marked a significantly challenging change for the
UAP and consequently, for Atelier 35. From monopoly to a skewed emerging art
market, from the harsh conditions of the 1980s to the chaotic 1990s, the UAP proved
to be a sluggish institution in adapting to the changes occurring after the fall of
communism. The former participants of Atelier 35 either started pursuing
international careers or regrouped in other artist movements and organizations and
in some cases even became actively involved in the restructuring of UAP. Gradually,
the heritage of Atelier 35 passed on to the next generation, with isolated still working
Atelier 35 throughout the country. Out of the few remaining ones, Atelier 35
Bucharest was the most dedicated to its 1980s heritage, through archival projects, or
branding purposes of a couple of independent NGOs, as well as a cultural product
of the UAP.
The main continuities of Atelier 35 throughout its creation are connected to the
idea of artistic youth and encouraging artists at the start of their careers, even after
the age threshold was no longer respected. Its constant attribute was adaptation to
the pressures of its context, reacting as a pressure-valve to either selectivity goals of
UAP in the 1960s and throughout the 1970s, to the harsh admission process in the
UAP in the 1980s, to the lack of exhibition spaces in the 1990s and the legitimizing
needs of various artistic groups in the 1990s including those of the UAP.
Due to its adapting characteristics, Atelier 35 went through two main stages of
transformation in relation to the UAP. The first one occurred in the mid1980s, when
it essentially became the UAP enclave of its generation, sustaining a creative
passivity towards the communist regime with what Haraszti would refer to bricks
of free will. The second transformation revealed a commodified Atelier 35,
materializing the generational spirit of the 1980s to a mere space-related concept,
and later on to a marketed and an appropriated brand, emptied by its most defining
trait: a coherent group of self-organizing artist - participants.
149
CRISTINA STOENESCU
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Artitilor Plastici/(Regulation regarding the organization and functioning of
Atelier 35 from the Romanian Artists Union). Folder Regulamente UAP
1982/UAP Regulations 1982. Bucharest: (ACFP).
edina Biroului Executiv din 27 iunie 1957 (Executive Office Meeting from
27th June 1957). Folder 64/1957. Romanian Artists Union (UAP) Fund.
Bucharest: (ANIC).
edina de comitet pe ar din 29.03.1954 (National committee meeting from
29th March 1954). Folder 22/1951. Romanian Artists Union (UAP) Fund.
Bucharest: (ANIC).
Interviews
Antik, Alexandru. E-mail message to Raluca Doroftei. November 9, 2007. Archive

Atelier 35.
Avram, Horea. E-mail message to Raluca Doroftei. November 9, 2007. Archive Atelier 35.
Crneci, Magda. Interview by author. Digital recording. Bucharest, October 10, 2016.
Gu, Adrian. Interview by author. Digital recording. Bucharest, October 7, 2016.
Lucaci, Petru. Interview by author. Digital recording. Bucharest, December 9, 2016.
Patrichi, Roxana. E-mail message to author. November 3, 2016.
Popescu, Xandra. Interview by author. Written record. Bucharest, October 25, 2016.
Predescu, Magda. E-mail message to author. September 23, 2016.
Secondary sources
Alexandrescu, Raluca. Arta de for public, arta privat. Interviu cu Ion Nicodim
(Public forum art, private art. Interview with Ion Nicodim). Observatorul
Cultural. February 6, 2007. Retrieved from http://ow.ly/kJ5x308en4B.
Antik, Alexandru. Inventar (Inventory). Bucharest:Vellant, 2016.
Atelier 35 revine acas, la galeriile Orizont(Atelier 35 comes back home to the
Orizont Galleries). Consiliul Director al UAP din Romnia. Modernism.ro.
November 23, 2014. Retrieved from http://www.modernism.ro/2014/11/23/atel
ier-35-revine-acasa-la-galeriile-orizont/.
151
CRISTINA STOENESCU
Bienala Tineretului (Youth Bi-annual). Baia Mare, Maramure, 1988.

Crneci Magda. Artele Plastice n Romnia 1945-1989. Cu o addenda 1990-2010 (Fine arts
in Romania 1945-1989. With an addenda for the period 1990-2010). Iai:
Polirom, 2013.
Ce este Noul? (What New is?) Arta Plastic (Fine Art) 1(1962): 39.
Deletant, Dennis, Romnia sub regimul communist (Romania under the communist regime).
Bucharest: Fundaia Academia Civic/Civic Academy Fonudation, 1997.
Doroftei, Raluca. Overview of Atelier 35. Archive Atelier 35, November 9, 2007.
Dumitriu, Simona. Istoria-i n nettime. Cltoriile Atelier 35 (History is on the net.
The travels of Atelier 35). IDEA arts + society (2015): 34-39.
Eyal, Gyl, Szelnyi, Ivan, Townsley, Eleanor. Capitalism fr capitaliti: noua elit
conductoare din Europa de Est (Capitalism without capitalists: the new ruling
elite of Eastern Europe). Bucharest: Omega, 2001.
Gu, Adrian. Generaia 80 n artele vizuale (The Generation of the 1980s in the visual
arts). Piteti: Paralela 45, 2008.
Haraszti, Mikls. The Velvet prison: artists under state socialism. New York: Basic
Books, 1987.
Kessler, Erwin. O radiografie a artei romneti dup 1989 (A radiography of Romanian
art after 1989). Bucharest: Vellant, 2013.
Novicov, Adela Ramona. Atelier 35. Oradea: Muzeul rii Criurilor, 2007.
Popescu, Xandra, Cruneanu, Larisa. The Case of Atelier 35 (Bucharest Romania).
Art Leaks, November 21st, 2014. Retrieved from https://art-leaks.org/2014/11/
24/the-case-of-atelier-35-bucharest-romania/.
Rezultatele Concursului de proiecte curatoriale (Results of the competition for
curatorial projects). UAP website. Retrieved from http://uap.ro/rezultatele-
concursului-de-proiecte-curatorial/.
Semenoff-Tian-Chansky, Irene. Le Pinceau La Faucille Et Le Marteau Les peintres et le
pouvoir en Union sovietique de 1953 a 1989. Paris: Institut dtudes Slaves, 1993.
Stoenescu, Cristina. "Continuiti i contraste n spaiul artistic postcomunist romnesc"
(Continuities and contrasts in the postcommunist Romanian artistic space).
Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review 4(2011): 687-99.
Titu, Alexandra. Experimentul n arta romneasc (Experiment in Romanian art).
Bucharest: Meridiane, 2003.
152
Crearea Uniunii Artitilor Plastici i rolul acesteia
n formarea artistului de stat n primii ani de la nfiinare
MAGDA PREDESCU
Abstract. This chapter discusses the establishment of the Romanian Artists Union (UAP) and its
roles in the first period of the 1950s from a perspective inspired by the philosophy of Michel
Foucault, namely the problem of discipline, control, and power mechanisms. Inspired by the Soviet
model, the UAP was created in 1950, in the second year of planned economy to coordinate creative
endeavors in the whole country in the first Five-Year Plan. Created to control the production,
distribution and consumption of art, its main objectives were the development of the ideological
level of its members, the assimilation of the new aesthetic rules, and the recognition and struggle
against formalist and cosmopolitan trends. The UAP put forward a new identity, that of the state
artist, a variant of the new man, a professional whose skills were acquired through ideological
training. In order to raise the ideological level of its members, the Union authorized several
disciplinary mechanisms, some of them identical to those functioning in the USSR and others
specific to the satellite countries. At the same time, the UAP created professional opportunities, and
was followed by a significant increase in the artistic production ideologically controlled. In the
1950s, the sanctions imposed discipline, and later, the correction was integrated because it was
involved in the production of new wishes and the artist became a production force, able to respond
to specific tasks in a given time. Controlling all the means of production and distribution of cultural
products, the communist state transformed the creators in a new social class.
Introducere
n condiiile n care, dup cel de-al doilea rzboi mondial, n Europa Central i de
Est se instaura hegemonia sovietic, puterea politic din rile satelit ncepea s
reproduc ideologia, condiiile sociale i infrastructura din metropol. n sens
MAGDA PREDESCU
foucaldian, un nou dispozitiv, 1 reunind cunoatere, n acest caz ideologic

materialismul tiinific i dialectic, cu varianta sa estetic, Realismul Socialist i
putere politic, exprimndu-se n spectacole violente, practici disciplinare,2 dar i
msuri de protecie, a transformat complet formaiunile discursive i nondiscursive,
precum instituii, arhitectur, art, legi, msuri administrative, practici si procese
economice, evenimente politice, etc.
Apariia Realismului Socialist ca tip de cunoatere i, mai ales, reprezentare
ideologizat a fost simultan cu apariia instituiilor care l instaurau. Informaii
fragmentare despre uniunile de creaie apar n lucrri de politologie, sociologie,
istorie literar, i istoria artei.3 Lucrri mai specializate au scris Ioana Macrea-Toma,
Lucia Dragomir, sau Mihai Dinu Gheorghiu.4 Informaii despre nfiinarea i funciile
Uniunii Artitilor Plastici apar la Radu Ionescu, Magda Crneci, Cristian Vasile, sau
Carmen Rdulescu. 5 Unele dintre aceste lucrri amintesc, de asemenea, rolul
structurii n formarea i gestionarea unei noi identiti artistul de stat.
Credem c nuanri utile se pot obine prin investigarea unor fonduri
arhivistice puin sau deloc cercetate n acest caz chiar arhiva Uniunii Artitilor
Plastici6 i folosind un instrumentar metodologic avnd ca surs scrierile lui Michel
1 Termen utilizat de Michel Foucault pentru a descrie mecanisme institutionale i administrative sau
structuri de cunoatere cu rol de normare prin care se exercit puterea. Apare n vocabularul
conceptual al lui Foucault n anii 1970 i se refer la instituii i practici, nlocuind termenul
epistem din deceniul anterior, care se referea doar la formaiuni discursive.
2 Foucault descrie disciplina ca mecanism de putere pe care l asociaz cu sistemele de
supraveghere i cu practica confesiunii.
3 Sistemul uniunilor de creaie a funcionat n toate republicile sovietice, iar dup rzboi a fost
introdus n toate rile satelit din Europa Central i de Est.
4 Ioana Macrea-Toma, Privilighenia. Instituii literare n comunismul romnesc (Cluj-Napoca:
Casa Crii de tiin, 2009); Lucia Dragomir, LUnion des crivains. Une institution
transnationale lEst: lexemple roumain (Paris: Belin, 2007); Mihai Dinu Gheorghiu,
Intelectualii n cmpul puterii. Morfologii i traiectorii sociale (Iai: Polirom, 2007).
Uniunii Artitilor Plastici din Romnia, 2003); Magda Crneci, Artele plastice n Romnia
1945-1989 (Iai: Polirom, 2013); Cristian Vasile, Literatura i artele n Romnia comunist 1948-
1953 (Bucureti: Humanitas, 2010); Ibid., Politicile culturale comuniste n timpul regimului
Gheorghiu-Dej (Bucureti: Humanitas, 2011); Carmen Rdulescu, Uniunea Artitilor Plastici
ntre controlul politic i arta neangajat, n Forme de represiune n regimurile comuniste,
editat de Cosmin Budeac i Florentin Olteanu (Iai: Polirom, 2008), 248-255.
6 Fondul dedicat Uniunii Artitilor Plastici (2239) de la Arhivele Naionale Istorice Centrale,
Bucureti (ANIC). Un excelent instrument de lucru este ediia de documente elaborat de Dan
Drghia, Dumitru Lctuu, Alina Popescu, Caterina Preda, Cristina Stoenescu, Uniunea Artitilor
Plastici din Romnia n documente de arhiv (Bucureti: Editura Universitii din Bucureti, 2016).
154
Foucault din perioada poststructuralist, acel Foucault care consider c adevrata

putere nu reprim, ci opereaz n cmpul posibilitilor subiecilor, seducnd,
facilitnd sau, dimpotriv, provocnd dificulti.7 Teza articolului este c artistul de
stat ca tip de om nou a fost instaurat prin mijlocirea Uniunii Artitilor Plastici care,
deinnd toate mijloacele de producie i de distribuire a produselor culturale, a
funcionat deopotriv ca instituie disciplinar i ca instituie cu rol de protecie i
motivare profesional.8 Format prin reprimare cci puterea totalitar avea nevoie
de un subiect fix, nu de un partener de dialog i stimulat s se investeasc afectiv
doar n acele imagini, modele i obiecte legitimate de puterea politic, artistul de stat
a descoperit curnd c era parte a elitei politice dintr-o societate n care dominau nu
doar pedeapsa, ci i ambiia, susinerea material, privilegiul.
Rolul structurilor sindicale
Pn la nfiinarea UAP, structura care a rspndit modelul cultural sovietic,

ndeplinind funcia de ndoctrinare ideologic i de promovare a unui nou tip de
producie artistic a fost Sindicatul Artelor Frumoase. n 1947 Sindicatul a fost
integrat n Confederaia General a Muncii i a asumat ca scop dezvoltarea unui nou
model de disciplin artistic. Sub supravegherea Sindicatului, pn n 1950 au fost
experimentate toate elementele care au stat apoi la baza constituirii Uniunii Artitilor
Plastici: documentare n provincie, cercuri de studii n care au fost promovate critica,
autocritica i lectura documentelor politice. mpreun cu Asociaia Romn de
Strngere a Legturilor de prietenie cu Uniunea Sovietic (ARLUS), Sindicatul a
organizat prelegeri despre arta sovietic, fapt care a anunat cursurile de ndoctrinare
din cadrul comisiilor de ndrumare. Toate aceste activiti aveau drept scop
specializarea artitilor n producerea de ideologie.9
7 Ultimul Foucault a oferit o definiie nietzschean a conceptului de putere, implicnd, deopotriv,

aspecte represive i productive. Ipoteza represiv n definirea puterii a fost criticat pentru
prima dat n la Volont de Savoir (1976), primul volum din Histoire de la sexualit.
8 Puterea politic din URSS a avut convingerea c prin educaie politic poate s transforme
natura uman i s creeze o nou identitate, un om nou, nrdcinat n ideologie, care s
construiasc o societate nou. Teoria a dobndit o baz tiinific prin lucrrile lui Pavlov,
Miciurin i Lsenko.
9 Noul regim de adevr din cmpul culturii, realismul socialist, singurul discurs considerat
adevrat, deci singurul acceptat, trebuia asimilat de artiti care, la rndul lor, aveau datoria de a-l
reproduce. Noua putere politic folosea arta ca instrument de proagand i de legitimare.
155
MAGDA PREDESCU
Primele edine de ndrumare au avut loc n 1947.10 n toamna anului 1949, n

cadrul unei edine organizate de Secia de Propagand a CC al PMR s-a decis
crearea primelor comisii de ndrumare pentru pictur, sculptur i arte decorative n
vederea realizrii celei de-a doua expoziii anuale de stat. Ulterior au fost nfiinate
comisii de ndrumare pentru pictur monumental, ilustraii i gravur, legatur
artistic de carte, pictur teatral, caricatur, critic de art. Trecerea la planificarea
economic a condus la planificarea muncii de creaie, artitii fiind obligai s dea
declaraii despre propriul plan de munc. Titina Clugru:
Sunt ntrebat care este planul meu de munc pe anul n curs. Este ntr-adevr
pentru mine, ca pentru majoritatea oamenilor artei, prima dat n via cnd
pentru o etap de un an mi-am fixat un program de munc, un plan cu
obiective precise, care constituie o sarcin i un angajament. [] Bucuria de a
face pictur pentru mase. ndemnul i sprijinul mi le d Partidul.11
Transplantarea modelului cultural sovietic, care respingea individualismul n art, a

condus la apariia primelor grupuri de lucru i la nfiinarea atelierelor colective n
care se realizau lucrri colaborative. n 1949 au fost nfiinate 6 asemenea ateliere.12
n provincie supravegherea artitilor a fost asigurat de Ministerul Artelor i de
Uniunea Sindicatelor de Artiti, Scriitori i Ziariti (USASZ). La Timioara, de exemplu,
pn n vara anului 1950 [aadar nainte de nfiinarea UAP, care avut loc n
toamna acelui an] aceste cercuri de studii au fost inute cu regularitate,
prelucrndu-se n profunzime probleme ideologice, ca de exemplu Soboliev i
alii. n acelai timp au existat i cercuri de studii n limbile romn i maghiar
pentru studiul istoriei Partidului.13
n ceea ce privete producia artistic propriu-zis, schimbrile au fost treptate.

Politizarea intens a zonei artelor plastice a produs anumite dificulti de adaptare
pentru c existau nouti evidente fa de perioada interbelic: opera de art era
10 Vezi Titina Clugru, Despre unele probleme ale ndrumrii creaiei n cadrul Uniunii
Artitilor plastici, Arta plastic, nr. 1/1954.
11 Vezi Contemporanul din 14 ianuarie 1949. Dovedind ataament fa de ideologia comunist,
Titina Clugru (1911-1973) a ocupat o poziie de for n cadrul Uniunii Artitilor Plastici n
primii ani de la nfiinarea acesteia.
12 Dup modelul grupului Kukryniksy n Romnia a existat grupul Dralco, din care fceau
parte Ion Drug, Lipa Almaru sau Ilie Costescu.
13 Dup cum rezult dintr-un raport ulterior, datat 27 ianuarie 1951, n Dosar 7/1951, Fond
Uniunea Artitilor Plastici (UAP), Arhivele Naionale Istorice Centrale, (ANIC), Bucureti.
156
neleas ca mijloc de propagand, productorul de cultur devenise educator al

maselor, se modificaser mecanismele de selecie i de excludere, apruser un nou
regim al discursivitii i o nou configuraie a puterii n cmpul cultural.14 Primele
lucrri cu tematic realist socialist au fost expuse la Salonul Oficial de pictur i
sculptur din 1945, unde au fost invitai i artitii bulgari. Prima manifestare artistic n
care a fost abordat n mod declarat, asumat, o nou tematic a fost expoziia Flacra.15
Despre un Fond al creaiei susinere financiar pentru realizarea de lucrri cu
tematic impus se vorbete pentru prima dat n 1948:
Pictori de mare talent au fost angajai [de Ministerul Artelor i Informaiilor]

pentru o serie de lucrri importante, primind pn la predarea lucrrilor, lunar,
o sum de bani menit s le asigure existena. Nu este vorba de filantropie i
nici de sinecur. Artitii plastici primesc, sub aceast form, un acont
substanial asupra valorii lucrrilor lor care vor fi achiziionate de ctre Stat.16
Schimbarea tematicii s-a fcut simit i la Expoziia Anual de Stat a artelor plastice
din decembrie 1948. Expoziiile anuale de stat au reprezentat una din modalitile
prin care UAP a orientat arta spre realism socialist.
Sfritul deceniului cinci a instituit, aadar, absena alternativelor ideologice. A
fi creator nsemna implicare politic i o singur opiune estetic. Pn n 1950, n
contextul revoluiei culturale, a fost pus la punct ntregul sistem de ndrumare
ideologic, supraveghere i protecie financiar din cmpul artei. Uniunea Artitilor
Plastici a fost nfiinat n 1950, ns regimul politic nu a fcut dect s
instituionalizeze o stare de fapt care se conturase n cei civa ani care trecuser de la
ncheierea rzboiului.
Crearea Uniunii Artitilor Plastici
Din iniiativa Comitetului Central al Partidului Muncitoresc Romn, la 21 octombrie

1950 a fost nfiinat Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din Republica Popular Romn.
14 n societile moderne lumea social este divizat, conform teoriilor lui Pierre Bourdieu, n
cmpuri caracterizate de competiia dintre agenii sociali care ncearc s obin o poziie
dominant prin acumularea de capital economic i/sau cultural. Vezi Pierre Bourdieu,
Rponses. Pour une anthropologie rflexive (Paris: Le Seuil, 1992), 73-75.
15 Expoziia a fost organizat la Sala Dalles de grupul omonim al pictorilor si sculptorilor din
USASZ n perioada 11-25 aprilie 1948 i a fost precedat de documentri finanate. Vezi
Rdulescu, Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, 249 i Crneci, Artele plastice, 19.
16 Pictori angajai n slujba poporului, Contemporanul, iulie 30, 1948.
157
MAGDA PREDESCU
Creat n al doilea an de economie planificat cu scopul de a coordona creaia din

ntreaga ar n cadrul primului plan cincinal, Uniunea Artitilor Plastici a jucat un
rol central n diseminarea noului regim de adevr realismul socialist, precum i n
formarea omului nou n persoana artistului de stat.
Analiznd politicile culturale dezvoltate de statul romn n deceniul ase,
politici care au avut rolul de a nlocui modelul local interbelic cu cel sovietic
importat, observm c o parte dintre acestea i-au dobndit legitimitatea prin faptul
c au fost prezentate ca o continuitate, ca o transformare a unor instituii deja
existente, a cror infrastructur au nghiit-o. Un astfel de exemplu l reprezint
aciunile de reorganizare a Sindicatelor Artelor Frumoase n scopul nfiinrii
Uniunii. Cadrul legislativ a contribuit la promovarea ideii c noile structuri
integreaz fostele instituii mai degrab dect s le elimine, existnd un act de cedare
a patrimoniului Sindicatelor ctre UAP, transfer legal i nu simpl confiscare de
bunuri. Prin articolul 3 din Decretul nr. 266/1950 Sindicatul Artelor Frumoase din
Bucureti i Sindicatele mixte de artiti plastici din provincie s-a dizolvat, iar
patrimoniul a revenit Uniunii Artitilor Plastici. Prin acelai Decret, Prezidiul Marii
Adunri Naionale a RPR a recunoscut statutul de persoan juridic al UAP
Necesitatea nfiinrii acestei structuri a fost justificat astfel:
Sindicatul Artelor Frumoase a corespuns n bun parte ca form organizatoric

unor etape trecute, dar depite azi, cnd aceast form de organizare a devenit ngust,
necorespunztoare fa de problemele ce se pun n faa creatorilor de art.17
Prima Conferin pe ar a UAP (20-21 octombrie 1950) a stabilit, n conformitate cu

modelul sovietic, comitetul de conducere, statutul, obiectivele, condiiile de
admitere, structura organizatoric, misiunea instituiei, condiiile de organizare a
Plenarei UAP18, proiectul de buget.
n reeaua cultural Uniunea Artitilor Plastici a ocupat o poziie intermediar
ntre instane superioare de control (Secia de Art i Cultur a Comitetului Central,
dirijat ea nsi de Secia de Propagand) i alte instituii cu care UAP a colaborat:
structuri care asigurau legtura cu URSS (ARLUS, muzeele sovietice, Institutul de
Studii romno-sovietic), structuri care formau profesional i ideologic (institutele de
arte plastice), structuri care ofereau vizibilitate (editurile, presa), structuri care
recompensau simbolic sau financiar (Fondul Plastic, Comitetul de Stat pentru
17 Titina Clugru, Cuvnt n ntmpinarea Conferinei pe ar a artitilor plastici din RPR,

Dosar 1/1950, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 7.
18 Conferina pe ar, gndit deopotriv ca moment de bilan i de planificare.
158
Cultur, ntreprinderile care achiziionau material de propagand), structuri care

ofereau material documentar (ARLUS, Muzeul romno-rus, Centrul de difuzare a
presei, mai trziu Studioul cinematografic Sahia, secia de documentare a artei
contemporane din cadrul Institutului de Istoria Artei etc.). Aparatul Uniunii a fost,
nc de la nfiinare, extrem de complex: 4 filiale (Iai, Cluj, Timioara, Baia Mare) i 7
cenacluri (Tg. Mure, Arad, oraul Stalin, Galai, Ploieti, Craiova, Oradea). n funcie
de tehnica de creaie utilizat, artitii au fost mprii n uniti organizatorice
(secii), a cror importan a variat n timp. Nevoia de centralizare a informaiei a
condus la dezvoltarea rapid a sistemului de documentare.
Uniunea ca instituie disciplinar
La fel ca n URSS, structura a fost creat pentru a controla producia (Uniunea

ndruma i planifica creaia), distribuirea i consumul de art. Obiectivul principal
era ridicarea nivelului ideologic al membrilor si, nsuirea temeinic a metodei
realismului socialist, recunoaterea i combaterea tendinelelor formaliste i
cosmopolite. Pentru ca artitii s ajung la un nivel ideologic optim, verificat prin
producerea unei arte corecte din punct de vedere politic, cu impact asupra maselor,
Uniunea a activat mai multe mecanisme disciplinare cu rol n reglarea
comportamentului artitilor, unele identice cu cele din URSS comisiile de
ndrumare, critica i autocritica, altele specifice rilor satelit intervenia
consilierilor sovietici n munca de ndrumare. Disciplina a implicat, de asemenea,
organizarea spaiului nfiinarea de filiale i cenacluri, ateliere individuale i
colective, deplasri pe teren pentru documentare, munca n case de creaie, a
timpului un anumit ritm al activitilor, respectarea datei de predare a lucrrilor,
precum i crearea unui sistem de supraveghere verificri periodice ale artitilor din
Bucureti, uneori prin deplasarea comisiei la atelier, precum i ale artitilor/
structurilor din provincie. Disciplina n UAP a fost asigurat i de existena unei
ierarhii care a funcionat pe criterii deopotriv politice i estetice (n primul deceniu
de la nfiinare mai degrab politice). Primirea unui artist n Uniune, precedat de
parcurgerea unei etape de stagiatur de 3 ani, se fcea de ctre Comitetul de
conducere, prin vot. Stagiarii nu aveau drept de vot. n cazuri speciale, Comitetul de
conducere putea aproba trecerea la statutul de membru definitiv i nainte de
sfritul perioadei de stagiatur. n scurt timp, n funcie de calitatea ideologic a
produciei artistice, clasificarea membrilor Uniunii s-a diversificat, acetia putnd
avea statutul de stagiari, definitivi, avansai, retrogradai, avertizai, exclui.
159
MAGDA PREDESCU
Uniunea a fost o instituie cu funcionare orizontal pentru c structura

central s-a reprodus n fiecare filial sau cenaclu din provincie, dar i o structur
piramidal pentru c supravegherea se realiza ierarhic. Fiecare membru al Biroului
central de la Bucureti primea periodic sarcina de a supraveghea o filial. n primii
ani de la nfiinare vizitele de la centru n provincie au fost frecvente, iar rapoartele
privind filialele sau cenaclurile arat c filialele au fost vizitate mai des n perioada
organizrii structurii sau a pregtirii expoziiilor anualele de stat. Erau urmrite
probleme precum activitatea atelierului colectiv, contactul cu partidul, activitatea de
documentare i cea expoziional, modalitatea de organizare a conferinelor,
edinelor de ndrumare, activitatea cercurilor de studii, gazeta de perete, situaia
material a filialelor. Rapoartele cuprind i caracterizri ale artitilor realizate de
ndrumtorul de la centru dup criterii estetice, dar mai ales politico-ideologice.
Faptul c un artist nu crea ceea ce trebuie, cum trebuie i cnd trebuie era explicat
prin nivelul ideologic sczut. Iat cteva exemple de caracterizri extrase din
raportul redactat de Andrei Szobotka 19 n data de 27.01.1951, cu ocazia vizitrii
filialei UAP Timioara:
Gal Ana. Simpatizanta micrii. 3 portrete n pastel. Neespozabile [sic!].

Ideologic neridicat. Profesional cu o frumoas sensibilitate i posibiliti de
desvoltare [sic!] Lenhardt Emil. Membru PMR 2 portrete de evideniai, unul
expozabil iar al doilea n faza de execuie. Ideologic slab, profesional cu o
serioas pregtire. Apropiat de realism. [] Dure Diodor. Politic indiferent. Un
portret de evideniat; n faza actual promite a fi expozabil. Ideologic neridicat.
Profesional foarte talentat, cu perspective serioase de dezvoltare. [] Krausz
Adalbert. Politic oportunist. Un portret de evideniat. Expozabil. Ideologic are
cunotine, ns este confuz. Profesional bine pregtit. Apropiat de realism.20
nc de la nfiinare Uniunea a depus eforturi pentru centralizarea situaiei

artitilor din ntreaga ar. n cmpul artei au aprut forme moderne de control. Au
fost create fie i dosare personale prin care era urmrit activitatea tuturor
membrilor i n care regsim nu doar tehnici de cuantificare a performanelor
artistice, ci i informaii privind gradul de adeziune la ideologie. Artistul nsui
oferea despre sine informaii prin care ncerca s conving puterea politic de
originile sale proletare. Comisii speciale i verificau pe fotii sindicaliti care doreau
19 Andrei Szobotka (1916-1992), sculptor, reprezentat al realismului socialist.

20 Dosar 7/1951, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 119-120.
160
s devin membri ai noii instituii. Erau vizai mai ales cei considerai incurabili
politic, de exemplu cei dovedii c fcuser politic legionar.
Uniunea i-a constituit cu minuiozitate aparatul documentar, arhivnd nc de
la prima edin. Centralizarea informaiei, permind instituiei s realizeze
statistici, s compare activitatea filialelor, s planifice evenimentele, s urmreasc
procesul de profesionalizare ideologic a membrilor, reprezint o categorie de
practici disciplinare cu rol nu doar n pedepsirea vinovailor, ci i n evidenierea
unor comportamente i aptitudini care i ajut pe gestionari s intensifice
performanele, plasndu-i pe unii artiti n locul n care ei pot deveni mai utili
regimului. Supravegherea constant are att efecte negative (pedeapsa), ct i efecte
pozitive (sporirea randamentului)
Noua identitate format i gestionat de Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, artistul de
stat era prezentat ca un profesionist ale crui competene erau dobndite n primul
rnd prin instruire ideologic. Instruirea artitilor s-a realizat prin consultarea
materialului de propagand sovietic n cadrul unor cursuri i conferine, n cadrul
comisiilor de ndrumare, a edinelor, n cadrul atelierelor colective, la cercurile de
studii, prin excursii de documentare i prin ndrumare realizat de consilierii sovietici.
n cadrul atelierelor colective 21 s-au organizat att cursuri de perspectiv,
anatomie, ct i cursuri de limba rus, iar cercurile de studii au gzduit conferine cu
coninut ideologic i estetic. Conferinele se desfurau n fiecare cerc de studiu, o
dat la trei sptmni. S-a urmrit pe orice cale promovarea contactelor culturale cu
URSS: Uniunea a invitat n Romnia artiti sovietici i a trimis artiti romni cu burse n
URSS, acordndu-se atenie artitilor tineri, rezerve n procesul de rotaie a cadrelor.
Consilierii sovietici au sosit n Romnia imediat dup 23 august 1944. Au fost
plasai pe lng Ministerul nvmntului Public, Ministerul Artelor (devenit n
iulie 1952 Comitetul pentru Art), precum i pe lng toate instituiile de nvmnt
superior i de cercetare tiinific. n cmpul artei, arhivele pstreaz numele a doi
consilieri: Grigorenko, consilier la Comitetul pentru Art i Evgheni Kondratievici
Kovalenko, un pictor scenograf care apare la edinele comisiilor de ndrumare, care
supraveghea activitatea la Institutul de Arte Plastice din Bucureti i era consultat n
probleme legate de organizarea UAP: integrarea maetrilor n noile structuri,
documentarea pe teren etc. Arhiva UAP pstreaz tabelele cu artitii prezeni la
ntlnirile cu tovarii sovietici.22 Numele lui Kovalenko apare n procesele verbale
21 n 1951 n Bucureti existau 10 ateliere colective, iar n provincie 12. Vezi Dosar 27/1951,
Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti,.
22 Vezi Dosar 17/1950, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti,.
161
MAGDA PREDESCU
ale edinelor Biroului Executiv din 25 aprilie 1951, 23 cnd se discut schema de
organizare a Uniunii; n 5 iunie 1951,24 cnd i-a exprimat prerea cu privire la lucrrile
prezentate n cadrul comisiei de ndrumare pentru Expoziia anual de stat, i a tras
concluzii cu privire la lucrrile pregtite pentru expoziie, a intervenit n discuia
despre proiectarea muncii i plecarea n colective de lucru n provincie; n 3 iulie 1951,25
cnd a participat la sedina cu grupele de artiti care plecau n Gospodriile Agricole
de Stat i n Gospodriile Colective i n 5 ianuarie 1952, oferind indicaii:
Majoritatea suntei oameni de ora i trii n case i ateliere. Cnd vei gsi
ntinderile mari de cmpii, oamenii curajoi i vii care muncesc la strngerea
recoltei, atenia voastr se poate mprtia foarte mult i duce la nereuita
sarcinii. Din acest punct de vedere v art pictura lui Plastev, un pictor bun, cu
un colorit optimist i luminos. S-ar prea c acest tablou are toate elementele
pentru o strngere a recoltei. Dar vom vedea c artistul s-a ndeprtat de tem.26
Evgheni Kovalenko inea conferine prin ARLUS i, alturi de ali doi consilieri,
Ciucov i Al. Feodorov, figureaz pe lista invitailor la Plenara din 1952, cel mai dur
moment de nchidere politic din deceniul ase.
Comisiile de ndrumare au avut rol n orientarea tematic, n planificarea i
supravegherea creaiei n vederea organizrii expoziiilor. Membrii comisiilor aveau
ca sarcin combaterea rmielor formaliste decadente aveau n permanen la
ndemn mape cu reproduceri din materialul de propagand sovietic i
propuneau acordarea ajutoarelor de creaie n funcie de performanele ideologice i
estetice ale artitilor. O dat pe lun, comisia de ndrumare organiza un cerc de
studiu n cadrul cruia era prezentat un referat, de obicei cu coninut ideologic,
verificat, n prealabil, de conducerea seciei sau era lecturat materialul tradus n
scopul nsuirii metodelor de critic sovietic: rapoartele Academiei de Art a URSS,
revista sovietic Iskusstvo [Arta]. Tot lunar avea loc o edin n care se analiza n
mod critic i autocritic felul n care fusese realizat ndrumarea. Comisiile de
ndrumare anunau tematica obligatorie propus de UAP n vederea organizrii
expoziiilor, artitii urmnd s se documenteze, adesea prin vizite cu sau fr
ndrumtor, finanate de Uniune, n zone industriale i gospodrii agricole colective:
23 Vezi Dosar 13/1950, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 40.

24 Ibid., 41-43.
25 Ibid., 48-49.
26 Ibid., dup pagina 44.
162
Proces-verbal al edinei cu grupele de artiti care pleac n Gospodriile

Agricole de Stat i n Gospodriile Colective, 3 iulie 1951. Sunt prezeni
tovarii care vor pleca n campania agricol, de fa fiind Secretariatul Uniunii
i tov. Kovalenko. Tovarul Boris Caragea cere artitilor s descopere acolo
unde vor pleca elementul nou care s-a nscut n viaa satului. Sunt aspecte
variate n munca Gospodriilor Agricole: culesul recoltei, noua via cultural
care s-a ivit, electricitatea care a ptruns n locuinele ranilor, brigzile de
fruntai, muncitorii care au venit la ar pentru a ajuta la repararea uneltelor i
la munca agricol. Trebuie s reias aliana dintre clasa muncitoare i rnime.
Caricaturitii vor descoperi i chiaburul, birocratul din lumea satului. []
Printre alte aspecte se mai poate face, de exemplu, o familie de rani, nite
tineri pe cmp care merg cu ncredere n viitorul lor.27
Comisiile, organizate nc de la nceput pe secii, fapt care facilita supravegherea

piramidal, se ntruneau de dou ori pe lun, analizau i puneau un diagnostic
lucrrile aflate n diferite etape de realizare. Prezentarea n faa comisiei de
ndrumare era un examen care verifica competenele artistice dar, mai ales,
ideologice ale unui artist. Comisiile trebuiau s depun eforturi pentru a depista
comportamentele deviante sau ncercrile unora de a simula o poziie ideologic
corect. Sarcina msurrii corectitudinii acestor producii artistice i identificarea
abaterilor revenea artitilor recunoscui ca avnd o poziie ideologic corect,
specialiti ai sensului vizual i stpni al adevrului.
Principalele probleme cu care se confruntau supraveghetorii par s fie,
conform documentelor de arhiv, rmiele formaliste, nivelul ideologic
necorespunztor, lipsa de contact cu viaa, sracia tematic, lipsa de meteug. Iat
cteva observaii ale comisiei de ndrumare cu privire la calitatea lucrrilor care
urmau s fie prezentate la Expoziia anual de stat din 1951:
Observaii la lucrarea tovarului Spiru Chintil [...] Semnarea apelului

pentru pace. Acest tablou a fost adus la comisia de ndrumare, spune tov.
Titina Clugaru, i tovarul nu a progresat cu nimic. I s-a spus c oamenii sunt
aezati pe un singur plan i prea apatici. Personagiile nu sunt interesate de
problem i se degaj o indiferen complet pentru acest mre moment. Copilul
din braele mamei parc chiar protesteaz. Tov. Covalenco [sic!]: S-i aleag
tov. Chintil o tem de la Palatul Pionierilor, unde el lucreaz ca profesor. []
Dorio Lazr, Portretul tovarei Ana Pauker sculptur. Nu are suficient
27 Extras din Dosarul 13/1950, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 48.
163
MAGDA PREDESCU
asemnare. Expresia nu este valabil deoarece tovara Ana ne apare sfidtoare,

departe de mase, ceea ce nu este just. Artistul trebuie s reia lucrarea.28
Tipul de art practicat reprezenta o metod de a detecta dac artistul i

pierdea busola ideologic. Ataamentul fa de sistem era msurat prin respectarea
sau nerespectarea unor teme, norme de reprezentare. Opera de art n sine era
privit ca simptom al poziiei ideologice a artistului, aadar ca punere n scen
performativ a noului tip de identitate artistic. Producerea unor discursuri vizuale
corecte reprezenta dovada asimilrii noii cunoateri estetice i ideologice, iar
eecurile erau explicate fie prin incapacitatea individului de a asimila ideologia, fie
prin incapacitatea instituiei de a exercita n mod continuu i eficient controlul.
Depistnd diferite tipuri de formalism, responsabilii cu ndrumarea i dezvluiau
artistului sensul corect al obiectului de art i, prin asta, adevrata sa natur
interioar, indiferena sau ura fa de noua ideologie, caz n care i se sugerau
artistului procedee de ndreptare pentru binele lui i al societii. Discursul acestora
combina funcia analitic i cea moralizatoare, iar vinovatul recunoatea, de obicei,
c a greit, acceptnd ndrumrile. n virtutea poziiei de for pe care o ocupau n
dispozitivul puterii, membrii comisiilor de ndrumare distribuiau recompense i
pedepse n numele unor norme care, dei prentindeau a fi estetice capacitatea
artistului de a crea n stil realist socialist, erau, de fapt, politice rezistena la
realismul socialist era interpretat ca rezisten la noua ideologie sau morale
rezistena la realismul socialist putea fi interpretat ca simptom al unor tare morale
lene, individualism etc. Se afirma c moralitatea putred genereaz un limbaj artistic
corupt. Comportamentul artistic i ideologic corect era plasat sub aureola moralitii
pentru c proiectul artistic corect ideologic era prezentat ca un proiect profund
moral. Fiecare artist era judecat individual, iar n cadrul examinrii se presupunea c
se acioneaz implicit asupra sufletului su pentru a-i transforma convingerile. Se
considera c prin iniiere ideologic artistul este tratabil, vindecabil. 29 Suntem n
prezena unei forme de putere care i aroga dreptul de a dirija contiine i care viza
salvarea individului.
n perioada de nceput a Uniunii arhivele nregistreaz, dei nu foarte des,
unele luri de poziie cam neortodoxe n legtur cu activitatea comisiilor de
ndrumare. Ele aparin artitilor i criticilor vrstnici, care dobndiser capital
28 Extrase din Procesul-verbal al biroului de ndrumare artistic asupra lucrrilor prezentate

pentru Anuala de Stat 1951, Dosar 9/1950, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti, 10, 14, 16.
29 Este vorba de acelai proces de reeducare pe care l ntlnim i n alte sectoare ale societii.
Reeducarea n forma ei cea mai dur a fost folosit n nchisori.
164
simbolicindependent de puterea politic comunist.30 La edina din 4 noiembrie 1950 la

care au participat Biroul UAP i membrii comisiilor de ndrumare, edina avnd
drept scop reorganizarea acestora, Iosif Iser s-a artat surprins de numirea sa n
comisia de pictur i i-a manifestat nencrederea cu privire la tipul acesta de
intervenie n munca artistului, intervenie pe care a catalogat-o ca duntoare. La
rndul su, Krikor Zambaccian 31 s-a interesat dac asemenea comisii, a cror
existena i se pare birocraie, funcioneaz i n URSS32 n mod evident cei doi nu
nelegeau legtura dintre cunoaterea ideologic i noile forme de putere. Se
ntlnesc, ns, foarte puine asemenea situaii n arhiva Uniunii, motiv pentru care
cu greu s-ar putea vorbi despre rezisten n faa directivelor politice. Mai degrab,
este vorba despre manifestarea unor nenelegeri cu privire la unele concepte i la
noul tip de structur administrativ. Documentele din arhiva UAP par s dezvluie
faptul c n perioada de tranziie la realismul socialist a existat foarte mult
ambiguitate n discursuri. Procesele de tatonare a terenului pn la atingerea zonei
de adevr se ntlnesc n cadrul ntregii reele culturale. Realismul socialist,
singurul discurs posibil n cmpul artei, creeaz mari probleme artitilor care sunt
adesea debusolai pentru c nu pot s recunoasc graniele ntre ceea ce este permis
i ceea ce este interzis sau nu neleg mecanismul de funcionare a puterii, nc nu i-
au descoperit punctele nevralgice, de aceea nici nu pot s negocieze cu aceasta.
Materialele existente n arhiva Uniunii nu ofer suficiente date pentru a putea afirma
cu certitudine dac artitii au opus sau nu rezisten la ndoctrinare. Mai degrab
pare s fie vorba, chiar i n primii ani de la nfiinare, de existena unor strategii
retorice prin care artistul i puterea se pclesc sau se curteaz reciproc, mai ales n
perioadele de calm politic. n mod cert, ns, documentele ajut la identificarea unor
comportamente pe care regimul politic le-a considerat periculoase sau mcar
neavenite. O tipologie a acestor comportamente ar putea fi alctuit pornind de la
tipul de reeducare pe care l-au provocat.
Tineri sau consacrai, artitii trebuiau s fac dovada aderrii la noua linie
politic. Pentru ca o lucrare de art s fie corect erau necesare dou condiii:
artistul trebuia s fi integrat modelul ideologic, iar imaginea creat, purttoare a unui
anumit mesaj social, trebuia s aib fora de a induce n mase atitudinea dorit de
puterea politic. Lucrrile de art erau nvestite cu o putere extraordinar:
30 Bourdieu adaug la capitalul economic, capitalul simbolic, cultural i social (diplome,

cunoaterea unor coduri, moduri de a vorbi, relaii etc.), cu rol n determinarea poziiei
sociale a unei persoane. Vezi Pierre Bourdieu, Jean-Claude Passeron, La Reproduction.
lments pour une thorie du systme d'enseignement, (Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1970).
31 Krikor Zambaccian (1889-1962), colecionar i critic de art.
32 Dosar 19/1950, Fond UAP, ANIC Bucureti.
165
MAGDA PREDESCU
reprezentau un simptom al unei contiine curate, al unei poziii ideologice corecte

pe care aveau capacitatea de a o transmite. De aici i tentativele puterii politice de a
controla sursa imaginilor, considerat a fi contiina artistului. Pentru aceasta nu era
suficient doar identificarea problemelor de ctre membrii comisiilor de ndrumare.
Subiectul trebuia s intre n ordinea discursului vorbind, trebuia s spun cine este.
Pentru a demonstra integrarea modelului ideologic i adeziunea sincer la noua
estetic, artitii erau pui n permanen n situaia de a se confesa i de a descrie
natura relaiei dintre propria gndire i semnele vizuale pe care le produceau.
edinele de autocritic reprezentau momente n care artistul trebuia s fac dovada
nu doar a sinceritii sale n ceea ce privete aderarea la noua ideologie, ci i a
capacitii de a se autopedepsi sau de a-i sanciona pe alii n caz de greeal.
edinele de autocritic erau forme de confesiune, de punere n scen a eului
ascuns.33 Fora unei norme depinde de ataamentul fa de ea. Cea mai profund
dovad a ataamentului fa de realismul socialist era discursul autocritic. Artistul
demonstra, astfel, c interiorizase i transformase n auto-disciplin formele de dominaie,
devenind corp docil i productiv. Gesturi de supunere ritualizate de comunism,
critica i autocritica au fost proceduri prescrise artitilor pentru a le fixa identitatea.34
Pentru a dobndi mentalitate revoluionar, contiin de clas, artitii trebuiau
antrenai, educai i prin aceast metod. Confesiunea public era o ceremonie
politic cu rol n restabilirea ordinii simbolice i n legitimarea puterii politice.
Echivalentul acesteia n perioadele de teroare a fost mrturisirea ca temei pentru
acuzaii i pentru condamnarea cuiva i a aprut n timpul primelor procese
spectacol din anii 1930, revenind, ulterior, n toate momentele de nchidere
ideologic. 35 Era nevoie de confesiuni ca acte care s garanteze igiena relaiei cu
puterea. Realizat n faa colectivului, autocritica trebuia s fie sincer, complet i s
arate totala adeziune la noile valori, artistul lundu-i angajamentul s mobilizeze
ntreg setul de credine care i-a fost insuflat pentru a produce o art corect.
33 Foucault arat cum confesiunea, iniial o practic religioas, a devenit n secolele 18-19 o
form de putere-cunoatere i form de control social. Vezi Michel Foucault, La Volont de
savoir (Paris: Gallimard, 1976).
34 Alice Popescu, O socio-psihanaliz a realismului socialist (Bucureti: Editura Trei, 2009), 100.
35 Vezi filmul lui Constantin Costa-Gavras, LAveu (1970), realizat dup cartea lui Artur London
(1968), unul dintre acuzaii n proces. Oleg Kharkhordin analizeaz aceste procese-spectacol
din perioada de epurri ca travail sur soi, ca momente de subiectivare n care individul
nva s-i asume sub teroare o anumit identitate. Oleg Kharkhordin, The Collective and
Individual in Russia. A Study of Practice (Berkeley: Berkeley University Press, 1995). Vezi i
Claude Pennetier, Bernard Pudal (sous la dir.), Autobiographies, autocritiques, aveux dans le
monde communiste (Paris: Belin, 2002).
166
Nivelul estetic nu putea fi corectat dac artistul avea opiuni ideologice greite, cci
omul i opera reprezentau un tot. Un artist aparinnd fostei clase burgheze sau care
a produs n trecut art formalist trebuia s fac dovada c spiritul i s-a purificat i c
era devotat complet Partidului, supunndu-se periodic acestor probe care msurau
nivelul ideologic. Arhivele din Romnia nregistreaz acest tip de discurs mai ales n
perioadele de epurare n care sunt verificai membrii de partid. n arhiva Uniunii le
regsim, de exemplu, n perioada de nchidere ideologic din 1952.
n momentele mai relaxate ideologic artitii nu mai triesc sub ameninare
imediat, dar dobndesc reprezentarea pedepsei, devenind propriii lor gardieni,
nvnd s i supravegheze discursul oral i vizual sau producndu-l oarecum
incontient.36 Resimirea puterii n absena unei ameninri directe este unul dintre
cele mai importante instrumente pentru disciplinarea corpului social. Fiecare individ
n parte este chemat la vigilen i aciune, de aici delaiunea care apare n dosarele
Securitii. n perioadele de calm politic epurrile nu mai au aceeai violen, dar
continu s i afecteze pe cei indisciplinai: cei care nu termin la timp lucrrile, nu
respect tematica, dovedesc individualism, ncpnare sau lips de empatie cu
metoda realismului socialist, fapt care reflect, automat, o incapacitate de asimilare a
ideologiei n ciuda activitilor de ndoctrinare.
Uniunea ca instituie cu rol de protecie i motivare profesional
Pentru atingerea obiectivelor ideologice Uniunea a disciplinat i a pedepsit, dar a

creat i oportuniti profesionale cu rol stimulativ. n primul deceniu de la nfiinare,
episoadele de disciplin dur au alternat cu forme non-violente de tratament.
Msurile de protecie social au devenit posibile datorit nfiinrii, dup
model sovietic a Fondului Plastic, instituie subordonat, la nivelul deciziilor,
Uniunii Artitilor Plastici. Buletinul Oficial al Marii Adunri Naionale din RPR a
publicat n data de 9 august 1949, cnd Sindicatul Artitilor Plastici nc mai
36 Teoriile foucaldiene din anii 1970 plaseaz subiectul n raporturi de producie, n relaii de
sens i, automat, n raporturi de putere. Identitile se construiesc n momentul n care
formele de dominaie sunt interiorizate, transformndu-se n autodisciplin. Pierre Bourdieu
folosete conceptul de habitus, descris ca systmes de disposition durables et transposables,
structures structures disposes fonctionner comme structures structurantes, c'est--dire
en tant que principes gnrateurs et organisateurs de pratiques et de reprsentations qui
peuvent tre objectivement adaptes leur but sans supposer la vise consciente de fin et la
matrise expresse des oprations ncessaires pour les atteindre. Pierre Bourdieu, Le Sens
pratique (Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1980), 88.
167
MAGDA PREDESCU
funciona, Decretul pentru organizarea i funcionarea Fondului Plastic, instituie cu

rol n stimularea material a creaiei n vederea creterii capacitii de producie
artistic strict controlat.37
Conform principiului stimulul financiar precede creaia i o orienteaz,
Fondul Plastic a acordat timp de lucru remunerat: mprumuturi n perioada de
pregtire a lucrrilor, la cererea artitilor sau criticilor de art, pe baza
recomandrilor fcute de seciile Uniunii Artitilor Plastici; 38 a finanat
documentrile n provincie, activitile atelierelor colective;39 a finanat galeriile de
art, programul de art monumental i organizarea de expoziii (inclusiv catalog,
afi); a subvenionat studiourile de creaie care aprovizionau magazinele Fondului
Plastic cu lucrri de art decorativ i aplicat; a organizat anchete sociale la
domiciliul artitilor; a asigurat asisten juridic (din 1956 funcioneaz legea
dreptului de autor); a acordat ajutoare de boal, invaliditate, incapacitate de munc;
a asigurat asisten medical; a oferit pensii i ajutoare urmailor, concedii n staiuni
balneo-climaterice, cartele de alimente; a finanat o cantin, case de creaie, grdinie
i cree pentru copii; a alocat spaii pentru ateliere individuale i pentru locuine.40 La
nceput UAP i Fondul Plastic au avut bugete distincte, dar Fondul Plastic propunea
spre aprobare propriul buget Uniunii. Fondul Plastic avea filiale n toat ara,
dublnd organizarea UAP Deinea o fabric de culori, magazine i galerii pentru
organizarea de expoziii i colabora cu Decorativa de Stat pentru organizarea de
festiviti. n decursul deceniului ase a aprut un nceput de legislaie n domeniu.
n 1955 s-a stabilit modul de funcionare al comisiilor de repartizare a lucrrilor de art
plastic, iar n 1957 i 1961 normele de remunerare i tarife. Regulamentul privind
funcionarea Comisiilor de specialiti de pe lng Fondul Plastic dateaz din 1959 i
37 Proiectul de statut al Fondului Plastic din Uniunea Sovietic ervete drept model
conducerii UAP din Romnia (a se vedea Dosar 18/1957, Fond UAP, ANIC). Informaii n
legtur cu activitatea Fondului Plastic au sosit constant din URSS n deceniul ase. Dosarul
75/1957 (Fond UAP, ANIC)) cuprinde o dare de seam cu privire la activitatea Fondului
Plastic din Uniunea Sovietic pentru perioada 1957-1961.
38 Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din RPR ctre Fondul Plastic / Loco / 28 mai 1951 / Recomandm
pe tovarul Schileru Eugen pentru a-i acorda un ajutor de creaie de lei 10.000 (zece mii).
Luptm pentru pace. / Preedinte: indescifrabil / Secretar: indescifrabil. Extras din Dosar
19/1951, Fond UAP, ANIC Bucureti.
39 Uniunea acorda subvenii lunare atelierelor colective care organizau cursuri serale pentru
muncitorii talentai. Cursuri ideologice i de specialitate se organizau i la atelierul-coal al UAP.
40 Uniunile deineau case de creaie unde membrii care semnaser contracte pentru lucrri
aveau condiii de cas i mas.
168
1964. n cadrul acestor comisii beneficiarul era menionat n calitate de consultant.

Din 1965 dateaz regulamentul de funcionare a ntreprinderilor Fondului Plastic.41
Fiind singurul organism finanator, Uniunea a creat competiie, iniial doar pe
criterii ideologice, iar n perioadele de relaxare ideologic i pe criterii estetice. Exista
un singur finanator i un singur cumprtor: statul. Numrul celor care controlau
prghiile acestei piee unice de art era destul de redus, iar puterea pe care o
deineau era cu mult mai mare dect n cazul unei piee libere.
[Artitii] nu aveau leaf, nici alt venit asigurat. Majoritatea triau din mprumuturi
lunare n contul achiziiei lucrrilor. Ministerul Culturii fcea achiziii, de obicei,
din lucrrile prezentate la Expoziiile de Stat. Deci, n mod obinuit, trebuia s
ai lucrri admise la Expoziiile de Stat. Procedura era urmtoarea: se ncheiau
contracte ntre artist i Ministerul Culturii pentru lucrri cu subiecte pe care i
le alegea artistul dintr-o list impus de Minister. Primea un avans, pleca n
documentare, fcea schie, iar dup acestea, executa lucrarea. Dac juriul o
aprecia, era expus, dac era pe placul Ministerului, era achiziionat.42
Expoziiile de Stat aveau loc la un interval mai mare de un an, iar din cele
aproximativ 500-1000 de lucrri prezentate erau achiziionate numai o parte. Ctigul
nu acoperea nevoile artitilor, acesta fiind motivul pentru care la un moment dat
ntreprinderile au cumprat mai multe lucrri sau au aprut i ali finanatori, de
exemplu Confederaia General a Muncii.43
Nu toi artitii sufereau ca urmare a instituirii acestei noi piee de art. n
mecanismul substituirii de paradigme culturale tranziia de la Sindicat la Uniune ,
ceea ce se transfer i, astfel, se menine, nu este doar patrimoniul mobil i imobil, ci
i capitalul uman dotat cu competene specifice. Noua putere politic este un sistem
strin, aa nct, pentru a se impune, pentru a putea exercita violen simbolic,
pstreaz n multe cazuri gestionarii, schimbnd doar modalitatea de gestionare,
41 Pentru activitatea Fondului Plastic vezi Dosarele 52/1953 (32-38), 80-89/1957, 38-40/1960, 36-41/1961,
19-26/1962, 29/1962, 11/1963, 27-32/1963, 20-26/1964, 45-60/1965, 34-38/1967, 19-20/1968, 44-45/1968,
49-50/1968, 53-58/1968, 49-50/1969, Fond UAP, ANIC Bucureti.
42 Rspunsul Hortensiei Masichievici-Miu la ntrebarea Cum se descurcau financiar artitii
membri UAP?, n Ibid., O carte cu poze, o carte cu povestiri sau o profesiune de credin?
(Bucureti: Editura Anima, 2008), 22.
43 Un deceniu mai trziu, diversificarea finanatorilor (U.T.C., Gospodria de Partid) a produs
o mic descentralizare a gestiunii aciunilor culturale.
169
MAGDA PREDESCU
supracodific formele de organizare anterioare, echipndu-le ideologic i material.44

Cu excepia etapelor de epurri, n ciuda tuturor probelor la care i-a supus pe
artiti, UAP a ncercat mai degrab s conserve capitalul uman, n special pe
maetri. Strategia de a integra aceast elit a fost susinut i de consilierul sovietic
Kovalenko. Acesta recomanda o atitudine prudent, moderat n judecarea artitilor
formaliti care aveau o anumit vrst, susinnd c trebuie s ramn n Uniune.45
Motivul pentru care forele politice noi conserv vechile structuri ca teritorialitate
rezidual i subordonat este pentru a realiza mai uor transferul de capital simbolic.
Relaiile dintre statul totalitar i elita artitilor au fost destul de complexe. ncercarea
de creare a unui echilibru vine din nevoile ambelor pri: artitii trebuie s
supravieuiasc, puterea politic trebuie s se legitimeze. Imediat dup nfiinarea
UAP i a filialelor din provincie, comisiile de ndrumare au fost reorganizate i
completate cu fruntai ai plasticii romneti: Iosif Iser, Camil Ressu, Jean
Alexandru Steriadi, Maxy, Ion Jalea, Jules Perahim etc. Prin acest fapt, comisiile de
ndrumare au devenit locuri n care se exercita violena simbolic, locuri n care
putea fi dobndit capital legitim.
Statul comunist a creat mecanisme de perpetuare a capitalului simbolic. Artitii
care aveau deja un oarecare capital simbolic i l-au putut pstra, uneori chiar spori:
prezeni ntr-o comisie de ndrumare sau ntr-un juriu de selecie, ei puteau sanciona
sau oferi ajutoare de creaie i vizibilitate. Uniunea de dispunea o varietate de
modaliti prin care i putea recompensa pe maetri:
Uniunea Artitilor Plastici recomand Fondului Plastic ca de Srbtorile

Anului Nou s se acorde cte o prim n valoare de lei 30.000 (total 150.000),
Tovarilor: Ressu Camil, Pallady Th., irato Francisc, Steriadi Jean, Drscu
Nicolae. n legtur cu susinerea maetrilor de renume ai artei noastre, Tov.
Maria Ursu spune c nu trebuie fcute economii. Este mai important prestigiul
regimului nostru.46
44 Conform definiiei lui Pierre Bourdieu, violena simbolic este violena care se exercit
asupra unui agent cu complicitatea acestuia, fr coerciie. Agenii aflai n poziie de for
i impun produciile culturale i simbolice, iar cei dominai accept acest dat ca legitim.
Vezi Pierre Bourdieu, Rponses (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1992), 142.
45 Vezi edina Biroului Executiv al UAP din 25 aprilie 1955, Dosar 13/1950 [sic!], Fond UAP,
ANIC, Bucureti, 40.
46 Extras din Proces-verbal al edinei Biroului Executiv din 12 Decembrie 1950, Dosar
7/1950, Fond UAP, ANIC, Bucureti.
170
Prin cedarea unor bunuri materiale puterea politic urmrea s i ndatoreze pe

artitii recunoscui. Acetia puteau s produc sau s gireze producerea de obiecte de
art considerate legitime de puterea politic. Prin acest efort de cooptarea a artitilor
consacrai statul comunist urmrea s-i asigure monopolul violenei simbolice.
Condiia pentru pstrarea poziiei de for a fost reeducarea: completarea
competenei specifice, deja recunoscut, cu cea ideologic. i nici mcar nu a fost
nevoie de eforturi prea mari n aceast direcie. Oamenii i doresc s fie n locul n
care se creeaz discursul puterii. Discursul a devenit obiect al dorinei, manifestare a
unei puteri la care individul avea acces prin instruire ideologic. Pentru a fi n acel
loc artitii au nvat s vorbeasc ntr-un anumit mod. Cei care aveau autoritatea
limbajului i capital simbolic, au nvat s vorbeasc limbajul autorizat pentru a-i
menine acel capital.47
Reeducarea artitilor consacrai s-a realizat n primul rnd prin frecventarea
unor cursuri politice i a avut drept scop transformarea acestora n cadre ale
partidului, capabile s educe, la rndul lor, pe alii. Unii actori din cmpul artei sunt
mai apropiai de puterea politic. De exemplu Steriadi, membru al Academiei din
1948, laureat al Premiului de Stat pentru portretul lui A. Toma (1951). Camil Ressu i
Iosif Iser au devenit acedemicieni n 1955. Toi trei au fost distini cu titlul de artist
al poporului. Prezent n Anualele de Stat din 1949 i 1950 Iser a primit Meritul
cultural n grad de ofier (1947), iar la mplinirea vrstei de 70 de ani a primit
Ordinul Muncii clasa I. 48 Ionel Jianu a reuit s-i pstreze capitalul simbolic,
devenind confereniar la Institutul de Arte Plastice Nicolae Grigorescu i redactor
ef pentru publicaii de art la Editura de Stat pentru literatur i art (ESPLA), apoi
la Editura Meridiane, poziie din care i-a impus punctul de vedere asupra lucrrilor
care urmau s fie editate. 49 Profesor la catedra de Istoria Artei a Universitii
Bucureti (din 1931) i director al Muzeului Toma Stelian (pn n 1948), George
Oprescu a fost numit director al Institutului de Istoria Artei, pe care l-a condus pn
la sfritul vieii (1969). Director al Muzeului Simu ncepnd din 1920, Marius
Bunescu a ajuns director al Galeriei Naionale.
47 Eficacitatea performativ decurge din statutul vorbitorului, din poziia sa instituional

recunoscut de o comunitate. Vezi Pierre Bourdieu, Langage et pouvoir symbolique (Paris:
Fayard, 2001). La fel, Foucault, afirm c Nul nentrera dans lordre du discours sil ne
satisfait pas certaines exigences ou sil nest, dentre de jeu, qualifi pour le faire. Michel
Foucault, LOrdre du discours (Paris: Gallimard, 1971), 46.
48 Vezi Contemporanul, mai 11, 1951.
49 Criticii au fost solicitai nc de la nceput pentru a ine conferine n acord cu noua orientare
ideologic. De obicei ei erau cei care redactau referatele de sintez ale seciilor UAP pentru
diverse plenare.
171
MAGDA PREDESCU
Puterea politic a pstrat zonele de capital simbolic existent i pentru c le

putea controla destul de uor, amintindu-le n permanen fragilitatea poziiei dat
de trecutul contaminat. Cazul lui Maxy este revelator pentru aceast strategie: n
ciuda poziiilor de for pe care le-a ocupat n noua ordine politic preedinte al
Sindicatului, preedinte al Fondului Plastic, director al Muzeului de Art al RPR
[Republicii Populare Romnia] Maxy a fost bnuit de rezistene, chiar i
incontiente, i a devenit n nenumarate rnduri apul ispitor al regimului. Atacat
nc din 1948, pus la zid n 1952, apoi n 1956, Maxy rmne unul dintre puinii abili
care reuesc s depeasc momentele de criz.
Prin cooptarea maetrilor n structurile puterii s-a ajuns la paradoxul c
ierarhizarea n cadrul cmpului artistic nu a depins doar de aderarea la ideologie, ci
i de recunoaterea specific din partea specialitilor n domeniu. Balana s-a nclinat
n favoarea primeia n perioadele de nchidere politic i n favoarea celei din urm
n perioadele de dezghe.
Concluzii
nfiinarea Uniunii Artitilor Plastici a consolidat procesul de impunere a metodei

realismului socialist. Structura a reuit s transmit extrem de eficient membrilor si
noul tip de cunoatere ideologic, astfel nct acetia, prin creaia lor, s reproduc
ideologia partidului unic.
Uniunea Artitilor Plastici a reprezentat n cmpul artei o form de
raionalitate disciplinar care a produs un tip modern de artist: clasificat, examinat,
msurat, supus normrii. Pentru transformarea artistului n funcionar de stat,
puterea politic s-a manifestat n cmpul artei ca violen i coerciie pur, dar i ca
mecanism de recompensare. n anii 1950 sanciunile au reuit s impun norme,
artitii disciplinndu-se pentru c se simeau ameninai. n timp, normele au fost
integrate pentru c au participat la producerea de noi dorine. Pentru a ajunge ntr-o
expoziie de amploare, pentru a avea condiii de via i de munc mai bune, artitii
au nceput s-i doreasc s fie artiti de stat i s produc ceea ce puterea politic
dorea ca ei s produc. Sistemul de protecie social a dublat aa de bine zona de
violen, nct artitii au nceput s doreasc nu libertatea, ci disciplina impus,
pentru c era singurul mod n care puteau s profite de pe urma sistemului.
Modificarea identitar s-a produs pe msur ce artistul s-a supus
constrngerilor, cednd puterii pentru a obine ceea ce ncepuse s i doreasc.
Subiect creat prin reprimare, artistul de stat a nceput s se investeasc afectiv n noul
cmp al artei, singura zon n care, de fapt, se putea investi. Artistul de stat se mica
172
pe un teritoriu aflat sub controlul unui dispozitiv de putere. Atta vreme ct evolua
n direcia dorit, producnd o art care trecea testul ideologic, era valorizat i
ocrotit. Cum modaliti alternative de finanare nu existau, artitii nu i-au putut
asuma riscul de a rmne n exteriorul Uniunii. Dup cum, devenii membri ai
Uniunii, nu i-au putut asuma n primii ani riscul de a schimba ceva n interiorul
acestei structuri, dezvoltnd proiecte care s scape mcar parial controlului
ideologic. Acesta era singurul cadru de aciune posibil, singurul mod de
supravieuire ca artist n noua realitate social. Momentul n care artistul a nceput s
doreasc ceea ce puterea dorea pentru el a reprezentat momentul n care a fost
capturat n mecanismul ei. Cum Uniunea Artitilor Plastici deinea monopolul n
cmpul artei, controlnd toate resursele financiare i simbolice, artitii s-au grbit s
se nscrie. Pentru cei mai puin talentai au fost nfiinate cooperative, astfel nct nici
ei nu au scpat de nregimentare. n decursul a civa ani, puterea politic a reuit s
creeze un corp de artiti pe care i putea mobiliza ori de cte ori era nevoie. Artistul a
devenit o for de producie, parte a unui ansamblu bine structurat, capabil s
ndeplineasc sarcini precise ntr-un anumit interval de timp. Din cnd n cnd
puterea emitea semnalul pentru o aciune vizibil ntr-un moment de ceremonie:
participarea la expoziii de stat, expoziii peste hotare, regionale, inter-regionale,
Festivalul Internaional al Tineretului i Studenilor etc., iar noul tip de subiect din
cmpul artei, artistul de stat, i performa identitatea prin crearea unui nou tip de
cultur vizual.
Noul sistem s-a impus destul de repede n cultur, fr s negocieze prea mult
cu sistemul local. Nu se poate vorbi de o rezisten real a artitilor, acetia
nelegnd, probabil, c procesul este ireversibil i c rezistena n acest context este,
de fapt, inutil. Este posibil ca aceast atitudine s fi fost determinat i de un
oarecare spirit al locului: arta modern avea n Romnia o tradiie extrem de recent,
creatorii de cultur nu erau n numr foarte mare i, n cea mai mare parte,
aparineau unui realism interbelic care se putea adapta uor temelor realist socialiste.
Se aduga i faptul c ntre timp apruse Fondul Plastic cu rol de protecie finaciar,
iar noua putere, orict de terifiant ar fi prut, i-a plasat brusc ntr-o poziie care-i
valoriza. Cert este c n deceniul ase statul comunist nu a rezistat doar prin teroare,
ci i prin aliana cu aceast nou clas social privilegiat, cea a creatorilor devenii
funcionari de stat. Ct de angajai erau nu se poate demonstra, dar cert este c au
creat o art politic. Nu credem c vreun document de arhiv, indiferent c este
vorba de o arhiv oficial sau despre arhiva Securitii, poate s demonstreze ntr-un
mod neechivoc ce gndeau i ce simeau artitii n deceniul ase. Nu putem ti dac
branarea la realismul socialist a determinat o interiorizare a relaiei de dominaie i
o modificare identitar real. Cu siguran muli au dobndit o personalitate
173
MAGDA PREDESCU
schizoid, integrnd noile reguli doar pn la un punct i funcionnd pe mai multe

paliere ale identitii. Puin probabil ca reprezentanii avangardei, dintre care unii au
ajuns n poziii de for n noile structuri tocmai datorit convingerilor politice de
stnga, s se fi convertit cu adevrat. Muli artiti au fost, cu siguran, oportuniti,
au vzut n aceast adeziune un mod de mplinire profesional, de reuit material.
Fericirea personal a primat ; sau supravieuirea ; sau dorina de securitate, carierismul,
conformismul, poate chiar sinceritatea. Nu exist suficiente elemente pentru a afirma
sau a nega noua identitate a artitilor, dar se poate afirma cu certitudine c la
nceputul deceniului ase a existat aciunea unei fore asupra unei alte fore50 care a
modificat producia artistic. Pedepsele i recompensele au reuit s modeleze
comportamente, iar arta ncadrat n categoria realism socialist a devenit o realitate.
LIST DE REFERINE
Surse primare
Dosarele 52/1953, 80-89/1957, 38-40/1960, 36-41/1961, 19-26/1962, 29/1962, 11/1963,

27-32/1963, 20-26/1964, 45-60/1965, 34-38/1967, 19-20/1968, 44-45/1968, 49-50/1968,
53-58/1968, 49-50/1969. Fond UAP. Bucureti: Arhivele Naionale Istorice
Centrale (ANIC).
Proces-verbal al biroului de ndrumare artistic asupra lucrrilor prezentate pentru
Anuala de Stat 1951. Dosar 9/1950. Fond UAP. Bucureti: Arhivele Naionale
Istorice Centrale (ANIC).
Proces-verbal al edinei Biroului Executiv din 12 Decembrie 1950. Dosar 7/1950.
Fond UAP. Bucureti: Arhivele Naionale Istorice Centrale (ANIC).
Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din RPR ctre Fondul Plastic. Dosar 19/1951. Fond UAP.
Bucureti: Arhivele Naionale Istorice Centrale (ANIC).
50 Ceea ce definete cu adevrat o relaie de putere, conform lui Foucault, este un mod de
aciune care nu se resfrnge n mod direct i imediat asupra altora, ci asupra aciunilor lor.
Vezi Michel Foucault, The Subject and the Power, n H. Deyfus, P. Rabinow, Michel Foucault:
beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1982).
174
Surse secundare
Bourdieu, Pierre, Passeron, Jean-Claude. La Reproduction. lments pour une thorie du

systme d'enseignement. Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1970.
Bourdieu, Pierre. Le Sens pratique. Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1980.
Bourdieu, Pierre. Rponses. Pour une anthropologie rflexive. Paris: Le Seuil, 1992.
Bourdieu, Pierre. Langage et pouvoir symbolique. Paris: Fayard, 2001.
Clugru, Titina. Despre unele probleme ale ndrumrii creaiei n cadrul Uniunii
Artitilor plastici. Arta plastic, nr. 1/1954.
Crneci, Magda. Artele plastice n Romnia 1945-1989. Iai: Polirom, 2013.
Contemporanul, ianuarie 14, 1949.
Contemporanul, mai 11, 1951.
Costa-Gavras, Constantin, (regizor). LAveu. Hollywood: Paramount Pictures, 1970.
Dragomir, Lucia. LUnion des crivains. Une institution transnationale lEst: lexemple
roumain. Paris: Belin, 2007.
Drghia, Dan, Dumitru Lctuu, Alina Popescu, Caterina Preda, Cristina Stoenescu, (editori),
Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din Romnia n documente de arhiv. Bucureti: Editura
Universitii din Bucureti, 2016.
Foucault, Michel. LOrdre du discours. Paris: Gallimard, 1971.
Foucault, Michel. La Volont de savoir. Paris: Gallimard, 1976.
Foucault, Michel. Histoire de la sexualit. La Volont de savoir. Paris: Gallimard, 1976.
Foucault, Michel. The Subject and the Power. n Deyfus, H., Rabinow, P., Michel
Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press, 1982.
Gheorghiu, Mihai Dinu, Intelectualii n cmpul puterii. Morfologii i traiectorii sociale.
Iai: Polirom, 2007.
Editura Uniunii Artitilor Plastici, 2003.
Kharkhordin, Oleg. The Collective and Individual in Russia. A Study of Practice. Berkeley:
Berkeley University Press, 1995.
Macrea-Toma, Ioana. Privilighenia. Instituii literare n comunismul romnesc. Cluj-Napoca:
Casa Crii de tiin, 2009.
Masichievici-Miu, Hortensia. O carte cu poze, o carte cu povestiri sau o profesiune de credin?
Bucureti: Editura Anima, 2008.
Pennetier, Claude, Pudal, Bernard, (editori). Autobiographies, autocritiques, aveux dans
le monde communiste. Paris: Belin, 2002.
Pictori angajai n slujba poporului. Contemporanul, iulie 30, 1948.
Popescu, Alice. O socio-psihanaliz a realismului socialist. Bucureti: Editura Trei, 2009.
175
MAGDA PREDESCU
Rdulescu, Carmen, Uniunea Artitilor Plastici. ntre control politic i arta arta
neangajat. n Forme de represiune n regimurile comuniste, editat de Cosmina
Budeanc i Florentin Olteanu, 248-255. Iai: Polirom, 2000.
Vasile, Cristian. Literatura i artele n Romnia comunist 1948-1953. Bucureti:
Humanitas, 2010.
Vasile, Cristian. Politicile culturale comuniste n timpul regimului Gheorghiu-Dej.
Bucureti: Humanitas, 2011.
176
Mechanisms of Coercion and Control over the Artistic Act:
the Relationship between the Romanian Artists Union,
the Artists Fund, and Artists during the Gheorghiu-Dej Regime
(1948-1965)
MONICA ENACHE
Abstract. Almost thirty years after the collapse of the communist regime in Romania, no
extensive research of archival documents of institutions such as the Ministry of Arts and
Information, the Artists Fund (Fondul Plastic, FP), or the Romanian Artists Union (Uniunea
Artitilor Plastici, UAP) has been made. As no substantial study regarding the working methods of
the structures that ruled the fine arts area exists, its important to outline the institutional
framework designed to regulate the fine arts during the communist regime in Romania. Along with
the memoirs of artists and art critics, a factual analysis is required, based on documents, and
statistical data regarding the incomes, state commissions, and exhibitions, etc. This approach may
uncover both the functioning of the system, and the degree of ideological commitment of artists.
This chapter focuses on the control and coercion mechanisms of the artistic milieu introduced by
the Romanian Artists Union (UAP) and the Artists Fund (FP), through their various committees
and bureaus, during the regime of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej (1948-1965). The final goal of this
multi-stage superstructure was to offer to the public the illusion of a new world, through a
comprehensible, and uniform artistic product.
Introduction
Among the key organisms for propaganda, Uniunea Artitilor Plastici (the Romanian
Artists Union, UAP), and its executive division for matters of finance and production,
Fondul Plastic (the Artists Fund, FP), are the most important institutions, for their
role of intermediary between the communist regime and the artist. Since the collapse
MONICA ENACHE
of the communist regime in Romania few studies have investigated the mechanisms
used by these institutions in order to determine the artists to fully engage in this
giant project for redefining the arts role and place inside the communist society.
Their objectives were the popularization and the introduction of the new
Socialist Realism aesthetics as well as the control of artistic creation, operated through
various limitations and constraints. Artists became employees of the state, and their
access to various forms of funding, loans and creation aids, state commissions, the
permission to participate to the numerous exhibitions staged on various criteria, the
access to workshops and houses of creation were actually as many means of
control and conditioning of the artistic production, as well as efficient ways to
impose the unique language in art: an ideologized one, in the spirit of Socialist Realism.
The topic we tackle here has not benefitted of a detailed and complete analysis
based on a systematic investigation of the primary sources. Some of the analyses of
UAP include the work by Magda Crneci Fine Arts in Romania, 1945-1989, which
mentions briefly in the chapter Cultural Institutions the founding of the UAP,
emphasizing the control activity of this organization. 1 Carmen Rdulescu in her
article, The Romanian Artists Union. Between Political Control and State Art
presents an interesting perspective of the phenomenon, which evokes the UAP and
the FP as repression institutions responsible for the ideological indoctrination and re-
education of artists.2 The most detailed description so far belongs to two works by
Cristian Vasile, Literature and Fine Arts in Communist Romania 1948-1953, and
Communist Cultural Policies during the Gheorghiu Dej Regime.3 Vasile mentions some of
the means of control of coercion used both by the UAP and the FP, their attributions,
and dynamics throughout the period.
The present study discusses the mechanisms used by the UAP, or the FP
to promote fine art, which contributed through its content of ideas, and by high
artistic value to our peoples struggle to build socialism, peace and social progress in
the world.4 We propose an analysis starting with the mission of these institutions,
1 Magda Crneci, Artele plastice n Romnia 1945-1989. Cu o addenda 1990-2010 (Iai: Polirom,
2013), 22-3.
2 Carmen Rdulescu, Uniunea Artitilor Plastici. ntre controlul politic i arta angajat, in
Forme de represiune n regimurile comuniste (Forms of repression in the communist regimes),
eds. Cosmin Budeanc, Florentin Olteanu (Iai: Polirom, 2008), 248-55.
3 Cristian Vasile, Literatura i artele plastice n Romnia comunist 1948-1953 (Bucureti:
Humanitas, 2010), 149-64. Cristian Vasile, Politicile culturale comuniste n timpul regimului
Gheorghiu (Bucureti: Humanitas, 2011), 279-88.
4 Art. 1 of the Statute of the Romanian Artists Union of the Romanian Popular Republic
(RPR) issued at October 20th 1950 by the Conference of Visual artists of RPR. It was
178
Mechanisms of Coercion and Control over the Artistic Act: the Relationship between the Romanian Artists Union,
the Artists Fund, and Artists during the Gheorghiu-Dej Regime (1948-1965)
continuing with the organization and management of the assigned public funds, up
to the formulas used for the interference in the artistic act, applied via various
guiding committees responsible for creation, evaluation, approval of acquisitions, the
distribution of official commissions for monumental art, etc.
This chapter examines the regime of Gheorghe Gheorghiu Dej (1948-1965), which
represents the time of the structural transformations of the state, when the plan for the
accelerated Sovietization of Romania was put into practice and, therefore, constitutes a
significant section for the study of the dynamics of politics and art. It spreads out
from the introduction of the new aesthetics and of the relevant institutions, up to the
loosening of the entire mechanism accomplished by the end of this period.
Starting from the idea expressed by Mikls Haraszti in his book The Velvet
Prison: Artists under State Socialism, according to which the active artists during
communism were not forced to join the new cultural construct but were rather
tempted or lured in with privileges and benefits, this investigation deals with the
evolution of the relations between the communist state and the visual artist in the
Romanian case. Surely, the temptation of the generous state commissions had a
decisive role in the acceptance by the artists of the aggressive thematic and stylistic
intrusions. 5 The phenomenon should be read in all its nuances and without
forgetting the socio-political background, which was a key element in the profound
mutations, which occurred in all the cultural sectors.
The artistic reform which included the reorganization of the state institutions
(1948-1950) was marked by several decrees: the Decree No. 1388/178 of August 1948,
the Decree No. 134/34 of February 1949, the Decree No. 534/215 of May 1949, and the
Decree No. 168 of July 1950. The Ministry of the Arts and Information, which at the
end of this process became the Committee for Art, and which was an important
component of the propaganda, was also restructured. It had as a main objective the
introduction of the new Socialist-Realist aesthetics, which was the only one accepted.
If from 1945, and until 1948 the party propaganda conducted an alluring activity
regarding the artistic milieu, after coming to power the communists added-up the
entire Romanian culture and determined the artists by all necessary means to
produce art following the ideological direction.
confirmed at a later date, by the Decree 266/December 23rd 1950 for the recognition of the
Romanian Artists Union of the RPR as a legal person of public utility, published in the
Official Bulletin of December 28 1950.
5 Mikls Haraszti, The Velvet Prison: Artists under State Socialism (New York: Basic Books,
1987), 8-9.
179
MONICA ENACHE
In February 1948 The Direction for Propaganda and Agitation was established
as heir of the old Central Department of Political Education of The Romanian
Communist Party (PCR). It remained among the most important departments of The
Central Committee of the Romanias Workers Party (RWP), since the key
instrument of the totalitarian regime was the political police, and propaganda.6 Its
leadership first belonged to Iosif Chiinevschi, who handed it over to Leonte Rutu
in 1950, and who remained in control of the department until 1965. According to The
Decision of the Party Plenum of January 1950, The Direction for Propaganda and
Agitation managed, among many things, the Literature and art department. 7
Propagandists populated all domains and levels of public organization and had two
main tasks: to impregnate all the mediums with the Marxist-Leninist ideology, and
to reeducate those resistant to change.
In May 1949 The Ministry of Arts and Information became The Ministry of
Arts, and in 1950, it dissolved into a series of committees dedicated to each artistic
activity; one of them was the Committee for Art. The first head of The Direction of
Fine Arts of the ministry was the painter Lucian Grigorescu (1948-1950). The
Committee for Art had to decide which works complied to the official ideological
doctrine. The state acquisitions were based on that evaluation. Since the state was the
only buyer of art in the country guaranteeing at the same time, through its giant
propaganda mechanism, the best exposure and promotion of the artistic production,
the refused works were automatically condemned to oblivion, sometimes even to
destruction. In October 1953, by Decree No. 462, these committees were reunited
again under the name of The Ministry of Culture.
The Artists Fund
The Artists Fund replaced through the Decree 343/1949 The House of Composers,
Painters and Sculptors which was active since 1940, and had M.H. Maxy as
director.8 This organization operated exclusively within fine arts territory, with the
aim, beyond rewarding the artists, to control the artistic production and to
indoctrinate its members within the spirit of Socialist Realism.
6 Vladimir Tismneanu, Cristian Vasile, Perfectul acrobat. Leonte Rutu, mtile rului
(Bucureti: Humanitas, 2008), 40.
7 Eugen Denize, Cezar M, Romnia comunist. Statul i propaganda 1948-1953 (Trgovite:
Cetatea de Scaun, 2005), 114.
8 Published in the Official Bulletin No 54/August 20th, 1949.
180
The FP desired to stimulate artistic creativity. A management Committee

provided the administration with seven members, of which, five were nominated by
the UAP (only after 1950), and The Committee for Art appointed two. Before UAP
came into existence, the leadership of The Artists Fund had been appointed by
decision of The Ministry of Arts, based on nominations made by the Syndicate of
Fine Arts. In 1950, in one of the first meetings of UAP, the president of The Artists
Fund and the UAP delegates for The Artists Fund were appointed. They were: M.H.
Maxy as president, and Dumitru Bcu, Constantin Baraschi, Ion Irimescu, Eugen
Popa as members. At the same meeting, the establishment of the country branches
and cenacles was also decided, and they had a double subordination: to the UAP and
to The Artists Fund. The branches were founded in Cluj, Iai, Baia Mare, and
Timioara, whereas the cenacles were to be set up in Trgu Mure, Arad, Stalin
(Braov), Oradea, Galai, Ploieti and Craiova.
Within the backdrop of right-wing deviationism of 1952, Dorio Lazar seized
the opportunity, and asked, during the meeting of the Unions of Creation of
Romania of June 27, 1952 for the removal of the director of the FP, M.H. Maxy.9 The
reason was that things at The Artists Fund didnt go according to the political line,
comrade Maxy (...) has proved that regarding The Artists Fund he acted (...) as if it
had been his own property.10 In 1952 M.H. Maxy was removed from the directorate
of The Artists Fund and replaced by Gheorghe aru.
The main objectives of Article 2 of the Decree of establishment of The Artists
Fund, were:
the provision of favorable conditions for carrying out the creative work of
visual artists, material support for artists by granting loans during the period
of the creating process, offering health support and pensions of invalidity and
work incapacity, pensions and welfare benefits for artists relatives in case of
death, medical assistance for artists and access to healthcare facilities, organizing
and financing research and documentation trips for the visual artists in the
countrys industrial and agricultural locations, copyright protection.11
9 Right-wing deviationism designated a failure in understanding and practicing the

communist doctrine; deviation towards capitalism. Mihaela Cristea, Reconstituiri necesare.
edina din 27 iunie 1952 a Uniunilor de Creaie din Romnia (Iai: Polirom, 2005), 120-6.
10 Vasile, Literatura i artele plastice, 151-2.
11 Raport al Fondului Plastic pe anul 1950, Folder 2/1950, Romanian Artists Union (UAP)
Fund, Arhivele Naionale Istorice Centrale (National Archives of Romania) (ANIC),
Bucharest, 209.
181
MONICA ENACHE
All these were to be put into practice by the following means: rest houses,
resorts, canteens, childrens nurseries, consumers co-operatives, and studios for
visual artists, the establishment and operation of the collective enterprises in order to
meet the needs of their members, public conferences and artistic ceremonies, and
receiving copyright fees.12 Fees and contributions, property rights and productive
enterprises of the FP, the state subsidy and copyrights generated the revenues of the
organization. The subsidy was of 15.000.000 lei. From 1950 on, according to the
Report of The Artists Fund from 1950, the grant doubled. The budget was
assigned by The Committee for Art, an agency functioning under the supervision of
The Council of Ministers.13
A centralizing document of the exhibition activity of The Artists Fund from
1957 to 1962 points out that the activity of disseminating the propagandistic message
was conducted at a grand scale and had notable results. The events were mainly
personal and group exhibitions were hosted in places such as: the Stalin Park in
Bucharest (Herstru Park), the Titan Factory in Bucharest, the Lupeni factory in
Hunedoara, the Lenin Hydroelectric power plant in Bicaz, the 23 August Factory
in Bucharest, the CFR [Romanian Railways] Workhouse Grivia Roie in Bucharest,
the Republica Factory in Bucharest, the Peoples Council of the Titu Village, etc.
According to the document, in 1962 thirty-four personal exhibitions, and nine
collective exhibitions opened in Bucharest, whereas other thirty-two group
exhibitions opened in other cities, and over forty exhibitions [were inaugurated] in
rural areas.14
From the Report of The Artists Fund of 1952 we find out that:
Productive enterprises were set up and organized: a laboratory which

manufactured colors, a FP chain store where the laboratory products are sold,
the art gallery which will offer permanently works of art executed by artists
members of the UAP and of the FP, artistic workshops which shall produce
artistic and visual agitation works for institutions, companies, organizations;
there are also plaster and bronze art foundries which are functioning.15
12 Ibid., 209.
13 Ibid., 216.
14 Centralizator al expoziiilor organizate de Fondul Plastic 1957-1962, Folder 11/1962, Ibid.,
23-4.
15 Raport al Fondului Plastic pe anul 1952, Folder 13/1950, Ibid., 261.
182
The main objectives of the Artists Fund Galleries were: to help through their work
UAPs activity of improving the quality of the visual agitation; to provide artists the
opportunity to work under the protection of an organization, which should enable
them to earn according to their work; to earn [an] income that shall be used to secure
the best conditions for the creation process.16
The Gallery of the FP managed three subsectors: a sector for the production of
the works, the promotion sector, and a third one, which provided supplies to the
artists and the FP products sales. The Artists Fund acted as an intermediary between
the artist and the institutions, or organizations, which placed their orders for works
of art, visual agitation or other artistic activity. According to the Decree No. 161 of
April 8, 1953, the purchaser could sign a contract for the production of the artwork
directly with the artist, with the obligation to send a copy of the contract to The
Artists Fund.17 The prices of the works could be established based only on the
price-lists decided by The Committee for Art, and the amounts had to be paid
directly in the account of The Artists Fund, which later had to deal with the artists
payment. The Decree No. 591 of December 17, 1955 increased the control over the
entire chain.18 The contracts were concluded directly with The Artists Fund. The
organization commissioned the artists for the works required by its beneficiary, or
purchased finished works, which complied with the criteria of the demand. At the
same time, an advisory committee for the allocation of the works and pricing was set
up within The Artists Fund. In other words, the buyer could not choose a certain
artist; he was forced to undergo a selection, an entrusting process operated by the
advisory committee. This measure considered to put a brake to some artists
tendency to take over most orders from certain institutions and in this manner other
artists were given the opportunity to work in order to earn income from which to
live and create.19
In September 1954 it was established that a fund of 0,5% from the State budget
could finance artworks for public buildings.20 This sector proved very profitable for a
16 Ibid.
17 The Decree regulated the acquisition of artworks and execution contracts. Published in the
Official Bulletin No. 12 of April 18, 1953.
18 For the regulation of the acquisition of artworks, and the contracts of production of art and the
purchase of museums artifacts. Published in the Official Bulletin No 34 of December 24, 1953.
19 Proces-verbal de activitate al Fondului Plastic pe anul 1957, Folder 53/1957, UAP Fund,
ANIC, Bucharest, 90-1.
20 The Decision of The Council of Ministers no. 1874 of September 24, 1954 on the improvement
of the conditions of the creation of the visual artists.
183
MONICA ENACHE
few privileged artists who, throughout this period, had access to these commissions,
which generated numerous controversies and scandals among the artists.
The evolution of the resources allocated to artists by the Artists Fund, as well
as the number of loans of creation and/or of the beneficiaries of creation aids,
can be observed in the statistical data included in The Report of The Artists Fund of
1952. These loans were granted to artists who had to carry out the artworks
included in the annual plan, or were commissioned by various institutions. The
revenues they received represented an advance for the purchasing of materials. They
were repayable without interest and often were deducted from the sale price of
the works. In some cases, for the partial debt redemption accumulated by the artists,
artworks from their studios were accepted. The evaluation committee carried out
their evaluation as in every similar situation.21
The question of the creation loans granted from The Artists Fund remained
controversial throughout the studied period, along with the allocation of the state
commissions. In this respect, an analysis included in the Report on the activity of
The Artists Fund in 1957 asserts, taking into account the eight years in which the
loan was granted, that the debts of the artists grew from year to year, although many
of them had consistent profits from the works carried out. The explanation provided
in this document is that, This situation is not due to a non-deduction of the loans by
the Fund at the time of the payments, but to the fact that UAPs departments
authorize loans to be granted even to artists who have cashed in important sums.22
Analyzing the chart regarding the loans granted to artists in 1951, we find out
that most of the revenues ranged from 10.000 to 50.000 lei. Still, there were a limited
number of artists that benefited from loans of over 100.000 lei. Knowing them is
relevant, so as to discover the individuals who, for a number of reasons, were used
for propaganda purposes. Among them we find: Gheorghe Anghel, who received
110.000 lei for five works to be presented at The Annual State Exhibition of 1951,
Corneliu Baba with 144.450 lei, for Landscapes and work aspects, Gheorghe Ionescu
with 125.000 lei, for four paintings, Lazr Ghelman with 123.000 lei, for two works
commissioned by The Committee for Art, Cornel Medrea with 180.000 lei for a bust,
Camil Ressu with 195.000 lei for two works, Gheorghe aru with 167.000 lei for two
paintings, and Ion Vlasiu with 128.000 lei for a sculpture.23
ANIC, Bucharest, 84-5.
22 Ibid., 86.
23 In 1957, the average net salary was of 619 lei, according to Annex 6 of the Law 19/2000 regarding
the public system of pensions and social rights, retrieved from http://ow.ly/xvnd308fLDt, accessed
on December 21st, 2015.
184
The collapse of the loans fund happened in 1957, and was followed by
the introduction of various limitations in this respect, which were applied from 1958.
Consequently, only the artists who had a debit balance equal to, or less than 10.000
lei in the previous year could receive loans. Those who werent able to present in
exhibitions works of value at least equal to the amount of the loans granted that
year, () no longer receive[d] loans in the following year.24 At the same time, if the artist
had an income of over four thousands lei per month he could no longer receive loans.
The creative aids were non-reimbursable sums offered to support the artists,
and their amount was restricted through law. For example, as recorded in the
Report of The Artists Fund from 1950, the creative loans were calculated between
ten thousand and thirty thousand lei, with a maximum of ninety thousands lei per
person, per year, whereas the creation aids varied between five thousands, and ten
thousands lei.
The founding of the UAP
The UAP was founded in December 1950 replacing The Syndicate of Fine Arts, an
organization active from 1921 and directed, since 1944, by M. H. Maxy. However,
Boris Caragea was chosen for the position of president of the union, a position he
held until 1957 in spite of his formalist past. During the sessions of the Guidance
Committees, which functioned under UAPs control, critical debates and self-critical
meetings were organized, in which the artists presented their projects, or their works
in intermediate stages for improvement. UAP was also in charge of
the organization of State or regional exhibitions but also of deciding, in collaboration
with The Direction for Propaganda and Agitation, the themes and the stylistics,
which the artists had to apply exactly as such. On October 20, 1950, the Conference
of the visual artists of the RPR (Romanian Popular Republic) issued the Statute of
the UAP. As recorded in Article 1, the UAP members had to participate through
their art to the building of Socialism and to assimilate the Socialist Realist method,
based on the only scientific vision of the world: Marxism-Leninism.25
This was the time of enrollment of the art in the party propaganda. These
phrases provided the elastic foundation needed for future critiques, the
marginalization and the discretionary exclusion of members, carried out according to
ANIC, Bucharest, 86.
25 Statutul Uniunii Artitilor Plastici din 1950, Folder 35/1951, Ibid., 203.
185
MONICA ENACHE
the interest of the moment. However, we are dealing with a two-way relationship: on
one hand, the artists who wanted to belong to this organization, since remaining
outside was practically a condemnation to poverty and oblivion, and on the other
hand, the ruling party which enforced its total control onto the entire Romanian
society. Because the two are interdependent, this combined analysis is the only one
that can provide an image of the complexity of the phenomenon.
The Statute also listed the purposes of UAP among which were: to ensure
creative guidance, educating the artists in the spirit of the Marxism-Leninism and
creating various committees for that purpose, to promote new talents regardless of
their education, to ensure the promotion of fine arts to the masses.26 Regarding the
organization of the UAP, Article 12 stated that the management unit was The
Congress of the Visual Artists of RPR, which was summoned by the Committee of
UAP once every three years.27 The Executive was represented by The Committee of
UAP, which was composed of thirty to thirty-five members who, between
congresses, lead and guide the activity of UAP.28 The committee had to submit its
activity report to the Congress of the UAP. The next organizational subdivision was
the Bureau of the UAP, which was in charge of the organization of UAPs
subsidiaries and cenacles. The bureau had thirteen members who were appointed by
The Committee of the UAP. The Committee met every three months, and between
these meetings the Bureau of the UAP oversaw the activity of the organization. The
Audit Committee had the task to examine the financial and administrative activity,
and the administration of the floating capital of UAP.29 The Congress of the UAP
elected the members; the committee was composed of three persons who were not
part of The Committee of UAP.30 Article 26 mentions the sources of the funds from
which the UAP was financed: the members contributions, percentages of the sold
artworks, State subsidies, and revenues from the assets from its patrimony.31 The statute,
which was modified in the following years with further amendments, was followed
by Norms, which regulated the activity of the UAP management staff. Among other
things, as Article 3.h. states, the Committee of Monumental Art, nominated by the
Committee and the Bureau of the UAP, decided together with The Direction of Fine
Arts on the distribution and release of the monumental art commissions.32
26 Ibid., 204.
27 Ibid., 207.
28 Ibid., 208.
29 Ibid.
30 Ibid.
31 Ibid., 209.
32 Norme cu privire la activitatea unitii de management a UAP, Folder 52/1963, Ibid., 55.
186
The same norms listed the attributions of all the territorial units of UAP. They
were in charge of the loans in money and materials (creation loans), documentation
trips and creation aids.33 On a monthly basis they had the obligation to organize
members meetings providing clarifications on matters of creation and art
orientation.34 The representatives of these territorial branches kept the connection
with the central administration through the bureaus secretaries which, in return,
had the obligation to monthly inform the leadership of UAP about the activity and
the difficulties communicated by the territorial branches, as well as about the manner
in which the central directives were applied.
In fact, the preliminary control of the artistic production and the selection of
the works, which could be presented in local exhibitions, was first of all the
responsibility of the territorial branches bureaus. The final result offered to the
public had always the approval both of specialists and the party, from the ideological
and propaganda point of view. If something was disregarded at the first level of
control it was surely fixed up at the top level, the state exhibitions. These national
events were the supreme authority in matters of official art, and whatever was
presented there had the endorsement of the regime. According to the norms, these
local branches had to designate the right artists for the state commissions and
contracts, those who could be sent abroad, who could participate to national or
international exhibitions organized by UAP and they also had the obligation to
evaluate all the exhibitions and events organized.35
The Decree No. 266 of December the 23rd, 1950, was the birth certificate of the
institution, which recognized as a legal entity and as an institution of public utility
the Romanian Artists Union (UAP).36 At the same time, through its Article 2, the
previously adopted Statute of UAP was recognized, and a reference is made to the
dissolution of The Syndicate of Fine Arts, and of all others unions of artists from all
over the country, their assets being appropriated by the new organization. During
the same time, the previous relations between the Syndicate of Fine Arts and the FP
were taken over by the newly established Union.
Shortly after the conference of the The Syndicate of Fine Arts of October 20,
1950, the first conference of UAP took place, being chaired by Camil Ressu,
previously elected as honorary president of the new organization.37 At this meeting
33 Ibid., 56.
34 Ibid.
35 Ibid., 58.
36 Published in the Official Bulletin of December 28, 1950.
37 The transcript of the meeting, included in the Folder 2/1950, of the UAP Fund at ANIC
(Bucharest), is not dated. Examining the references in the document, we can establish that
187
MONICA ENACHE
the elections for the management were held, and Boris Caragea was designated
president, remaining in office until 1957. Between 1957 and 1968, Ion Jalea occupied
the presidency of UAP. Further on, it was decided the setting-up of the territorial
units of UAP all across the country, which were simultaneously subsidiaries of The
Artists Fund.38
On October 27, 1950, the UAPs Executive Bureau meeting took place and,
among other things, defined the tasks of the two secretaries, Ligia Macovei and
Gheorghe Labin. Accordingly, Ligia Macovei was in charge of the logistic and
proper functioning of The Guidance Committees of the paintings and sculptures
departments, solving the problem of the artists studios for members of the same
departments, and of the coordination of conferences, exhibitions and the UAPs
Club; 39 she had to monitor the activity of the Cluj, Baia Mare and Trgu Mure
subsidiaries as well as Stalin (Braov) and Ploieti cenacles. Gheorghe Labin dealt
with the logistic and proper functioning of The Guidance Committee of the
decorative arts department, the studios of the member of the same section, he
was the administration executive, and the UAPs representative at The Artists
Fund, and he was in charge of The Visual artists Magazine.40 He was also leading the
activity of the Iai and Timioara subsidiaries together with Craiova, Galai, Arad
and the Oradea cenacles.
Later on, the number of secretaries increased from three to four, and later to
five. As noted in the Minutes of the meeting No. 3813 of September the 25th, 1954,
the UAP had the following secretaries: tefan Sznyi, Jules Perahim, Iosif Cova and
Anastasiu Anastase. In 1955 the UAP secretaries were: Ligia Macovei, who was the
secretary for decorative art, Jules Perahim the secretary for graphic arts and scenic
painting, Anastasiu Anastase was in charge of painting, Ion Irimescu dealt with
sculpture, and Iosif Cova was the secretary for the Artists Fund. M.H. Maxy was at
that time the secretary of the UAPs head office in Bucharest. The entire
organizational chart grew into a genuine party structure.41
A document from the UAPs archive dated January the 14th, 1957, presents the
new president of the UAP, Ion Jalea, as well as his secretaries: Alexandru
this took place between October the 20th and the 26th, 1950, before the Decree No. 266 of
December 23rd, 1950 for the recognition of the UAP.
38 We detailed their distribution and management in the previous section that dealt with the FP.
39 Proces-verbal al edinei Biroului Executiv al UAP din 27 octombrie 1950, Folder 3/1950,
UAP Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 12.
40 Ibid.
41 Unitile de management ale UAP, 20 martie 1955, Folder 20/1952, Ibid., 203-6.
188
Ciucurencu, Ion Irimescu, Vasile Kazar, and Anastasiu Anastase. 42 The Executive
Bureau replaced its members with artists from the old generation: Iosif Iser, Dumitru
Ghia, Lucian Grigorescu, Cornel Medrea; but also with art critics of the same group
such as Eugen Schileru. This change could be seen as the end of the process of
ideological indoctrination of the artists. It was necessary at that point to replace some
of the activists with prominent artists and researchers who could provide the
community with the illusion of professionalism.
Following the establishment of the Romanian Artists Union and up to the end
of 1951, all members of the former Syndicate were verified. Out of all 720 permanent
and candidate members, 416 members were from Bucharest and 304 from the
territorial branches. A revision of the UAPs membership took place in 1958 and it
was decided to eliminate the craftsmen.43 As a result, the revision reduced the
number of members from 1.442 to 673, and in 1965, the number of UAPs members
reached 887.44
According to the UAPs statute those who wanted to become members had to
submit an application accompanied by a brief autobiography revealing the artistic
and political activity from August 23rd 1944 until the present.45 To analyze the files,
three committees were established, one for each area: painting, sculpture, and
decorative art. Within one month these entities had to submit their proposals to a
jury for final decision. The recommendation of Boris Caragea in this matter was:
You must observe what criteria a member has to fulfill. Thus, you will investigate
his activity before and especially after August 23rd 1944; based on these realities you
may receive him as a permanent member, as a probationer member or you shall
reject his application.46 At the same time, a committee was set up to study and
make suggestions regarding the situation of the individuals who will not meet the
criteria to enter in the Union47 and it was composed of tefan Sznyi, Jules Perahim
and Nicolae (Niky) Popescu.
A document titled Considerations on the fine arts activity of RPR in 1951,
drawn up at the beginning of 1952 includes the number of members after the analysis
and selection of the files that were submitted to the Union. In Bucharest, out of the
42 Unitile de management ale UAP, ianuarie 1957, Folder 45/1956, Ibid., 2-15.
43 Raport al managementului UAP, Folder 53/1957, Ibid., 402-10.
44 Ibid.
45 Ligia Macovei, the transcript of the Conference of the UAP, October 1950, Folder 2/1950,
Ibid., 13.
46 Ibid., 17.
47 Proces-verbal al edinei Biroului Executiv al UAP din 27 octombrie 1950, Folder 3/1950,
Ibid., 14.
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MONICA ENACHE
416 members 268 were painters, 45 sculptors, and 103 were graphic artists, and
applied art creators. In what concerns the rest of the country, Cluj had 65 members,
Baia Mare had 16, Iai had 26, Timioara had 19 members, Trgu Mure had 22
members, and for the other territorial units, things were not yet finalized.48
Verifying those who wanted to join the UAP, as well as of its
members remained a permanent activity. From the chart that summarizes the activity
of 1954 it appears that out of the 655 initial members, 485 remained, so 119 were
excluded and 51 retired.49
In November 1958 began the exclusion of the uncreative craftsmen.
Previously, in March 1956 the Arts and Craft sector was set up. For this purpose,
the Decree No. 333 of July 29, 1958 was issued, implementing the revision of the
UAPs membership starting with the condition of affirmation and notoriety of the
artist.50 Those identified as craftsmen had to become members of The Artists Fund.
This measure shows the broad ideological and militant content of the UAP: the
creator must be perceived as militant in the service of Socialist Realism and certainly
not in an objectivistic form, lacking the ideological content;51 this union of creators,
constitutes an important sector in the ideological realm of our country, where the
creative artists are precisely those contributing in the plenitude of their talent and
creativity to the development of militant art, in the Socialist Realism line.52
In 1965 according to the number of members listed by departments, there is a
major difference between the number of members of the Bucharest branch (470), and
the number of all the other territorial units (172), both from the point of view of
administrative and ideological centralization, and of the unequal allocation of
the funds. 53
The Role of the Guidance Committees: Ideological Education
The Executive bureau of the UAP of October 27, 1950 set the configuration of the
Guidance Committees. They carried out the censorship on doctrinal basis, of all the
works that were to participate at any exhibition and of the state commissioned
artworks. In other words, the committees controlled the entire artistic production
48 Consideraii cu privire la activitatea artelor plastice n 1951, Folder 12/1950, Ibid., 43.
49 Proces-verbal al edinei Comitetului UAP din 25 septembrie 1954, Folder 22/1951, Ibid., 269.
50 Raport al managementului UAP, Folder 53/1957, Ibid., 407.
51 Ibid.
52 Ibid., 402.
53 Centralizator, 1 mai 1965, Folder 52/1963, Ibid., 228.
190
process from the moment when the artwork left the artist studio. Even the granting
of the creation financial aid was to be approved, after a previous evaluation of the
works by the same Committees. Meetings of The Guidance Committees always
concluded with a Minute of proceedings, which reviewed each submitted artwork,
and made correction recommendations, or simply rejected them by saying: this
painting must be remodeled as it was the case with the artwork The Tractor by
Rudolf Schweitzer-Cumpna.54 Opinions on the relevance of the chosen subject, on
the composition, on the artists palette or technique were formulated. Often, they
made harsh comments regarding the artists education and art skill. At the same
time, for the perfection of the working methods, the members of the Guidance
Committees had the obligation to assimilate the Soviet methods of critique and to
participate monthly at meetings of work analysis, where it was evaluated through
critiques and self-critiques statements the efficiency of the guidance.55
On March 1st, 1951, the specialized departments or working groups were
introduced to put together the activity and problems of all creators. 56 So, the
control was made starting from these divisions up to The Guidance Committees.57
The first one covered the ideological training of its members, an essential sector in
the creation control process. The responsibility in this ideological field belonged to
the sculptor Dorio Lazar.58 He set up the school of ideology of the UAP, covering at
the same time the activity of ideological guidance of the groups. Here, the artists
discussed the current professional and ideological problems. The permanent
concern at groups level will be the increase of the ideological training in order to
widen the themes addressed by the artists on the Five-Year Plan basis; therefore
improving the quality of our work.59
In consequence,
before the groups meetings comrade Dorio will train the groups officials
about the selected ideological material and will indicate the bibliographic
references. In the group, the leader will make a short overview of the text; the
artists will then go over the material and the bibliography. At the following
54 Proces-verbal al Comitetului de ndrumare pentru Expoziia de stat din 1951, Folder

9/1950, Ibid., 8.
55 Plan de munc al Seciei Pictur a UAP, mai-iunie 1951, Ibid., 44.
56 Proces verbal al edinei din 1 martie 1951 pentru stabilirea departamentelor i grupelor,
Folder 7/1950-1951, Ibid., 109-12.
57 Ibid.
58 Proces-verbal al edinei Biroului Executiv al UAP din 7 februarie 1951, Ibid., 90.
59 Ibid.
191
MONICA ENACHE
meeting, after two weeks, the seminar will be held. [...]Teams will consist of 3-5
comrades who will be helped and guided by one of the trainers in order to
assimilate the material. [...] In addition to each department, it is advisable to set
up a study class led by the person in charge with the cultural activities of the
department, which will permanently mobilize the comrades for preparing the
papers starting from illustrative and written materials.60
Starting in April 1951, the Union introduced the file of creation, which allowed the
expansion of the control on creation. This was a document where the artist had to
declare the artwork in progress, the works to be produced, the place where he
needed to travel for field research in connection with the work he planned to carry
out, the studio where he is working, the difficulties he has etc.61As a way to support
the reform of all artists in the spirit of Socialist Realism, collective painting
workshops were set up, to which all artists considered to be formalists, that is to have
an excessive concern for the visual aspects, were forced to participate.62 The painter
and graphic artist Vasile Dobrian remembers the role of the Guidance Committees:
The Guidance Committee had a poisonous role in promoting an art emptied of any
kind of artistic value; at the head of it was a Soviet commissar whose final verdicts
decided the fate of an artist.63
To track the ideological evolution of artists and their works, the Annual Report
of UAP observed: The work of the unions departments, with all their flaws, has
contributed to achieving an unified speech for the entire art world. The guidance and
control carried out helped the development of the new direction as well as of the
Socialist Realism method. 64
Later, after the ideologization process of artists was considered completed, the
Guidance Committees toned down the speech, becoming more concessive. Towards
the end of the 1950's, Socialist Realism in its rough form was aborted and replaced by
a much more tolerant formula which included some stylistic diversity, and more
liberty in choosing the subject of the artwork.65
60 Proces-verbal al edinei UAP pentru configurarea departementelor i grupelor de lucru,

Folder 4/1950, Ibid., 110.
61 Plan de munc al Seciei Pictur a UAP, mai-iunie 1951, Folder 9/1950, Ibid., 44.
62 Dorin-Liviu Btfoi, Aa s-a nscut omul nou n Romnia anilor 50 (Bucharest: Compania, 2012), 216.
63 Vasile Dobrian, Gestul minii i al memoriei. Memorii (Bucharest: Vitruviu, 1998), 99.
64 Consideraii cu privire la activitatea artelor plastice n 1951, Folder 12/1950, UAP Fund,
ANIC, Bucharest, 44.
65 Petre Oprea, Aa i-am cunoscut (Bucureti: Maiko, 1998), 96-7.
192
To raise the artists ideological and professional level, in 1951 the Union
received a subsidy of twenty million lei. With that money, the union financed
conferences, courses, workshops, research trips in the USSR, the acquisition of
ideological publications for the library of the union, etc. Besides the activity of
ideological education, UAP was in charge of the aesthetic education of the masses,
and organized periodic exhibitions, courses and lectures for workers, employees,
young people, and guided visits to the museums. The UAP also supervised the
activity of the amateur artists. The union offered guidance, and ideological training
through various assignees. The itinerant exhibitions usually organized by the Artists
Fund were also efficient instruments of indoctrination as they were meant to
enlighten the staff of factories, plants, and the rural population, etc.
The role of the Art Critique Department
The department of Art critique of the UAP was founded on April 19, 1951.66 Among
its objectives were the coordination and the increase of the publishing activity. The
department had to contribute to the ideological training of artists by organizing
debates, conferences, etc. In this respect, the recruitment of people for the writing
activity without being professional critics was considered. 67 That way, a better
contact with the masses could be attained since the language used by an apprentice
could offer a better dissemination of the message accessible to all levels of education.
Considering the attraction of new collaborators, which were to be trained in the
workplace, the art critic Eugen Schileru observed: the amateurs must be engaged.
We can very well use todays half-trained students, the ones with common sense and
goodwill whom we consider gifted for this work.68At the same time, the art critic
Radu Bogdan observed the mistaking of the art critique for the popularization of
works of art. Furthermore he claims that, this way of making art critique (made by
amateurs) is only about slogans, its superficial and propagandistic ignoring the
content and form aspects. (...) The real art critique is despised (...) one must have the
freedom of speech and manifestation; the dispute must come afterwards. (...), even
Soviet art critique took stand against this kind of critique in slogans.69
66 Minut a edinei pentru constituirea Seciei de Critic din 19 aprilie 1951, Folder 7/1950-1951,
UAP Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 132-34.
67 Ibid.
68 Ibid., 132
69 Ibid., 133.
193
MONICA ENACHE
These observations delineate the confrontation between two lines of approach

of the field, but in order to understand the phenomenon we have to consider the
political dynamic of the moment. The Considerations on the activity of the fine arts
in RPR of 1951 includes a new attempt to turn the critics into propaganda orators
and ideological trainers: In the past three years our critics havent helped very much
the artists in solving the creation problems. The scientific incompetence has
transformed the art critique in a documentary activity, in a jugglery more or less
literary.70 In order to remedy the situation, the following measures were proposed:
Research trips [] for visiting USSRs exhibitions and museums , setting up

following the example of the Writers Union of RPR of a school of art
critique; the number of lecturers could be freshened up using present and
future students of the Fine Arts Institutes of Bucharest and Cluj; a systematic
and constant information of the art critics about debates that take place in the
Soviet Union, through translations of various texts published in several
newspapers, magazines, brochures, books etc.; research trips on different
building yards, farms or industrial centers, so that the critiques addressed later
to the artists to be pertinent.71
The members of the department asked for the establishment of a journal of art
critique, as a voice of the visual arts, as well as a direct instrument of communication
with artists from all over the country. The journal Fine Arts was published since
1954, with sculptor Dorio Lazar as editor-in-chief.72 In 1957 he was dismissed and
replaced by Jules Perahim73 who was forced to offer his resignation in 1964, as well
as from other jobs, as a result of a scandal inside the UAP regarding the allocation of
monumental art commissions. From May 1965 Ion Vlasiu was in charge of the journal.74
The state commissions and purchases: Prices, incomes and beneficiaries
The regulation of the art purchases and state commissions was implemented through
two decrees. The first one was the Decree no. 161 of April 8, 1953, which speaks
70 Consideraii cu privire la activitatea artelor plastice n 1951, Folder 12/1950, Ibid., 46.
71 Ibid.
73 Decizia Nr. 2503 din 10 aprilie 1957 and Decizia Nr. 2504 din 10 aprilie 1957, Folder
90/1957, UAP Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 178, 180.
74 See Arta Plastic, 5(1965).
194
about the institutions, enterprises and organizations, entities that, of their special
allocated budget, had the obligation to decorate the offices and official halls with
didactic and propagandist works.75 These works gave an even distribution of the
party ideology and at the same time raised the ideological level of the staff.
According to the document, the works were priced according to the rates approved
by The Committee for Art. The committees constituted for this purpose will inform
on the artistic value of the works and the final price, up to the average price of the
approved rates.76
The second decision adopted was the Decree No. 591 of December 17, 1955,77
which increased the control of the state that intervened between the institution
carrying out the commission or purchase, and the artist, forcing the first to sign a
contract with The Artists Fund. At the same time, The Artists Fund was making the
commissions, or purchases from artists, selecting the artist, or artwork for the
commission, or purchase. As in the previous document, the price of the works was
established on the basis of the rates approved by order of The Ministry of Culture,
with the amendment that the price established by the committee could not exceed
the price specified in the contract.78
According to the tariffs approved by the Union in July 1953, the subject and
dimensions of the work were the first criteria to indicate the price category. 79
Compositions with figures were the best paid, while the landscape and still-lives
were the least remunerated. For a painting the prices could vary from two
thousands, to fifteen thousands lei for a figure painting smaller than two square
meters, and from two hundreds to five thousands lei for a still life. For graphic works
the same value system was in use. A watercolor or a pastel could be purchased at
prices between 700 to 2.500 lei, only if it was a composition, and between 500 and
1.800 lei if it was a landscape, or a portrait. For a sculpture it was more complicated.
For example, a life-size bust could be remunerated between 700 and 5.300 lei, a
composition with one figure of approximately 0.70 meters would vary from 1.500 to
5.000 lei, and for those with several figures there were added various percentages,
75 The Decree No. 161 of April 8, 1953 for the regulation of the acquisition and contracts of
artworks, published in the Official Bulletin No. 12 of April 18, 1953.
76 Ibidem.
77 The Decree No. 591 of December 17, 1955 for the regulation of the execution and acquisition
contracts of artworks and museum artifacts, published in the Official Bulletin No. 34 of
December 24, 1955.
78 Ibid., art. 4, 5.
79 Propuneri de tarife, iulie 1953, Folder 12/1953, UAP Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 5-8.
195
MONICA ENACHE
depending on their number. These prices included the plaster version of the work,
and in the case of a definitive material such as bronze or stone, the amount increased.
The policy of duplicates and of copyright was also regulated. Therefore, copies
in painting and engraving executed by the author shall be paid with 80% of the
buying price, and between 40-70% when executed by another artist, from which he
will pay 25% copyright.80 For copies of a sculpture, the artist received 70% of the
buying price, only if there were less than three copies, and 50% when three to ten
copies were made. These rules are very important for the quantification of the
incomes of some artists whose works were reproduced in series and distributed to
several institutions or printed in various publications, albums, and school textbooks.
This was the case of the painting Grivia 1933 (1952) by Gavril Miklossy. Thus, the
copyright incomes could be in some cases extremely consistent. They were also
manners of persuasion fully used by the system. According to the same price lists
the copyright for any reproduction, postcard, leaflet, etc., after paintings, sculptures
or engravings, is 25% of the selling price of each edited copy.81
It is interesting to see in this respect the proposals transmitted to the state
publishing house for literature and the arts (Editura de Stat pentru Literatur i Art,
ESPLA) for the artworks that were to be reproduced on postcards in 1955. Among
them were: Rest in the Field (1955) by Corneliu Baba, Grivia 1933 (1952) by Gavril
Miklossy, Ecaterina Varga, (1954) by tefan Sznyi, Blast-Furnace Man (1954) by Ion
Irimescu, and An Idea is Born (1954) by Andrei Szobotka.
An analysis of the lists of the annual income of artists, of acquisitions and
commissions, included in the UAP Fund at the National Archives of Romania
(ANIC) provides interesting data on the artists revenues. They varied consistently
and that is relevant, both for the trajectory of the propagandistic message, and for the
dynamics of reward or exclusion through which the regime controlled the artistic
milieu. The income of the majority of the artists varied around average values, and
even below the average salary established by law. At the same time, artists such as
Corneliu Baba, Constantin Baraschi, Zoe Bicoianu, Ion Jalea, or Jules Perahim
cashed up the most consistent revenues. Perahim received fabulous annual earnings
of 102.120 lei in 1959, 189.959 lei in 1963, or 141.796 lei in 1964, which was about
twelve times the average annual net salary.82
80 Ibid., 20.
81 Ibidem.
82 Centralizator cu veniturile membrilor UAP de la 1 ianuarie la 31 decembrie 1959, Folder
78/1957; Centralizator cu veniturile membrilor UAP de la 1 ianuarie la 31 decembrie 1963,
Folder 78/1957; Centralizator cu veniturile membrilor UAP de la 1 ianuarie la 31 decembrie
1964, Folder 1/1964, UAP Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 117, 259, 39.
196
Regarding the acquisitions, they were made only on the basis of the tariffs
approved by the UAP and following the evaluation of the works made by The
Acquisition Committees for each specialty. Purchases were made from the various
State or regional exhibitions. The works were then distributed to cultural institutions
from the state apparatus such as museums. At the same time, the state commissioned
a large number of artworks, from drawings and paintings to monumental artworks,
for various public spaces and buildings. The Committee for Art, part of The Ministry
of Culture, managed them all. Part of the resulting works were then transferred to
the institutions, local councils etc., all over the country, which needed to garnish
their interiors. More than that, each ministry commissioned artworks every year,
financed from a fund dedicated to this activity. All these operations were managed
by The Artists Fund and the works were made on imposed subjects or were replicas
after previous approved works.
If we examine the lists of the works purchased by ministries in the early 1950s
we notice that the works requested were those with themes close to the profile of
activity of the institution and that most of the buying prices were average, between
one thousand and ten thousands lei. However, there are some notable exceptions:
The Deliverance (1952) by Constantin Baraschi, which was bought with 96.600 lei by
The Ministry of Chemical Industry in 1952, 1907 (1953) by Corneliu Baba acquired by
The Ministry of Culture with 40.000 lei, The Meeting (1953) by Boris Caragea bought
by The Ministry of Railways with 45.600 lei, Emperor and Proletarian (1953) by Ion
Jalea purchased by The Ministry of Culture for 30.000 lei, twenty five illustrations of
Marin Predas novel Moromeii (1953) by Jules Perahim bought by The Ministry of
Culture with 34.700 lei.83
As the margin between the minimum and maximum price accepted by law was
large enough, the evaluations were made in such a way so that the majority of artists
were paid at the minimum value. Only a few of them got maximum price
evaluations and sometimes even more, but only for artworks appreciated as
exceptional. According to a list of artworks purchased from the Annual Art
Exhibition of the RPR in 1950, most of the works had prices between eight
thousands, and fifty thousands lei.84 Nevertheless, there were few exceptions: Gavril
Miklossy received 180.000 lei, Constantin Baraschi was paid 180.000 lei, and Dorio
83 Centralizator cu lucrrile de art cumprate de Ministerul Metalurgiei, Folder 28/1952,

UAP Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 32, 46; Centralizator cu lucrrile de art cumprate de
Ministerul Culturii, Folder 47/1953, Ibid., 16, 17, 19, 30, 40; Centralizator cu lucrrile de
art cumprate de diverse instituii, Folder 56/1954. Ibid., 64.
84 Tabel cu plile pentru lucrrile de art cumprate din Expoziia de art a RPR i de la
artiti n 1950, Folder 12/1950, Ibid., 243-4.
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MONICA ENACHE
Lazr received 130.000 lei. 85 As to the list of purchases from the Annual State
Exhibition of 1952, among the top rated works were: Tudor Vladimirescu Division in
the Fights for Debrecen (1952) by Paul Atanasiu which received 14.400 lei, Grivia 1933
(1952) by Gavril Miklossy who was paid thirty thousands lei, and I. V. Stalin
(1952) by tefan Sznyi estimated at thirteen thousands lei.86
A centralizer of the state commissions between 1953 and 1955, drawn up by
The Direction of Fine Arts, confirms the same small number of well-paid artists, even
if new names gradually appeared: Youth, Friendship and Peace (1953) by Gheorghe
aru evaluated at 33.000 lei, The Miners Struggle for Work Productivity (1953) by
Andrei Szobotka worth 40.000 lei, The death of the Collective Farmer (1953) by Dorio
Lazr evaluated at 35.000 lei, Rural Celebration (1954) by Octavian Anghelu
evaluated at 45.000 lei, Friendship (1954) by Petre Abrudan purchased at 35.000 lei,
Stephen the Great in Suceava (1954) by Gheorghe Labin bought with 30.000 lei, The
Lupeni Strike of 1929 (1954) by Gavril Miklossy worth 60.000 lei, The Process of the
Railway Workers from Craiova (1954) by tefan Sznyi acquired with 50.000 lei, and The
Fights of the Tudor Vladimirescu Division in Oradea (1955) by Paul Atanasiu bought
with 30.000 lei. 87
Preparation of the State exhibitions: themes and organization
State exhibitions as all other events held annually in important cities, were generally
prepared a year in advance and their themes were decided in meetings of the Union,
all based on the demands of the party propaganda. Throughout the analyzed period, the
valued subjects and the importance of each area changed. This dynamic was the
expression of a permanent shift of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dejs policy towards Moscow.
The first Annual State Exhibition of the Fine Arts took place in December
1948, in the halls of the Palace of the Republic, the former Royal Palace. This event
replaced the old Official Salon which came to be considered an artistic expression
of the rottenness and decline of a decomposed bourgeois society. 88 This new
manifestation boasted by presenting works which commemorate the great figures
of our revolutionary history but also by promoting young artists and with the
85 The prices are for one work each.

86 In 1952 a monetary reform was introduced, and the currency denomination reached a 20/1
ratio. Expoziia anual de stat, Folder 35/1952, UAP Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 1-18.
87 Comenzi de stat 1955-1954-1953, Folder 39/1953, Ibid., 114-9.
88 F.P., Expoziia anual de Stat a artelor plastice, Romnia liber, December 7th, 1948, 1.
198
presence of young workers as art creators: a single case taken randomly such as
the painter Niculae Buzinc who is a radiator mechanic at the Dalles Hall, is
illustrative enough.89
At first, the State exhibitions were opened annually, with the exception of the
one in 1951, which never took place. From 1955 on it was decided they become
biennial events: it is considered that it would be better that the State exhibitions will
take place in the future every two years. Only smaller exhibitions with a regional
character are to be organized in-between.90 As of 1951, it was discussed that the
annual organization of regional exhibitions could operate as a pre-selection process
for the State exhibition: considerations on the State exhibition shall be made on
the basis of the evaluations of the regional exhibitions.91 They were introduced from
1954. As for the graphic art, between 1950 and 1954 it was part of the annual State
exhibition along with painting and sculpture, and from 1954 it had a dedicated
exhibition, The Annual Exhibition of Graphic Art.
In 1956 the Ministry of Culture, through the Order No. 271 of March 13, 1956,
approved the regulation for the organization of fine art exhibitions.92 Accordingly,
The Ministry of Culture was in charge of: the Biennial State Exhibition of the Fine
Arts (painting and sculpture), the Annual State Exhibition of Graphic Arts, the
Biennial Exhibition of Decorative Arts the only one opened to amateur artists, the
State Exhibition of the Youth, the Exhibition of Artistic Photography, and
various thematic, retrospective, or international exhibitions. The same ministry
controlled other similar events such as: the interregional exhibitions held annually
by the Regional Peoples Council hand in hand with the UAPs subsidiaries, the
exhibitions organized by the art museums, the amateur artists exhibitions.93 In fact,
by this Order, the control of any comparable event was completely centralized, in
such a way that no ideological unapproved work might be presented to the public.
Starting in 1951, Romania had to follow the Soviet pattern of the Five-Year Plan
of production even in the arts; the illustration of the achievements of the plan was
compulsory. Electrification, the building of the Danube Black Sea Channel, the
collective farms, the heavy industry and the oil industry all became key art subjects.
89 Ibid., 2.
90 Concluziile sesiunii Plenarei UAP din 23 martie 1955, Folder 32/1955, UAP Fund, ANIC,
Bucharest, 43.
91 Proces-verbal al edinei Biroului Executiv al UAP din 16 ianuarie 1950, Folder 7/1950-1951,
Ibid., 88.
92 Ordin al Ministrului Culturii nr. 271/1956 pentru organizarea expoziiilor de art plastic,
Folder 71/1955, Ibid., 275-81.
93 Ibid.
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In any case, consideration was given to the planning of themes so that the same
subjects always appear while others are missing.94 All these compositions had to be
prepared after rigorous research made on site; for this purpose, there were work
collectives approved annually, as part of the artistic plan, that travelled to
agricultural and industrial areas, chosen to be immortalized. The artists had to be
ideologically prepared when going on field work.95
In a document relating to the subjects and distribution of the works to be made
for the State Annual Exhibition of 1952, the most important thematic categories
were: portraits, landscapes, the fight of the party in illegality, relevant historical and
political moments, the electrification, the agriculture, the friendship with the USSR,
portraits or compositions depicting I.V. Stalin, the fight for peace, aspects from
industry, cultural life, buildings etc.96 Portraits were the most common, and depicted
party, and state leaders, or first-rank workers. They were followed by landscapes, a
constant refuge for many artists. In the partys vision, this thematic category was
supposed to capture new aspects [] where it can be observed how nature is
transformed by mans hand, [], but only significant aspects that represent the
characteristic beauty of the country could be chosen. 97 Furthermore, The
Department of Propaganda within The Direction of Propaganda and Culture of the
Central Committee of the Romanian Workers Party (RWP), drew up annual
notes regarding information on the leading agricultural and industrial units, on
exceptional achievements, on the names of front-ranking workers etc.98 From these
lists, the Union had to draw up the annual thematic plan and then to distribute the
subjects to its members. If we analyze the themes of 1955, we see that topics related
to agriculture and rural areas, such as the agrarian reform, the struggle for the
improvement of peasants living standards, the electrification of villages, the
development of elementary education in villages, etc, as well as the ones related to
industry, and the history of the party were the most praised. 99 Meanwhile, the
portraits of the great leaders, the scenes from the history of the USSR, or of the
Romanian-Russian friendship disappeared.
All these practices and institutional means gradually led to the establishment
of direct, or indirect control over any artistic act intended for the public space.
94 Proces-verbal al edinei Biroului Executiv al UAP din 16 ianuarie 1950, 86.

95 Proces-verbal al edinei pentru organizarea echipelor de teren, Folder 7/1950-1951, Ibid.,
129-30.
96 Munc de studiu pentru Expoziia anual de stat, Folder 4/1950, Ibid., 14-48.
97 Proces-verbal al edinei de la Muzeul RPR din 9 aprilie 1952, Folder 13/1950, Ibid., 31.
98 Not cu privire la conducerea unitilro agricole, Folder 38/1953, Ibid., 59-71.
99 Plan tematic al seciilor Pictur i Sculptur pe anul 1955, Folder 38/1956., 335-50.
200
Conclusions
This article has analyzed the UAP and the FP as institutional instruments of control
and censorship of the arts, highlighting the structure and the tools used by these
entities during the regime of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej (1948-1965).
Harasztis consideration, according to which a new aesthetic culture has
emerged in which censors and artists alike are entangled in a mutual embrace
should be regarded with caution, in the case of Romanian artists active during this
period.100 We cannot neglect the fact that Romania never had a consistent communist
movement between the wars, nor many artists affiliated to it. Not even the artists of
the avant-garde could be fully connected with the communist activism. There are
cases of avant-garde artists, such as M. H. Maxy, or Jules Perahim who were active in
the movement since the times of illegality, while some of them, as Victor Brauner,
gave up along the way, and others, like Marcel Iancu, Corneliu Michilescu, Milia
Petracu, Margareta Sterian, never joined the communist movement. In fact, the
Romanian cultural milieu was not at all ready for a single discourse and for Socialist
Realism. The mutation was produced by re-education, in many cases by
opportunism, as well as fear, resulting in submission, but also through coercion used
whenever necessary.
It can certainly be argued that virtually no artist was forced to work, that there
was always the possibility of a professional reconversion to secure his, or her
subsistence. At the same time, being an artist means having a vocational occupation
and no creator could easily renounce the one form of expression which defines him
as an individual. Probably, in that oppressive climate, the concessions they made
were understood as a form of survival in times of crisis.
Several artist typologies coexisted during the period so the concept of state
artist cannot be applied evenly to the entire artistic community. There is a clear
distinction between the recipients of the State commissions, true tycoons of the guild,
and artists who occasionally sold some conformist compositions for survival.
Between them there was a huge gap, allowing the latter to keep a less altered identity
and a creative spirit.
Nevertheless, the fate of the Romanian state artist is an interesting one. The
destiny of Socialist Realism, in strict terms, was a short one too since by the
beginning of the 1960s the great Socialist Realist canvases were completely forgotten.
The style changed dramatically and the artists abandoned realism, and returned to
modernist formulas. Even the most fervent supporters gradually chose other means
100 Haraszti, The Velvet Prison, 5.
201
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of expression. The policy of Gheorghiu-Dej pseudo-openness towards the West, and

the revalorization of the national traditions were part of the plan for the separation
from the USSRs tutelage and they had their effects on the artistic milieu. This
moment was fully speculated by artists, who under the pretext of the new allowed
topics of landscapes, still-lives, the village culture and traditions, resuscitated
previous aesthetic formulas such as Post-impressionism, Expressionism, Fauvism,
Constructivism, Futurism, etc. They were tacitly accepted by the regime only because
they were so different from the Soviet method. This direction subscribed to the
national-communism route desired by Dej. Art critics reacted accordingly, trying to
find the perfect words connecting the new artistic visions and the communist
ideology. The Marxist idea of permanent progress was used in art too, making it the
perfect excuse for change.
We may consider these transformations as small victories over the system, even if
they are in fact the result of clever political measures. To return to Harasztis book, in the
end art is elastic enough to fit into any bed of Procrustes that history presents to it.101
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regarding the exhibitions organized by The Artists` Fund 1957-1962). Folder
11/1962. Romanian Artists Union (UAP) Fund. Bucharest: Arhivele Naionale
Istorice Centrale (National Historical Central Archives) (ANIC).
Centralizator cu lucrrile de art cumprate de diverse instituii (Centralizer of the
artworks purchased by several institutions). Folder 56/1954. UAP Fund.
Bucharest: (ANIC).
Centralizator cu lucrrile de art cumprate de Ministerul Culturii (Centralizer of
the artworks purchased by the Ministry of Culture), Folder 47/1953. UAP Fund.
Bucharest: (ANIC).
101 Andrei Sinyavsky, The Trial Begins and on Socialist Realism (Los Angeles: University of
California Press, 1982), 213 quoted by Haraszti, The Velvet Prison, 3.
202
Centralizator cu lucrrile de art cumprate de Ministerul Metalurgiei (Centralizer

of the artworks purchased by the Ministry of Metallurgy). Folder 28/1952. UAP
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(Centralizer of the incomes of UAP members, January 1, to December 31, 1959).
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31 decembrie 1963 (Centralizer of the incomes of UAP members, January 1, to
December 31, 1963). Folder 78/1957; Centralizator cu veniturile membrilor
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members, January 1, to December 31, 1964). Folder 1/1964. UAP Fund.
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39/1953. UAP Fund. Bucharest: (ANIC).
Concluziile sesiunii Plenarei UAP din 23 martie 1955 (The conclusions of The
Plenary session of UAP of March 23rd 1955). Folder 32/1955. UAP Fund.
Bucharest: (ANIC).
Consideraii cu privire la activitatea artelor plastice n 1951 (Considerations
regarding the fine arts activity in 1951); Tabel cu plile pentru lucrrile de
art cumprate din Expoziia de art a RPR i de la artiti n 1950 (Chart of
payment for the purchased artworks from the Exhibition of Art of RPR and
from artists in 1950). Folder 12/1950. UAP Fund. Bucharest: (ANIC).
Decizia Nr. 2503 din 10 aprilie 1957 (Decision No. 2503 of April 10th, 1957); Decizia
Nr. 2504 din 10 aprilie 1957 (Decision No. 2504 of April 10, 1957). Folder
Expoziia anual de stat (Annual State exhibition 1952). Folder 35/1952. UAP Fund.
Bucharest: (ANIC).
Munc de studiu pentru Expoziia anual de stat (Works of study for The Annual State
Exhibition); Proces-verbal al edinei UAP pentru configurarea departementelor
i grupelor de lucru (Minutes of UAP meeting for the configuration of the
departments and work groups). Folder 4/1950. UAP Fund. Bucharest: (ANIC).
Norme cu privire la activitatea unitii de management a UAP (Norms regarding
the activity of the management units of UAP); Centralizator, 1 mai 1965
(Centralizer, May 1st 1965). Folder 52/1963. UAP Fund. Bucharest: (ANIC).
Not cu privire la conducerea unitilro agricole (Note on the leading agricultural
units) . Folder 38/1953. UAP Fund. Bucharest: (ANIC).
Ordin al Ministrului Culturii nr. 271/1956 pentru organizarea expoziiilor de art
plastic (Order of the Ministry of Culture No. 271/1956, for the organization of
fine art exhibitions). Folder 71/1955. UAP Fund. Bucharest: (ANIC).
203
MONICA ENACHE
Plan de munc al seciei pictur a UAP, mai-iunie 1951 (Work plan of the Painting
Department of UAP, May-June 1951); Proces-verbal al Comitetului de
ndrumare pentru Expoziia de stat din 1951 (Minutes of the Guidance
Committee for the State exhibition from 1951). Folder 9/1950. UAP Fund.
Bucharest: (ANIC).
Plan tematic al seciilor Pictur i Sculptur pe anul 1955 (The thematic plan of the
painting and graphic art departments for 1955). Folder 38/1956. UAP Fund.
Bucharest: (ANIC).
Proces-verbal al edinei Biroului Executiv al UAP din 7 februarie 1951 (Minutes of
the meeting of the Executive Office of the UAP of February 7, 1951); Proces
verbal al edinei din 1 martie 1951 pentru stabilirea departamentelor i
grupelor (Minutes of the meeting of March 1st, 1951 for the setting up of the
departments and groups); Minut a edinei pentru constituirea Seciei de
Critic din 19 aprilie 1951 (Record of the meeting for the constitution of the
Art Critique Department, April 19th, 1951); Proces-verbal al edinei Biroului
Executiv al UAP din 16 ianuarie 1950 (Minutes of the Meeting of the Executive
Office of 16 January 1951); Proces-verbal al edinei pentru organizarea
echipelor de teren (Minutes of the Meeting for the organization of fieldwork
teams). Folder 7/1950-1951. UAP Fund. Bucharest: (ANIC).
Proces-verbal al edinei Biroului Executiv al UAP din 27 octombrie 1950 (Minutes
of the meeting of the Executive bureau of UAP, October 27, 1950). Folder
Proces-verbal al edinei Comitetului UAP din 25 septembrie 1954 (Minutes of the
meeting of the Committee of UAP of September 25th 1954). Folder 22/1951.
UAP Fund. Bucharest: (ANIC).
Proces-verbal al edinei de la Muzeul RPR din 9 aprilie 1952 (Minutes of the
Meeting from the Museum of RPR of April 9 1952); Raport al Fondului Plastic
pe anul 1952 (Report of The Artists Fund of 1952). Folder 13/1950. UAP Fund.
Bucharest: (ANIC).
Proces-verbal de activitate al Fondului Plastic pe anul 1957 (Minutes on the activity
of The Artists Fund for 1957); Raport al managementului UAP (Report of the
management of UAP). Folder 53/1957. UAP Fund. Bucharest: (ANIC).
Propuneri de tarife, iulie 1953 (Proposal of tariffs, July 1953). Folder 12/1953. UAP
Raport al Fondului Plastic pe anul 1950 (Report of The Artists` Fund of 1950);
Conferina UAP (Conference of the UAP), October 1950. Folder 2/1950. UAP
204
Statutul Uniunii Artitilor Plastici din 1950 (The Statute of the UAP of 1950). Folder
Unitile de management ale UAP, 20 martie 1955 (The management units of UAP,
March 20th, 1955). Folder 20/1952. UAP Fund. Bucharest: (ANIC).
Unitile de management ale UAP, ianuarie 1957 (The management units of UAP,
January 1957). Folder 45/1956. UAP Fund. Bucharest: (ANIC).
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was Born in the 1950s Romania). Bucharest: Compania, 2012.
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Arts in Romania 1945-1989). Bucureti: Editura Polirom, 2013.
Cristea, Mihaela. Reconstituiri necesare. edina din 27 iunie 1952 a Uniunilor de Creaie
din Romnia. (Necessary reenactments. The Meeting of the Romanian Unions of
Creators of June 27th 1952). Iai: Polirom, 2005.
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(Communist Romania. State and Propaganda 1948-1953). Trgovite: Editura
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Memoirs). Bucharest: Vitruviu 1998.
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Books Inc, 1987.
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Rdulescu, Carmen. Uniunea Artitilor Plastici. ntre controlul politic i arta angajat
(The Union of Fine Arts. Between Political Control and State Art) n Cosmin
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(Forms of repressions during the communist regimes). Iai: Polirom, 2008.
Tismneanu, Vladimir, Vasile, Cristian. Perfectul acrobat. Leonte Rutu, mtile rului.
(The Perfect Acrobat. Leonte Rutu, Faces of Evil). Bucharest: Humanitas, 2008.
Vasile, Cristian. Literatura i artele plastice n Romnia comunist 1948-1953 (Literature
and Fine Arts in Communist Romania 1948-1953). Bucharest: Humanitas, 2010.
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205
The July Theses as a Game Changer: the Reception
of the July Theses within the Romanian Artists Union
ALICE MOCNESCU
Abstract. After a period of light liberalization during the 1960s and the initial interlude of captatio
benevolentiae towards the intellectuals at the beginning of Ceauescus rule, the cultural policy in
Romania was marked by a sweeping shift in 1971. The change came in the form of two speeches,
later on dubbed the July Theses, delivered by Nicolae Ceauescu himself in the summer of 1971.
These Theses re-positioned the cultural policy of Romania on narrower Socialist Realist bases,
focused on a national-based art production at the expense of foreign influences, restated the
educational and the role of mobilization of art, and re-discussed the role and responsibility of the
communist intellectual as part of the working class. The July Theses have been often viewed by
the scholars of Romanian communism as a changing point in the cultural policy of Ceauescus
Romania and their influence within different disciplines ardently analyzed. However, little
attention has been given to the impact that the July Theses had within the field of fine arts. This
study is a first focused attempt to investigate the influence of the Theses upon the field of fine arts
by looking at the reception of the July Theses within the Romanian Artists Union. It attempts to
gauge this reception by analyzing the official response of the Union as reflected by the measures
taken in the immediate aftermath of the Theses. This assessment will be mainly made based on
archival materials found in the archive of the Romanian Artists Union in the Central Historical
National Archives in Bucharest.
Introduction
The July Theses, launched in the summer of 1971, were a real game changer in the
cultural policy of Ceauescus Romania. They deeply altered the course of the
ideological and artistic activity in communist Romania and touched upon every
discipline and intellectual category. This paper will assess the impact that the July
Theses had within the Romanian Artists Union, Uniunea Artitilor Plastici (UAP).
ALICE MOCNESCU
The researchers of Romanian communism have analyzed the July Theses

from various perspectives. A first, empiric approach was the recollection of the
immediate effects of the Theses (banning of rock concerts, diminishing of night life,
substitution of foreign films and music in cinema and television with Romanian
music and films, etc.)1 A different perspective was the outlining of the long-term
consequences of the July Theses, such as the establishment of the national festival
Song to Romania, the protochronist theory or the personality cult of Ceauescu.2
More in-depth studies focused on the political interpretation of the Theses and their
role in the consolidation of Ceauescus leadership.3 The analysis of the Theses in
relation with the increasingly promoted national ideology of the Ceauescu regime
was another important line of investigation. 4 Yet others scrutinized their
consequences upon such fields as literature, theatre, education or historiography.5
The very few studies devoted to the field of fine arts in the Ceauescu period glossed
over the July Theses.6 The present research intends to fill this gap by scrutinizing
the impact that the July Theses had within the Romanian Artists Union and the
artistic community in general.
The paper will have three main sections. The first one will attempt to assess the
context in which the July Theses appeared, to see to what extent the July Theses
appeared ex nihilo or were part of a process that had begun years earlier. This section
will also try to assess the July Theses in a regional context, to contrast them with
similar actions of ideological redefinition, which were considered at the time or later
as possible sources of inspiration. The second section will offer an overview of what
the July Theses stated. It will focus mainly on those aspects of the Theses that had
a direct impact on the artistic activity in Romania from that point on, such as the
insistence on national topics in artistic creation, the status of the socialist artist, the
1 Paul and Jane T. Michelson, Memorii despre mini-Revoluia cultural n Romnia in

Analele Sighet 9. Anii 1961-1972: rile Europei de Est ntre speranele reformei i realitatea
stagnrii, ed. Romulus Rusan (Bucharest: Fundaia Academia Civic, 2001), 865.
2 Romulus Rusan, Tezele i reversul lor, Ibid., 856.
3 Mary Ellen Fisher, Nicolae Ceauescu. A Study in Political Leadership (Boulder & London:
Lynne Rienner, 1989), 178-182.
4 Katherine Verdery, National Ideology under Socialism, Identity and Cultural Politics in
Ceauescus Romania (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 333-335.
5 Monica Lovinescu, Unde scurte. Jurnal indirect, Vol. I (Bucharest: Humanitas, 1990), 473-4;
Anneli Ute Gabanyi, Literatur i politic n Romnia dup 1945 (Bucharest: Editura Fundaiei
Culturale Romne, 2001), 198; Cristian Vasile, Viaa intelectual i artistic n primul deceniu al
regimului Ceauescu. 1965-1974 (Bucharest: Humanitas, 2014); Alexandru Zub, Orizont nchis
Istoriografia romn sub dictatur (Iai: Institutul European, 2000).
6 Magda Crneci, Uniunea Artitilor Plastici din Romnia 1945-1989 (Bucharest: Meridiane, 2000).
208
The July Theses as a Game Changer:
the Reception of the July Theses within the Romanian Artists Union
leading role of the Romanian Communist Party in all domains of political,

educational and artistic activity, the transformation of the Unions into guardians of
the Party policy, and so on. The third part will endeavor to evaluate the impact of the
July Theses launch within the Romanian Artists Union. It will focus less on
individual reactions, while it will attempt to explore the response of the Romanian
Artists Union as a corpus of professionals faced with a major and intrusive invasion
of ideological disturbance. This evaluation will be made mainly on the basis of
archival material, namely the minutes of the UAP meetings that took place
immediately after the event. It will focus in depth on the response of the Unions
leadership to the Theses, on the reorganization of the exhibitions agenda according
to the new requirements, on the Unions plan for a more robust ideological and
educational activity within the Union and within the artistic community in general,
on the re-positioning of the Unions members according to their readiness to
conform with the new ideological and cultural policy, etc. Finally, I shall attempt to
draw some conclusions regarding the importance of the above-mentioned Theses for
the artistic and ideological production in the mature period of Ceauescu rule, to see
to what extent the July Theses were a real game changer for the artistic activity of
the period and how they re-modeled the work of the Romanian Artists Union as well
as the profile of the state artist during the Ceauescu Era.
The Context of the July Theses
The July Theses were elaborated in the aftermath of an Asian tour made by the
Ceauescus during June 1971 in China, North Korea, North Vietnam and Mongolia.
The influence of this visit on the cultural policy has been often overestimated, being
seen as the direct cause of the U-turn that occurred that year. Especially Western
observers had the tendency to equate the visit with an illuminating experience that
profoundly influenced Ceauescu and determined him to implement a totally new
agenda in the field of art and political education. It is indeed true that he was
profoundly impressed there by the popular mobilization he witnessed and by the
power and status of the Party. He was especially moved by the North Korean
example, where the total commitment and abnegation of the population represented
for him a striking impetus. As Daniel Chirot puts it in a concise passage, the features,
which struck Ceauescu while visiting North Korea were:
209
ALICE MOCNESCU
The discipline, the cleanliness of Pyongyang, the obedient marching masses, the
enormous degree of self-reliance and independence, and most of all, the ability of
the Party to mobilize such a tremendous effort on behalf of national development.7
But to explain a shift of such amplitude only as a result of a visit, no matter

how impressive, might be a little bit too much. Signs of concern and discontent with
the course of the liberalization process during the 1960s were already present in
Ceauescus speeches at least a few years back.8 Michael Shafir argues that as early as
1968 there were passages in Ceauescus speeches that indicated an intention to halt
the further liberalization of the cultural life and to re-impose a stricter control over
cultural matters. He mentions, for instance, Ceauescus speech at the National
Conference of the Romanian Writers Union in 1968, where Ceauescu spoke about
the need for a militant literature and the positive hero as the kernel of literary
creation.9 Furthermore, Monica Lovinescu - who published between 1990 and 1995
her weekly Radio Free Europe reports that she had written on the cultural life of
Romania for almost four decades - also identified signs of reversion, moderation,
reconsideration as early as 1970. Lovinescu mainly pointed to the articles that some
influential literary figures had published against the excesses of the new course
and commented on these incipient but determined steps of restraining the
liberalisation process. 10 Dumitru Popescu, an insider as he was at that time the
President of the Council for Socialist Culture and Education, brings a similar
testimony in his volume of dialogues with Ioan Teca. He maintains that the shift in
the partys orientation was the result of a cumulative process that Ceauescu
discretely introduced from 1968 on and that the Chinese example was employed only
as a justification for the new orientation.11
7 Daniel Chirot, Modern Tyrants, The Power and Prevalence of Evil in our Age (New Jersey:
Princeton University Press, 1994), 240.
8 For the general context of liberalization during the 1960s and American cultural influences
at work see Bogdan Barbu, Vin americanii!: Prezena simbolic a Statelor Unite n Romnia
Rzboiului Rece 1945-1971 (Bucharest: Humanitas, 2006); Madigan Fichter, Rock n Roll
Nation: Counterculture and Dissent in Romania, 1965-1975, Nationalities Papers, 39:4 (2011),
567-85. For a more applied investigation in the field of fine arts see Crneci, Artele Plastice.
9 Michael Shafir, Political Culture, Intellectual Dissent and Intellectual Consent. The Case of
Romania (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, The Soviet and East European
Research Centre, 1978), 42-3.
10 Lovinescu, Unde scurte, 470.
11 Dumitru Popescu, Am fost i cioplitor de himere, Conversation conducted by Ioan Teca
(Bucharest: Express, 1994), 208.
210
On the other hand, if one considers the transformations that took place in
Eastern Europe at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970 and the general
process of moving back onto more conformist positions after the Prague Spring, one
may argue that what happened in Romania in 1971 was not in the least a singular
experiment, influenced by exotic models, but part of a new retreat to more orthodox
stands. Ceausescus initiative echoed similarly drastic actions, in political, social or
cultural fields that seem to have come in cascade in a very short interval: in
Yugoslavia, towards the end of 1971, Tito undertook big purges in the Croatian
communist party and a few months later eliminated the liberals from the Serbian and
Macedonian leaderships in an attempt to preserve his personal power and the
monopoly of his party; in Bulgaria, that very year, the forced assimilation of the Turk
minority began; in Hungary, at a plenary meeting of the communist party in
November 1972 Kadarism was openly criticized; the same year, in Hungary, the
authorities in Budapest instigated repressive actions against the circle of
philosophers and sociologists grouped around Gyrgy Lukcs.12
The origin of the July Theses was somehow clarified during the meeting of
the Executive Committee of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist
Party that took place on June 25, 1971. During this meeting Ceauescu presented a
report on the Asian tour. He mentioned the powerful impression that the mass
welcoming in Peking had upon him as well as the theatre and ballet performances
that he largely appreciated.13 The most interesting of all was nevertheless the passage
in which Ceauescu detailed the origin of the future Theses. He was very careful to
state that he thought about drawing a plan for the improvement of propaganda
before leaving for Asia and that what he saw there only confirmed the rightness of
his initiative:
Before leaving [for the Asian tour] we had a Secretariat meeting and there we
decided to prepare a material for the plenary because our propaganda is
unsatisfactory, it does not correspond to the tasks of educating the youth and the
people in general. Therefore we stated it before we left for China. But what we
saw in China and Korea demonstrates that the conclusion we reached is right.14
12 Mircea Iorgulescu, Periods and Times, Vatra, 8 (2001): 48.

13 Proces verbal al edinei Comitetului Executiv al CC al PCR, 25 iunie 1971, in Analele
Sighet , Romulus Rusan, (ed.), 838, 840.
14 Proces verbal ... 25 iunie 1971, 840.
211
ALICE MOCNESCU
The July Theses consisted of two speeches delivered by Ceauescu himself.

The first, entitled Proposals of Measures for the Improvement of Political-Ideological
Activity, of Marxist-Leninist Education of Party Members, of all Working People, was given
before the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party on July 6. It was
elaborated in a strict, severe Party style, which left little room for speculation on the
importance that Ceauescu gave to the content. The second speech, Exposition to the
Work Meeting of the Party Aktiv from the Sphere of Ideology and of Political and Cultural-
Educational Activity, delivered on July 9, was written in a more personal, although
imperative way. These two speeches inaugurated what was to become known as the
Mini Cultural Revolution, named after The Great Proletarian Revolution. It is
interesting to note in this context that the term cultural revolution was not at all
employed in mass media at that time. It was a term coined by Western observers
which entered the Romanian arena of debate only after 1989. 15 This could be
interpreted as a supplementary proof that the Chinese Cultural Revolution was only
a triggering factor, whereas the July Theses followed in fact the inner logic of
Ceauescus consolidation of power. On the other hand, it would have been a too
open provocation of the Soviet power to employ freely in mass media a term that
was so clearly identifiable with the Chinese communism.
The launch of the July Theses meant the breaking off with the former
reconciliation strategy towards the society and a return to the hard line of ideological
and mobilization activity. It was the first aggressive and unveiled outburst of
Ceauescuism 16 that was to be followed by other unremitting similar outbursts.
More precisely, the leaders initiative concretized in a neo-Stalinist-like attack against
intellectuals and the relative freedom achieved by them in the period, which
followed Stalins death. It was especially directed against the young generation of
intellectuals who matured at the end of the 1960 in a climate of liberalization and
who were seen by the leadership as having grown dangerously apart from the basic
principles of communist ideology. This was in fact an important difference between
the Chinese Cultural Revolution and what happened in Romania from 1971 on.
Whilst the Chinese Cultural Revolution called into question the party and more
generally the authority in all its forms (apart from that of the supreme leader), the
July Theses did not intend to touch upon the very structure of the higher
apparatus.17 Furthermore, whilst Mao was aware of the emergence of a new class
within the party and state bureaucracy and thought that the main threat of
15 Iorgulescu, Periods and Times, 47.

16 Cornel Moraru, Argument, Vatra, 8(2001): 30-6.
17 Stuart Schram, The Thought of Mao Tse-Tung (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 171.
212
restoration consisted in its consolidation, Ceauescu did not direct his attack against
the apparatus.18 On the contrary, the July Theses resulted in a strengthening of the
apparatus and the subsequent similar documents did nothing more than to increase
its power further.19 Therefore, the July Theses did not affect the higher echelons of
the political power, but intellectuals as a group. Their immediate consequences were
the tightening up of control over cultural institutions and the reinforcement of the
socialist realist principles.
The Content of the July Theses
The core of the July Theses was the idea that ideological activity lagged behind
other activities and developments within Romanian society and that the process of
establishing the new man failed to receive adequate attention in previous years.
Whilst the Partys politics and ideology were correct and their implementation was
always a priority of the leadership, the expected results fell short due to loss of focus
and ideological vigilance on behalf of the intellectuals. Ceauescu blamed
intellectuals for failing to attain the desired performance and accused them of
becoming estranged from the interests of the working class. He vituperated against
any intellectualist tendencies, inadequate for a socialist, working class-based society
that had as a result the deepening of the gap between intellectuals and the working
class. He was particularly harsh with those intellectuals turned activists who while
they were holding key positions in cultural institutions and were supposed to set the
line in culture according to the Party policy let themselves being seduced by their
colleagues and started translating existentialist literature or studies fashionable in
the West.20 This proves once again that the triggering factor that led to the launch of
July Theses was the growing influence of Western trends and fashions that
penetrated not only the community of intellectuals at large but even the leadership
levels within various cultural institutions. The response of Ceauescu to this
centrifugal, autonomous tendency of the intellectuals was the re-affirmation of the
leading role of the working class and, consequently, its status as the main beneficiary
of artistic and literary production.21 This was why the entire artistic creation had to
18 Ibid., 182.
19 Iorgulescu, Periods and Times, 48.
20 Rusan, The Theses and their Reverse, 856.
21 Nicolae Ceauescu, Expunere la ntlnirea de lucru a activului de partid din sfera activitii
ideologice, politice i cultural-educaionale (Bucharest: Editura Politic,1971), 38.
213
ALICE MOCNESCU
be conceived according to the basic principles of socialist realism, whose main

purpose was the socialist education.
In order to achieve this, Ceauescu stated a series of practical measures that
had to be implemented in the shortest time possible and with maximum efficiency.
First, he reaffirmed the necessity to strengthen the leading role of the Party in all
fields of political-educational activity.22 Consequently, all territorial Party organizations
and all individuals entrusted with the realization of this plan became responsible for
the fulfillment of these measures. Even though not explicitly stated, punitive
repercussions were implied. Ceauescu placed responsibility on each individual by
vehemently underlining that every person appointed in a certain position had
obtained that position through the agency of the Party. 23 This led to a total
politicizing of all artistic unions, which had to readjust their internal policy in order
to become suitable for the new Party line.24 Moreover, the July Theses represented
a moment of crisis and repositioning of various individuals within the unions as the
moment was perceived as a good opportunity to get access to leading positions
through commitment to the new party policy. Therefore they caused an increase in
clashes between different groups, which resulted in the division of the unions
members into dissidents, assistants or duplicitous ones according to each ones
inner resources.25 Ultimately, the leading role of the Party was to be strengthened by
the editing of anthologies on different issues, comprising passages from Party
documents which would offer a clear view on the ideological orientation of our
Party. 26 In addition, Ceauescu announced the elaboration of theoretical works
under the direct guidance of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the
Romanian Communist Party that will draw up the basic theses of the policy and
ideology of our party. These works will be considered Party documents.27
22 Ibid., Propuneri de msuri pentru mbuntirea activitii politico-ideologice, a educaiei marxist-

leniniste a membrilor de partid, a tuturor oamenilor muncii (Bucharest: Editura Politic, 1971), 8.
23 Ibid., Expunere, 52.
24 The most affected sector was nevertheless mass-media: There will be taken measures for
the elimination of the unsuitable personnel from radio and television, for the strengthening
of the party work within those institutions and for the setting of an internal control group
that will remove all programs and shows that do not correspond to the political-educative
goals of the party, Protocol al edinei Secretariatului CC al PCR din 9 iulie 1971, in The
Sighet Annals, Romulus Rusan (ed.), 851.
25 Alexandru Vlad, The Archeology of the Theses, Vatra, 8(2001): 3.
26 Protocol ..., 850.
27 Ibid.
214
Apart from these strictly political measures, Ceauescu stated the need to
increase the propaganda campaign. He basically gave an ultimatum, demanding that
all means of propaganda be activated, just as in old Stalinist times. He mentioned
mass media, but besides that all forms of mass political work were due to become
more efficient: activity of agitators, of satirical journals, of artistic brigades, of
different forms of visual agitation at work places.28 The immediate purpose of this
campaign was twofold: to popularize and generalize positive experience,
accomplishments and advanced attitudes, but also to combat actively all negative
situations.29 As far as the sphere of artistic activity was concerned, Ceauescu had a
special demand. He required that the orientation of cultural-artistic publications be
directed towards the promotion of a socialist militant art and be reinforced by the
stigmatization of any foreign, non-socialist tendencies.30
The stigmatization of Western influences in art and literature was in fact the
focus of the Theses. As referred to before, Ceauescu had occasionally mentioned
that the circulation of Western materials should be cautious and selective. Even in
the euphoric year of 1965, he had balanced his statements on the diversity of styles
and the exchange of opinions with a moderate attitude towards Western culture in
which one should distinguish what is right and useful from what must be
rejected.31 The July Theses came as a reminder of what socialist culture really was.
They reduced the dilemma of discerning between what was useful and what was not
in Western culture by firmly stating the self-sufficiency of the Romanian socialist
culture. The intellectual appetite for Western values was catalogued as obsequiousness
to foreign ideas and as an attitude of ignorance towards the authentic, ancient traditions
of the Romanian culture:
A not very becoming practice has developed, comrades, to look only at what
is being done elsewhere, abroad, to resort for everything to imports. This
betrays also a certain concept of considering everything that is foreign to be
better, a certain let us say prostration before what is foreign, and especially
before what the Western produces... You well know that in the past Eminescu
criticized and made fun of such mentalities in his poems. The more so we have
28 Ceauescu, Propuneri, 10.

29 Ibid.
30 The strict political orientation will be assured - especially of cultural-artistic publications -
the promotion of militant Socialist art and literature and the control of any tendencies of
tearing the creation from our Socialist realities, from the large public of the working
people. Ibid., 14.
31 Scnteia, June 13, 1965, cited in Fischer, Nicolae Ceauescu, 73.
215
ALICE MOCNESCU
to do it today... We are against bowing down before everything that is foreign...

Time has come for [emphasizing] the need to resort to [our] own forces in the
first place ... and only afterwards to appeal to import.32
Ceauescus statement resembles the virulent Zhdanovism campaign in the late 1940s.
As in Romania, the main attack in the Soviet Union was directed against intellectuals
who showed a spirit of servility before everything foreign, who treasured more the
formalist, aesthetical currents of the Western art and disregarded the narodnost (the
link with the people) and partiinost (the party position) that were supposed to be the
fundamental criteria to be followed in the art production of the Soviet Union. 33
Unlike the Romanian anti-Western campaign, the attack against intellectuals in the
Soviet Union took individual forms and incriminated important figures (Anna
Akhmatova, Mikhail Zoshchenko etc.) and publications (Leningrad, Zvezda) for
basing too much their creation/publishing agenda on Western currents at the
expense of the national culture. 34 In this sense, there is a significant difference
between the two anti-intellectual campaigns. Whilst the campaign in the Soviet
Union did not aim at denouncing intellectuals as a class but focused on individual
examples, the campaign in Romania targeted intellectuals as a group, questioned
their status and utility, tried to reposition them in relationship to the working class
or, more precisely, to subordinate them to the interests of the latter.35 In this respect,
the Romanian campaign against intellectuals reminds of the similar lashing out
against intellectuals as a group initiated by Mao during his Cultural Revolution.
The July Theses were indeed an extremely important turning point, because
they marked the beginning of the period of isolation of Romania from the outside
world that would reach alienating dimensions in the 1980s. Furthermore, the sudden
remoteness from Western influences was accompanied by a more vigorous turn
towards the praise of national values and of the national past.36 In addition to this
powerful orientation towards the past Ceauescu also mentioned the need that
artistic creations be inspired by the reality and by the achievements of the Socialist
Era. Therefore, the working class was supposed to become the core of any artistic
32 Ceauescu, Expunere, 49.

33 See Matthew Cullerne Bown, Art under Stalin (Oxford: Phaidon, 1991), 204.
34 Ibid., 204.
35 Vladimir Shlapentokh, Soviet Intellectuals and Political Power, The Post-Stalin Era (Princeton,
New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1990), 10.
36 For a discussion about the evolution of national communism in the 1960s in Romania see Irina
Gridan, Du communisme national au national-communisme: Ractions la sovitisation
dans la Roumanie des annes 1960, Vingtime Sicle, Revue dhistoire, 109 (2011) : 113-127.
216
initiative.37 It is interesting to note that Ceauescu did not refer at all to the theme of
the positive hero in the July Theses. Rather he circulated the image of the collective
hero embodied by the working class. This was a significant difference from what is
considered as the inspiring model of the Theses, namely the period of high Stalinism.
Whilst in the Soviet Union of the 1930s and 1940s the image of the positive hero
concretized in individualized examples was cultivated and Stalins image practically
emerged as that of the supreme positive hero, in Ceausescus Romania no attention
was given to the development of such little heroes.38 This stood also in sharp contrast
with what had happened in Romania during the Gheorghiu-Dej leadership when
photographs and short biographies of socialist heroes had been published in the
main journals. Nothing similar could be viewed in Scnteia during the Ceauescu
regime; there was only place for one hero. This blend of nationalism and primary
Marxism-Leninism was to become the pattern for the entire development of the
artistic movement in the Ceauescu Era.
Another issue discussed by Ceauescu in his incisive report was the status of
the socialist artist. He stressed that the essence of artistic enterprise was not to be
found within a certain school, where one was taught how to become an artist, or in a
certain innate vocation, but in the significance of the message to be transmitted.
Ceauescu simply put into parentheses such ingredients as training and talent and
stated that anyone who had a correct message to transmit was free to do it.39 This had
one important consequence: the diminishing of the status of professional artists, the
penetration and dismantling of the usually hermetic and elitist sphere of professional
art creators. The effect was an almost total effacing of borders between professionals,
and amateurs, and the legitimization of amateurs art creation.
37 A special accent will be put on the presentation of the great achievements obtained by the
Romanian people, constructor of Socialism, on the underlining of the leading role of the
working class [...], on the cultivation of respect towards work, towards the producers of
material goods..., Ceauescu, Propuneri, 8.
38 Robert C. Tucker, Stalin in Power, The Revolution from Above, 1928-1941 (New York: W. W.
Norton, 1990), 563-7.
39 The same situation should be at the Faculty of Humanities, which [...] should not produce
writers, because there are no writers faculties in the world; a writer can be even a good
worker, a good doctor or a good engineer who has a message to transmit, who knows the
life and has talent, anyone is capable of realizing a work of art. Ceauescu, Expunere, 61.
217
ALICE MOCNESCU
The Reception of the July Theses within the Romanian Artists Union
The impact of the Theses on the Romanian Artists Union can be assessed by the
immediate measures taken by the Unions leadership in the very aftermath of the
event. One could argue that the official response of the Unions leadership should
not be regarded as expressing the individual opinion of each single member or that
this response should be seen only as a circumstantial one which did not really
prevent the functioning of the Union on the border of the new ideological Party line.
However, as we shall see below, the Union provided both circumstantial and in-
depth responses to the Theses by formulating official letters of praising and
accepting the Theses and by elaborating measures that changed the functioning of
the Union and its artistic production.
The formal response to the Theses came in the form of a letter elaborated
within the meeting of the leadership of the Union on July 22, 1971, to be sent to the
General Secretary Office, namely to Nicolae Ceauescu. The letter opens with the
total acceptance of the proposed measures:
The leadership of the Romanian Artists Union and the Party Organization of
the Union, the artists from across Romania expressed their total endorsement
of the proposed measures for the strengthening of the Party spirit and of the
revolutionary struggle in the field of political, ideological and educational activity.
We consider your proposals, beloved Comrade Ceauescu, as guiding ideas for
our future activity, corrector for our cultural orientation and for our art in the
revolutionary spirit of the Marxist-Leninist ideology.40
The typed version of the letter found in the UAP fund at the National Archives
of Romania has various corrections and added words written with a pen. The
corrections attempted to induce a more vehement tone, to emphasize the
commitment of the artists to the putting into practice of the Theses. For instance, the
phrase we shall analyze our work in the light of the proposed measures was
replaced with the more powerful we shall do everything to implement the
measures.41The words beloved Comrade Ceauescu were added wherever the
40 Proces verbal al edinei conducerii operative a Uniunii Artitilor Plastici din 22 iulie 1971
(Minutes of the Meeting of the Operative Leadership of the Romanian Artists Union), July
22, 1971, Folder 17/1971, Romanian Artists Union (UAP) Fund, Arhivele Naionale Istorice
Centrale (National Historical Central Archives) (ANIC), Bucharest, 32.
41 Ibidem.
218
text allowed the insertion of this formula in order to underline both the authorship of
the measures and the commitment of the artists towards their initiator.
After the launch of the July Theses there was a cascade of meetings, reassessments,
plans, adjustments within the UAP. Some meetings were simple, internal ones,
others official, politicized ones including also propaganda instructors from the Party
Committee or representatives of the Fine Arts Department within the State
Committee for Culture and Art participated in the meeting. The meetings covered
also a wide range of issues from immediate measures regarding the upcoming
exhibitions to mid-term and long-term plans of improving the activity of the Union.
The first set of measures that were adopted concerned the re-evaluation of
forthcoming personal and group exhibitions. The personal exhibitions, considered
the most problematic, were to be thoroughly scrutinized. A commission composed of
three members was established in order to visit the studios of the artists who were
going to exhibit in the following months and to decide upon the suitability of the
works prepared for the exhibitions. The main criterion on the grounds of which the
works of art were to be evaluated was the thematic orientation according to the
Marxist-Leninist philosophy. In the case of a negative verdict, the personal
exhibitions were replaced by group exhibitions composed of appropriate exhibits -
or by decorative art exhibitions, considered to be the most neutral ones.42 Within the
next few days, personal exhibitions outside Bucharest were also on the agenda of the
UAP. An internal note was sent to all local chapters of the Union in Romania with
clear directions of reviewing all personal exhibitions until the end of the year and of
putting them in accordance with the latest Party directives.43
Special attention was paid to the gallery Apollo, which had gained in the
previous years the fame of being the place where the most innovative works were
displayed. One of the vice-presidents of the Union, Ovidiu Maitec, was entrusted
with the task of supervising the exhibitions there.44 And as a means of purifying
the space and aligning it with the Partys ideological line, it was decided that the
gallery Apollo would host in August 1971 the exhibition About and for the Iron
Gates which had been opened at the beginning of 1971 in Turnu Severin, and had
comprised works of painting and graphics inspired from the activity of the builders
of the important hydroelectric plant on the Danube.45
42 Proces verbal al edinei conducerii operative din 12 iulie 1971, Ibid., 36.
43 Program al edinei Biroului Executiv din 15 iulie 1971, Ibid., 15.
44 Proces verbal al edinei conducerii operative din 12 iulie 1971, 37.
45 Informare cu privire la activitatea Biroului Executiv al Uniunii Artitilor Plastici pentru
perioada mai 1971 ianuarie 1972, Folder 16/1971, UAP Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 42.
219
ALICE MOCNESCU
As far as the group exhibitions were concerned, it was planned a

reconsideration of the exhibition program for the year 1971, with the promotion of
figurative works inspired from the life and struggles of the [Romanian] people,
related to current affaires.46 There were also concrete proposals. For instance, for the
regular Autumn Painting and Sculpture Salon the Unions leadership came up with
the initiative of organizing an exhibition which would depict the agricultural
collectivization of the country, images from the fields of our homeland, compositions,
landscapes, portraits figurative works with maximal dimensions of one meter.47
Furthermore, the agenda of exhibitions for the year 1972 was filled with thematic
exhibitions: for example an exhibition about the anniversary of ten years from the
completion of collectivization, an exhibition dedicated to the semi-centenary of the
Union of the Communist Youth, or an exhibition entitled Bucharest Socialist
City.48 In the months that followed, the leadership of the Union elaborated a rather
complex plan of thematic exhibitions to be organized during the period 1972-1975.
As the plan is very telling for the new ideological orientation I shall cite it entirely:
I. Significant aspects of the construction of socialism in our country, the heroic

image of the maker of this society, the moral portrait of the communist
II. Important moments of the workers and communists movement.
III. Themes of major importance regarding the past and the glorious traditions
of fight of our people, the crucial moments of struggle for [the preservation
of] the national existence, for freedom and independence.
IV.Evocation of historical, political and cultural personalities whose lives and
activities contributed significantly to the advancement work of our people
V. Themes concerning our present-day life. Work aspects from industry,
agriculture, science and culture, from the family life, school, sport, etc.
VI.Themes regarding the general political and civic education of our youth.49
46 ntlnire a Biroului Executiv din 22 iulie 1971 (The Meeting of the Executive Bureau,
July 22, 1971), Folder 17/1971, UAP Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 22.
47 Program al edinei Biroului Executiv din 15 iulie 1971, 14.
48 Proces verbal al edinei conducerii operative din 12 iulie 1971, 36.
49 Plan tematic cu privire la activitatea n cmpul stimulrii creaiei artistice, organizrii expoziiilor,
al lucrrilor de art monumental i de achiziii pentru anii 1972-1975 fr dat (Thematic Plan
regarding the Activity in the Field of Art Creations Stimulation, of Exhibitions Organizing,
of the Works of Monumental and Decorative Art, of Art Commissioning and Purchasing for
the Years 1972-1975 without date), Folder 115/1971, UAP Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 17.
220
A different chapter was that of the exhibitions abroad. Tight measures were
imposed in order to control the content of the exhibitions sent abroad. Practically no
single exhibition was to be organized abroad without the direct approval of the State
Committee for Culture and Art.50 In addition, in order to be on the safe side, only
figurative, thematic works would be selected for these exhibitions. More precisely,
the works selected should express the ideals and efforts of our people for the
construction of the multilaterally developed society, of socialism and communism.51
Similarly, it was required a stricter control of the works proposed by other countries
as part of the exchange exhibitions. 52 For the exhibitions sent abroad from the
countryside the selection was supposed to engage also the regional Committees for
Culture and Art.53
A second corpus of measures was settled in order to pinpoint the newly
required ideological activity inside the Romanian Artists Union. The first step taken
was to put the entire ideological and educational activity under the direct
supervision of the Academy of Economic, Political and Social Studies, which would
help Union members to understand better the Marxist-Leninist philosophical
notions concerning the art creation process.54 This became in the following years the
most important practice in order to diminish the authority of established unions and
research institutions. The most intrusive process took place within the field of
historiography where the famous Institute of History was put under the tutelage of
the Institute of the Party History but it encompassed gradually all humanist
disciplines.55 This meant a permanent, arbitrary intrusion in any field considered
ideologically significant, intrusion, which led to the alteration of accent from internal,
professional activities to highly politicized ones.
Within this ideological program, a distinct set of measures regarded the
elaboration of a propaganda plan within the Union that would work both ways.

51 Plan tematic, 16.
52 Ibid.
54 Informare cu privire la activitatea Biroului Executiv, 42.
55 It is not the case to insist here. But it should be underlined this systematical doubling of
institutions, which intended to transfer the symbolic prestige and, even more, the initiatives
from the Romanian Academy to the Academy of Social and Political Sciences or to the tefan
Gheorghiu Academy, from the various professional institutes to the Institute of the Party
History. Zub, Closed Horizon, 76. For the same phenomenon, this time in the field of philosophy
and sociology, see Vladimir Tismneanu, The Academy tefan Gheorghiu and the Forms
of Ideological Corruption, in Idem., The Archeology of Terror (Bucharest: Eminescu, 1992).
221
ALICE MOCNESCU
The artists themselves were to be tuned down with the Party ideology and the
realities of building socialism in Romania, and the public was to be educated and
guided in the process of understanding the principals of socialist humanism. First of
all, artists were scheduled to accompany propagandists in plants, schools, and
universities, and to show and speak about their works, which presumably envisaged
the socialist achievements.56 They were also requested to choose one day per week
during an exhibition period when they were supposed to respond to the questions of
the public.57 Art critics were also invited to these discussions. In the same direction of
mutual shaping and education goes also the initiative of including representatives of
the working class in the juries for the State exhibitions, measure taken in order to
comply with the strict directives received from the newly created Council of Socialist
Culture and Education. For instance, in the jury of the Municipal exhibition in the
autumn of 1971, the president of the UAP, Brdu Covaliu, proposed to be included a
boilermaker, a railway worker, and a doctor!58 Covaliu also proposed that for the
exhibition of graphics held in the town of Galai to be invited comrades from the
Gospodria de Partid [Party Communal Husbandry] and the works to be thematic
and figurative.59
Within the same propaganda plan the assembling of a corpus of images and
movies for propaganda purposes was also requested by the Council of Socialist
Culture and Education.60 On a more general note, the problem of education was
addressed during meetings with Party officials. For instance, an internal briefing
report was sent to all the sections of the Union after a meeting of the Unions
leadership with Tamara Dobrin, vice-president of the Council of Socialist Culture
and Education. In this report it was mentioned that Dobrin asked particularly that
the issue of education be thoroughly discussed within the Union, with focus both on
the artistic trends within the Union and ideological lines of the Party.61
56 Proces-verbal al edinei conducerii operative ... 4 octombrie 1971, Folder 14/1971, UAP
57 Ibid.
58 Proces-verbal al edinei conducerii operative ... 11 noiembrie 1971, Folder 14/1971, UAP
59 Ibid.
60 During the meeting of the UAPs leadership which took place on October 25, 1971, Ovidiu
Maitec announced that the organization of a collection of films for propaganda purposes
was in full sway: a few movies already had been ordered, in Proces-verbal al edinei
conducerii operative ... 25 octombrie 1971, Folder 14/1971, UAP Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 15.
61 Proces-verbal al edinei conducerii operative ... 4 octombrie 1971, 3.
222
In addition to this, artists were obliged to participate to summer camps and

study trips to be held in agricultural cooperatives or industrial plants.62 The practice
was not entirely new, but never before were artists asked to provide evidence of their
productive stays there. First of all, they had to have a written certificate, issued by
the Party secretary of that specific institution, proving that they spent the entire
period there. Secondly, at the time of their return, they were asked to put on display,
within internal Artists Union exhibitions, a certain number of works depicting the
new Socialist environment. In an evaluation of the Unions activity in the year 1971,
it was proudly proclaimed that:
The Executive Bureau [of the Union] facilitated to an important number of

artists direct access to the work environment in industry and agriculture
through organizing collective study stays. Among others we mention here
those organized at our initiative and with the support of the Ministry of
Agriculture and the National Union of the Agricultural Production
Cooperatives in more than 40 agricultural units, study stays in which
participated 95 artists, painters, sculptors, graphic and decorative artists, 66
from Bucharest and 29 from local branches.63
The education of the artist was to be taken even further. Ceauescu had stated
in his Theses that the development of the new man was the ultimate goal in a
communist society. This new man would have his life, behavior, actions guided by
his/her socialist consciousness rather than material stimulus. 64 However, until
Romanian artists would fully develop this socialist consciousness, a more practical
approach was put into motion: the stricter control of ideological correctness during
all the phases of artistic creation. Certainly, this was not something new but in a
country where the State was the main buyer of art works, the degree to which it
controlled every step in the production of State commissioned works became after
the July Theses a very important way of interfering in the art production:
62 This resembles very well Maos directive from December 1968 that stated that educated
young people should go to the countryside in order to be re-educated by the poor and
lower-middle peasants. See for this Schram, The Thought of Mao, 178.
63 Informare cu privire la activitatea Biroului Executiv ... mai 1971 ianuarie 1972, 44.
64 Monica Ciobanu, Reconstructing the Role of the Working Class in Communist and
Postcommunist Romania, International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, 22:3 (2009):
315-335, 320.
223
ALICE MOCNESCU
It is necessary to use with greater efficiency the tool of material stimulation of

creation, to give to the notion of social command its true political significance.
It has been decided that no contract for the creation of works of art would be
signed without a sketch or model that would prove the just thematic
orientation of the work and would allow the possibility to intervene on its
artistic quality [if not sufficient]. It is compulsory to follow to a greater degree
the way in which the contracted works are realized in each phase of creation in
order to be able to intervene in advance [if necessary].65
Within the next two years from the July Theses the funds of the Union and
those for acquisition of art works were drastically reduced.66 The competition for
limited resources became even more intense afterwards, and the material control was
an important tool in holding sway over the artists community.67
The leadership of the Romanian Artists Union was also urged to reconsider
under the guidance of the above-mentioned Academy of Economic, Political and
Social Studies the materials which were going to be published in the Arta journal,
the official publication of the UAP. The demanded intervention in the regulation of
the journal aimed at touching both the content and the form. The painstaking
balance, obtained during the previous years, between materials attempting to update
the artistic achievements in the West, and those describing the Romanian
developments in the field of fine arts was practically destroyed. The review was to be
dedicated almost exclusively to autochthonous art with a special emphasis on that
depicting the socialist reality. The references to foreign art were to be minimal and
only when that art was revealing for the Marxist-Leninist aesthetics:
The journal Arta will channel its agenda in the direction of supporting the
humanist values [of our country], of debating the current problems of our
contemporary Romanian art and of some aspects of the international art which
follow the coordinates of a creative process in accordance with our Marxist-
Leninist aesthetics.68
65 Plan tematic ... pentru anii 1972-1975, 17.

66 The annual State contribution of 3.800.000 lei towards the payment of artists pensions was
cut and the economic units of the UAP were no longer absolved from paying taxes. Raport
cu privire la activitatea conducerii operative a Uniunii Artitilor Plastici de la 28 septembrie
la 7 noiembrie 1972, Folder 20/1971, UAP Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 63-64.
67 Alice Mocnescu, Artists and Political Power: The Functioning of the Romanian Artists
Union during Ceauescu Era, 1965-1975, History of Communism in Europe, 2(2011): 100-113.
68 Proces verbal al edinei conducerii operative din 22 iulie 1971, Folder 17/1971, UAP
224
Furthermore, the language used in this review was considered much too
hermetic in order to reach the working class. The art historians and critics were
advised to employ non-sophisticated utterances that would educate people in the
spirit of love for the national art, and the past.69
Conclusions
Judged from the response of the UAP, as assessed above through archival material, it
seems that the July Theses had a full impact upon the life of the Union. The UAP
tried in the aftermath of the Theses to adjust its immediate and mid-term agenda in
order to accommodate the new Party requirements. Measures were taken to increase
the propaganda within and without the Union, to educate (young) artists in the spirit
of Marxist-Leninism, to redirect the artistic production towards works inspired by
the Romanian communist reality and the national past. It should also be noted that
no opposition to the new measures transpires from the archival material surveyed.
Neither within the mass-media prompt, individual challenging reactions were
registered. Unlike the situation within the Writers Union, where internal debates
and initial resistance to the implementation of the Theses took place, the Artists
Union seems to have reacted exactly how the Party leadership had expected.70
The years that followed only proved the success of the Theses within the UAP.
The Union became again a highly politicized institution whose artistic orientation
was very much drawn by higher echelons within the Party apparatus. The art
creation tried to satisfy to a wider degree the ideological requirements of the
Communist Party. This combined with lesser and lesser material support from the
69 In a following meeting of the Executive Bureau (November 7, 1972), where the situation of
Arta review was again discussed, the art critic Mircea Popescu brought into discussion the
issue of accessible language one more time: Very serious criticism was leveled against the
language in which the review is written. Indeed, the language can be simplified, so that a
clearer and more accessible way of rendering things exists. We must understand that the review
addresses not only to a restricted number of specialists, but also to a large public. Therefore,
a clearer, unambiguous form of wording is recommended, a form which is easily accessible
to non-professionals. Proces-verbal al edinei Biroului Executiv din 7 noiembrie 1972,
Folder 19/1971, UAP Fund, ANIC, Bucharest, 17.
70 For reactions within the Writers Union see Lovinescu, Short Waves, Vol. II, 512-515, and
Eugen Negrici, Literature and Propaganda in Communist Romania (Bucharest: The Romanian
Cultural Foundation Publishing House, 1999), 81-2. For a general discussion on the
Romanian Writers Union see Lucia Dragomir, LUnion des crivains: Un modle
institutionnel et ses limites, Vingtime Sicle, Revue dhistoire, 109 (2011): 59-70.
225
ALICE MOCNESCU
State pushed even further the Union towards a peripheral role and towards internal
strife for limited resources. The establishment in 1975 of the national festival Song to
Romania officially marked the shift of focus from the professional art creation to the
amateur one, initiated also by the July Theses, thus pushing even further the UAP
towards a secondary role in the cultural life of Romania. The July Theses
represented the first concentrated, loudly spoken out attack against intellectuals
during the Ceauescu Era that aimed at redefining the position of the state artist
and at drawing clearly the limits in which he/she could function.
List of References
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Ciobanu, Monica. Reconstructing the Role of the Working Class in Communist and
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229
Neo-Socialist Realism:
the Second Life of Socialist Realism in Romania (1970-1989)
MIRELA TANTA
Abstract. This study discusses the case of what the author calls Neo-Socialist Realism during
the 1970s and 1980s in Romanian paintings depicting Nicolae Ceauescu. The Soviet Union had
long ceased to impose Socialist Realism throughout its sphere of influence when Nicolae Ceauescu
began reintroducing Socialist Realist tropes into the Romanian visual arts in 1965. However, this
slow-motion rappel l'ordre taking place in Romanian artistic production throughout the 1970s and
1980s was not a return to the Soviet Socialist Realism, but a dizzying palimpsest of unstable
messages. These paintings, then, are the embodied iterations of one dictator's failure to have his
Socialist utopia represented. For how could the visual language of Neo-Socialist Realism pay homage
to a dictatorship whose self-image is based on recycled ideology without also falling under the
aesthetic purview of irony, readymade, and kitsch? And so, as a result of this contextual
misalignment, Neo-Socialist Realism undermined and continues to undermine the symbols of
Ceausescu's power not by mocking them but by overusing them.
Introduction
Romanian Socialist Realism (1948-1960s), like other Socialist Realisms, was informed
by the dogmatic restrictions placed on its aesthetic production as well as the
multifaceted interpretations of its aesthetic laborers. However, unlike other Socialist
Realisms, the Romanian moment of Socialist Realism had a second life. Ceauescus
return to Socialist Realism (1970), after a decade-long reprieve, tried to recycle it, but this
time without Stalin's cult of personality. Neo-Socialist Realism was an improvisation of
an ideology. Precisely the autocrats nave demand of his worker-artists to paint the
truth what artists were told to paint exposed the procedural mechanics of the
failed ideology from inside as: paternalistic, protochronistic, Neo-Stalinist, and
MIRELA TANTA
dynastic communism. This is the most interesting moment because it shows the
spectacular failure of Neo-Socialist Realism to make politics and art one. As an art
historian, I want to point out that it is this appropriation of the earlier iconographic
forms of Socialist Realism that carry the potential to demystify the Ceauescu
couple's symbols of power.
To meet this complex sociopolitical moment, this research focuses on
circumstantial details through the analysis of primary sources, and points to a
broader theoretical framework in which the Socialist Realist painting per se acts as a
multilateral intersection between discourses about art and power, culture and
politics, space and memory. Rather than narrowly labeling the art commissioned by
the regime and created by the artists as autonomous of, or beholden to the state, I
focus on the aesthetic, iconographic, and stylistic choices these artists made when
faced with the prospect of having to recycle Socialist Realism during the years of
1970-1989 in Romania.
This chapter looks at how individual artists used irony, kitsch, and visual
hyperbole to paint the canonical political portrait, and undermine the symbols of
power not by mocking them outright but by overusing them. I argue that Neo-
Socialist Realist paintings served the state as didactic art, but also countervailed state
power by functioning as ambiguously coded sites of resistance. Here my research
expands on what philosopher Hannah Arendt calls the problem of totalitarianism,
accepting her definition of the totalitarian state as a process of negotiation between
state, and individual and not a political regime shaped from above, where individual
agency is nonexistent. 1 Although I find Igor Golomstocks analysis of art under
dictatorship useful, I am also challenging his definition of totalitarian art as a
cohesive body of artistic production, and see Neo-Socialist Realism as a
manifestation of individual agency rather than just didactic art.2
From Socialist Realism to Neo-Socialist Realism
The term Socialist Realism disappeared from official aesthetic and ideological
discourse in Romania after the National Conference of the Writers Union in February
of 1965 when the participants almost unanimously denounced Socialist Realism as
vulgar sociologism and proposed instead an aesthetic doctrine that centered on the
1 Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Schocken Books Inc., 2004).
2 Igor Golomstock, Totalitarian Art in the Soviet Union, the Third Reich, Fascist Italy, and the
People's Republic of China (London: Collins Harvill, 1990), 82.
232
individual and the Socialist society. 3 This new aesthetic doctrine was generally
configured as Humanist Realism and it had to have a dual function. First, it
attempted to represent the artist as an individual and worker living his Socialist life
while traveling the countryside interacting with fellow workers. Second, this
Humanist Realist tendency was reflected in the subject matter of the artistic
production: the new man, the people and their struggle, and the industrial and the
agriculture landscapes. Even when the paintings are devoted to an industrial
landscape or a dinner table still life, the individual remains the subject matter as the
hand that built the factories and the workers that sit at the dinner table. In addition
to landscapes, still life, the portrait was also charged with affirming the humanist
principles for Socialist society.4
Three months after the conference, Nicolae Ceauescu as the newly appointed
General Secretary of the Romanian Communist Party, held a meeting between the
heads of the party, intellectuals, and artists to discuss the role cultural production
was to play in the multilateral development of the socialist consciousness of the
new man.5 In this landmark meeting Ceauescu declared: We are for a realist art,
as expression of our socialist society, we are for an art that through its optimism and
robustness represents our times, we are for an art in which life and the aspiration of
the Romanian people vibrate. 6 Liberalization from the restricted Soviet-inflected
Socialist Realist aesthetic seemed set to sweep through the arts and culture when the
new political leader proclaimed: the development of creative activity asks for
multilateral forms of expression. 7 However, that was a short-lived aspiration
because he was actually asking intellectuals and artists to: always express reality,
the truth about life, and to serve the people to whom the artist belongs.8 Ceauescu
was not liberalizing the aesthetic economy; he was bringing Socialist Realism home.
3 Magda Crneci, Artele Plastice n Romnia 1945-1989 2nd edition (Iai: Polirom, 2013), 72-73.
4 The interest in humanist ideology and what this ideology meant for artists painting Socialist
Realist portraiture can be found in a Romanian publication called Arta as early as 1961. Arta
Nr. 6 Year VIII (1961): 1-22.
5 Three days after Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, who was the leader of The Popular Republic of
Romania from 1945 to 1965 died, the Prime Minister Ion Gheorghe Maurer promoted
Nicolae Ceauescu as the new General Secretary. For more historical context see Chapter 5
Section 4 of Joseph Rothschild & Nancy M. Wingfield, Return to Diversity: A Political History
of East Central Europe Since World War II, 3rd ed. (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press
2000), 160-166. See also Alina Pavelescu, Laura Dumitru, (eds.), PCR i intelectualii n primii
ani ai regimului Ceauescu 1965-1972 (Bucharest: Arhivele Naionale ale Romniei, 2007), 21.
6 Pavelescu & Dumitru, PCR i intelectualii, 23.
7 Ibid.
8 Ibid.
233
MIRELA TANTA
The multiplicity of artistic forms that Ceauescu initially proposed increasingly

became, over the next two decades of his regime, a restricted visual repertoire of the
Soviet Socialist Realism. Although Socialist Realism received harsh criticism in
Romania as it did in the Soviet Union after Stalins death in 1953, Socialist Realism
was not abandoned, but revived as Neo-Socialist Realism.9 Charged with the mission to
recover the role of art from the damages of Stalins cult of personality, Neo-Socialist
Realism served the advancement of Socialism.
In 1957 Soviet newspapers published a series of debates between artists, art
historians, and ideologists of the Communist Party discussing the future of Socialist
Realism after its misuse in visually supporting Stalins cult of personality. The tone
was critical but optimistic. After a harsh self-criticism, artists and critics proposed to
restore the original function of Socialist Realism as directed Marxist-Leninist
doctrine: the visual tool for the peoples dictatorship. These debates were translated
in Romanian and published in the same year by the Artists Union under the title
Probleme de Art Plastic (Issues of Visual Arts).10 Ten years after the publication of
these Russian debates in Romania, in 1967, Nicolae Ceauescu also followed this path
directing his countrys artistic production away from Stalin-centered iconography
and to the Marxist-Leninist doctrine. This is what he said: In the analysis of all
works of literature and art we must start from our conception of the world and
society in the light of Marxist-Leninist teachings.11 Socialist Realist artistic production
in Romania took multiple forms of expression over the ensuing twenty-five years,
but no matter how diversified the trajectories during the liberalization of arts
proved to be, the monitoring and censorship of art did not cease.12 On the contrary,
9 February 25, 1956, three years after Stalins death, at the Twentieth Party Congress of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the First Party Secretary of the Soviet Union, Nikita S.
Khrushchev, delivered his famous speech in which he denounced Stalins crimes and his
cult of personality. The criticism was then carried in all fields including aesthetics.
10 In January-February 1957 The General Council ARLUS (Romanian Association for
Strengthening the Connections with the Soviet Union) in collaboration with the Artists
Union edited the magazine Probleme de art plastic compiled by texts published in the
newspaper: Sovietskaia kultura Iskusstvo (Soviet Art and Culture), in 1956. The texts, translated
in Romanian, were signed by Soviet artists and art critics and discussed possibilities of
recovery of Socialist Realism after the damage of Stalins cult of personality. Authors
included: V. Zimenko, S. Gherasimov, N. Gabibov, M. Semenov, M. Kagan, S. Temerin, I.
Rotenberg, Z. Fogel, and A. Svobodin, Probleme de art plastic (Bucharest: Academia
Republicii Populare Romne Institutul de Studii Romno-Sovietic, 1957).
11 Pavelescu & Dumitru, PCR i intelectualii, 24.
12 Art historians considered the period of 1965-1971 as marking a moment of liberalization in
art, when the exchanges between Romanian artists and the Occident were allowed and
234
under the name of comand de stat (state commissioned art) or art angajat
(engaged art), the Communist Party continued to follow the Marxist-Leninist ideology.13
The period between the abandonment of Socialist Realism in Romania in 1965
and Neo-Socialist Realism in 1971 is known as controlled liberalization, a control that
resurfaced forcefully across all spheres of cultural production after Ceauescus
infamous speech known as the Tezele din iulie (July Theses). The July Theses is
the name commonly given to a speech delivered by Nicolae Ceauescu on July 6,
1971, before the Executive Committee of the Romanian Communist Party. The talk
was formally titled: Proposed measures for the improvement of political-ideological activity,
of the Marxist-Leninist education of Party members, of all working people.14 This 6-year
period of relaxed cultural production ended with Ceauescus return from The
Peoples Republic of China, North Korea, Mongolia, and North Vietnam in 1971,
when he proposed a new cultural revolution with the East Asian model in mind.
This marks the beginning of Ceauescus cult of personality.
However, the July Theses are not the sudden outcome of a visit abroad but a
materialization of Ceauescus efforts to centralize his power, which started as early
as 1967. It is important to understand the sociopolitical context in which Ceauescu
started to build his own Romania. The direct influence of his trip to East Asia was
reflected in a different event: the controversial election ceremony of Nicolae
Ceauescu in 1974, which proclaimed him the first Romanian president (Figure 1).
Thus, comrade Ceauescu was elevated to the president of Romania implementing
policies reflecting the North Korean tradition of dynastic rule, by introducing family
members to the political scene and positioning them in powerful roles.
When Ceauescu came to power, he found a Soviet-style communist regime
already established with the aid of his predecessor Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej who
had been busy Stalinizing the country since 1948. At the beginning, Ceauescu
needed to distinguish himself from Gheorghiu-Dej by giving the illusion of
liberalization away from Soviet influence. Gaining popularity among Romanians, he
artists had more freedom to experiment with their subject matter and different mediums.
See Ileana Pintilie, Acionismul n Romnia n timpul comunismului (Cluj: Idea Design & Print,
2000) and Adrian Gu, Generaia 80 n artele vizuale (Piteti: Paralela 45, 2008).
13 Although there is no clear definition of engaged realism, the search for a new realism
began by emulating (not merely copying) the old Socialist Realism.
14 In their final version of early November 1971, publicized as an official document of the RCP
Plenum, the Theses carried the title: Exposition regarding the RCP program for improving
ideological activity, raising the general level of knowledge and the socialist education of the
masses, in order to arrange relations in our society on the basis of the principles of socialist
and communist ethics and equity. See Pavelescu & Dumitru, PCR i intelectualii, 303-12.
235
MIRELA TANTA
continued courting the myth of independence by denouncing publicly the invasion

of Czechoslovakia in 1968. Thus, enunciated only a few years after such a liberal
declaration, the July Theses with their drastic censorship across all fields of activity
came as an astonishing blow to the Romanian population.
His firsthand visit to China and North Korea tends to provide political critics
and cultural observers an easy explanation for his sudden policy changes. However,
as the context above suggests, sociopolitical circumstances were more complex. For
instance, when denouncing the Soviet influence in Romania, Ceauescu did not also
denounce the central planning procedures and concepts of the communist regime.
Because of the drastic conditions of surveillance and censorship underlined by the
July Theses, this building of Romanian Communism by Nicolae Ceauescu
meantin practical termsa return to Stalinism for historians, academics, cultural
producers, legal professionals, nurses, doctors, and so on.
However, this second importation of Stalinism into Romania, now voided of
any Soviet historical consciousness (other than the connection with Marx and Lenins
teachings), is treated as a readymade. An already used Stalinism, decontextualized
from Soviet history, was applied to the Romanian space of the 1970s but not without
purpose. A Stalinism translated through the lens of Ceauescus newly acquired dynastic
tendencies drastically shaped the political and cultural environs. The artistic production
often reflected this readymade ideology, when themes of Socialist Realism, such as
proletariat optimism, the worker hero, and the happiness of the future communist
generation, were bathed in traditional elements such as traditional folk dances or
Dacian or Medieval historical figures placed next to important Party contemporaries.
For example, the Artists Union had to provide documents describing specific
events artists were expected to study by visiting the places where these events took
place, document the event, and then submit their artwork reflecting their experience
with the site to the Committee for Culture and Arts for review. Artists were impelled
to travel around the country to what were called creation camps, or research
visits to conduct research for the production of art reflecting the great achievement
of Socialist Romania under the guidance of the Genius of the Carpathian Mountains,
Nicolae Ceauescu.15
15 The headline of one of this trips organized in 1974 for graphic artists, painters and sculptors.
Document from the Arhiva Combinatului Fondului Plastic (ACFP) (the Archive of the
Factory of art supplies of the Artists Fund), from a folder titled Artiti n vizit n ar, 1978
(Artists Visiting the Country, 1978). For example, the folder titled Tabere pictur-grafic,
1975 (Painting-graphics camps 1975) lists the cities (visible on the half cover: Medgidia,
Reia, Slatina, Trgovite, etc.) visited by graphic artists and painters, and lists in detail the
236
Moreover, State acquisitions required the strict pursuit of these official themes.
Everything else was dismissed and destroyed: Artworks rejected by the Approval
Committee will be removedwithout damage to the host structureimmediately.16
Included among the acceptable topics were historical events such as: battles
between Romans and Dacians, the Revolution of 1848, the unification of the provinces in
1918, August 23, May 1st, and March 8th. Additionally, there was a category for the
names of historical and cultural personalities, which were to be commemorated with
monuments and paintings such as Decebal, Burebista, tefan cel Mare (Stephen the
Great), Alexandru Ioan Cuza, but also musicians and artists such as the composer
George Enescu, poet Mihai Eminescu, and sculptor Constantin Brncui.17
Socialist Realist artworks had to celebrate many of these historical events and
cultural personalities during the period of instauration of Stalinism in Romania
under Gheorghe Georghiu-Dejs leadership (1948-1964). However, with the regime
change from Georghiu-Dej to Ceauescu, the Socialist Realist artists themselves
began to be celebrated among the other cultural personalities mentioned above.
The work of first-generation painters and sculptors (as well as their likenesses)
from the Stalinization period in Romania (1946-1954) started reappearing during the
1970s and 1980s for two main reasons. Firstly, their resurfacing reflected Ceauescus
intense ambition to create a National Communism to promote Romanian identity
rather than remain a political colony of Soviet Communism. Secondly, Ceauescu
resuscitated the old Socialist Realist paintings because he deeply wanted to be seen
as communisms great reviser, the one who saved Marxist-Leninist ideals from their
errant Soviet and Stalinist manifestation.18
Ceauescu needed to nationalize all spheres of activity, including the cultural
one, to establish sovereign National Communism. To do so, he appropriated these
Stalinization-era artworks to aid in the political emancipation process. The State
artists names and the payments received for the trip. See folder Tabere pictur-grafic 1975,
(ACFP), Bucharest, 1-20.
16 Reglementarea achizitionrii i expunerii pentru public a operelor de art plastic, Folder
Material documentar 1960, ACFP, Bucharest, 11.
17 An example of such guidelines of approved themes was elaborated in November 1972 and
included a plan for the artistic, cultural, and cultural-scientific artworks that were commissioned
and produced between 1973 and 1980. See Pavelescu, Dumitru, PCR i intelectualii, 333-46.
18 Vladimir Tismneanu calls the last two decades of Ceauescus regime Dynastic Communism
and identifies the strategy that Ceauescu used to implement this regime as Neo-Stalinism.
See Understanding National Stalinism. Legacies of Ceauescus Socialism, in Vladimir
Tismneanu, Stalinism for all Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism (Berkeley,
Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 2003), 22-27.
237
MIRELA TANTA
Committee of Culture and Art (Comitetul de Stat pentru Cultur i Art CSCA)
determined through a variety of difficult to trace but nonetheless coercive measures
that the themes and subjects of these Neo-Socialist Realist artworks not only had to
be of Romanian origins, but also had to be crafted by Romanian hands. To realize
this objective, Ceauescus Neo-Socialist Realist commissions had to be signed by the
made-in-Romania Socialist Realist artists such as Alexandru Ciucurencu, tefan
Sznyi, Henri Catargi, and Corneliu Baba and not just by faraway Soviet Socialist
Realist artists such as Alexander Deineka, Aleksander Gherasimov, and Boris
Vladimirski. 19 For instance, Alexandru Ciucurencu who painted thematically
commissioned works in 1958 such as May 1st was once again in 1976 celebrated in
Munca (Labor) magazine and Arta Plastic (Fine Art).
Nicolae Ceauescus attempt to repatriate an aesthetic by repurposing
Stalinization-era Socialist Realist artworks to unyoke his country of Soviet influence
had unforeseen consequences. Although Communism remained for him an
international movement, it originated now in Romania. Romanian historian Lucian
Boia explains protochronism as an idea born out of Romanians inferiority complex
of being seen as the descendants of Dacian slaves conquered as a Roman colony.20
Ceauescu insisted that, before the arrival of Romans, the Dacian state did not have a
determined political structure, because the political structure crystalized centuries
later under his rule as the most superior form of socialism.
Therefore, according to Ceauescus myth of origins, the Dacian state reached
its apogee in the 1970s in Romania by bringing together all stages of communist
social development described by Marx and becoming the first and only truly socialist
country. Ceauescu considered Romania the place where the last stage of industrial
society as described by Marx, the dictatorship of the proletariat abolishing social
classes and therefore the exploitation of the worker.
However, Ceauescus revised Communism reflects the proximity rather than
the contrast to the Stalinist regime. Artists did not fail to show that unfortunate
similarity. What had been severely criticized in 1957 as weakness of Socialist Realism
as serving Stalins cult of personality, was adjusted to serve exactly that: a cult of
personality of the new Generalissimus of Socialist Romania: Nicolae Ceauescu.21
19 See paintings such as: tefan Sznyi, Plutaii (The Boaters, 1948) or Henri Catargi, Muncitor
(Worker, 1960), both at The National Museum of Art of Romania (MNAR).
20 Lucian Boia, De ce este Romnia altfel? (Bucharest: Humanitas, 2012), 31.
21 Generalissimus was the highest military rank specifically created for Joseph Stalin after
World War II. In paintings, Stalin was the only one depicted wearing a white tunic, the
symbol of this military rank. Boris Ieremeevich Vladimirskis painting titled Roses for Stalin
(1949) provided a good comparison for portraits of Nicolae and Elena Ceauescu
238
After 1970, the visual rhetoric had to simplify and to endlessly repeat a number of
political theses of the initial Socialist Realism, but this time centered on Ceauescu
and his family. Therefore, themes from Socialist Realist paintings of the 1950s such
as: the happiness of people living in Communist Romania, after 1970 transform into
the happiness of people living in Ceauescus Romania, the proletarian hero,
became Ceauescu the proletarian hero, and the heroine mother, turned into
Elena Ceauescu the heroine mother.
In 1961, for the first time since its inception in 1954, a photograph of Gheorghe
Gheorghiu-Dej attending an art opening appeared on the cover of Arta magazine.
Gheorghiu-Dejs appearance, where usually only Lenin, or Stalin were shown,
demonstrates a symbolic turn to nationalism. Ceauescu continued this aesthetic
routine already opened by Dej by appearing in almost all numbers of Arta after 1974.
However, more than a visual replacement of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej
Ceauescu also continued the path of National Communism that Gheorghiu-Dej had
begun as early as 1956 when he declared the right of each socialist country to
sovereignty. (Figures 2 and 3). Ceauescu continued this process of articulating a
strong symbolic national identity. In 1974, after Ceauescu was elected the president
of Romania the so-called Golden Age began.22 The Golden Age euphemistically
encapsulates the widely acknowledged darkest period of Ceauescus regime,
symbolically culminating with his paternalistic claim to being the father of the
nation. After 1974, Ceauescus portrait appeared in almost every number of Arta
and not just to document his working visits or to commemorate important historical
holidays, but also as a celebration in itself.
Homage became the new and primary function of all inhabitants of the
Golden Age. Therefore, Ceauescus portrait moved from the inside pages of Arta,
to its cover and (later) his portrait was reified to the extent that it could be replaced
by a range of non-referential homages such decorous means of address, tricolored
ribbons, agricultural or industrial emblems, and even buildings. Therefore,
gradually, the Golden Age was represented on canvas as Ceauescus portrait.
Neo-Socialist Realism increasingly restricted its subject matter to the portraits of
commissioned after 1972. Roses for Stalin shows Stalin dressed in his Generalissimus white
tunic surrounded by young pioneers offering bouquets of roses. Jan Plamper, The Stalin
Cult: A Study in the Alchemy of Power (New Haven: Yale University Press: 2012), 89.
22 Although Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej Dej was considered one of Stalins most loyal followers,
his interest in reducing the Soviet influence in Romania was clearly articulated when he
demanded that the Red Army left the Romanian land if he helped the Soviet Union to
repress the Hungarian revolution of 1956. After that an intense effort of de-russification, but
not de-Stalinization comprised all fields of activity.
239
MIRELA TANTA
Nicolae Ceauescu (Figures 4 and 5). The videology of Ceauescu expresses his
obsession with the self-portrait, which led to the repetition of the same idealized
image of the leader.23 Sometimes the ideology itself becomes the sitter for the artists,
and sometimes Ceauescus titles replace his portrait.
Commissioned Irony
In 1983 a well-known Romanian artist, Dan Hatmanu painted a celebratory portrait

called Aniversarea (Anniversary) for Nicolae Ceauescus 65th birthday. (Figure 6) The
official interpretation of the painting would go like this: the glorious past reaching
out to celebrate the glorious future. In the left-hand corner of the painting, there is a
figure representing the countrys glorious past, tefan cel Mare, a legendary
historical figure who seems to be reaching out and over the frame with a champagne
glass to cheer the glorious future embodied by the Ceauescus.24 Anniversary belongs
to a group of artworks commissioned by the Party to portray Ceauescu as the
descendant of a chronological and merit-based hierarchy of legendary Romanian
figures beginning on the bottom with the ancient forebears Burebista and Decebal
and continuing to Ceauescu who appears at the very top.
The column appropriates a famous artwork by sculptor Constantin Brncui
called the Coloana Infinitului (Infinite Column) (Figure 7). Over the final two decades
of his dictatorship, Ceauescus interest in National Socialism transformed into what
historians call dynastic communism. Anniversary seems not to belong to the Socialist
Realist tradition, but at the same time it does not set itself in opposition to this
tradition either. Dan Hatmanu had this to say about Anniversary:
This painting with Stephen the Great should be read between the lines. It was
an act of irony The Party accepted the painting because they could not
understand this type of irony. Instead, another painting of mine was
considered by the Party to be tendentious, even though I did not intend that: I
painted a lot of doves around Ceauescus head and they thought that I said
23 Term used by Adrian Cioroianu, Videologia lui Nicolae Ceauescu. Conductorul i

obsesia autoportretului, in Comunism i represiune n Romania, ed. Ruxandra Cesereanu
(Iai: Polirom, 2006).
24 I did not paint homage but portraits. I made a living from painting commissioned portraits. I
was a portraitist and this is what I did, I painted Ceauescus portrait. Dan Hatmanu,
interview by Emilia Chicop, titled Artistul cu Cravat, Ziarul de Iai, December 28, 2006.
240
through this detail that Ceauescu had birds in his head. But I did not intend to
suggest such a thing.25
Even the dead were celebrating Ceauescus birthday. Aniversarea intended to

create a congratulatory work for Ceauescu by showing even the dead Stephen the
Great raising a glass. However, the irony dwells in the unexpected effect created by
intently following the theme of the commission: a celebratory work for Ceauescus
birthday. By the mid-1970s Ceauescus intentions to establish Communisms
rightful birthplace in Romania were manifesting as the rewriting of Romanias
history. Thus, Ceauescu receives the approval of history, represented by Stephen
the Great, for his changes to history. Sometimes the irony used by artists was not so
subtle. When the poem Soarta (The Fate), appeared on the first page of Contemporanul
newspaper in 1980, the connection between the poems and Elena Ceauescu were so
obvious that no one told Nicolae that his wife Elena had been ridiculed on the front
page of the widely read official newspaper Contemporanul. Although Elenas name
was not mentioned directly in The Fate, everyone got the joke, including the
metaphors about Elenas bowlegged gait and her personification of death.
She was so bowlegged

That Caligula on his horse
passed under her
with his whole army marching triumphantly.
Was she a woman? A witch?
Maybe a little of everything.

She had that traveling look-
And her forehead was a hearse.26
In his introduction to Arma Secret (the Secret Weapon), poet and translator
Matthew Zapruder tells us that Jebeleanu was a Party favorite. As a young journalist
in 1936, Jebeleanu penned a sympathetic editorial propagating Socialist mythology in
the person of Nicolae Ceauescu. For a while anyway, Jebeleanu placed his dream
life at the feet of the Communist Party. For this, he was allowed to publish freely.
25 Ibid.
26 Eugen Jebeleanu, Secret Weapon: Selected Late Poems, translated from Romanian by Matthew
Zapruder & Radu Ioanid (Minneapolis: Coffee House Press, 2008). The Romanian version
was originally published in 1980.
241
MIRELA TANTA
And even though he signed his name to this very public and scathingly satirical poem,
he was never reprimanded. Was this an act of autocratic largess or just ignorance?
To picture The Fate in context, one should imagine that Elena Ceauescus name
had to always be accompanied by such titles as The Academician Doctor Engineer
Elena Ceauescu, and never without these plaudits. 27 The poem, read widely,
became a public site for private laughs, it became a site of power, to use T.J.
Mitchells expression, a fissure in a megalomaniac system built by the king of
communism created by the tension between how much is revealed and how much is
concealed. 28 But more than comic relief, the poem exposed the paradoxical policy of
the cult built around Ceauescu and his family. To add to this tension, sometimes an
effective site of power, is one that uses the image of the oppressed (the worker, the
poor, and the soldier) and not the image of the oppressor (dictator). Because both
sides are present at the same time, the image of power can be either contained or
exploited, or as T.J. Mitchell stated in his book Iconology: Image, Text, Ideology the
image as an idol or fetish.29
The poem is an example of the artificiality of language, which mirrors what
Gail Kligman calls the duplicity of power. 30 The fact that private jokes about
Ceauescus diminutive size or Elena being bowlegged became part of the official
discourse of power, mark moments of empowerment of Romanias citizens during
the 1980s. The poems ironic imagery presents Elena Ceauescus political power (her
27 The historian Mary Ellen Fisher dates the beginning of Elena Ceauescus individual
political career to 1971. Only a month after their visit to China, Elena Ceauescu was shown
in a photograph printed in the newspaper Scnteia seated among other members (all males)
at a meeting of a national commission on economic forecasting. For the first time, her
political identity was mentioned independent of her husbands image. For the following
eight years Elena Ceauescu kept accumulating political power. Mary Ellen Fischer,
Women in Romanian Politics: Elena Ceauescu, Pronatalism, and the Promotion of
Women, in Women, State and Party in Eastern Europe, eds. Wolchik L, Sharon and Mayer G,
Alfred (Durham: Duke University Press, 1985), 122. See also, Gabanyi, Anneli Ute, The
Ceausescu cult: propaganda and power policy in communist Romania (Bucharest: The Romanian
Cultural Foundation), 2000, 80.
28 T.W.J. Michell, Iconology: Imagery, Text, Ideology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986),
151-152.
29 Ibid.
30 The last two decades of Communism in Romania showed an increased duplicity of
language or double-talk in the official Party rhetoric, for instance, saying one thing and
meaning something else or doing one thing and contextualizing it as something else. Gail
Kligman, The Politics of Duplicity: Controlling Reproduction in Ceauescus Romania (Berkeley,
Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1998), 148.
242
body and cult of personality) as visuality marking a moment of counter visuality or

what Nicholas Mirzoeffs calls the right to look by participating in the official discourse
through an alternative discourse even when that means a transitory laugh.31
Cultural productions such as The Fate poem and Anniversary mark such
instances of visual ambiguity where the visuality of power collapses into the counter-
visuality of the disempowered. This collapse makes it possible for the representation
of the powerful dictator to coexist with a ridiculed one. Such Neo-Socialist Realist
portraits, whether pictorial or literary, offered viewers opportunities to look at the
underlying meaning of the images, by getting the irony that as Dan Hatmanu tell us
the Party did not get.32
Romanias Cultural Revolution entailed the production of portraits and
homage paintings, all dramatically increasing after Ceauescus return from China
and North Korea in 1971. At this time, as outlined earlier, he proposed the July
Theses, striking for its sharp increase in massive parades and rallies. Impressed
with the spectacle created to honor Mao and his wife Jiang Qing, Nicolae and Elena
Ceauescu wanted to create their own grand aura.
Even though the communist Party, facilitated by the Securitate, wanted to have
absolute surveillance of the cultural environment, the art produced was not
uniform. 33 Official art often appears as an admixture of surrealist elements and
didactic narratives. This visual ambiguity reflects an ambiguous political climate.
Ceauescu, the hero of the 1968 events when he stood up and publically denounced
the invasion of Czechoslovakia became, in less than four years time, the Neo-
Stalinist of the 1970s and 1980s. Therefore, state commissioned art did not have to
subvert, it simply had to capture these contradictions in Ceauescus persona.
31 Nicholas Mirzoeff explains how visuality connects power and authority and considers this
association a given. Modernity for Mirzoeff is a continuous contest between visuality and
counter-visuality. Nicholas Mirzoeff, The Right to Look (Duke University Press Books, 2011).
32 My emphasis, to point to Nicholas Mirzoeffs use of the word look as a dissident act and a
subversive practice of freedom where the colonized and the victim of war become agents in
the discourse of power with the potential to undermine it.
33 The Securitate (The General Direction for the Security of the People, known as Securitate)
was created by the Soviet intelligence unit charged with demolishing existing intelligence
agencies and replacing them with Soviet-style inteligence aparatuses in the Soviet-occupied
countries of Eastern Europe. In Romania which had been a satellite country of the Soviet
Union until 1964 when the Romanian Communist Party broke off from the Soviets, the
Securitate continued to function and even gain strength. The role of the Securitate was
simple and brutal, to ensure total loyalty of every Romanian citizen to the Communist
Party; the use of informants and political prisons was just one part of their arsenal. Lucian
Boia, Miturile comunismului romnesc (Bucharest: Nemira, 1998), 67.
243
MIRELA TANTA
For example, Eugen Palades didactic painting Vizit de lucru (Working visit)
(Figure 8) shows the dictator surrounded by happy workers crowding him with
flowers and ovations, or attentively listening to his explanations and sometimes
taking notes during his speech. The background represents the site visited by the
leader: in this case, fields of corn or wheat, although other pictures show electric
panels, smokestack plumes, nuclear plants, etc.
Although the same Socialist Realist logic should describe Augustin Lucacis
image of Ceauescus visit to the car factory Aro (1989), (the national Romanian car
company situated in the city of Cmpulung), there is something odd and different
about this depiction of the dictator and his prosperous surrounds. (Figure 9). Here
too we see the leader surrounded by the products of his great nation. However, this
painting shows an isolated man caught between five Aro cars.
The glorified dictator gesticulates, but it is unclear if he is in the middle of a
speech or in the middle of traffic. He seems trapped between a generic dark blue
background and a bouquet of red carnations in the foreground. Although the painter
deployed the bouquet of carnations as the official symbol of gratitude, and as a
compositional base for the scene, the flowers also seem to suggest an obstruction
separating the dictator from his people and to block his exit from between the Aro
cars. Like the ambiguous gesture, the bouquet of carnations resists a single
interpretation, and so it complicates the didactic role of Socialist Realist artwork.
Clearly this portrait functions as both successful propaganda-art, since it was
accepted as such, and as a visual artifact open to interpretation. Isolation and
ambiguity also occurs in Ion Bitzans homage painting. In his Omagiu lui Nicolae
Ceauescu (Homage to Nicolae Ceauescu), artist Ion Bitzan portrayed a leader not so
young and not so confident. (Figure 10) Here, too, the dictator appears isolated in a
middle of a bluish fog lit from beneath, as though in heaven or an airport tarmac. A
man past his prime, his white hair and facial expression register concern. Exhaustion
more than power seems to radiate from his slightly lifted hand. Nothing grounds the
leader; no symbols of power populate the desolate background; instead the pale blue
engulfs his body. The suit does not fit; his body seems bloated and it is cropped
above the knee. Homage was accepted by Communist officialdom.
Homage and Kitsch
Neo-Socialist Realism, understood as readymade of the former Socialist Realism,

resists Clement Greenbergs definition of kitsch as the result of the failure of the
244
political leaders to elevate the public taste. 34 Sarat Maharajs comments on the
duplicity of kitsch in a consumerist society prove useful in analyzing rather than
dismissing state commissioned art in the late 1970s and 1980s in Romania. Maharaj
uses Jacques Derridas semiotic analyses of the word pharmakon to define kitsch and
its application to objects of Pop Art, which also suggests a rich analysis of the
relation between kitsch and Neo-Socialist Realist portraits of Ceauescu. 35 For
Derrida the word pharmakon is not just a polyvalent word, hard to grasp because of
its multiple meanings, but a word with two opposite meanings: in Greek, it can mean
both remedy and poison. Sarat Maharaj suggests that kitsch can be both high art and
low art at the same time. For him Pop Art offers a good example of how the object,
the readymade used by the artists in their artwork, has the potential of a pharmakon
that can be received as high or low art at the same time.36 But Maharaj uses the
ambiguity of Pop Arts readymade object to demonstrate that kitsch actually has a
definite quality despite its ambivalence: kitschs permanent qualities are its
indeterminateness, un-decidability, and delay. Therefore, the aesthetic value can be
applied to mass culture, kitsch, and fine art elements with the same prevalence
because value itself is a transitive shifting, volatile relationship between terms
rather than a fixed, inert thing.37
Matei Clinescu does not hesitate to call kitsch an aesthetic form of lying.38
For Clinescu, the fact that kitsch is loved, to use Clinescus word, and produced
over and over again in our society means that kitsch satisfies a need. Matei
Clinescu, in chapter four entitled Kitsch of his influential book: Five Faces of
Modernity, proposes two directions for the analysis of kitsch. One is a historical-
sociological approach when kitsch is a product of modern society and of
industrialization. The second direction in explaining the phenomenon of kitsch as the
aesthetic-moral one, when kitsch is seen as false art, a duplicate, a false pretense.
Kitsch promises something that reaches all social categories of consumers: the
34 Kitsch becomes instead a failure of the masses to escape the taste of the political leader. See
Clement Greenberg. Avant-Garde and Kitsch, in Ibid., Culture and Art Critical Essays
(Boston: Beacon Press, 1965), 3-22.
35 Sarat Maharaj, Pop Arts Pharmacies: Kitsch, Consumerist Objects and Signs. The
Unmentionable, Art History 3(1992): 332.
36 Sarat Maharajs examples of pharmakon are: Eduardo Paollozzis Kitsch Cabinet, and Three
American Heroes, Jeff Koonss Ushering in Banality, Marcel Duchamps Large Glass, Warhols
Brillo Boxes, etc.
37 Ibid., 339.
38 Matei Clinescu, Kitsch, in Ibid., Five Faces of Modernity (Durham: Duke University Press,
2006), 229.
245
MIRELA TANTA
promise of a fast, comfortable, and democratic transcendence to the sublime. Beauty

is not an unattainable ideal anymore but is a here and now product of modern
society. Therefore, the experience of beauty is not a long-term intellectual and
aesthetic investment, but a short, easy, and accessible catharsis, as Theodore
Adorno calls it.39 However, at the end of the chapter and throughout his argument,
Clinescu asserts that these two directions do not exhaust the definition of kitsch
and, in fact, they often overlap and become inter-definable.
Conclusion
A successful propaganda portrait should always send a clear message, even to

viewers not familiar with the subject of the official painting. For example, a common
practice in the visual representation of dictators would be to portray the leader alone
with the sky as a background watching over the future of the nation.40 To do that,
Soviet painter Fyodor Shurpin painted Stalin in The Morning of Our Fatherland, (1948)
looking toward the right side, the left one representing the past. The background set
the stage for the only protagonist, the dictator. His serious but welcoming allure
radiates confidence in the future of the Soviet Union and mirrors the peaceful land
painted behind him. He wears no symbols of power other than his white tunic,
which symbolized his rank as the Generalissimos. 41 For example, although
Alexandru Ciucurencus painting titled Nicolae Ceauescu President follows the
conventions of Stalins official portrait, it does not result in a convincing portrait of
the first president of the Socialist Republic of Romania. (Figure 11)
Ceauescu wears the signs of power more obviously to supplement for the rest
of the painting. It seems that the landscape and the group of children playing next to
him do not enhance the reading of the painted scene as a symbol of his power. The
narrative should be: the father of the nation watching over the country and its future
represented by the young generation. Instead, it might be read, as: members of the
young generation play unaware of the presence of his eminence. The landscape looks
deserted and the scene seems set somewhere in the periphery of a large industrial
city shown in the background. The official style exemplified in Stalins portraits is used
in Romanian Neo-Socialist Realist portraiture as a readymade. Such appropriation of
39 Ibid., 228.
40 Plamper discusses the visual conventions followed by artists when they painted portraits of
Stalin. Plamper, The Stalin Cult, 70.
41 Ibid., 54.
246
the earliest forms of Socialist Realist iconography carries the possibility of

demystification of the symbols of power. It seems that the painting should be
transparent and innocent in execution in order to deliver a transparent message.
However, more so than dissident cultural production, these portraits
commissioned for the official dogma circuit seem to undermine the symbols of power
not by mocking their subject through outright satire, but by overusing these symbols
until the visual language of Socialist Realism stopped serving as propaganda. For
example, in dogmatic paintings such as Dealul Negru (The Dark Hill) (Figure 12) the
official interpretation should read: Ceauescu exercising power over nature.
However, Romanians commonly referred to Ceauescus hunting trips as
slaughtering trips.42 Before Ceauescus arrival, Vasile Crian tell us, animals such
as black bears, wild boars, and bucks were herded for days toward food stands
around which shooting towers were erected for Ceauescu, making it practically
impossible to miss. Dealul Negru shows the Ceauescus leaning toward each other,
smiling and admiring the corpses of five brown bears lying at their feet. Their
presence in the dark forest at dusk, flashlight in hand, suggests that the killing of the
bears may be an intimate secret rather than a celebration of a triumphant hunting
expedition executed in broad daylight. Usually, these hunting portraits represented a
triumphant Ceauescu in broad daylight surrounded by his prizes. (Figures 13 and
14) How strange for viewers to witness only what the flashlight reveals. As though
the flashlight reveals now in pictorial time the truth about the killing. The line of
dead bears spills into our visual field, implicating us in this commissioned
mythology about hunting bears in the forest.
Therefore, Ceauescus detour in representation from the leader of Socialist
Romania to the father of Socialist Romania takes unexpected turns. Bursting from the
belly of a larger than life Nicolae Ceauescu, a crowd of running uniformed
youngsters spread on the canvas. On the horizon, bodies of children recede and turn
into small doves and a white light. (Figure 15) This dynamic painting representing
metamorphosis from doves to children, from leader to father shows a crowd of
schoolchildren running with open mouths and screaming with joy or terror. Neo-
Socialist Realist paintings are not aesthetic forms of lying, but rather aesthetic forms
of telling the truth.
42 Vasile Crian, Ceauescu la vntoare (Ceauescu hunting) (Bucharest: Adevrul Holding,

2010), 46.
247
MIRELA TANTA
LIST OF REFERENCES
Primary sources
Folder Artiti n vizit n ar/1978 (Artists Visiting the Country/1978). Bucharest:

Arhiva Combinatului Fondului Plastic (ACFP).
Folder Tabere pictur-grafic 1975 (Painting-graphics camps 1975). Bucharest: (ACFP).
Reglementarea achizitionrii i expunerii pentru public a operelor de art plastic
(Regulations regarding the acquisition and public exhibition of works of plastic art).
Folder Material documentar 1960. Bucharest: (ACFP).
Secondary sources
Arendt, Hannah. The Origins of Totalitarianism. New York: Schocken Books Inc., 2004.
Arta / Art. 3(1961).
Arta / Art. 6(1961).
Arta / Art. 4(1971).
Arta / Art. 5(1971).
Arta / Art. 10(1977).
Arta / Art. 11(1977).
Arta / Art. 1(1988).
Boia, Lucian. De ce este Romnia altfel? (Why is Romania Different?) Bucharest:
Humanitas, 2012.
Boia, Lucian. Miturile comunismului romnesc (The Myths of Romanian communism).
Bucharest: Nemira, 1998.
Clinescu, Matei. Five Faces of Modernity. Durham: Duke University Press, 2006.
Crneci, Magda. Artele Plastice n Romnia 1945-1989 (Visual Arts in Romania 1945-1989,
2nd ed). Iai: Polirom, 2013.
Cioroianu, Adrian. Videologia lui Nicolae Ceauescu. Conducatorul i obsesia
autoportretului (Video portraying of Nicolae Ceauescu. The ruler and the
super-portrait obsession). In Comunism i represiune n Romania (Communism
and repression in Romania) edited by Ruxandra Cesereanu. Iasi: Polirom, 2006.
Chicop, Emilia. Artistul cu Cravat (The artist with a necktie). Ziarul de Iai,
December 28, 2006.
Crian, Vasile. Ceauescu la vntoare (Ceauescu hunting). Bucharest: Adevrul
Holding, 2010.
248
Fischer, Mary Ellen. Women in Romanian Politics: Elena Ceausescu, Pronatalism,

and the Promotion of Women. In Women, State and Party in Eastern Europe,
edited by Sharon L Wolchik, and Alfred G Mayer. Durham: Duke University
Press, 1985.
Gabanyi, Anneli Ute. The Ceausescu cult: propaganda and power policy in communist
Romania. Bucharest: The Romanian Cultural Foundation, 2000.
Golomstock, Igor. Totalitarian Art in the Soviet Union, the Third Reich, Fascist Italy, and
the People's Republic of China. London: Collins Harvill, 1990.
Greenberg, Clement. Culture and Art Critical Essays. Boston: Beacon Press, 1965.
Gu, Adrian. Generaia 80 n artele vizuale (The 80s generation in visual arts). Piteti:
Paralela 45, 2008.
Jebeleanu, Eugen. Secret Weapon: Selected Late Poems, translated from Romanian by
Matthew Zapruder & Radu Ioanid. Minneapolis: Coffee House Press, 2008.
Kligman, Gail. The Politics of Duplicity: Controlling Reproduction in Ceausescus Romania.
Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1998.
Maharaj, Sarat. Pop Arts Pharmacies: Kitsch, Consumerist Objects and Signs. The
Unmentionable. Art History, 3(1992): 334-50.
Mirzoeff, Nicholas. The Right to Look. Durham: Duke University Press Books, 2011.
Mitchell, T.W.J. Iconology: Imagery, Text, Ideology. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1986.
Munca, No. 17, November, 1976.
Pavelescu, Alina, Laura Dumitru, (eds.). PCR i intelectualii n primii ani ai regimului
Ceauescu 1965-1972 (RCP and the intellectuals in the first years of the Ceauescu
regime 1965-1972). Bucharest: Arhivele Naionale ale Romniei, 2007.
Pintilie, Ileana. Acionismul n Romnia n timpul comunismului (Action trend in
Romania during communism). Cluj: Idea Design & Print, 2000.
Plamper, Jan. The Stalin Cult: A Study in the Alchemy of Power. London: Yale
University Press, 2012.
*** Probleme de art plastic (Problems of visual arts). Bucharest: Academia Republicii
Populare Romne, Institutul de Studii Romno-Sovietic, 1957.
Rothschild, Joseph, Wingfield, Nancy M. Return to Diversity: A Political History of East
Central Europe Since World War II. Third Edition. New York, Oxford: Oxford
Tismneanu, Vladimir. Stalinism for all Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism.
Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 2003.
249
MIRELA TANTA
List of Figures
Figure 1. (Aspecte de la alegerea primului preedinte al R.S.R., Nicolae Ceauescu,

secretar general al P.C.R.) (29 apr. 1974) [Fotografia #E580] @ Fototeca online
a comunismului romnesc. Cota: 1/1974
Figure 2. For the first time a photograph of Gheorghe Gheorghiu Dej (first row, 3rd
from left) and its government visiting an art exhibition appears for the
first time in Arta Nr 3, 1961, YEAR VIII.
Figure 3. Inside page of Arta, Nr. 4-5, Year XVIII, 1971, Document located in the
library of The Institute of Art History George Oprescu, Bucharest.
Figure 4. Cover Arta Nr 10-11 1977 Year XXIV, Ion Jalea. Camrade Nicolae Ceauescu.
Figure 5. Cover Arta Nr 1-1988, Year XXXV. Tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu Profund
Omagiu, nalt Cinstire i Recunotin Partidului i A ntregului Popor [To
Comrade Nicolae Ceauescu Profound Homage, High Honor and
Gratitude from The Party and All the People].
Figure 6. Dan Hatmanu. Anniversary, 1983, Collection of The National Museum of
Contemporary Art, Bucharest.
Figure 7. Wooden column showing Ceauescu at the top. The column belongs to
the permanent collection of the National Museum of Contemporary Art
in Bucharest and is stored in a separate room among gifts received by the
Ceauescus.
Figure 8. Eugen Palade. Working Visit, date unknown. Collection of The National
Museum of Contemporary Art, Bucharest.
Figure 9. Augustin Lucaci. Working Visit to Aro Cmpulung, Factory, 1989. Collection
of The National Museum of Contemporary Art, Bucharest.
Figure 10. Ion Bitzan, Homage to Nicolae Ceauescu, undated. . Collection of The
National Museum of Contemporary Art, Bucharest.
Figure 11. Alexandru Ciucurencu. N. C. Preedinte, undated. Collection of The
National Museum of Contemporary Art, Bucharest.
Figure 12. Unknown artist. Dealul Negru, 1986. Collection of The National Museum
of Contemporary Art, Bucharest.
Figure 13. Photograph with Nicolae Ceauescu inspecting the corpse of a brown
bear. Collection of The National Museum of Contemporary Art,
Bucharest.
Figure 14. Ieronim Boca. Nicolae Ceauescu Hunting, 1983 Collection of The National
Museum of Contemporary Art, Bucharest.
Figure 15. Valeriu Mladin. Ceuescu-Romnia, 1987. Collection of the National
Museum of Contemporary Art Bucharest
250
Figure 1. Ceauescu receives the scepter during the ceremony of his election as the first president
of the Socialist Republic of Romania. Nicolae Ceauescu converted his post of president
of the State Council to a full-fledged executive presidency. He was first elected to this post in 1974,
and reelected every five years until 1989. (Aspecte de la alegerea primului preedinte al R.S.R.,
Nicolae Ceauescu, secretar general al P.C.R.) (29 apr.1974)
[Fotografia #E580] @ Fototeca online a comunismului romnesc
Figure 2. For the first time a photograph of Gheorghe Gheorghiu Dej (first row, 3rd from left)
and its government visiting an art exhibition appears for the first time
in Arta Nr 3, 1961, YEAR VIII. Courtesy of Revista ARTA
251
MIRELA TANTA
Figure 3. Ceauescu (middle) visiting an art exhibition organized to celebrate

the 50-year anniversary of the creation of the Romanian Communist Party.
Inside page of Arta, Nr. 4-5, Year XVIII, 1971, on the opposite page: right
an article titled Beautiful, a Militant Principle. Document located
in the library of The Institute of Art History George Oprescu,
Bucharest. Courtesy of Revista ARTA
Figure 4. Cover Arta Nr 10-11 1977 Year XXIV, Ion Jalea. Camrade Nicolae Ceauescu,
On the inside of the cover there is a painting by Constantin Piliuta entitled Homage.
For just this number of Arta, the content page is moved to the end to make space
for 11 pages of eulogies for the Ceauescus featuring his portraits and photographs
alongside the homage of individual artists. Courtesy of Revista ARTA
252
Figure 5. Cover Arta Nr 1-1988, Year XXXV. Tovarasului Nicolae Ceauescu Profund Omagiu,
nalt Cinstire i Recunotin Partidului i a ntregului Popor [To Comrade Nicolae Ceauescu
Profound Homage, High Honor and Gratitude from The Party and All The People].
Courtesy of Revista ARTA
Figure 6. Dan Hatmanu. Aniversary, oil on canvas, 1983.

The National Museum of Contemporary Art
253
MIRELA TANTA
Figure 7. Wooden column showing Ceauescu at the top. The column belongs in the permanent
collection of the National Museum of Contemporary Art in Bucharest and is stored in a separate
room among gifts received by the Ceauescus. The National Museum of Contemporary Art
Figure 8. Eugen Palade. Working Visit, oil on canvas, date unknown.

254
Figure 9. Augustin Lucaci. Working Visit to Aro Campulung, Factory, oil on canvas, 1989.
Figure 10. Ion Bitzan, Homage to Nicolae Ceauescu, oil on canvas, undated.
255
MIRELA TANTA
Figure 11. Alexandru Ciucurencu. N.C. Presedinte, oil on canvas, undated.

Figure 12. Unknown artist. Dealul Negru, oil on canvas, 1986.

256
Figure 13. Photograph with Nicolae Ceauescu Figure 14. Ieronim Boca. Nicolae Ceauescu
inspecting the corps of a brown bear. Hunting, oil on canvas, 1983.
The National Museum of Contemporary Art The National Museum of Contemporary Art
Figure 15. Valeriu Mladin. Ceusescu-Romania, oil on canvas, 1987.

257
Claiming Art for Themselves: State Artists versus Amateur
Artists in Art Exhibitions before and during
the Song of Romania Festival (1970s-1980s)
CLAUDIU OANCEA
Abstract. This chapter investigates the relation between professional state artists and amateur
artists within political festivals in socialist Romania, with a particular focus on visual exhibitions held
before and during the most important festival organized by the regime, that of Cntarea Romniei
(Song of Romania) (1976-1989). Whereas the state commissioned works of art to professional artists,
who, in return, received an extensive array of financial compensations and symbolic rewards, it also
paid special attention to the formation of the amateur artist. The state envisaged that social and
professional categories, that did not belong to any artistic branches, and which were not defined
professionally by artistic activities had the potential to reach the same status as that of professional
artists through their works of art, as long as they were offered the necessary space of artistic activity,
time to create, and proper guidance. This policy was translated in the formation of artistic brigades in
factories, agricultural collective farms, and houses of culture. The activity of such brigades was
supposed to take place in recurrent festivals and performances, dealing with all kind of artistic
activities, from theatre plays, to singing competitions and art exhibitions. Such festivals existed since
the early 1950s and developed throughout the 1960s and early 1970s. The National Festival of Socialist
Culture Song of Romania took things to a whole different level in terms of organization, in an
attempt to emphasize the primary role played by amateur artists in the formation of the new socialist
man, as well as to blur the boundaries between professional and amateur artists.
Introduction
The study of 20th century political festivals and, in particular, of those from the
postwar period, has shed light on various fascinating case studies, partly because of
the interaction, within such festivals, between amateur and professional artists, or
CLAUDIU OANCEA
between official and popular culture. From this point of view, it is rather intriguing
that such festivals and the realms of cultural negotiation they provide are still under-
researched topics in various national historiographies.
One such case is that of Festivalul Naional al Educaiei i Culturii Socialiste
Cntarea Romniei translated as The National Festival of Socialist Education and
Culture Song of Romania (1976-1989).1 The aim of this chapter is to examine the
interaction between amateur and professional artists, as well as the social and
ideological idioms employed by amateur artists in several exhibitions held within
political festivals in socialist Romania from the early 1970s until the early 1980s. For
this particular case study, the exhibitions under analysis are more virtual than real,
since they refer to exhibition albums published officially, based on works presented
previously at various local or national exhibitions.
Discussing Song of Romania as a political festival, this chapter relies on Anca
Giurchescu interpretation of this festival as a propaganda instrument for Nicolae
Ceauescus personality cult and for the official socialist ideology, which
incorporated nationalistic elements, employing various means, such as mass-media,
popular and folk music, as well as a newly created type of folklore, for which
1 The original Romanian title is Cntarea Romniei. The name of the festival was inspired
by a famous poem, with the same title, written by Alecu Russo, in the 19th century. The
original poem emphasized the love of the author toward his country, as well as the beauty
of Romanian lands. In choosing this name for the festival, the regime of Nicolae Ceauescu
intended to resort to national ideology as means of gaining legitimacy. English translations
of the name have varied, but without essential differences. The translation encountered
mostly is that of Song to Romania. Other alternatives are Singing of Romania (as the
name of the festival is translated in the Subject Files of the Romanian Unit, at the Open
Society Archives: http://www.archivum.ws/db/fa/300-60-1-1.htm). This is due to the fact that
Cntarea Romniei is an ambiguous term, allowing both translations. The festival was also
known as Cntare Romniei, which can only be translated as Song to Romania,
acknowledging the existence of the dative case, and not the genitive case, as it happens with
Singing of Romania. Katherine Verdery took into account only the genitive case, using the
translation Song of Romania. See Katherine Verdery, National Ideology under Socialism.
Identity and Cultural Politics in Ceauescus Romania (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1991), 114, 212. This latter translation is also the one I have opted for, taking into account
Nicolae Ceauescus intentions for the festival. On November 1st, 1976, during the meeting
of the Executive Bureau of the National Council of Socialist Unity Front, Ceauescu
considered that the name Cntarea Romniei (Song of Romania) is better, arguing that
Trebuie s cnte Romnia, nu s cntm pentru Romnia (It is Romania that must sing, not
us for Romania). See Folder 20/1976, Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party
(CC of RCP) Fund, Organization Section, Arhivele Naionale Istorice Centrale (National
Historical Central Archives), (ANIC), Bucharest, 2.
260
Claiming Art for Themselves: State Artists versus Amateur Artists in Art Exhibitions
before and during the Song of Romania Festival (1970s-1980s)
Giurchescu coined the term folklorism.2 In analyzing the works by amateur artists
presented in the exhibition albums, I rely on two frameworks of interpretation. The
first one, focusing on visual analysis, is that put forth by Stephen Greenblatt, which
takes three factors into consideration: the artists intention, genre, and historical
context. 3 The second one makes use of Alexei Yurchaks discussion of the two
dimensions of a discourse: constative and performative, the two playing a more or less
important role within a particular discourse, depending on the situation. According
to Yurchak, with the development of a historical context, the constative dimension of
a discourse can decrease in importance, as the latter loses its function of describing
reality as was the case with the Soviet regime during late socialism. Thus, the
performative function of a discourse, or the way in which a discourse is performed
by its utterer, becomes one of the most important, if not the main, characteristic of
that particular discourse.4
The chapter starts with an overview of the Song of Romania festival, taking
into account the central role played by art and culture during late socialism, as well
as the entangled relation between socialist and national culture. 5 Against this
background, it will focus on several works of art of amateur artists presented in
exhibition albums, before and during the early stages of the Song of Romania
festival, analyzing both the social and ideological languages employed by amateur
artists and the performative dimensions of their works.
The Historiographical and Historical Context of the Song of Romania Festival
This festival appeared in the immediate aftermath of the Romanian communist

regimes inclusion of nationalistic elements into its official socialist ideology, more
exactly after the 11th Congress of the Romanian Communist Party (1974) and the first
Congress of Political Education and Socialist Culture (1976). The festival was
2 Anca Giurchescu, The Power of Dance and Its Social and Political Uses, Yearbook for
Traditional Music 33 (2001):117.
3 Stephen Greenblatt, Murdering Peasants: Status, Genre, and the Representation of
Rebellion, Representations, 1(1983):13.
4 Alexei Yurchak, Everything Was Forever until It Was No More. The Last Soviet Generation
(Princeton & Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2005), 285.
5 See Ale Erjavec, Introduction, in Postmodernism and the Postsocialist Condition: Politicized
Art under Late Socialism, ed. Ale Erjavec (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California
Press, 2003), 9-15.
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established in 1976 and lasted until 1989, comprising seven editions held every two
years. Each edition lasted from autumn until the summer of the following year.
Structurally, the festival consisted primarily of a politically-set system of
national artistic competitions, between all types of social, professional, and age
categories. It included several phases, starting at a lower mass level, going through
county and regional phases, and ending with the republican level of competition, in
which as it was officially claimed only the selected best of the other levels could
participate. Although the means of competing in the artistic field were various, the
art topics for the festival resumed only to praises of the official regime, of the new
socialist Romania and, last but not least, of Nicolae Ceauescu (1965-1989). 6 The
festival focused especially on amateurs, on workers, peasants, and pupils, who were
supposed to create new works of art in their free time, to chant the achievements of
the communist regime.
Song of Romania had multiple functions. Officially, its primary aim was to
contribute to the education of the entire society, of the youth, in the spirit of endless
labor for the growth of socialism in Romania. 7 Nevertheless, this self-entitled
festival of culture and education was intended to achieve more than the mere
cultural education of workers, peasants or pupils. Its aims, as its origins, were
primarily political.
Although the festival focused on amateur artists, it also included professional
artists. Often, the latters function was reduced to that of supervising the activity of
amateurs. This aspect has led to the post-1989 idea that Song of Romania had
served as a means for depriving professional artists and intellectuals of their
traditional status of creators of culture. This interpretation became more plausible
when one was reminded that during the 1980s state control over professional
artistsunions had grown stronger. A closer investigation into the mechanisms of
Song of Romania would indicate, however, that the communist states grip on
professional artists and intellectuals was not as strong as suggested in the post -1989
context: in many cases, professional artists replaced amateurs for certain
performances, especially when officials were in the audience. This also meant an
increase in their salaries, for the roles they played within Song of Romania.
6 For a program article, dealing with the main features of the Song of Romania festival, see
the article Festivalul Naional al educaiei i culturii socialiste Cntarea Romniei,
strlucit manifestare a dragostei de munc, a virtuilor creatoare ale poporului nostru,
expresie a democratismului politicii culturale a Partidului Comunist Romn, Scnteia,
November 28th, 1976, 1 & 4.
7 Ibid., 1.
262
The propaganda provided legitimacy to the communist regime, and illustrated

the social unity of the Romanian people, regardless of ethnicity or social origin. The
ultimate function of the festival was that of creating a mass identity for the people, in
order to integrate it as a structure subjected to the Party and its leader.
The overall structure of the festival and the wide range of its function make
Song of Romania a subject worth investigating, so as to add to, or reinterpret the
existing corpus of knowledge on festivals, and communist regimes in Eastern
Europe. However, few researches have been conducted on this topic, despite its
importance and spectacular character. This means that the history of the festival
Song of Romania is still under-researched.
Anca Giurchescu was among the first to focus on this festival, and the first to
construct a theoretical analysis of the latter.8 In her article on Song of Romania of 1987,
she puts forth a typology of functions of the festival and its main features, focusing
especially on the political uses of folklore by the communist regime.9 However, the
article lacks primary sources and represents mainly a 1980s perspective on Song of
Romania, while the festival was still underway. In another article by the same author,
focusing on the political and social uses of dance, Song of Romania appears as a first
hand example and is defined as a network of institutions, designed to disseminate
symbols of national unity, or historical continuity. 10 Drago Petrescu takes a more
descriptive approach to the matter, succeeding, nonetheless, to make interesting points
with regard to how propaganda approached different social, professional and age
categories, such as peasants, or the youth.11 Still, his sources extend as far as the first
edition of the festival, but the article can be seen as the starting point for a more thorough
analysis. Apart from the works mentioned above, there is little to be found concerning
8 Anca Giurchescu, The National Festival Song of Romnia, Symbols n Political Discourse,
in Symbols of Power: The Esthetics of Political Legislation in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe,
Claes Arvidson, Lars Erik Blomqvist (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiskill, 1987), 163-71. Apart
from Giurchescu, there were other articles on the festival, by dissidents who had left
Romania. But these were written in a journalistic style, as their purpose was not to construct
a scholarly research, but to inform the general public through mass media means such as
Radio Free Europe. Such articles can be found at the Open Society Archives, Hungary,
Budapest. One example is Gelu Ionescu, Puin art, mult propagand n festivalul
artistic. Cntarea Romniei, HU OSA 300-60-1 Records of Radio Free Europe/Radio
Liberty Research Institute: Romanian Unit, Subject Files: Culture Cntarea Romaniei
1981-1989, Box 109, Folder 804, Open Society Archives, Budapest, Hungary (HU OSA).
9 Giurchescu, The National Festival Song of Romania, 169.
10 Anca Giurchescu, The Power of Dance, 109-21.
11 Drago Petrescu, 400.000 de spirite creatoare: Cntarea Romniei sau stalinismul naional n
festival in Miturile comunismului romnesc, ed. Lucian Boia (Bucharest: Nemira, 1998), 239-51.
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the festival Song of Romania, except for brief accounts of it, in works dealing generally
with Romanian communism, or with the Ceauescu cult.
The secondary literature on Song of Romania has either taken a descriptive
approach on the topic, neglecting any construction of a theoretical framework of
analysis, or has dealt extensively with theoretical interpretation, without relying on
primary sources. For the latter case, which is singularly represented by Giurchescu,
one also has to take into account the fact that the research did not include the entire
history of the festival, nor its aftermath, thus becoming chronologically limited.
I approach this festival from a different perspective, defining it not as a
pseudo-cultural phenomenon, or as simple propaganda, but as a political festival. I
argue that the role of Song of Romania was not just to exert institutional and mass
control, or to provide legitimacy for the communist regime, but to actually create
mass identity through the network of political rituals and political symbols which
were supposed to be disseminated at a mass level. In doing this, Song of Romania
also created ideology, but from below, by integrating official political ideas into the
identity of the participants.
Thus, the main goal of the festival was to create a type of mass culture, by
setting up the framework for cultural practices in which traditional forms of popular
culture, mainly folklore, and modern forms, such as pop music, or modern dancing
would be used as bearers of politically influenced discourses.
The relevance of this festival and its connection to the cultural zeitgeist of socialist
Romania is given by the important role that culture has played, either for the regime, as
intended means of propaganda, legitimation, self-representation, or for the individuals
as cultural practices, in which one could assimilate the official message, or could
subjectively interpret those respective messages, by ignoring, adapting, or resisting to
them. In this sense, one could speak about a cultural conflict, or war, taking David
Cautes term of cultural war to a narrower level, both structurally and diachronically.
Furthermore, in the second half of the 1970s and during the 1980s, Song of Romania
was regarded by the communist regime as the main (and more or less, as the only and all
encompassing) arena for cultural activities, a fact which now turns the festival into an
extremely useful locus for investigating multiple topics, out of which that of popular
culture and nationalism within the socialist regime is one of the most interesting.
This is most evident in the abundance of historical sources on Song of
Romania. The Romanian Television had a special program dedicated to amateur
participants at the festival, entitled Antena Cntrii Romniei. 12 Furthermore,
12 Anca Giurchescu states, in an article from 1987, referring to the festival at that time that:
Romanian TV programs, now reduced to two hours per day, include, at least three times a
264
television and radio programs also covered the festival extensively, inserting brief
reports on rehearsals for various performances within the festival, or on participants
and their achievements.13
Apart from official media at the central level, dealing with information on
general issues, the festival was also the focus of specialized magazines, such as
Cntarea Romniei (Song of Romania),14 which reported on the festival in much greater
detail, focusing on case-studies, all around the country, as well as presenting
interviews with both organizers and participants at the festival.
The festival was also intensively popularized through collections of books and
publications.15 These included literary anthologies of poetry written by participants
at the festival, as well as volumes of reports regarding Song of Romania at local
levels.16 To this added numerous other publications, or books, which had tangential
connection to the festival, but which were forced to mention it, as they tackled with
issues related to culture or science.17 Articles in newspapers or magazines were of
week, fragments of the ongoing Festival, especially in periods marked by important political
events. Giurchescu, The National Festival Song of Romania, 166. For an analysis of Romanian
TV programs during the regime of Nicolae Ceauescu, see Adrian Cioroianu, Pe umerii lui Marx.
O introducere n istoria comunismului romnesc (Bucharest: Curtea Veche, 2005), 443-66.
13 The TV and radio coverage of the festival can be well and accurately observed in the Radio
Free Europe Monitoring files, available at the Open Society Archives in Budapest, Hungary.
For instance, for the period of November 28 December 31, 1976, at the beginning of the
first edition of the festival, there are 28 mentions of the festival in the Radio Free Europe
monitoring files. See HU OSA 300-60-4 Records of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
Research Institute: Romanian Unit, Romanian Monitoring, Box 8, HU OSA. The number of
files available is indicative of the importance given by the regime to this festival, especially
in its incipient period.
14 The first issue of the Song of Romania magazine appeared in October 1980. The magazine
was by no means a new one, as it simply replaced the old ndrumtorul cultural (The Cultural
Guide), which appeared until September 1980. Apart from the title, there was no difference
between the two magazines, as they dealt with the same issues, and had the same staff of
editors and journalists. Song of Romania was chosen as the new name for the Cultural
Guide, in order to relate it to the all-cultural-activity-encompassing festival. The magazine
appeared under this title until 1989. After the events of 1989, it changed its title to Timpul
liber (Free time).
15 See, for instance, an article in Scnteia, January 5th, 1978, 4, dealing with editorial plans for
publishing houses.
16 One such example of an anthology is: Ecaterina Mucenic, Paula Braga, Excelsior 87. Ediia
a XVI-a, (Bucharest: Uniunea Tineretului Comunist, 1987).
17 For instance, Pierre Verone, Inventica (Bucharest: Albatros, 1983). On page xxxvii, in the
introduction to the book, the author makes reference to Song of Romania, as the setting in
which mass scientific activity could be undertaken.
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CLAUDIU OANCEA
different types. A first type was made of program-articles, without any mentioned
author, which set the structure and functions of the festival. 18 Such articles also
included reports on mass assemblies within Song of Romania, dedicated to
Ceauescu.19 The absence of the author might be interpreted as an indicator for the
fact that the opinions and ideas present in the respective articles were not of any
person in particular, but of everyone, in general.
A second type included editorials, written by well-known artists, or writers,
dealing with theoretical problems and coined in a literary style 20 A third type
comprised general articles on culture, which made reference to Song of Romania,
stressing its importance for stimulating mass culture and forming the new,
multilaterally-developed man, who was capable of both producing material goods,
in the factory, as a worker, or in the field as a peasant, and of creating works of art.21
A fourth and last type included reports specifically dedicated to various
performances and competition levels within Song of Romania, as well as reports
pointing out to the negative sides of the festival.22 Surely, the critics did not deal with
the nature of the festival and did not advance any real critique to the regime. They
worked instead with a pseudo-type of critique, directed against artistic organizers
who could not cope with the official directives, or with what the authors of the
articles considered to be a low level of artistic socialist conscience.23
These sources create the official image of the festival. They are indicative of
how the regime perceived the festival and of the purposes for which it used the
festival. Among the dogmatic style of articles, reports, and editorials lay the political
symbols and ideas, which the communist regime was disseminating at a mass level.24
18 See, for instance, Scnteia, November 28th, 1976, 1 & 4.

19 For instance, Romnia liber, June 13th, 1977, 1 & 3. Also, Romnia liber, July 6th, 1989, 1 & 3.
20 See, for instance, Simion Pop, Munc i cultur, Scnteia, January 10th, 1978, 1 & 2; Ion
Ionoi, Democratismul culturii noastre socialiste, Scnteia, January 20th, 1978, 4; Paul Erdos
(vicepresident of the Romanian Artists Union), Izvoarele limpezi ale muncii i creaiei,
Scnteia, January 11th, 1976, 1 and 3.
21 See Natalia Stancu, Avanpremier 1978: Filmul, Scnteia, January 11th, 1978, 4; Silviu Achim,
Sptmna Muzeului Naional act de cultur i educaie patriotic, Scnteia, May 13th, 1978, 4;
N. Popescu-Bogdneti, Note stridente n melosul popular, Scnteia, January 13th, 1978, 4.
22 See Scnteia, January 14th, 1978, 4. N. Popescu-Bogdneti, Din pasiune i ndrumare calificat s-
a nscut o manifestare viu aplaudat: Adunaii-Copceni, Scnteia, January 18th, 1978, 4.
23 See C. Stnescu, Potenialul artistic i educativ al formaiilor tineretului in Scnteia,
October 27th, 1976, 1 & 2. The author criticizes the cultural activists for not being able to
integrate more and more teenagers workers, pupils into the festival.
24 Language analysis of communist discourse has been the focus of several studies and
researches. One of the most important researches is that of Franoise Thom, Newspeak. The
266
The festival witnessed an increase in the number of participants, ranging from

2,000,000 members for its first edition of 1976-1977, to 508,4000 performers and
creators of various ages and professions.25 To these data, one should also add the
number of passive participants, such as spectators, or persons in charge of
organizing the performances.
As Anca Giurchescu points out, Song of Romania did not bring anything
innovative concerning the type of artistic performances, continuing, in fact, a line of
artistic festivals, which had been set up, with the proclamation of the communist
republic (1948).26 For instance, Festivalul filmului la sate (The Film Festival for Villages)
existed before Song of Romania. 27 However, after the emergence of Song of
Romania, this festival was incorporated in it, along with other already existing
festivals at local or regional level.28
Particular festivals existed well before Song of Romania, and so did the
entire structure on which the festival was based for the thirteen years it lasted. The
Decree No. 703/1973 for Establishing Unitary Norms of Structure for Cultural-
Educative Institutions had already set out a national structure of cultural
institutions, made up of cmine culturale (houses of culture for rural areas), case de
cultur (houses of culture for urban areas), clubs, libraries, museums, theaters,
centers for guiding folk creation and mass artistic movement and peoples schools of
art.29 Thus, the cmin cultural was defined as an institution which could be organized
in every commune, as a state-financed institution, without any juridical
representation, with the sole purpose of organizing permanent cultural-artistic
activity. The precondition for the existence of a cmin cultural was that the building
Language of Soviet Communism (London: Claridge Press, 1989). (Original version, in French:
Franoise Thom, La langue de bois (Paris: Julliard, 1987)). Also, for a semiotic approach, see
Rachel Walker, Marxism-Leninism as Discourse: The Politics of the Empty Signifier and the
Double Bind British Journal of Political Science, 2(1989): 161-89.
25 Bucharest Agerpress, September 8, 1989, HU OSA 300-60-1, HU OSA 300-60-1 Records of
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research Institute: Romanian Unit, Subject Files: Culture -
Cntarea Romaniei, Box 109, Folder 804, HU OSA.
26 Anca Giurchescu, The National Festival Song of Romania, 164.
27 This particular festival is mentioned, for instance, in Scnteia, January 11th, 1975, 4. Song of
Romania only started in 1976.
28 See the mentioning of the Film Festival for Villages, 1976-1977 Edition, in Scnteia,
December 2nd, 1976, 4. The Festival was officially organized under the auspices of the Song
of Romania festival.
29 See Decret pentru stabilirea normelor unitare de structur pentru instituiile cultural-
educative 703/1973, in Culegere de legi, decrete i hotrri. n ajutorul activului sindical, Vol. II
(Bucharest: Editura Politic, 1974), 512-3.
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housing it should have had at least one hall for cultural and educational
manifestations.30 Casa de cultur was defined as a state financed institution, in the
subordination of the Peoples Council in every city, town, working center etc., and
without any juridical representation. The preconditions for the existence of a casa de
cultur were that it should organize a permanent cultural and educational activity
and have at least a peoples university, with three courses, a choir, a theater brigade,
a dance group and a propaganda artistic brigade. It was also supposed to have three
or four artistic and technical-practical clubs.31 However, such cultural and artistic
institutions existed long before Decree No. 703, which serves in this case only as an
argument that the festival did not presuppose a structural innovation.32 The decree
also emphasized the quantitative development of cultural activity and it stressed the
importance of the educative role that culture was supposed to assume within the
socialist society. Apart from this, official propaganda was already emphasizing the
necessity of increasing the cultural activity at the mass level, in order to create the
socialist conscience of the new man.33
There was one aspect, however, in which Song of Romania outpaced every
other artistic structure created previously by the regime: the scale and the aim to
encompass all forms of artistic activity at all levels local, regional, national and to
subject them to the guidance of the Communist Party.
Amateur Exhibition Albums before

the Song of Romania Festival in the Early 1970s
In 1971 an album dedicated to several amateur art exhibitions from 1966, 1969, and
1971 set out to conceptualize the strengths of amateur art and of its creators. Defining
amateur artists as working people of various professions, from factories, workers of
the fields, in offices and laboratories who practice painting, sculpture, and visual arts
during their leisure time, the collective author defined the core of amateur art as laying
not in amateurs professional education, but in their love for the esthetical aspects:
30 Ibid. See Decree 703/1973, Chapter II, Article 4..

31 Ibid., 513. See Decree 703/1973, Chapter II, Article 5..
32 The first modern houses of culture in Romania were established in 1919, although their
existence predates World War I. See Gheorghe Popescu, Primele cmine culturale nfiinate
oficial, ndrumtorul cultural, 4(1970): 54.
33 For instance, Universitatea popular. Atribuii i rspunderi sporite n sistemul rspndirii
cunotiinelor tiinifice. Scnteia, January 19th, 1975, 1 & 3. Also, Vasile Tomescu,
Obiective educative n viaa muzical din judee , Scnteia, April 29th, 1975, 4.
268
(Amateur artists) do not develop technical virtuosity and professional ability,

but total and uninterested love for what is beautiful. The sincerity of
expression, their inventiveness, and authentic emotion are, therefore, essential
data of these rich manifestations.34
The Foreword of the album also underlines the success of amateur art
exhibitions abroad, while emphasizing the increase in number of amateur
participants: from 2300 at the biennale in 1961 to 4350 in 1971 when the sixth edition
took place, dedicated to the 50th anniversary of the Romanian Communist Party.35
Even more interesting in the album is the article by the art critic Ion Frunzetti,
Thoughts about Amateur Art, anticipating the guiding lines of the National
Festival Song of Romania a few years later.36 Frunzetti was one of the most active
art critics in the communist cultural media, with a string of articles praising the
official lines for militant art.37 While acknowledging the persistence of prejudices
against amateur art in the professional artistic field, Frunzetti dismisses them as
stemming from the false superiority claimed by professional artists over amateurs
based on formal education (or what Frunzetti calls ironically patalama, the more
familiar, and usually depreciative term for degree). The art critic bases this alleged
superiority on the misconception that art is something to be learned.38 According
to Frunzetti, art relies on two pillars: one is technique, which is to be learned, and
which is regarded by many as the pivot of artistic creation. The second one is
imagination, strongly correlated to a certain type of intelligence, a part of individuality,
activating the imaginative ability of the person. Furthermore, imagination is in
Frunzettis view more likely to be influenced by the life experienced by an
individual, rather than the education one receives. In claiming this, the art critic
manifests his admiration for the rural life style over any urban neuroses.39
One finds the type of intelligence more suitable to the development of

imagination without which art is inconceivable with the people born and
34 Centrul de ndrumare a creaiei populare i a micrii artistice de mas, Cuvnt nainte

(Foreword), in Art plastic de amatori (Bucharest: Centrul de ndrumare a creaiei populare
i a micrii artistice de mas, 1971).
35 Ibid.
36 Ion Frunzetti, Gnduri despre arta de amatori, Ibid.
37 See Magda Crneci, Artele plastice n Romnia 1945-1989. Cu o addenda 1990-2010 (Iai:
Polirom, 2013), 48 & 80.
38 Ion Frunzetti, Gnduri despre arta de amatori
39 Ibid.
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CLAUDIU OANCEA
raised in the village, thought by the very nature whose lessons are not on
purpose, the education of things, as it was named by ancient pedagogues. But
at the same time, such people benefit from a profound traditional culture, the
spiritual culture typical for the Romanian village, which has been so many
times rhetorically sung, but which is still unknown even today when it is about
to vanish under the normal advance of cities over villages.40
Continuing his argument in favor of amateurs as artists who maintain a

peaceful, loving relationship with concrete reality, Frunzetti ends by defining them
as (artists) exempt from the pressures exerted by an established artistic authority.
While professional artists are often restricted in their imagination by the system of
thought created by the craft of art practitioners, amateurs only choose what suits
them best. The only downfall to this, Frunzetti concludes, is that an amateur owes his
skill to the context within which he or she evolves. Thus (amateurs) can reach new
heights or new lows in the works they create.41
Frunzetti ends his brief theoretical essay by referring to the amateur artists of
older regimes, who are not to be confused with authentic amateur artists. In his view,
such yesteryear amateurs only benefited from a scarce and improper education, done
on purpose, which only makes them poor professionals, stripping them of the
genuine love for the aesthetic. The selection of visual works of art in the volume only
partly confirms Frunzettis theoretical scribbling. There is no information provided
about the places of birth and education for the almost eighty amateur artists featured
in the volume. The gender selection is imbalanced with almost seventy artists
featured being male (close to 90 percent). The ages of amateurs varied from high
school pupils, to retired workers, although most of them, were active workers.
The styles employed vary greatly, from attempts at Socialist Realist landscapes,
to copies of Romanian painters, such as tefan Luchian.42 There are several visual
works of art, which go beyond the level of an amateur creation worthy of being
forgotten in a communist propaganda album. One such amateur artist confirmed Ion
Frunzettis claims about the authenticity of non-professional art: Ion Stan Ptras
Gate of Spna encapsulates the rawness and simplicity of a rural style drawing
with the humoristic story of love betrayed. The artwork depicts a traditional
40 Ibid.
41 Ibid.
42 For instance, Flori (Flowers) by Gh. B. Negru, a forest worker from the village of Lereti,
Arge County, whose painting borrows from the style employed by tefan Luchian in
several of his flower paintings.
270
household gate. Colored in yellow, adorned with black motifs, the gate has two
entrances: the larger one on the left depicts a woman kissing a man, the smaller
entrance on the left shows another man hiding behind the gate, who carries an axe
and is spying on the two lovers. The text in the lower part of the painting reads: A
man who lurks for his wife who has run away with her loved one.
The second visual work of art, which is of interest, Peasants eating by Gheorghe
Mitrchi is much more propagandistic, as it compares the eating habits of peasants
in 1938 and in 1968.
Taking into account Stephen Greenblatts analysis of a visual work of art based
on the interplay between three factors (the artists intention, genre, and historical
context), a few remarks need to be made regarding the two visual works presented
above.43 Both Gheorghe (Ghi) Mitrchi and Ion Stan Ptra have remained over
time as remarkable representatives of the nave folk style. While Mitrchi is one
among many other such artists, although worthy enough to be mentioned in
international volumes focusing on the topic, Ptra has achieved a much more
mainstream notoriety for his wood sculptures and paintings on crosses in the Merry
Cemetery of Spna, in the Maramure County.44
Mitrchi started out in 1965 as a purely amateurish peasant who loved to
paint during his leisure time, but three years later he was already enrolled in
painting the circle of the village house of culture (cmin cultural).45 His semi-formal
training is present in his painting not so much in terms of technique, but in the
propagandistic intention of underlining the better lifestyle of peasantry during
socialism as opposed to the interwar period. The left side of the painting shows three
peasants eating outside their house, mmlig (porridge made out of maize flour,
traditional in Romania) being their main dish. The right side of the painting shows a
couple sitting at the table, eating chicken legs, drinking red wine with seltzer water.
Behind them there is a TV set showing a basketball match and two paintings on the
wall depicting various forested landscapes, which is perhaps also a hint to
Mitrchis own passion for painting.
43 Greenblatt, Murdering Peasants, 13.

44 For Mitrchi, see Nathalia Brodskaya, Nave Art (New York: Confidential Concepts, 2014).
Mitrchi is listed with the same work as presented in the chapter. Brodskaya, however,
wrongly dates his paiting to 1908. Mitrchi was born in 1904 and, according to testimonies
by his close ones, only started paiting after 1965. See Magda Bratu, Comuna Brca i declar
ceteni de onoare, post-mortem, pe pictorul Ghi Mitrchi i sculptorul Alexandru
Ciutureanu, Cuvntul Libertii, June 8th, 2013, online at http://ow.ly/NGPp308iyNS,
accessed on September 28th, 2016.
45 Bratu, Comuna Brca.
271
CLAUDIU OANCEA
Notwithstanding the obvious comparison of evolving eating habits from 1938,

which was the year usually taken into account by official propaganda when
comparing socialism achievements to interwar setbacks, the nave character of the
painting also underlines other changes in rural lifestyles. The two peasants from 1968
not only have a TV set, showing sports, but their clothes have changed drastically
over the past thirty years, depicting a more urban fashion style. In this sense, the
author intention both underlines and undermines the official claims of the socialist
regime, as well as Ion Frunzettis claims regarding the task of amateur artists in rural
areas to illustrate the superiority of their traditional lifestyle over urban decadence.
Ptra, on the other hand, had started sculpting since the 1930s, being an
established folk artist by 1936.46 His art, while preserving the traditional folk and
nave characters specific of the region of Maramure emerged and developed
irrespective of the regimes Romania had gone through from the 1930s until the early
1970s. His painting has nothing to do with official propaganda, and while nave in its
technique, it owes more in the nature of its subject (in this particular case: adultery)
to realism. Thus, despite similar intentions on behalf of both artists, similar genres of
representation and similar historical contexts, which are largely the same, if we
ignore the regional cultural differences between Oltenia and Maramure, the two
artists do not share the same socio-ideological language to use Greenblatts term.47
The Song of Romania Festival and Amateur Exhibition Albums
Given the nature of the National Festival Song of Romania, as presented in this
chapter, one would expect amateurs to play a central role in the exhibitions
organized across socialist Romania. However, this was not always the case. Despite
being officially generous in the variety of topics to choose from, the competition gave
precedence to important historical commemorations as decided by the Romanian
Communist Party. One such album published in 1977 the same year when the first
edition of Song of Romania ended was dedicated to the celebration of a hundred
years since the 1877 Declaration of Independence. 48 The album offers a virtual
exhibition of some of the most important (as considered at that time) works of art
dedicated to Romanian independence, as well as to the struggle of Romanians for it
46 See Casa Memorial Stan Ioan Ptra, casememoriale.ro, online at http://ow.ly/81

vX308iz2Q, accessed on September 28th, 2016.
47 Greenblatt, Murdering Peasants,14.
48 Epopeea independenei n arta plastic romneasc, (Bucharest: Meridiane, 1977).
272
throughout history. The introduction includes the by then usual remarks about the
relationships between national history and artistic representations, as well as the
sketchy attempts to present the essence of the Romanian people as a synthesis of
fearless warriors and peaceful creators of art. Unlike Frunzettis essay, however, this
time the dogmatic language style completely overshadows the content, yielding
nothing but the mere performative dimension of the official discourse.49 Despite the
enumeration of various historic cases when the role played by the masses was as
least as important as that played by leaders, the selection of works includes only
professional artists, from Theodor Aman to Nicolae Grigorescu, or historical visual
creations, such as monastery murals. This time, national history took precedence
over the former rural-urban divide.
The Song of Romania festival yielded, however, several exhibition albums,
comprising works of art presented at local, regional, national levels. While some
were regional, other albums, usually under much better printing conditions included
artists at a national level.50
One such album was published in 1980 by the prestigious Meridiane Publishing
House, which, at the time, housed one the most important book series on art, the so-
called Colecia de art (The Art Collection). Printed in hardcover with a high quality color
dust jacket, the album included several dozens color reproductions of paintings,
sculptures, and posters authored mainly by award winning amateurs within the
1978-1979 edition of Song of Romania National Festival of Socialist Education and
Culture.51 The introduction of the album is translated in English, French, German,
Russian, and Spanish, indicating that the album was also meant for foreign audiences.
The foreword underlines once more the growing importance that amateur art
had acquired within the field of artistic creation, focusing on nave art and folklore
creations, seen as pivotal axes preferred by most amateurs. However, the text offers
no explanation of how certain themes became of less or more importance over others.
While emphasizing the advantages provided by nave art in helping artists express
themselves in a natural way, the actual selection of such works indicates a process
of folklorization of the genre, much in the same vein as had been the case with folk
music. While retaining certain features of the genre, the official intention overlaps
with that of the author, simplifying the social and ideological language of the work
in question.
49 Yurchak, Everything Was Forever, 285.

50 For regional albums, see, for instance, Artiti plastici amatori din Satu Mare (Satu Mare:
Centrul de ndrumare a creaiei populare i a micrii artistice de mas Satu Mare, 1980).
51 Art plastic de amatori Pictur Sculptur Grafic (Bucharest: Meridiane, 1980).
273
CLAUDIU OANCEA
Notwithstanding this, there are cases when the techniques employed by

amateur artists actually undermined the official message. One such painting, entitled
La spectacol (At the Show) which brought its author the third prize in the second
edition of the Song of Romania Festival depicts a televised folk performance held
in a house of culture. While the performers themselves are indicative of the reality of
such performances in most areas although officially folk performances and
especially those within official manifestations were supposed to have the singers
backed by full orchestras, in reality the accompanying ensembles (the so-called taraf)
were much smaller what catches the eye is the technique used for the faces of the
paintings characters, very similar to that used in icons painted on glass. Since the
volume offers no information on the artists background, apart from the fact that he
was a worker, one can only speculate over Mihai Atileanformal or informal artistic
education and his choice of using a technique typical for glass icons in creating a
painting for a festival which centered on Nicolae Ceauescus personality cult, national
unity under socialism, modernization, or rural traditions that, nevertheless, excluded
the religious aspects of everyday life. It is to be expected, taking into account the
historical context, that such a technique could have been learned rather informally,
especially for an amateur artist, whose main access to artistic education was through
the system of houses of culture, or factory artistic brigades. Regardless of this, his
painting reaching the near top of Song of Romania awards is indicative for an
entire subgenre of such creations that combined officially neglected or unsanctioned
means of artistic expression with topics very much fashionable with the regime. In this
case, using Yurchaks term of performative discourse once more, the actual performance
(the creation of the painting) through the use of the glass icon style undermines the
official ideological language, to which the author himself had adhered.
Notwithstanding such cases, most amateur artists simply copied works of art,
or techniques used by professional artists and applied them to topics which were
central to the output of the Festival:
One such example is provided by a window maker from Reia, by the name of
Doru Bucur and his award winning painting, Mihai Viteazul (Michael the Brave).
Born in 1951, Bucur was a member of the county association of visual artists, and had
already won the third prize at the first edition of the Song of Romania Festival.52
By 1980 Mihai Viteazul (Michael the Brave) was firmly established as one of the main
historical figures to be used by the regime for propaganda purposes. Known as the
Wallachias prince to rule briefly at the end of the 16th century over both Wallachia
and Moldavia, while also being an imperial governor of Transylvania, Michael the
Brave became a symbolic figure for Romanian national emancipation struggle during
52 His brief biography is presented in the introduction of the album. See Ibid., 14.
274
the 19th century.53 His symbolic legacy had already been addressed by the communist
propaganda in two feature films, out of which one allegedly was Romanias entry for
the Academy Award for Best Foreign Language Film in 1972 (without actually being
accepted as a nominee).54
Therefore, choosing such a topic for a festival like Song of Romania was
already a strong advantage for anyone eager to make himself/herself noticed. In this
case, Bucur was a member of a professional artistsassociation and this is highlighted
not just by his choice of topic, but also by his technique of choice, which has nothing
to do with the nave art of rural amateur artists or any other folklore related topics. In
fact, when one takes a closer look at the short biographies of those who had won 1st prize
at the Song of Romania festival in 1979, one notices that most of them were either
members of professional or semi-professional artistic associations or had already had
personal exhibitions across the country.55
A similar exhibition album from the 1979-1981 edition of Song of Romania
offers further data on the number of participants to the festival and the awards
given: more than 3800000 contestants had taken part in the festival, almost twice as
the number for the first edition.56 This time, however, a major focus is on handicraft
objects, primarily focusing on folklore motifs. The third edition ended with a
republican exhibition held at the Art Museum of the Socialist Republic of Romania,
as a token of the high esteem given officially to amateur art.
Concluding Remarks
Less than a month after Ceauescus end, in December 1989, a certain Aureliu Goci
referred to Song of Romania as a festival of sad memory. 57 He went on to
53 For further info on Michael the Braves myth as a national unifier, see Lucian Boia, History and
Myth in Romanian Consciousness (Budapest: CEU Press, 2001), especially Chapter 4, Unity, 129-51.
54 The film was Mihai Viteazul (Michael the Brave), directed by Sergiu Nicolaescu in 1970. It
has become one of the most popular movies in the history of Romanian cinema. See IMDb,
accessed October 1, 2016, http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0066078/?ref_=ttawd_awd_tt.
55 See Art plastic de amatori Pictur Sculptur Grafic, 14 -5.
56 Art plastic de amatori i art popular (Bucharest: Meridiane, 1983), 7. As mentioned, the
Festival increased its number from 2.000.000 participants for the first edition to more than
5.000.000 in 1989. See Bucharest Agerpress, September 8, 1989, HU OSA 300-60-1, Records of
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research Institute: Romanian Unit, Subject Files: Culture
Singing of Romania, Box 109, Folder 804, HU OSA.
57 Aureliu Goci, ntre diletantism i profesionalizare, Timp liber, January 1st, 1990, 29. Timp
liber (Free Time) was the continuation of the Cntarea Romniei (Song of Romania) magazine
275
CLAUDIU OANCEA
acknowledge the reality of the festivals infrastructure, referring to ordinarys

people desire to sing, write poetry, paint, act in theatre plays, dance.58 Goci saw
Ceauescus personality cult as the superstructure of the festival, namely that
particular part which was disseminated through mass media. In this sense, the
author saw the festival as a failure, but was optimistic about the perspectives that lay
ahead for amateur artists. Future events would prove that freedom, seen in 1990 as
the foremost condition for creation, was not the only prerequisite when dealing with
cultural activities, especially in a former socialist state.
As seen in the mentioned exhibition albums, the relationship between amateur
and professional artists is almost never openly discussed. While on the one hand
amateur artists enjoyed obvious advantages on behalf of the socialist state (in terms
of leisure time, access to professional associations, as well as access to basic
materials), on the other hand they remained mostly restricted in the topics they
created on. While it is difficult to assess to what extent this affected their artistic
creations, the ideological language they employed simply followed the official
discourse, while being undermined more than once by the very concepts the socialist
state was supporting: nave art or tradition.
Furthermore, while amateur works of art reinforce the idea of a late socialist
period marked by the centrality of art and culture within the regime, as well as the
coexistence of socialist and national culture, they also underline the prejudices held
against amateur artists by the very same state supposed to assist them in finding
their own freedom of artistic expression. In the exhibition albums under consideration in
this chapter these prejudices become evident in the nature of the topics and themes
explored by amateur artists: always being officially sanctioned, being part of the state
approved, stagnant discourse about what amateur artists were supposed to create.
Under these conditions, it is the performative aspect of the works created by amateur
artists that provided a glimpse into the informal negotiations and everyday cultural
developments that lay underneath the official discourse of the regime.
(August, 1980 - 1989), which at its turn had continued ndrumtorul cultural (Cultural Guide)
(1951 July, 1980). All these magazines dealt with mass culture and cultural policies. Timp
liber only lasted until October 1990, when its publication ceased.
58 Ibid.
276
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(A Low level of Art, A High Level of Propaganda in the Artistic Festival Song
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Research Institute: Romanian Unit, Subject Files: Culture Cntarea Romaniei
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Ghi Mitrchi i sculptorul Alexandru Ciutureanu (The Brca commune
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Brodskaya, Nathalia. Nave Art. New York: Confidential Concepts, 2014.

Casa Memorial Stan Ioan Ptra (The memorial house of Stan Ioan Ptra).
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and Creation). Scnteia, January 11th, 1976.
Erjavec, Ale, ed., Postmodernism and the Postsocialist Condition: Politicized Art under
Late Socialism. Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2003.
Festivalul Naional al educaiei i culturii socialiste Cntarea Romniei, strlucit
manifestare a dragostei de munc, a virtuilor creatoare ale poporului nostru,
expresie a democratismului politicii culturale a Partidului Comunist Romn
(The National Festival of Education and Socialist Culture Song of Romania, a
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expression of the democratic cultural politics of the Romanian Communist
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Giurchescu, Anca. The National Festival Song of Romnia, Symbols n Political
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Greenblatt, Stephen. Murdering Peasants: Status, Genre, and the Representation of
Rebellion Representations 1(1983):1-29.
Ionoi, Ion. Democratismul culturii noastre socialiste (The Democracy of our
Socialist Culture). Scnteia, January 20th, 1978.
Lane, Christel. The Rites of Rulers. Ritual in Industrial Society The Soviet Case. Cambridge:
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Nicolaescu, Sergiu, (director), Mihai Viteazul (Michael the Brave). Bucharest: Studioul
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Pop, Simion. Munc i cultur (Work and Culture). Scnteia, January 10th, 1978.
Popescu, Gheorghe. Primele cmine culturale nfiinate official (The first cultural
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Scnteia, January 18th, 1978.
Popescu-Bogdneti, N. Note stridente n melosul popular (Atonal Musical Notes
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Rdulescu, Sperana. Traditional Musics and Ethnomusicology: Under Political
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Stancu, Natalia. Avanpremier 1978: Filmul (Perspective on 1978: Film). Scnteia,
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Stnescu, C. Potenialul artistic i educativ al formaiilor tineretului (The Artistic
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Tomescu, Vasile. Obiective educative n viaa muzical din judee (Educational
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Responsibilities in the System of Spreading Scientific Knowledge). Scnteia,

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Verone, Pierre. Inventica (Inventing). Bucharest: Albatros, 1983.
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280
Second Part
The State Artist
in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe
LUnion du cinma dURSS,
moteur, reflet et victime de la perestroka (1986-1991)
CCILE VAISSI
Abstract. In May 1986, the Fifth Congress of the Union of Soviet Cinematographers marked a
turning point in the relations between artists and political authorities in the USSR, as it seems to
concretize the "perestroika" (reconstruction) that Mikhail Gorbachev, the new General Secretary of
the Party (CPSU), had just launched. At the delegates elections, some members of this Union had
already refused to vote for the candidates proposed by the Party. During the Congress, the
individuals and structures that directed the Union of Cinematographers were publicly and
violently criticized, and it would take some time to understand that, part of this "revolt," had been
agreed by the Central Committee of the CPSU. Fresh hopes appeared and, in the next few years,
the Union of Cinematographers, with its newly elected direction, was one of the moving forces of
the perestroika: it tried to correct past injustices, to seek new economic solutions, and to encourage
public debate on painful issues. However, confronted with a growing crisis and with the collapse
of the structures and rules that they criticized, but knew, many members of the Cinema Union soon
grew distraught. In 1991, the failure of the putsch marked both the end of a failed system and the
beginning of something else, very much unknown yet. The Union of Soviet Cinematographers can
therefore be seen as one of the motors of the perestroika and a mirror of this period of change, but
also as its victim, since it did not survive the end of the Soviet Union.
Introduction
Le cinquime Congrs de lUnion du cinma dURSS, en mai 1986, marque un

tournant dterminant dans lhistoire des rapports entre artistes et autorits politiques
en URSS. En effet, il se produit quelques semaines aprs le vingt-septime Congrs
du PCUS (Parti communiste dUnion sovitique), qui sest tenu du 25 fvrier au
6 mars 1986, et au cours duquel Mikhal Gorbatchev, nouveau secrtaire gnral du
PCUS, a lanc officiellement la perestroka (reconstruction) et la glasnost (la
CCILE VAISSI
transparence). Or, le Congrs de lUnion du cinma semble concrtiser ces slogans.

Mikhal Gorbatchev est, en effet, conscient de la situation catastrophique dans
laquelle se trouve lconomie sovitique, et il comprend la ncessit de rformer le
systme. Nanmoins, la situation conomique est si grave quil na gure de marge
de manuvre et, conformment aux recommandations formules par la sociologue
Tatiana Zaslavskaa en 1983, il est prt donner aux Sovitiques davantage de libert
dexpression, dans lespoir que ceux-ci retrouvent un esprit dinitiative et une
conscience professionnelle perdus. 1 Il a donc besoin des artistes, comme ses
prdcesseurs, mais diffremment de ceux-ci.
Le Congrs de lUnion du cinma dURSS (1986) donne limpression que les
crateurs reprennent le contrle de leurs choix et parviennent imposer ceux-ci. Il
faudra attendre un peu pour comprendre quune partie de la rvolte sest droule
ce congrs avec laccord du Comit central du PCUS. Dans les quelques annes
suivantes, lUnion du cinma se montre, contrairement lUnion des crivains, un
acteur particulirement actif et moteur de la perestroka. Au sein de cette Union du
cinma sobservent, en effet, des recherches de solutions conomiques nouvelles,
qui ne le sont pas toujours, et une volont dinnover et de dbattre, mais aussi une
certaine confusion et un manque de foi dans les capacits collectives se rformer.
Trs vite, les membres de lUnion du cinma, confronts la crise et lcroulement
des structures et des rgles quils critiquaient, mais connaissaient, savrent dsempars.
En 1991, lchec du putsch marque la fois la fin dun systme dans limpasse et le
dbut dun autre auquel ils ne sont gure adapts et quils ne cernent pas vraiment.
LUnion du cinma dURSS peut donc tre vue comme le moteur et le reflet, mais
aussi la victime dune perestroka laquelle, pas plus que lURSS, elle ne survivra.
Au cours de ces cinq annes, les membres de lUnion du cinma affichent des
diffrences de comportements, parfois trs nettes, et celles-ci sont aussi conditionnes
par lge de ces acteurs sociaux, leur russite professionnelle au cours de la priode
prcdente, et le statut social de leurs familles. Ces comportements annoncent des
trajectoires dont les rsultats se constatent aujourdhui, et ils permettent de mieux
saisir les volutions des artistes sovitiques, puis post-sovitiques.
Toutefois, si de nombreux textes, scientifiques ou grand-public, ont t
consacrs au cinma de la perestroka pendant celle-ci ou juste aprs, ce sujet na
suscit par la suite quun intrt limit chez les chercheurs occidentaux. En outre,
lintrt lpoque tait, en grande partie, centr sur les volutions des thmatiques,
1 Ccile Vaissi, La prose de la perestroka et lexploration des rpressions staliniennes,

Vingtime Sicle. Revue dhistoire 112(2011): 57-69.
284
voire des esthtiques, des films: jusqu la thse de Martine Godet,2 il ny avait pas de
travaux fondamentaux sur lorganisation institutionnelle de lUnion du cinma. En
revanche, depuis 1991, de nombreux documents, tmoignages et autobiographies ont
t publis en Russie et, grce aussi des entretiens raliss avec les acteurs de
lpoque, il est dsormais possible, en additionnant analyses des structures, des
rformes, des parcours individuels et des thmatiques cinmatographiques,
danalyser comment les membres de lUnion du cinma sovitique ont tent, ou pas,
de reconqurir une autonomie perdue.
La cration de lUnion du cinma dURSS en 1965
Cest le 3 juin 1957 que le secrtariat du Comit central du PCUS a valid la

proposition de crer une Union du cinma dURSS. Un Comit dorganisation a
dabord t mis sur pied, puis est apparue lUnion des travailleurs du cinma, qui a
donn naissance lUnion du cinma dURSS.3 Le congrs fondateur de celle-ci se
tient au Kremlin du 23 au 26 novembre 1965,4 trente-et-un ans aprs celui de lUnion
des crivains dURSS. Pourquoi si tard? Peut-tre parce que, sous Staline, peu de
films taient tourns, surtout aprs la guerre, si bien que le milieu du cinma est rest
quantitativement rduit. Cest aprs la mort de Staline, en 1953, que les films se sont
multiplis, faisant exploser le nombre de personnes travaillant dans le cinma.
lissue de ce Congrs de 1965, le ralisateur Lev Koulidjanov5 devenait le Premier
2 Martine Godet, La censure dans le cinma sovitique du Dgel la Perestroka. La Pellicule

et les ciseaux (PhD diss., EHESS, 2000). Voir son adaptation en livre: Martine Godet, La
Pellicule et les ciseaux. La Censure dans le cinma sovitique du Dgel la perestroka (Paris: CNRS
ditions, 2010).
3 Kratkij oerk po istorii Sojuza Kinematografistov Rossii, Sojuz kinematografistov Rossijskoj
Federacii, dernier accs le 22 septembre 2016, http://unikino.ru/--
-/.
4 Sovetskij kran, 24(1965): 1-2.
5 Lev Kulidanov (1924-2002) est n et a grandi Tbilissi, en Gorgie sovitique. Son pre, un
important cadre du parti, disparat dans les purges en 1937 et sa mre, arrte la mme
anne, ne revient des camps quen 1944. Lev Kulidanov se passionne pour le thtre, mais
travaille dabord comme ouvrier lusine. En 1948, il est admis au VGIK, la grande cole de
cinma moscovite, et tudie auprs de Sergej Gerasimov et Tamara Makarova. Aprs avoir
termin ses tudes en 1955, il est affect au studio Gorki. Entre 1956 et 1994, il tourne quinze
films et une mini-srie, Karl Marx. La jeunesse (1980), couronne par un prix Lnine. Sans
doute ses trois films les plus connus sont-ils La Maison o je vis (1957), Quand les arbres taient
grands (1961) et Crime et chtiment (1969), daprs Dostoevskij, qui lui a valu un prix dtat
285
CCILE VAISSI
secrtaire de la nouvelle Union, et il le resterait jusquen 1986. Au dbut des annes

2000, Armen Medvedev, fonctionnaire du cinma apprci par les gens du mtier,
assurera que Koulidjanov tait lun des metteurs en scne les plus talentueux des
annes 1950-1960 et un homme ayant de vraies qualits morales.6 Mais il concdera
que le premier pas vers la stagnation a t fait avec cette quipe de direction, qui
sera, au dbut de la perestroka, honnie par ses pairs.
Les Unions cratrices sovitiques affirment dfendre les intrts de leurs
membres, mais ont, en fait, pour principale fonction de faciliter le contrle du Parti
sur les crateurs et leurs uvres, ou, comme laffirment les slogans officiels jusqu la
fin des annes 1980, dunir ces artistes autour du Parti.7 Dailleurs, le statut adopt
lors du congrs de 1965 prcise que la premire obligation des membres de lUnion
du cinma est de participer activement, par tout leur travail cratif, la construction
du communisme, lducation dun homme nouveau, la lutte contemporaine pour
le progrs social, la paix et lamiti entre les peuples,8 et ce rle idologique sera par
la suite constamment rappel.9
Les dirigeants de lUnion du cinma collaborent donc avec les cadres du
Dpartement de la culture, qui, au sein de lappareil du Comit central, supervise le
champ artistique et culturel.10 Ils ont galement pour interlocuteurs le Comit central
lui-mme, les studios et les crateurs, ainsi que le GosKino. Cr en 1963, ce Comit
dtat pour le cinma auprs du Conseil des ministres dURSS contrle la cration
cinmatographique. Il supervise lactivit des studios et leur production; il peut
autoriser ou interdire un film, et demander des modifications toutes les tapes de
de Russie. Membre du PCUS depuis 1962, Lev Koulidanov a t dclar hros du travail
socialiste en 1984, et il a enseign au VGIK jusquen 1995. Les traduction en franais des
titres de films sont reprises du site francophone kinoglaz: http://www.kinoglaz.fr. Une autre
source trs riche et prcise pour les filmographies est le site russophone kinopoisk:
https://www.kinopoisk.ru. Par ailleurs, les noms russes des individus mentionns font
lobjet, dans les notes, dune translittration dite scientifique, ce qui nest pas le cas dans le
corps du texte.
6 Armen Medvedev, Territorija kino (Moskva: Vagrius, 2001), 166.
7 Voir: Ccile Vaissi, Les Ingnieurs des mes en chef. Littrature et politique en URSS, 1944-1986
(Paris: Belin, 2008).
8 F. 5 / 36 / 153, Archives de ltat russe pour lhistoire contemporaine, Moscou RGANI, 139-157.
9 Voir, entre autres: Sovetskij kran 12(1971); Iskusstvo Kino 7(1971): 26-31; Pismo delegatov
III Vsesojuznogo sezda kinematografistov CK KPSS, Iskusstvo Kino 9(1976): 3-4; Iskusstvo
Kino 9(1976): 13-4.
10 Jutilise, dans ce texte, le terme bourdieusien de champs littraire, artistique et culturel,
tout en ayant conscience que ceux-ci, en URSS, ne sont pas indpendants du politique.
286
celui-ci. Son prsident dpend du secrtaire du Comit central, en charge de lidologie.11

Filipp Ermach (1923-2002) occupait ce poste daot 1972 dcembre 1986.
Diffrentes structures extrieures interviennent galement dans le cinma, en
fonction des sujets traits. Ainsi, larme dont la Direction politique est redoutable a
son mot dire sur tout film faisant intervenir des militaires. Des ministres peuvent
galement tre appels donner leur avis. Quant au KGB, il est trs prsent dans le
cinma comme dans le reste de la culture. Lorsquun film voque les services secrets
sovitiques, il ne peut tre tourn sans laval dun grad du KGB, qui examine la
premire version du scnario et les bouts dessai. 12 En outre, de tels films sont
superviss par des consultants, eux-aussi officiers du KGB.13 Des reprsentants de
la police politique sont affects chaque studio,14 o des collaborateurs secrets sont
galement recruts. Un prix, dcern par le KGB dURSS, lUnion des crivains
dURSS et lUnion du cinma dURSS, tmoigne de lexcellente collaboration de ces
trois organisations pendant la Stagnation.15
Comme toutes les autres unions cratrices sovitiques, lUnion du cinma est
construite de faon pyramidale: le centre supervise les unions des rpubliques
fdrales et les organisations locales, faisant miroir deux autres structures
pyramidales: celle du GosKino et celle du Parti, la plus complte. Un rseau enserre
ainsi la cration cinmatographique sur lensemble du territoire. Appartenir
lUnion du cinma permet, en thorie, davoir accs des privilges matriels
logements, sjours de vacances ou de cration, accs des maisons de retraite ou des
magasins spcifiques etc. dont la qualit et limportance sont proportionnelles la
place occupe par chacun dans la hirarchie. Cela donne galement accs une
11 Godet, La Pellicule et les ciseaux, 55-61.

12 Julian Semionov, LAgence TASS est autorise dclarer... (Paris: Belfond, 1989), 272-6.
13 Par exemple, la clbre srie tlvise Dix-sept moments de printemps, qui a pour hros un
agent sovitique infiltr dans les plus hauts cercles de direction nazis, avait un principal
consultant, signal au gnrique: le colonel-gnral S.K. Miin. Sous ce pseudonyme se
cachait le colonel-gnral Semn Cvigun, Premier adjoint du Prsident du KGB, parent par
mariage de Leonid Brenev et auteur dune srie de livres sur les partisans et les agents
sovitiques infiltrs pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Voir le site: Semnadcatmgnovennij
vesny, dernier accs le 9 dcembre 2016, http://mgnoveniya.ru/s-k-mishin-glavnyj-konsultant/.
Voir aussi: Ccile Vaissi, False Nazis and True Chekists, Treacherous Allies and Close
Enemies: The Soviet Series Seventeen Moments of Spring, in The Cold War and
Entertainment Television, ed. Lori Maguire (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars
Publishing, 2016), 107-20.
14 Godet, La Pellicule et les ciseaux, 207.
15 Anatolij Gladilin, Poxodenija sovetskogo piona, Novoe Russkoe Slovo, 19 avril (1984): 3,
20 avril (1984): 3.
287
CCILE VAISSI
sociabilit professionnelle, notamment Moscou o les gens de cinma se retrouvent

Dom Kino, la Maison du cinma, pour assister des premires, voir des films qui ne
seront pas toujours distribus dans les salles, boire un verre ou discuter dun projet.16
LUnion du cinma tait beaucoup moins froce lencontre de ses membres
que lUnion des crivains: elle les excluait rarement, sauf lorsquelle ne pouvait
vraiment pas faire autrement.17 Par ailleurs, les dirigeants politiques nont pas, cette
poque, le mme rapport au cinma qu la littrature. Contrairement Staline, ils ne
lisent pratiquement pas, alors quils se font envoyer dans leur datcha des films, de
prfrence divertissants, et les regardent en famille. 18 Cest aussi grce ce
changement de pratiques que des longs-mtrages non-idologiques sont produits
ct des longs-mtrages de propagande.
De bons films taient tourns en URSS dans les annes 1970 et 1980: films
relativement litistes, qui rsultent aussi dun dtournement habile des rgles du jeu,
comme ceux dAndre Tarkovski,19 ou films grand-public, mais de qualit, comme
ceux dEldar Riazanov. 20 Nanmoins, le systme sest puis et la censure tait
16 Interview de Ljudmila Golubkina par Ccile Vaissi, Moscou, 18 aot 2007.

17 ldar Rjazanov, Nepodvedennye itogi (Moskva: Vagrius, 2003), 338.
18 Medvedev, Territorija kino, 171-2.
19 Andrej Arsenevi Tarkovskij (1932-1986), fils dun pote, est lun des plus clbres cinastes
sovitiques, parce quil a cr une esthtique absolument personnelle, mme si elle est
souvent imite, et quil a imprgn ses films dune spirituelle indite dans le cinma en
URSS. Aprs ses tudes au VGIK dans la classe du metteur en scne Mixail Romm, il a
tourn sept longs-mtrages de cinma: LEnfance dIvan (1962), Andr Roublev (1966), Solaris
(1972), Grand prix spcial du jury Cannes, Le Miroir (1974), Stalker (1979), qui, arriv en
cachette au festival de Cannes, en a t la sensation, Nostalgie (1983) et Le Sacrifice (1986) qui
a reu le Grand prix spcial du jury au festival de Cannes. Plusieurs de ses films ont eu de
gros problmes avec les autorits de contrle du cinma: par exemple, Le Miroir, trs
critiqu, a t distribu, mais avec un nombre rduit de copies (Voir:, F. 5 / 68 / 630 /
Archives de ltat russe pour lhistoire contemporaine, RGANI, Moscou, 4-6). Autoris par
les autorits sovitiques tourner Nostalgie en Italie, Tarkovskij a demand au GosKino
dURSS, une fois le film termin et prim Cannes, dy rester trois ans de plus avec sa
famille (F. 4 / 28 / 678 / Archives de ltat russe pour lhistoire contemporaine, RGANI,
Moscou, 13-34; F. 4 / 29 / 45 / Archives de ltat russe pour lhistoire contemporaine RGANI,
Moscou, 79-83). Mais le GosKino a refus, et, le 10 juillet 1984, Tarkovskij a annonc son
refus de rentrer en URSS (Andrei Tarkovsky: I am not guilty, Times, 11 juillet, 1984). Il est
mort Paris dun cancer.
20 ldar Aleksandrovi Rjazanov (1927-2015), dont le pre avait pass dix-sept ans dans les
camps staliniens, a sans doute t le ralisateur le plus populaire dans lURSS des annes
1970 et 1980, grce des films racontant des histoires pleines dhumanit et dhumour, sur
fond dune critique lgre de certaines spcificits sovitiques. Aprs ses tudes au VGIK, il
288
devenue de plus en plus pesante. La critique russe Nea Zorkaa dnoncera par la
suite la pression croissante du GosKino sur les cinastes et lintolrance croissante
des responsables aux diffrents niveaux. 21 Selon elle, seuls les cinastes qui
acceptaient la loi du GosKino pouvaient travailler, alors que dautres dont des
gens rellement dous nen avaient plus la possibilit.22 En 2016, le critique Andre
Plakhov confirme ces propos et voque la profonde crise dans laquelle tait plong
le cinma au dbut des annes 1980.23 Des changements semblent indispensables, et
ils sont demands explicitement lors de ce cinquime Congrs de lUnion du cinma,
qui restera dans les mmoires comme une fronde sans prcdent.
Des lections perturbes: le signe dune volont de changements
Ds la fin de 1985, des changements samorcaient dans le cinma. Agonie (1974), un

film dElem Klimov,24 dont laction se droule en 1916 et tourne autour de la famille
impriale russe et du meurtre de Raspoutine,25 sortait sur les crans, alors quil tait
a travaill dans un studio de films documentaires, avant de rejoindre Mosfilm en 1955. En

1956, il y a tourn sa premire comdie qui a t un norme succs populaire: La Nuit de
Carnaval. Plusieurs autres de ses films ont t vus par des millions de spectateurs:
notamment, LIronie du sort (1975), qui continue dtre diffus chaque 31 dcembre, Romance
de bureau (1977; 58.4 millions de spectateurs en URSS daprs kinopoisk.ru), Une gare pour
deux (1982) et Romance cruelle (1984). Il a reu un prix dtat dURSS en 1977 et un Prix dtat
de Russie en 1979. Dans les dernires annes de sa vie, ldar Rjazanov critiquait
svrement Vladimir Putin et Nikita Mikhalkov.
21 Cit dans: Marcel Martin, Le Cinma sovitique de Khrouchtchev Gorbatchev (Lausanne: LAge
dHomme, 1993), 68-9.
22 Ibidem.
23 Andrej Plaxov, Rastoplennyj ajsberg, Kommersant 11(2016), dernier accs le 22 septembre
2016, http://www.kommersant.ru/doc/2982842.
24 lem Klimov est n Stalingrad en 1933. Aprs avoir termin un institut daviation, il a
dabord travaill comme ingnieur et est entr au Parti en 1962. En 1964, il termine le VGIK
et commence travailler au studio Mosfilm. Son premier long-mtrage, la comdie Soyez les
bienvenus ou entre interdite aux trangers, est un succs. En revanche, son film suivant, Les
Aventures dun dentiste, tourn en 1965, ne sort quen 1967 avec seulement 78 copies et est
rapidement pos sur ltagre. Deux autres de ses longs-mtrages marqueront: Les Adieux
Matiora (1981), daprs le roman de Valentin Rasputin, et Requiem pour un massacre (1985),
sur les horreurs commises par les nazis en Bilorussie sovitique pendant la guerre.
25 Film dlem Klimov, sur un scnario de Semn Lungin et Ilja Nusinov. Voir: http://www.ki
noglaz.fr/u_fiche_film.php?num=15, dernier accs le 10 dcembre 2016.
289
CCILE VAISSI
bloqu depuis dix ans. 26 En outre, la presse publiait certaines attaques contre le
GosKino et lUnion du cinma. Ainsi, au dbut janvier 1986, la Komsomolskaa Pravda
dplorait que La Vrification (1971) 27 dAlexe Guerman 28 nait toujours pas t
distribu, alors que ce film, tourn quinze ans plus tt, dont le hros est un soldat
russe, dserteur de larme allemande et rentr chez les siens, tait ncessaire,
indispensable des millions de spectateurs. 29 Cet article est toutefois sign par
Evguni Sourkov (1915-1988), un ancien haut-fonctionnaire du cinma, qui note le
scnariste Anatoli Grebnev (1923-2002) dans son Journal a lui aussi touff et
interdit: Et maintenant, cest comme si de rien ntait!30 Toute lambigut des
changements venir est l: certains rformateurs sont aussi les censeurs de la veille.
En avril 1986, Evguni Sourkov dclare publiquement regretter les erreurs quil
avait commises dans le pass. Sans doute tait-il absolument sincre, ironisera
Grebnev: lpoque et maintenant, et toutes les poques, chaque poque de sa
vie, il tait sincre chaque moment [...]. 31 De fait, depuis des dcennies, des
dirigeants du cinma ou de la culture adaptent leurs propos la ligne fluctuante du
Parti. Avec la perestroka, comme jadis avec le Dgel khrouchtchvien, ils ont
loccasion de changer leurs discours une fois de plus, et ceci explique quen URSS,
beaucoup doutent de la ralit des rformes voques.
Au printemps 1986, des runions taient organises, pour que les 6618
membres de lUnion du cinma choisissent les 664 dlgus qui allaient les
reprsenter leur cinquime Congrs. Dans la pratique, ces dlgus taient
slectionns par le Parti qui dresse les listes proposes aux lecteurs, ceux-ci devant
26 Plaxov, Rastoplennyj ajsberg.

27 Film dAleksej German, sur un scnario dduard Volodarskij, daprs les Rcits de guerre
de Jurij German. Voir: http://www.kinoglaz.fr/u_fiche_film.php?num=639, dernier accs le
10 dcembre 2016.
28 Aleksej German (1938-2013) a t lun des gnies du cinma mondial, mme sil na ralis,
seul, que cinq films. Fils dun crivain connu en URSS, il travaille dabord au thtre, puis,
en 1964, est engag au studio Lenfilm de Leningrad. Son premier film sans coralisateur, La
Vrification, tourn en 1971, est aussitt mis sur ltagre. Cinq ans plus tard, German
tourne Vingt jours sans guerre, daprs un texte de Konstantin Simonov. Il doit attendre 1984
pour pouvoir raliser Mon ami Ivan Lapchine, daprs un rcit de son pre. Son film suivant,
Khroustalev, ma voiture! (1997) explore les crimes staliniens. German travaillera trs
longtemps son dernier film, Il est difficile d'tre un Dieu (2013). Au cours des dernires
annes de sa vie, il tait reconnu, dans son milieu, pour sa dfense dune thique fonde sur
le courage et la sincrit.
29 Evgenij Surkov. Staryj i novyj film, Komsomolskaja Pravda, 9 janvier, 1986, 4.
30 Anatolij Grebnev, Dnevnik poslednego scenarista. 1945-2002 (Moskva: Russkij impuls, 2006), 332.
31 Ibid., 340.
290
simplement les valider. Le procd tait luvre depuis des dcennies et, cette fois
encore, les lections des scnaristes et des oprateurs se passaient conformment
lusage. En revanche, les critiques ont modifi la liste propose: daprs lun deux,
Victor Matizen, ils ont ajout une vingtaine de noms la trentaine mentionne.
Ensuite, il y a eu un vote, et ceux qui taient proposs par le pouvoir nont pas t
lus, raconte-t-il. Selon lui, les autorits auraient t trop surprises pour ragir.32 Le
scandale clate au dbut avril, lorsque les metteurs en scne refusent, leur tour, de
voter pour certains dirigeants de lUnion du cinma, dont les noms figurent sur la
liste tablie. Six secrtaires de cette Union, dont Lev Koulidjanov et le trs officiel
Sergue Bondartchouk, 33 ne sont donc pas lus dlgus. Le scnariste Anatoli
Grebnev le soulignait dans son Journal: chacun comprend alors que quelque chose
sest pass.34 Pour lui et des propos similaires taient tenus par dautres tmoins,
plus de vingt ans plus tard,- 35 cette rvolte ntait pas principalement dirige
contre des personnes prcises:
Et pas parce quil y a dans la salle beaucoup de gens insatisfaits, qui nont pas
russi et sont jaloux, ainsi que Koulidjanov, [Razman]36 et Marlen [Khoutsiev]37
32 Interview de Viktor Matizen par Ccile Vaissi, Moscou, 4 juin 2009.

33 Sergej Fedorovi Bondaruk (1920-1994) a commenc comme acteur ds 1937 et a t
remarqu par Stalin. Aprs la mort de celui-ci, il est galement devenu un ralisateur de
cinma apprci des officiels, et a continu ces deux carrires paralllement. Son premier
film, Le Destin dun homme, en 1959, est une adaptation du rcit de homonyme de Mixail
oloxov et vaut au ralisateur un prix Lnine. Bondaruk tait notamment reconnu pour son
aisance tourner des scnes de bataille, impliquant de nombreux figurants et dnormes
moyens qui lui taient accords par les autorits. De telles scnes se trouvent notamment
dans Guerre et paix (1965), un film de plus de sept heures qui a t couronn par un Oscar du
meilleur film tranger, Waterloo (1970), Ils ont combattu pour la patrie (1975), toujours daprs
oloxov, Les Cloches rouges (1982). Il tait lun des trs rares metteurs en scne sovitiques
avoir le droit de travailler en Occident. Entr au PCUS en 1970, il est devenu, lanne
suivante, secrtaire de lUnion du cinma dURSS et lest rest jusquen 1986. Nomm
hros du travail socialiste en 1980, couvert de mdailles et dhonneurs, il tait prsent
par les autorits en modle aux acteurs et ralisateurs sovitiques.
34 Grebnev, Dnevnik poslednego scenarista, 338.
35 Interview de Pavel Finn par Ccile Vaissi, Moscou, 1er juin 2009.
36 Julij Rajzman (1903-1994) a ralis, entre 1927 et 1984, de nombreux films dont plusieurs
sont devenus des classiques sovitiques, notamment Les Aviateurs (1935), Le Communiste
(1957), avec Evgenij Urbanskij, et, trs diffrent, Et si ctait lamour? (1962).
37 Marlen Xuciev (1925-) est notamment connu pour ses merveilleux films de lpoque du
Dgel: Le Printemps dans la rue Zaretchnaa (1956), Les Deux Fdor (1958), Jai vingt ans / La
Porte dIlitch (1964), Pluie de juillet (1966). Entre 1967 et 1990, il na pu tourner que deux films.
291
CCILE VAISSI
essaient de prsenter les choses. Peut-tre que cest en partie le cas, mais en
partie seulement. Quand on vote contre 50 % des gens, ce nest pas par
jalousie. Cela signifie clairement: Nous en avons marre de vous! Marre! Nous
voulons des gens nouveaux, nous voulons des changements! Nous sommes
fatigus de vous, de vos bavardages, les mmes chaque anne, de vos visages
dans le prsidium, de toute cette vie terne et sans joie.38
En 2000, le ralisateur Elem Klimov confirmera que tout le monde en avait assez de la
situation. Or, ils avaient compris quavec Gorbatchev, une autre poque commenait,
si bien qutait apparu un dsir massif de renverser, de dtruire tout cela.39
Le refus de jouer le jeu lors dlections planifies a des prcdents en URSS,
dj largement oublis. Au dbut dcembre 1954, les gens de lettres ont ainsi eu lire,
bulletins secrets, leurs dlgus au deuxime Congrs de lUnion des crivains. Or, relvera
le dpartement charg de la propagande et de lagitation auprs du Comit central,
les secrtaires de cette Union surtout ceux impliqus dans les purges staliniennes
daprs-guerre ont t sanctionns, Moscou, par un nombre important de voix
contre.40 Certes, dans la majorit des cas, celles-ci restaient trs infrieures aux voix
pour, mais ce rejet de dirigeants, dsigns et promus par le Parti, tait un geste fort et
une nouveaut lpoque. Un phnomne comparable sest produit Leningrad: les
gens de lettres commenaient se servir du pouvoir, tout relatif, que leur donnaient les
lections.41 Dautres tentatives ont eu lieu, notamment au sein de lorganisation des
crivains de Moscou. Puis elles ont pris fin, tandis que la Stagnation remplaait le Dgel.
Le cinquime Congrs: une mise en cause des dirigeants et des pratiques
Le cinquime Congrs de lUnion du cinma commencait le 13 mai 1986, dans le

Palais des Congrs au Kremlin, en prsence des responsables du Parti et de ltat,
dont Mikhal Gorbatchev et Boris Eltsine.42 Lev Koulidjanov a lu un discours dans
Violemment tanc par Xruev en mars 1963, il a t, en 2008-2009, au cur de la fronde

contre Nikita Mikhalkov dans lUnion du cinma.
39 lem Klimov. Nesnjatoe kino (Moskva: Xronikr, 2008), 224.
40 F. 5 / 17 / 486, Archives de ltat russe pour lhistoire contemporaine, RGANI, Moscou, 239-248.
41 Vaissi, Ingnieurs des mes en chef, 170.
42 Voir: Pjatyj sezd kinematografistov SSSR. 13-15 maja 1986 goda. Stenografieskij otet (Moskva: Sojuz
Kinematografistov SSSR, 1987) et V sezd kinematografistov SSSR. Iskusstvo Kino 10(1986): 4-120.
292
lequel taient intgrs, comme de rgle, les derniers slogans politiques officiels.43
Puis dautres orateurs dfilaient la tribune et, citant le vingt-septime Congrs du
Parti qui exige que les unions cratrices augmentent leur rle dans la vie de lart
sovitique,44 ils expriment souvent des critiques qui visent le GosKino45 cest aussi
dans lopposition cet organe tatique que sest forg un sentiment de communaut
ou lUnion du cinma. 46 Beaucoup demandent une plus grande autonomie du
cinma, certains dplorent le manque de salles47 ou posent explicitement la question
des films poss sur ltagre, 48 cest--dire non distribus, sans toujours tre
formellement interdits. Le ton a mont, ce qui napparat pas pleinement dans le
stnogramme qui tait publi de ce cinquime Congrs et o des interpellations et
des reproches auront t gomms.49
Nikita Mikhalkov,50 quarante ans, prenait la parole au matin du 14 mai.51 Peru
comme un ralisateur trs dou, mais aussi comme un descendant des lites
officielles sovitiques (son pre tait la tte de lUnion des crivains de Russie), il ne
43 Pjatyj sezd kinematografistov SSSR, 8-33.

44 Ibid., 42.
45 Voir, par exemple, ds le premier jour, le discours de Budimir Metalnikov, Ibid., 40-4.
46 Voir, par exemple, le discours de Vitalij Melnikov, Ibid., 57-60. Interview de Ljudmila
Golubkina par Ccile Vaissi, Moscou, 18 aot 2007.
47 Voir le discours du Kirghize Tolomu Okeev, Pjatyj sezd kinematografistov SSSR, 102.
48 Voir le discours dAnatolij Grebnev, Ibid., 122.
49 Par exemple, daprs de nombreux tmoignages, Nikita Mikhalkov a t hu, lors de son
intervention, ce qui napparat pas dans le stnogramme.
50 N en 1945, Nikita Mikhalkov est le fils dun homme de lettres trs officiel, qui a notamment
rdig les paroles de lhymne national stalinien (en 1943), brejnvien (en 1977) et poutinien
(en 2000), et qui a dirig, dabord lorganisation des crivains de Moscou, puis, partir de
1970, celle des crivains de Russie. Nikita Mikhalkov a donc grandi dans le milieu trs
privilgi des lites tatiques sovitiques. Il a jou ses premiers rles trs tt et a continu
cette carrire. Aprs des tudes au VGIK, il a tourn son premier film Ami chez les ennemis,
ennemi chez les siens, en 1974, puis LEsclave de lamour, en 1975. Ces deux films tmoignent
dun talent rel, mais ont t relativement peu vus en URSS leur sortie. En revanche, le
troisime film du ralisateur, librement inspir dune pice de jeunesse de Tchekhov,
Partition inacheve pour piano mcanique (1977), est immdiatement devenu lun des films
prfrs de lintelligentsia russe. Nikita Mikhalkov a continu de raliser des films qui ont
marqu en Occident: par exemple, Urga (1991) et Soleil trompeur (1994). Couvert de prix dans
les annes 1990 (dont un Oscar en 1995), il sest depuis engag pour un cinma, patriotique
et chrtien orthodoxe, et pour une Russie forte rallie autour de Vladimir Poutine. Prsident
de lUnion du cinma depuis 1997, il suscite un rejet croissant chez les ralisateurs et tourne
des films dont les budgets sont trs consquents, mais qui font de moins en moins dentres
293
CCILE VAISSI
sest pas fait remarquer jusque-l par sa flagornerie politique. Respectant nanmoins
la rgle implicite qui impose de citer, dans un discours, Lnine et le dernier congrs
du Parti, le cinaste assurait qu une poque nouvelle a commenc: certains films,
qui dormaient sur ltagre, ont t autoriss et, ce congrs du cinma, il y a eu
bien plus de paroles sincres et vivantes que dordinaire.52 Mais il ajoute que ne pas
avoir lu Sergue Bondartchouk dlgu est un enfantillage qui discrdite tous les
lans nobles et sincres.53 En outre, il remarque que, si les reproches adresss au
GosKino sont souvent mrits, ils ntaient pas exprims auparavant, ce qui
susciterait des interrogations: O tions-nous, o regardions-nous, nous, les artistes
honntes et autonomes? Et que valons-nous si, pour vivre et penser en fonction de
notre conscience, nous avons besoin dune autorisation officielle! Il considre
comme une erreur nfaste de croire que cette poque nouvelle est la meilleure pour
rgler de vieux comptes.54
Ces propos qui posent de vraies questions ne sont pas dnus de noblesse, et
Nikita Mikhalkov est dailleurs applaudi. Nanmoins, il semble aussi vouloir
empcher une contestation des rgles tablies et des autorits en place dont son
pre fait partie. Est-il possible de tourner la page sans carter les intellectuels et
artistes qui ont servi, de faon trs visible, les rgimes en place? La question se
posera partout dans le bloc de lEst. En 2009, le scnariste Pavel Finn, devenu un
adversaire dclar de Nikita Mikhalkov, affirmera que celui-ci tait, en fait, favorable
une direction du cinma par ltat et quil est intervenu, non tant pour dfendre les
personnes attaques, que pour contester ceux qui revendiquaient une libert cratrice
accrue: Le cinquime Congrs tait, ses yeux, une insurrection, et il a dfendu les
intrts de ltat. 55 Les conflits des dcennies suivantes dans le cinma russe
samoraient. Dailleurs, Nikita Mikhalkov est critiqu ds ce congrs de 1986.
LUkrainien Iouri Illienko (1936-2010) proclame explicitement que cet appel ne pas
rgler de vieux comptes est une faon de discrditer toute controverse, et il
dnonce, grce deux exemples prcis, les privilges dont jouissent les lites
officielles de la culture sovitique, commencer par la famille Mikhalkov.56
Dans les discours et, plus encore, dans les conversations informelles, les
dirigeants de lUnion du cinma sont contests. Surnomms les gnraux, ils ont
lanc leur carrire sous les auspices plus clments du Dgel et doivent leur russite
52 Ibid., 109.
53 Ibid., 110.
54 Ibidem.
55 Interview de Pavel Finn par Ccile Vaissi, Moscou, 1er juin 2009.
294
institutionnelle leurs bonnes relations avec le pouvoir. Deux aspects se mlent donc
dans leur mise en cause: dune part, la volont, chez les jeunes, de changer les rgles
en usage, y compris dans le rapport des crateurs au politique; dautre part, le dsir
doccuper, dans le champ cinmatographique, des places jusque-l bloques, voire
rserves. Les conflits se superposent et sadditionnent. Mis en cause en tant que
gnral du cinma, le ralisateur Vladimir Naoumov, cinquante-huit ans, sen prend
ainsi Evguni Sourkov et lui reproche davoir bloqu pendant des annes ce qui tait
nouveau dans le cinma, et de vouloir dsormais prcder le progrs.57 Mais Naoumov
dplore aussi que ce congrs soit celui des accusateurs: Tous accusent. Mais, remarquez
bien, personne ne saccuse, tous accusent quelquun dautre.58 Karen Chakhnazarov,
trente-quatre ans, lui rpond poliment que les jeunes cinastes ne doivent pas tre vus
comme des ennemis ou des voyous, et quils aiment les films de leurs ans. Il
interpelle nanmoins Naoumov: Aujourdhui, maintenant, pouvez-vous mettre la
main sur le cur et dire que vous avez fait pour notre jeunesse, pour notre gnration,
autant que Romm,59 Pyriev60 et Razman61 ont fait pour la vtre et pour vous?62
Un changement de dirigeants
Alors Cannes, le ralisateur Sergue Bondartchouk tait au cur de certaines

attaques. 63 Il tait mis en cause, daprs le critique Victor Matizen, parce quil
57 Ibid., 141.
58 Ibid., 142.
59 Mikhail Romm (1901-1971) a tourn, entre 1934 et 1965, treize films qui, des titres divers,
sont devenus des classiques sovitiques: notamment Lnine en octobre (1937) et Lnine en 1918
(1939), les trs staliniens La Question russe (1947), daprs un roman de Konstantin Simonov,
et Mission secrte (1950), ainsi que linoubliable Le Fascisme ordinaire (1965) dans lequel
Romm dnonce autant le nazisme que, de faon plus voile, le stalinisme. Enseignant au
VGIK, il a eu comme tudiants, entre autres, Tengiz Abuladze, Andrej Tarkovskij ou Nikita
Mikhalkov, et avait pour rputation daider beaucoup les jeunes qui sadressaient lui.
60 Ivan Pyrev (1901-1968) a t le premier prsident de lUnion du cinma dURSS. Il avait
reu six prix Staline entre 1941 et 1951 pour des films trs officiels, mais non sans talent, tels
que Les Tractoristes (1939) ou Les Cosaques du Kouban (1949). Entre 1958 et 1968, il a tourn
trois films sur des uvres de Dostoevskij, auteur critiqu avec virulence peu avant. Il a
laiss le souvenir dune personnalit plus complexe et riche que certains de ses films
peuvent le laisser penser.
61 Pour Julij Rajzman, voir plus haut.
62 Pjatyj sezd kinematografistov SSSR, 200.
63 Voir, entre autres, lintervention de Vladimir Menov, Ibid., 201-4.
295
CCILE VAISSI
affichait une attitude trs loyale envers le rgime, avait plac sa famille un peu
partout et ne remplissait pas toujours ses obligations lgard de ses tudiants.64
Natalia Bondartchouk, la fille du cinaste, assurera que cette rvolte tait suscite par
le mensonge gnralis, et concdera que, en ce sens, cette explosion tait justifie,
mais, ajoutera-t-elle, ils ont frapp les authentiques artistes.65 Bondartchouk tait-il
un authentique artiste ou lune des incarnations dun art sovitique au service du
Parti? En tout cas, il aurait t violemment branl par cette contestation publique
laquelle il ne sattendait pas, et, par la suite, ses enfants reconnatront leur amertume.
Des blessures ont t causes; des envies de vengeance, suscites.
Le 14 mai, dans la soire, Filipp Erchov prenait la parole,66 et cest l, daprs Elem
Klimov, que tout avait drap: siffl, hu, le prsident du GosKino na pas pu terminer
son discours ce qui napparat pas dans le stnogramme. Dautres que lui auront t, de
mme, chasss de la tribune ce congrs.67 Peu aprs, Nikola Goubenko, cinaste et
acteur de quarante-quatre ans, lance, depuis la salle, quils ne peuvent pas, au vu des
critiques exprimes au congrs, dclarer satisfaisant le travail effectu par le directoire
de lUnion du cinma au cours des cinq dernires annes.68 Ce travail sera, malgr tout et
conformment aux traditions, qualifi de satisfaisant dans la rsolution finale, mais celle-ci,
tout en assurant que les participants au cinquime Congrs soutiennent pleinement le cours
lniniste de la politique intrieure et extrieure du Parti, met en cause explicitement le
directoire et le secrtariat de lUnion du cinma et leur fixe des missions prcises.69
Les lections du directoire de lUnion du cinma ont lieu le 15 mai et, pour contrer
lbullition, le cinaste Stanislav Rostotski (1922-2001) a annonc que, outre les dlgus,
les invits au congrs pouvaient tre candidats:70 ce procd contraire aux pratiques est
une tentative pour redonner leur chance aux gnraux carts. Comme dhabitude, le Parti
propose une liste qui est, de facto, valider et qui inclut des gens nayant pas t lus
dlgus, dont Koulidjanov et Bondartchouk. Mais le rejet des gnraux est confirm
lors du vote, et douze ex-secrtaires de lUnion du cinma nappartiennent donc mme
plus au directoire.71 Prsent, le scnariste Anatoli Grebnev note dans son Journal:
64 Interview de Viktor Matizen par Ccile Vaissi, Moscou, 4 juin 2009.

65 Sergej Bondaruk v vospominanijax sovremennikov (Moskva: Izdatelstvo KSMO, 2003), 428.
67 Le Pouvoir et le cinma, film en cinq parties, crit par Belkacem Bazi, tourn par William Aldridge.
68 Pjatyj sezd kinematografistov SSSR, 213.
69 Reenie Pjatogo Sezda Kinematografistov SSSR, Ibid., 240-5.
70 Medvedev, Territorija kino, 257.
71 Grebnev, Dnevnik poslednego scenarista, 343-344. Cela napparat pas dans le stnogramme du
congrs, publi officiellement en 1987. Voir la liste du nouveau directoire: Pjatyj sezd
kinematografistov SSSR, 247-50.
296
Bien sr que cest une rvolte. Une force non matrisable, mue par les forces
les plus diverses, [...] unie sans doute sur un seul point, dans un cri commun:
Nous en avons marre de vous! Nous en voulons de nouveaux. Nimporte
lesquels, mme pires, mais pas ceux-ci, dautres, nimporte lesquels!72
Puis le directoire choisit les cinquante membres du secrtariat;73 et Elem Klimov est
lu lunanimit Premier secrtaire de lUnion du Cinma dURSS. Aussitt, il
dclare que tout doit changer.74 Le 22 mai 1986, Tarkovski note, dans son Journal:
Moscou, on a dgomm Koulidjanov de la prsidence de lUnion des

cinastes et mis Klimov sa place (il est foutu!). On dit quon sattaque aux
truands, ceux qui taient les proches.Bondartchouk a des ennuis.75
Comme le note Le Monde, une nouvelle gnration de crateurs, pour la plupart

quinquagnaires et dont les films avaient souvent t refuss ou retenus, a pris le
pouvoir la tte de lUnion des cinastes.76 Mais le quotidien franais souligne dj
que cette petite rvolution sest faite avec la bndiction des autorits.77
Cest, en effet, le Comit central du PCUS qui a propos la candidature de
Klimov comme Premier secrtaire de lUnion du cinma.78 Avant llection, crira
Armen Medvedev, le ralisateur a t convoqu au Comit central o il a t
prpar cette fonction.79 Or, Elem Klimov est, certes, un cinaste talentueux dont
plusieurs films ont connu de srieux problmes, 80 et il a la rputation dtre un
homme honnte, mais il est aussi le fils dun trs haut fonctionnaire du Parti: lui
aussi vient des lites officielles, et rares sont ceux qui, dans le cinma sovitique,
ignorent ce point biographique.

73 Voir la liste du nouveau secrtariat: Pjatyj sezd kinematografistov SSSR, 250.
74 Le Pouvoir et le cinma, film tourn par William Aldridge.
75 Andre Tarkovski, Journal. 1970-1986 (Paris: Cahiers du Cinma, 2004), 552.
76 Dominique Dhombres, La victoire des mal-aims, Le Monde, 26 juin, 1986.
77 Ibid.
79 Armen Medvedev, Imja lema Klimova zabveniju nepodvlastno, in lem Klimov. Nesnjatoe
kino (Moskva: Xronikr, 2008), 280.
80 Elem Klimov, Learning Democracy: The Filmmalkers Rebellion, in Voices of Glasnost.
Interviews with Gorbachev's reformers, ed. Stephen F. Cohen and Katrina van den Heuvel
(New York, London: W.W. Norton & Company, 1989), 231.
297
CCILE VAISSI
Peu aprs le congrs, il reconnatra que ce qui sy est pass tait la fois une
rbellion den bas et une rvolte dont Mikhal Gorbatchev et Alexandre Iakovlev
secrtaire du Comit central et responsable de la propagande depuis lt 1985
avaient donn le signal: il sagissait de renverser lancienne direction de lUnion du
cinma et daffronter le GosKino. 81 Une convergence se serait opre entre
linsatisfaction existant parmi les gens de cinma, et les indications donnes par
Gorbatchev au vingt-septime Congrs du PCUS et au Plnum davril. Le Comit
central naurait pas incit les membres de lUnion du cinma se rebeller, mais il
naurait pas apport daide aux gnraux qui, pouvants, lui en demandaient.82
La rbellion savrait utile ceux qui venaient de lancer la perestroka et devaient
affronter des rsistances au sein des lites sovitiques. Elle envoyait, en outre, un
signal clair aux Sovitiques: cette perestroka qui commenait irait au-del des
reconstructions si souvent annonces par le PCUS.
Des rformes amorces
Immdiatement, des changements samoraient dans le cinma : demands dans la

rsolution finale du cinquime Congrs,83 ils accompagnaient, voire refltent, ceux
qui tentaient de soprer dans la socit, la politique et lconomie sovitiques.
Quatre axes taient mens simultanment: le rexamen des films poss sur
ltagre; la redfinition, sur des bases conomiques diffrentes, de la production et
de la distribution cinmatographiques; lexploration de thmatiques nouvelles et
audacieuses dans des films; la tenue de dbats sur des sujets interdits jusque-l, et
notamment sur les rpressions staliniennes.
Rparer les torts causs des films est, sans doute, ce quil y a de plus simple,
et, ds la fin du cinquime Congrs, une Commission des conflits tait mise sur pied.
Place sous la prsidence dAndre Plakhov qui, g de trente-cinq ans, travaillait
depuis 1977 au secteur culture de la trs officielle Pravda, elle tait charge de
rexaminer les films non distribus au cours des dcennies prcdentes. Plus de
250 films vont tre ainsi tirs de loubli, dont quelques chefs duvre: Le Repentir de
Tenguiz Abouladze, Le Bonheur dAssia84 dAndre Kontchalovski, La Commissaire 85
81 Ibid., 237-9.
82 Ibid.
83 Reenie Pjatogo Sezda Kinematografistov SSSR, Pjatyj sezd kinematografistov SSSR, 240-5.
84 Il sagit du deuxime film dAndrej Konalovskij, un film tourn en 1966 dans un kolkhoze
avec, pour lessentiel, des acteurs non professionnels. Mais les kolkhoziens et les autorits
298
dAlexandre Askoldov, etc., mais aussi des films dj dpasss, des documentaires et
mme des dessins anims.86
Par ailleurs, au dbut de lanne 1987, alors que Filipp Ermach venait dtre
cart du GosKino, le deuxime plnum de lUnion du cinma tait consacr aux
faons de reconstruire le systme de production et celui de la distribution.87 Des
mesures taient dcides, quElem Klimov rsume ainsi: Autogestion,
autofinancement et libert des chelons crateurs. 88 Il faut apprendre ne plus
compter sur largent de ltat, et chacun des studios sovitiques devenait responsable
des films quil produisait, sur le plan cratif, mais aussi financier il sagit de la
reprise et de la gnralisation dune exprience dj tente dans les annes 1960, puis
abandonne. De nombreux ralisateurs rvent alors de co-productions avec
lOccident, mais ceux qui de telles coproductions sont proposes taient les
cinastes ayant pu faire leurs preuves au fil des annes prcdentes, grce leur
talent, mais aussi leur ancrage russi dans le systme: Nikita Mikhalkov est du
nombre et, ds 1986, il a tourn Les Yeux noirs89 dans une coproduction italo-sovitique,
ce projet ayant commenc se mettre en place juste avant le cinquime Congrs.
Parce que les considrations de rentabilit se faisaient plus pressantes et que la
censure sassouplissait, des sujets jusque-l interdits en URSS ont commenc tre
abords: les problmes de la socit sovitique, la violence, et le sexe. Deux films, trs
diffrents, ont donn le ton et illustrent la complexit de cette priode: Le Repentir et
La Petite Vra. Le premier a t tourn discrtement, en 1984, par le cinaste gorgien
Tenguiz Abouladze et, ayant t libr cest le terme employ lpoque par la
Commission des conflits, il a fait sensation lors de sa premire moscovite, en
locales du Parti nont pas aim limage trop raliste que ce film donne de leur vie: le film
nest sorti quen 1988.
85 Il sagit de lunique film dAleksandr Askoldov, tourn en 1966-1967. Bas sur une nouvelle de
Vasilij Grossman, il montre la rencontre, pendant la guerre civile, entre une rvolutionnaire
enceinte, qui a renonc sa fminit, voire son identit, et une famille juive, heureuse et
panouie. Le film voque, outre la Rvolution, lHolocauste venir sur ces mmes terres. La
guerre des Six Jours sera lune des explications-clefs de linterdiction de La Commissaire.
Voir: Ccile Vaissi, La non-existence, punition des artistes sovitiques non-conformes. Le
cas dAlexandre Askoldov et de son film, La Commissaire, Communisme 70-71 (2002): 245-69.
86 Plaxov, Rastoplennyj ajsberg.
87 Iskusstvo Kino, 4(1987): 3.
88 Jean-Michel Frodon, Cinma sovitique: les moissons du dgel, Le Point, 27 avril 3 mai 1987.
89 Film de Nikita Mixalkov; scnario co-rdig par Aleksandr Adabajan et Nikita Mixalkov,
daprs plusieurs rcits de Tchekhov dont La Dame au petit chien, film tourn en Italie et en
URSS, avec une production italo-sovitique. Voir : http://www.kinoglaz.fr/u_fiche_film
.php?num=564, dernier accs le 10 dcembre 2016.
299
CCILE VAISSI
novembre 1986.90 Ce film montre que le tragique pass totalitaire, bourr de purges
et de violences, ne peut pas tre enterr en silence: en parler est indispensable, pour
que la gnration des petits-fils ne souffre pas trop des crimes commis par les
grands-pres. En outre, Le Repentir semble proposer le retour vers une glise
longtemps perscute. Le film La Petite Vra, du ralisateur Vassili Pitchoul, est trs
diffrent: il montre une jeunesse dsabuse, qui ne sentend pas avec ses parents, ne
partage pas les principes de ceux-ci, est sexuellement assez dcomplexe et ne sait
plus pour quoi, ni comment vivre. Lchec du modle sovitique est, l aussi, absolu.
Ces deux films, tout comme La Vrification dAlexe Guerman, qui aborde le
thme dlicat de la collaboration de Sovitiques avec les occupants nazis, sont sortis
en 1988. Un peu moins de vingt ans plus tard, le critique Daniil Dandoure y verra le
signe de leffondrement de trois censures: politique, sexuelle et historique. Il
constatera quune priode de libert commenait alors, qui durera douze ou treize
ans91 jusqu laccession de Vladimir Poutine la prsidence, donc.
LUnion du cinma tait alors activement engage dans la perestroka, bien
plus que les autres unions cratrices. partir de lt 1988, elle soutient la cration
dun Mmorial, un monument la mmoire des victimes du stalinisme.92 Ce projet
donnera naissance lassociation Mmorial qui tudiera les crimes commis par le
pouvoir sovitique et luttera pour la dfense des droits de lhomme en URSS; avant
mme que cette association ne soit officialise, lUnion du cinma laide, en lui
procurant des bureaux, des salles pour les rencontres, voire de largent.93 Elle fait
ainsi partie des partenaires dune Semaine de la Conscience, organise en
novembre 1988 pour rappeler les crimes staliniens.94 En outre, des dbats enflamms
se tiennent Dom Kino, la Maison du cinma, sur des sujets jugs jusque-l
sensibles: les rformes rates de Khrouchtchev, Soljnitsyne qui nest toujours pas
publi ou la presse de la perestroka. Les changements paraissent irrversibles, mme
si les rformes se heurtent des obstacles: ds lt 1988, Les Nouvelles de Moscou
relvent que des demandes du cinquime Congrs la cration de journaux de
90 Vladimir Lakin, Neproajuaja pamjat, Moskovskie Novosti, 30 novembre, 1986, 11. Robert
Rodestvenkij, Sovsem ne rezencija, Literaturnaja Gazeta, 21 janvier, 1987, 8; Andrej Bitov,
Portret xudonika v smelosti, Moskovskie Novosti, 15 fvrier, 1987, 13; Interview
dAbuladze, Literaturnaja Gazeta, 25 fvrier,1987.
91 Larisa Maljukova, ed., 90-e. Kino, kotorye my poterjali (Moskva: Novaja gazeta, Zebra E, 2007), 4-5.
92 700454. Set pamjati otkryt!, Literaturnaja Gazeta, July 27, 30 (1988): 2.
93 Klimov, Learning Democracy, 245.
94 Memorial sovesti, Ogonk, November, 47(1988): 7.
300
cinma, des changements de dirigeants au VGIK, la grande cole du cinma

sovitique etc. ont t refuses.95 Nanmoins, les efforts se poursuivent.
Un sentiment de crise et de dlitement
En mai 1989, le journal Sovietskaa Koultoura constate que, depuis trois ans, des
discussions sur la rorganisation matrielle du cinma ont lieu sans relche dans
lUnion du cinma: sur le nouveau modle cinmatographique, sur lautonomie des
studios, sur les relations entre lUnion et le GosKino, sur la distribution, sur les
moyens de gagner des devises, etc. Mais cest la cration que le plnum de ce mois
de mai 1989 est consacr. 96 Le ralisateur Andre Smirnov, qui a remplac Elem
Klimov la tte de lUnion du cinma, dclare avoir limpression que beaucoup dans
leur milieu ne conoivent la libert de cration que comme la possibilit de tourner
sur des thmes jadis interdits, la prostitution ou la drogue.97 Soulignant quaucune
gnration du cinma sovitique na t aussi libre queux aprs le cinquime
Congrs, il dit sinterroger: envers et malgr tout, ne restent-ils pas, comme avant, prts
suivre et clbrer toutes les directives officielles? Et si la perestroka avait montr
combien leurs rangs taient vides de gens capables daller lencontre du courant?98
Sans doute cette inquitude est-elle prcipite, mais elle est rvlatrice dun
dsarroi qui ne frappe pas que les cercles cinmatographiques et qui est en partie d
la rapidit des changements enclenchs. Au plnum, Elem Klimov reproche
Nikita Mikhalkov de dire quil faut, tout prix, aller sur le march mondial et que,
pour cela, il faut changer compltement. Mais le faut-il?, lance Klimov. Ce
dernier appelle, au contraire, ses collgues devenir eux-mmes, avant de chercher
dvelopper des collaborations extrieures.99 Au-del des problmes de cration et de
marketing, il incite donc reconqurir une identit, individuelle et collective, blesse,
sape, voire dtruite par lexprience sovitique. Mais qui prend le temps de
sattarder sur ces interrogations identitaires?
Dans le cinma, de nouvelles structures se crent, grce aux volutions lgislatives.
Ainsi, ds 1988-1989, des coopratives prives de production apparaissent.100 En mai
1990, une Association du cinma indpendant (ANK) est enregistre: elle regroupe
95 Valerij Kiin, lem Klimov: ja ne inovnik, ja xudonik, Moskovskie Novosti, 3(1988): 16.
96 Svoboda tvorestva. A dale?, Sovetskaja Kultura, 23(1989): 3-4.
97 Ibid.
98 Ibid.
99 Ibid.
100 Godet, La Pellicule et les ciseaux, 182.
301
CCILE VAISSI
55 organisations 78 ds le mois suivant depuis les petites coopratives jusquaux

grandes entreprises, et entend procurer ses membres une protection lgale, sociale
et politique, et les aider dans leurs contacts avec ltranger. Cest faire concurrence au
GosKino et saper son monopole.101
Le sixime Congrs de lUnion du cinma dURSS, qui sest tenu du 5 au 7 juin 1990,
dresse un bilan de la dstatisation du cinma et relve que, si les rapports de
march lemportent dans la production de films, ce nest pas le cas dans la
distribution, peu rforme.102 Par ailleurs, il prend acte de la cration dune Union
russe du cinma (RSK), qui nexistait pas jusque-l:103 dans le cinma comme dans le
pays tout entier, la Russie affirme une identit qui avait t comme efface, et elle
simpose face aux structures sovitiques. Moscou aussi entend se faire entendre:
lUnion moscovite du cinma voit le jour, le 12 juin 1990.
La crise du cinma ne peut toutefois plus tre dissimule. Le systme
dautonomie financire des studios ne fonctionne pas bien, et le GosKino qui
continue dincarner la fois la direction du cinma, son financement et son contrle
par ltat semble en train de scrouler, sans tre remplac par autre chose que des
sponsors dont largent, vite acquis, a des origines trs obscures. Certes, ceux-ci
permettent de presque doubler, en 1990, le nombre des films tourns en URSS:
environ 400. Mais la plupart de ces films sont bcls [...] pour blanchir largent de la
mafia et sduire rapidement le public. Les films dauteurs se rarfient, tandis que les
salles de cinma tombent en ruines.104 Comme le notera plus tard une critique, le
cinma russe se noie alors dans la crise et nest plus en tat dmettre des
propositions.105 Pouvait-il en tre autrement? Un systme a t rejet et un autre doit
tre redfini, mais les changements acclrs et peu matriss dans le pays
dstabilisent jusquaux artistes.
Et parce que personne ne sait comment ni quand le cinma russe sortira de la
crise, le vent commence tourner. Ds 1990, des critiques regrettent publiquement
que Bondartchouk nait pas t lu dlgu au cinquime Congrs, et ils justifient le
comportement que Nikita Mikhalkov y a eu.106 Certains notent aussi que ce dernier a
sduit lOccident avec Les Yeux noirs, et ils prtendent discerner dsormais les qualits de
101 Anna Lawton, Kinoglasnost. Soviet Cinema in our time (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1992), 79.
102 Martin, Le Cinma sovitique de Khrouchtchev Gorbatchev, 171-2.
103 Kratkij oerk po istorii Sojuza Kinematografistov Rossii.
104 Jean-Luc Macia, Cinma sovitique: dune censure lautre, La Croix, 10 mars, 1990.
105 Maljukova, 90-e, 3.
106 L. Donev, Koe-to o kinokritike, Iskusstvo Kino, 1(1990): 46-53.
302
ce film, pourtant amplement critiqu en URSS.107 Alors que le sentiment de perte et

de dsarroi stend, les affirmations catgoriques de Nikita Mikhalkov sduisent.
La disparition de lUnion du cinma dURSS
Le 27 mai 1991, la Confdration des Unions du cinma (KSK) tait officiellement

cre et remplace lancienne Union du cinma dURSS. Elle regroupe dsormais, non
des individus, mais des organisations : toutes celles du cinma sovitique, sauf
lUnion russe (RSK) et lUnion moscovite (MSK) qui compte, elle seule, plus de
3000 personnes, soit presque la moiti des membres de lancienne Union du cinma
dURSS. Cest parce quelles sont numriquement trs importantes que la MSK et la
RSK refusent dentrer dans une Confdration o elles nauraient chacune quune
seule voix, comme nimporte quelle union rgionale ou rpublicaine. 108 Dans le
cinma, comme dans lURSS tout entire, la question du rapport entre le centre russe
et ses priphries saiguise.
En ce mme mois de mai 1991, le remarquable cinaste Alexe Guerman dresse
un bilan terrible des rformes dont il tait un fervent partisan. Pour lui, la rforme
du cinma que [ses] collgues ralisaient avec force et passion, avec leur tte Elem
Klimov et Andre Smirnov, a chou.109 Le cinma sovitique ne possde rien: ni
argent, ni film, ni quipement, ni il faut bien se rendre lvidence le savoir-
faire.110 Guerman le souligne: Nos cinastes, les moins intelligents videmment,
furent longtemps persuads quil leur suffirait dintroduire quelques bagarres et de
prsenter des filles nues pour que leur production ressemble aux films amricains.
Quelle erreur! Aujourdhui, si le cinma sovitique disparaissait totalement,
personne ne sen apercevrait.111 Le critique franais Jean-Michel Frodon confirme ce
constat sur le plan institutionnel: Rien, pour linstant, na remplac lancien systme.112
Le GosKino a perdu son monopole, mais conserve des prrogatives aussi vastes que
floues, et la Confdration des Unions du cinma entretient avec lui des relations
excrables.113 Le cinma est dans limpasse, comme lURSS toute entire.
107 Andrej Plaxov, Nostalgija po Bolomu stilju, Iskusstvo Kino, 11 (1990): 44-55.
108 Poloenie, serezno, no ne gibelnoe, Iskusstvo Kino, 9 (1991): 43-45.
109 Alexe Guerman, Le cinma au zoo les cinastes en cage, Les Nouvelles de Moscou,
12 mai, 19(1991).
110 Ibid.
111 Ibid.
112 Jean-Michel Frodon, Autocritique du cinma sovitique, Le Monde, 28-29 juillet, 1991.
113 Ibid.
303
CCILE VAISSI
Un putsch, oppos aux rformes de Gorbatchev et organis par des haut-

grads de larme et des services secrets, clatait en aot 1991 et chouait ds le
troisime jour. La plupart des gens de cinma, Moscou tout au moins, sy sont
opposs sans ambigut: par des dclarations,114des lettres ouvertes en soutien Boris
Eltsine115, des appels laction: Si nous nous taisons aujourdhui, que dirons-nous
demain nos enfants? 116 Lchec de ce putsch annonce la fin de lURSS et celle des
tentatives pour rformer le systme: celui-ci doit tre entirement chang. Mais
certains sen inquitent et craignent la mort dun cinma qui ne serait plus
subventionn par ltat. De fait, les studios nont plus dargent et louent leurs locaux
et leurs quipements des socits prives, tandis que les films amricains,
longtemps interdits, envahissent les crans russes. Dj, le combat est engag entre la
Confdration des Unions du cinma et lUnion russe du cinma, pour sapproprier les
biens ayant appartenu lUnion du cinma dURSS.117 Une nouvelle tape commence.
Conclusions
Parce que la crise sapprofondissait crise financire, crative, mais aussi identitaire , le
cinquime Congrs, rcemment dit historique, sera rapidement qualifi dhystrique118,
et lattitude face ce congrs reflte, en fait, le rapport la perestroka et la
disparition de lURSS. Encore quelques annes et, en dcembre 1997, Nikita
Mikhalkov tait lu prsident de lUnion russe du cinma, ce qui semblera valider
ses choix amorcs pendant la perestroka. Malgr les contestations, il occupe ce poste
aujourdhui encore, grce au soutien affich de Vladimir Poutine. En fvrier 2009, au
cur dune crise particulirement aigu entre le cinaste et ses collgues, le critique
Victor Matizen a dplor que, sous la direction de Mikhalkov, lUnion russe du
cinma [ait] renonc toutes les conqutes du cinquime Congrs.119
114 V dni puti, kran, 13(1991): 2; Iskusstvo Kino, 11(1991).

115 Reproduit dans Iskusstvo Kino, 11(1991).
116 Ibid.
117 Marcel Martin, Le grand dsarroi des cinastes russes, Le Monde diplomatique, avril 1992;
Medvedev, Territorija kino, 283-284; Ccile Vaissi, Les enjeux de pouvoir et d'argent dans
le cinma russe (1986-2010) in Le Cinma russe, de la perestroka nos jours, CinmAction, ed.
Marion Poirson-Dechonne, 148 (Cond-sur-Noireau: ditions Charles Corlet, 2013): 20-6.
119 Nikita Mixalkov dovel kolleg do ruki, Moskovskij Komsomolec, 4 fvrier (2009), consult
le 22 septembre 2016, http://www.mk.ru/230883/article/2009/02/04/230883-nikita-mihalkov-
dovel-kolleg-do-ruchki.html.
304
Andre Plakhov est plus positif: en 2016, loccasion du trentime anniversaire

de ce congrs, il estime que la rvolution qui sy est droule na pas t
vaine: Elle a libr le cinma des dogmes et des interdictions. Et elle a rendu
possible au moins une dcennie de libert pratiquement illimite. Mais Plakhov
aussi reconnat que le cinma russe na pas justifi les espoirs qui reposaient sur lui :
aujourdhui, il dpend comme avant des subventions de ltat, et, depuis ces
dernires annes, dune censure rapparue; il na pas pu trouver sa place dans la
culture mondiale et marche de plus en plus souvent sur les vieux rteaux
sovitiques.120 Ce bilan na rien de brillant et il ne sapplique pas quau cinma:
celui-ci est, de nouveau, un excellent rvlateur des volutions sociales et politiques
du pays tout entier.
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pas un fonctionnaire, je suis un artiste). Moskovskie Novosti, 3 juillet, 1988.
Klimov, Elem. Learning Democracy: The Filmmalkers Rebellion. In Voices of Glasnost.
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308
The Moscow Young Artists Exhibitions of the 1960s and 1970s:
Prudent Progress against Omnipotent Censorship
VERA OTDELNOVA
Abstract. Little attention has been paid in art studies to the institutional features of the Soviet
cultural system in the post-Stalin period. This article explores one of the most important parts of
the state artistic life, that of the Young Artists Exhibitions, which were organized by the Moscow
Union of Artists in 1954 and formed a special ground for discussions and manifestations of the new
tendencies in art. The analysis of the exhibitions that took place in the 1960s and 1970s, and
especially of the Seventh Exhibition (1966), their content and the discussions they provoked, show
that a major part of the art community did not share the official art ideology. Trying to avoid any
political discourse, young artists turned their attention to such genres as landscape or still lives.
They used formal experiment as their main creative outlet, and opposed the state communist
ideology with professionalism and artistic autonomy. This chapter argues that although artists
themselves interpreted this strategy as an oppositional one, they were generally reproducing the
state rhetoric. By painting beautiful stylizations, they were not able to make a critical analysis of the
surrounding reality, or of the national history. Using archival documents, and interviews with five
of the participants to the youth exhibitions, the chapter shows that any attempts to overcome state
directions within official state-supported institutions were rather difficult.
Introduction
This chapter discusses the possibilities and boundaries of the (artistic) statements of a
Soviet artist within the Moscow branch of the Artists Union during the post-Stalinist
period as part of a larger research.1
1 This article is a part of my doctoral research entitled The Moscow Branch of the Union of
Artists. Art and Cultural Policy in the USSR in the 1960s and 1970s at the State Institute of
Art Studies in Moscow from 2014 to 2016.
VERA OTDELNOVA
The analysis focuses on the investigation of the Moscow Young Artists

Exhibitions inside the broader corpus of activities of the Union of artists of the
USSR.2 On one hand, these exhibitions were organized by the Union of artists and
thus strictly censored by the Communist Party Committee. On another hand, in
many narratives of the artists, and art critics who were active in the 1960s and 1970s,
those exhibitions were presented as one of the most interesting pages in the history
of Soviet art, and as a large field for heated discussions over new trends in culture.
The history of the youth exhibitions has never been a major focus of the Soviet
art studies. As most Russian art historians concentrate their work on the description
of decorative features of particular masterpieces, and stay indifferent to individual
facts and events of artistic life, an exception is an article by Yuri Gerchuk Art of the
Thaw3, in which the author tries to combine a dispassionate look of a scientist with
his personal observations. He restores the chronicle of major art events and analyzes
the phenomenon of the first youth exhibitions, which were held from 1954 to 1961.
In numerous cultural and historical studies dedicated to the relationship
between art and the state in the USSR, the youth exhibitions are not mentioned
either, because they have never provoked open clashes.4
Thus, the main sources for this article are archival documents such as lists of
exhibitors, the transcripts of the exhibition commissions meetings, and internal
discussions. Five oral interviews with the participants to the youth exhibitions: Pavel
Nikonov (March, 2013), Tatyana Nazarenko (April, 2015), Oleg Loshakov (April, 2016),
Viktor Kalinin (April, 2016), and Olga Bulgakova (May, 2016) were the second source
for the article. Though marked by subjective and nostalgic intonation, they often
contain important details, which are not reflected in the official documents. Oral
sources are especially important, because most of the informal meetings were never
recorded, and therefore remained only in the memory of the participants.
The investigation of the youth exhibitions allows us to nuance a common idea
of the Soviet official art, which is usually described by the Russian art historians as a
2 The Moscow Union of Artist was founded in 1932 and united all the artists from Moscow
and the Moscow region. In 1957 it became a branch of a newly organized Union of Artists of
the USSR. Since 1960 it had been included in the Union of Artists of the Russian Soviet
Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) and was renamed the Moscow branch of the Union of
Artists of the RSFSR. For more detailed information about the organization of the Union of
artists see: Boris Ioganson, Moskovskij sojuz hudozhnikov. Problemy razvitija otechestvennogo
iskusstva vtoroj treti XX v (PhD diss., Russian Academy of Arts, 2012).
3 Jurij Gerchuk, Art of the Thaw 1954-1964, Voprosy iskusstvoznanija, 1(1996): 49-114.
4 Konstantin Sokolov, Hudozhestvennaja kul'tura i vlast' v posstalinskoj Rossii: sojuz i bor'ba 1953-1985
(Saint-Petersburg: Nestor-Istorija, 2007).
310
monolithic field of Socialist Realism, and propaganda. Studying the youth exhibitions
proposes, first, to discover contradictions and shades in the relationship between the
state and the artists from the Union of Arts. Second, it provokes a question about the
quality of art production, which was made with the support and under the control of
the Communist Party, as well as about the borders of artistic autonomy.
The rhetoric of the strict opposition of the official and non-official art has its
origins in the writings of the art critics that emigrated in the 1970s, and can be
discovered in some articles of the A-Ya Magazine, which was edited in Paris from
1979 to 1986. In such investigations official art is shown indifferently: some
remarks exceptionally suitable for the totalitarian art of the 1930s were used to
characterize the situation of 1970s.5 Although many investigations about non-official
artists have been published during the last decade, the concepts of official and
non-official have not yet been analyzed. They seem to be subjective labels that are
used to divide all the artists into sheep and goats and to construct an alternative
history of Soviet art in which all the artists, who had collaborated with the state,
would be missed.
The position of the American anthropologist Alexei Yurchak appears more
balanced. In his book Everything was forever until it was no more, as well as in other
articles, Yurchak writes about the formalization of the relationship between citizens
and the government that began in the 1960s and was increasing right until the end of
the Soviet era.6 Due to this conception, most of the citizens were, on the surface,
obeying official policy, and were carrying out the governments orders, but did not
accept those seriously, and generally counted politics as a marginal part of their
lives. Yurchak depicts the Soviet reality as being a paradoxical one: many of the
ideological points were so contradictory and inconsequential that it was impossible
to bring them to a clearly formulated and concrete ideology. Yurchak notes that it is
impossible to divide phenomena of the Soviet culture into official and non-
official ones, since many of them could change their status according to a certain
political context, event, or even to certain positions of a bureaucrat.
The youth exhibitions represent the dual attitude of the young artist to the
state: by avoiding conflicts, they were trying to ignore the communist propaganda, to
escape from ideological tasks, and to search for the truth of art which they thought
5 Peter Engel, Westerners on the wrong track: reappraisal of the contemporary Soviet art?,
A-Ya, 6(1984): 56-8. The same rhetoric can be found in some articles published in Russia in
the 1990s and 2000s. See for example: Andrej Kovalev, Introduction to the political
economy of the period of Stagnation , Arthronika, 2(2004), http://archive.li/Zyn3t.
6 Alexei Yurchak, Everything was Forever, until it was no more: the last Soviet Generation
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006).
311
VERA OTDELNOVA
to be objective and immutable. Besides that, the ambiguity of the cultural policy,
noted by Yurchak, served to create a gradual mutation of the criteria of the quality of
art and exhibitions within the Union of Artists. It helped artists to play with
ideologies by giving them different meanings.
The youth exhibitions were organized regularly since 1954. This period of
Soviet history, following the death of Joseph Stalin is usually called "the Thaw"
(1953-64) and is characterized by several attempts to critically assess the policy of the
preceding period.7 Internal documents of the Union of artists depicted statements
about the inadmissibility of ideological censorship in matters of artistic creativity. At
this time, a new generation of artists, who saw in the art of the Stalin era the
hypocrisy, biased embellishment, and "varnishing" of reality, came to art. 8 Being
socially active, they soon began to participate in the life of the Union of artists.
This chapter focuses on a short period of the 1960s and 1970s, which was
characterized by a conservative state policy, and by an increased disappointment of
artists with communism. In this period, many young artists attempted cautious
strategies to overcome censorship, and to gain professional autonomy from ideology.
By the end of the 1970s they had lost their pathos, and the center of artistic life
moved to the small group exhibitions, which became regular at that time. During the
Soviet era, the youth exhibitions were held in most of the Soviet Unions republics,
but this study focuses on the exhibitions of the Moscow artists, as the cultural life
and the artistic group of the capital city were much more unobstructed than in the
regions. The problematic of the Soviet art of that period differed from that of the art
in Eastern Europe because it was based on a constant dialogue with the totalitarian
legacy of the 1930s and the early 1950s.
The investigation consists of two parts. The first part briefly recalls the history
of the organization of the exhibitions program, as well as its role in the Soviet art
world. The second part looks at the exhibitions that took place in the 1960 and 1970s
with a focus on the Seventh Exhibition of 1966, which was the most significant of all.
Special attention is paid to the censorship activity. The strategies used by young
artists are reflected in the discussions held around the youth exhibitions in the 1960s
and 1970s. The article compares various opinions about missions and perspectives of
fine art, which were mentioned in such discussions.
7 The time framework of the Thaw is not definitive. Its end usually dates back to 1962 (The
Exhibition The 30th Anniversary of the Moscow Union of Artists), 1964 (the end of the
Khrushchev government), or 1968 (the invasion of Soviet tanks in Czechoslovakia).
8 Valentin D'jakonov, Moskovskaja hudozhestvennaja kul'tura 1950-1960-h gg. Vozniknovenie
neoficial'nogo iskusstva (PhD diss., Russian State University for the Humanities, 2009).
312
To conclude, we shall verify how extensive the government's influence on

artistic life was and which was the artists attitude regarding the situation they
worked in, what strategies they used, and how valuable the works created in
cooperation of artists and the state were.
The origin and program of the Youth exhibitions
The youth exhibitions began to be regularly held soon after the death of Stalin in
1953 and became one of the significant events for the decade that is usually called
the Thaw for its political liberalization. Self-determination of the youth culture
became one of the key points of this period. Despite the fact that the official doctrine
proclaimed the uniformity of the Soviet society, and the problem of the conflict of
generations was viewed as a part of bourgeois ideology, soon after Stalin's death the
process of isolation and self-determination of youth culture began. This was
manifested in various fields, especially in literature and cinema, which appealed to
the inner world of younger people: doubting and looking for their place in life. At
the same time a concept of youth caf became quite popular: young poets acted in
their modernist interiors, and works of contemporary art were exhibited there.9
Within the fine arts sphere, it was apparent by the rehabilitation of several
artists who had been repressed as formalists for their experiments with artistic
forms and their rejection of Socialist Realism. Improved relations with the Western
countries led to some exhibition of European and American modernism that
challenged the common idea of art among Soviet artists, its formal borders, and
ideological goals. The young artists developed a new visual language, based on the
methods of artists of the first post-revolutionary years such as Alexander Deineka,
Georgii Nysskii, Robert Falk, and the European modernists such as Pablo Picasso
and Fernand Lger. New genre paintings were made in a laconic, linear manner,
which angered conservative viewers by their rigidity and coarseness, being called
later the severe style.10 The artistic movement of those years declared the freedom
of art from political propaganda and the priority of personal experience over the
9 For more detailed information about the youth cafes see: Gerchuk, Art of the thaw, 69.
10 The severe style is a term invented by the art critic Alexandr Kamenskii to describe such
tendencies in the Soviet painting of the second half of the 1950s as dynamic compositions,
laconic flat forms, representation of harsh and moderate images. Such paintings as Our
weekdays (1960) by Pavel Nikonov and Raftsmen (1961) by Nikolay Andronov are the
most typical examples of the severe style.
313
VERA OTDELNOVA
collective mind. The first six youth exhibitions held in Moscow between the spring of
1954 and the summer of 1961 became a platform for demonstration of new trends in art.
The first youth exhibition was quite traditional, and was remarkable not so
much for its structure as for the fact of its organization, which raised the question of
the existence in the Soviet art of a generational separation and individual creative
teams, instead of a monolithic stream. From exhibition to exhibition, the nature of the
exhibited works was changing: instead of ceremonial portraits and postcard views of
Moscow, intimate portraits and landscapes of the city outskirts started to appear.
It is important to note that the concept of "youth" was endowed with not only
physical, but also an ideological sense. As Yuri Gerchuk pointed out, it meant,
"something completely new, unburdened by mistakes and stereotypes of the past
generation, worldview that is calling to start over." 11 This representation can be
found in the critical notes about art. So, the young critic Alexei Gastev proclaimed:
The New Moscow, clean, bright, modern, and without fanfare, yet without a
shadow of despondency. (...) The art of the spring of humanity, clear, gentle, sober
and humane.12
The pathos of the emerging youth culture was not anti-state, and did not
express a critique of modernity, but rather overcoming the legacy of Stalin's time. So,
most of the conflicts of the time were not between the artist and the state, but within
the professional community. What is more, opposing Socialist Realism and
denouncing its formal properties, the art of the Thaw often used that same
rhetoric, and could not critically assess reality, and thus participated to the creation
of a new myth about communism. While staying romantic and glorifying the harsh
everyday life of workers, young artists at the turn of the 1950s and 1960s were
however searching for the truth, and tried to refuse decorations and mystifications.
An attempt to overcome this situation was made in the exhibition 30 years of
the Moscow Union of Artists held in the Moscow Central Exhibition Hall in 1962.13
The exhibition was organized mostly by the young artists and continued the process
of rehabilitation of the artists who were repressed and forgotten during the Stalin
era. Besides that, works of young artists made a significant part of the exhibition. The
painting Geologists (1962) by Pavel Nikonov was one of the key pieces of the
youth part. Instead of depicting strong and brave heroes, Nikonov represented
confused people, who were lost in the forest and looked hopeless. This rather critical
painting marked the end of the severe style and the romantic art of the Thaw.
11 Gerchuk, Art of the thaw, 72.

12 Alexei Gastev, Tselesoobraznost tvorchestva, Tvorchestvo, 10(1957): 24-25.
13 Jurij Gerchuk, Krovoizlijanie v MOSH (Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2008).
314
The exhibition provoked the indignation of conservative artists and party officials
who organized a tour of the exhibition for the Chairman of the Soviet government
Nikita Khrushchev. This visit resulted in a scandal, and in 1962 a new conservative
course was taken.
As a result, the youth initiative was completely blocked and the tradition of the
youth exhibitions was interrupted. Such turn of the events resulted in the
disillusionment of artists in the ideals of the Thaw and, above all, in the ability to
productively cooperate with the government, to influence the policy of creative
Union and the course of the artistic life in general. Since that time the Union of artists
began to lose its status as the center of the artistic and social life. It was after 1962 that
many artists refused to cooperate with the Union of artists, started to come together
into informal groups of like-minded people and to organize exhibitions in their
private studios and apartments.
Youth exhibitions after 1966
Several features commonly characterize the cultural policy of the 1960s and 1970s. In
the first place, the absence of international exhibitions led to cultural isolation. Soviet
artists had access to fragmented, and out of context information about modern
Western art. Secondly, a "creeping rehabilitation of Stalin occurred in the mid-1960s,
and was expressed in the campaign for "the suppression of the blackening of the
Soviet past," as well as in the partial reconstruction of the rhetoric of the Stalin era.
Thirdly, the increase of the instances of censorship was coupled with the general
decline in the level of competence of the censors. Dirk Krechmar, a German
researcher of the Soviet cultural policy, notes the growing influence of middle
management bureaucracy, which consisted usually of extremely zealous or
indecisive functionaries, who did not enter into negotiations with artists, but only
shared anonymous phone directives. 14 The ideological orientation became the
main criterion to judge the quality of art pieces.
The conversation about the revival of the tradition of the Youth exhibitions
never stopped at the Union of artists. It was conducted in narrow circles, among like-
minded people. The residence of the Moscow Committee of Komsomol (the All-
Union Lenin Communist Youth League) in the village of Krasnaya Pakhra near
Moscow became a scene for informal discussions in the 1960s. Because of the
14 Krechmar Dirk, Politika i kul'tura pri Brezhneve, Andropove i Chernenko 1970 - 1985 (Politics and
Culture in Brezhnev, Andropov and Chernenko Times 1970 - 1985) (Moscow: AIRO-XX, 1997), 17.
315
VERA OTDELNOVA
protection of powerful members of the Komsomol, the tradition of the youth

exhibitions was revived. The Seventh youth exhibition was opened in 1966 after a
five-year break. At the same time, a youth committee was formed in the Moscow
Union of artists, headed by Dmitry Mochalsky and Dmitry Zhilinsky. They were two
realist painters, who although they enjoyed a good standing among the bureaucracy
for their traditionalism, at the same time they were respected by young people for
their tolerance to formal experiments.
The mission of the Seventh exhibition was announced quite loudly: to show the
main trends in the artistic life of Moscow. Organizers, though strictly censored by the
communist party agents, tried to invite as many artists as it was possible, including
students of the Art institute and professors who were not members of the Union of
artists. Representatives of the underground scene as Eduard Steinberg,15 Vladimir
Yakovlev,16 and Vladimir Yankilevsky attended the exhibition.17 In the memoirs of
contemporaries it was presented as "the most liberal [exhibition] in the post-war
history of the Union of artists."18
Meanwhile, the final exhibition could hardly claim to objectivity. In the official
lists of participants the names of many significant artists are missing. These artists
refused to participate to the exhibition, which was organized by the state and curated
by the Communist Party. Perhaps, one of the reasons of this position was the
reluctance to communicate with the exhibition committee, as noted by one of the
active participants to the youth exhibitions of the 1960s, Oleg Loshakov. In 1965 at
the seminar in Krasnaya Pakhra he declared:
Now there is a large group of artists, who don't want to go to exhibitions and
exhibition committee, (...) do not want to receive insults. (...) Professional artists
who work seriously should certainly associate their creativity, their life with
the art union. In such a situation for many artists it is a castle in the air.19
15 Eduard Steinberg (1937-2012) soviet painter, one of the famous representatives of the
Moscow underground art scene, author of monochrome geometrical paintings influenced
by the Russian avant-garde and particularly by the art of Kazimir Malivich.
16 Vladimir Yakovlev (1934-1998) soviet painter well known for his portraits and still-lives
painted in laconic expressive manner.
17 Vladimir Yankilevsky (b.1938) is a soviet painter, author of abstract compositions,
influenced by aesthetics of surrealism.
18 Galina Manevich, Opyt blagodarenija (Thanksgiving experience) (Moscow: Agraf, 2009), 134.
19 Transcript of the seminar of the creative workers, 2nd-3rd October 1965, col. 635, vol. 1, TS 2663,
Central'nyj Arhiv Obshhestvenn-politicheskoj istorii Moskvy (CAOPIM) (Central Archive
for the Social and Political History of Moscow), 96.
316
The selection of works for this and for the following exhibitions was made by
an exhibition committee formed of a group of artists appointed by the Communist
Committee of the Union of Artists. There were three rounds of selection, and then it
was presented to, reviewed and censored by the governing body of the Union. On
the eve of the opening day, the officials from the Culture Department of the Moscow
municipal committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union visited the
exhibition and carried out the final censorship. Unfortunately, we do not have any
documents representing the judgment of the party's censors. But we know that these
people did not have artistic education and, according to the memoirs of some artists,
censors were guided mostly not by their own intuition, but rather by the
denunciations of those who were part of the art community. That is why realist
works could be declined if their author had a shady political reputation. 20 In the
internal documents of the Union of Artists we can find some evidence about the
censorship of the exhibition.
A young artist Leonid Pisarev criticized the way the Seventh exhibition
was organized:
Works were subjected to selection, and lots of interesting works were chosen.
These works were placed along the walls on chairs, and then they began to
disappear. Interesting works disappeared, and landscapes replaced them, they
could have been quite good, but that could not be a display of contemporary
art (...) The exhibition committee composed the selection, then, one after
another, the members of the commissions came, and the works were removed.
This situation will probably be repeated. Our conversations will hardly lead to
the fact that we will be able to hold exhibitions honestly and principled.21
Two years later, the artist Maria Elkonina made the same statement concerning
the organization of the Eighth youth exhibition held in 1969:
After the exhibition had been allowed and accepted by the Presidium of the
Moscow Union of artists, it was changed at almost fifty per cent and when
some works were removed, they were often given the following reasons: this
is a young artist, you know, he is not mature enough, if his work is removed,
people will be compassionate about him. (...) There were works exhibited that
20 Interviews by the author with Andrei Tutunov, May 2016, and Tatyana Nazarenko,
March 2015.
21 Transcript of the seminar of the creative workers, 96.
317
VERA OTDELNOVA
had not passed the exhibition committee [as] the exhibition committee in fact
does not mean much.22
In addition to censorship, there was another way to influence the character of

the works exhibited. Sometime before the exhibition, the Union of artists, the
Committee of the Youth League, and the Ministry of Culture pushed contracts with
the artists to create specific works due to a thematic plan, that mostly consisted of
politically relevant themes: the history of the Revolution, the Great Patriotic War, the
life and work of Lenin and his associates, as well as the modern socialist role
models. Works dedicated to ideological themes were very well paid. The thematic
plan also included such sections as landscape, portrait of the contemporary,
images of socialist republics, and so forth. Artists usually selected these politically
neutral topics, which were not as much encouraged by the state customer. They
seemed attractive because they allowed artists to have creative assignment trips to
remote regions of the country: Central Asia or the Caucasus, the Far East, and the
Russian North. Unfortunately, in the 1960s and 1970s the youth exhibitions passed
without producing any catalogues.
Most of the paintings displayed there were sent to different museums shortly
after the exhibition. The fragmented state of the archives of the Union of artists does
not allow uncovering the fate of most of these works. Thus, there are only a few
sources enabling us to reconstruct the general character of the exhibition. Among
them are the lists of participants and the titles of the artworks. Numerous landscapes
and exotic still-lives, portraits of children and young people, as well as of
representatives of the various ethnic groups, are the most mentioned items in the
archival indexes.23 The popularity of the political thematic was so low that there was
not a single painting about Lenin offered for the Seventh exhibition. Such a situation
was unacceptable, and the exhibition could not be opened without including at least
a depiction of Lenin. To fix it, the organizers included a painting The Headquarter of
October (1966) by the artist Pavel Nikonov, despite the fact that Nikonovs age was
higher than the limit of the youth censorship of 35 years.24
The discussion over the Seventh exhibition reflected the position of different
groups of official painters and critics. The exhibition was criticized from two
22 The transcript of the discussion around the Eighth exhibition of young artists, 18 February 1969,
col. 2943, vol. 3, TS 30, Rossijskij Gosudarstvennyj Arhiv Literatury i Iskusstva (RGALI)
(Russian State Archive for Literature and Arts), Moscow, 71.
23 List of the paintings displayed at the Seventh exhibition of the young artists pieces, 1966,
col. 2943, vol. 2, TS 647, Ibid., 1-24.
24 Interview by the author with Pavel Nikonov, 2013.
318
different perspectives. On one side, we know that the most conservative artists,
members of the party committee of the Union of Artists, and Art academy professors
criticized works represented at the Seventh exhibition for deviation of their style
from the language of Socialist Realism, and for some modernism styling, which they
interpreted as an attack of the bourgeois ideology and, thus, could not accept it. In
archival scripts we can read about a typical case that took place at the Seventh
exhibition around the painting by Viktor Popkov The Two (1966). Popkov
depicted two figures of a man and a woman lying on the grass. Declining academic
rules of perspective, he turned a natural landscape into a flat green background, used
contrast colors, and painted his heroes in a laconic manner. The art critic Ivan
Yastrebov recalled the reaction of the public to the piece:
A professional artist, who has been teaching at the Art Institute for many years,
comes to the youth exhibition and says: Well, well, that is the sub-station, and the
following station is modernism. The others are indignant: What is Popkov doing?!
Where is the painting, where is the art at all? This is so rude and primitive! 25
In general, this situation is a passive repetition of the discussion that was

popular ten years before, during the period of the Thaw but in 1966 the position of
the conservatives was not taken seriously within the professional community.
On the other side, the artists and critics of the older generation criticized the
Seventh exhibition for the lack of interest in political and social problems among
young artists. This view was defended by the art critics Sarah Valerius, 26 Vladimir
Kostin,27 and the artists Dementiy Shmarinov, 28 Boris Nemensky,29 etc., who marked
the over-spiritual calmness of young artists, their desire to go into the ivory
tower and to limit themselves to the world of art.30 There's a lot of dispute,
25 Transcript of the symposium dedicated to the main problems of the development of the
Soviet fine art. The first day, 17 April 1967, col. 2943, vol.2, TS 1423, RGALI, Moscow, 66.
26 Sarah Valerius Soviet art historian, author of books dedicated to European Modernist sculpture.
27 Vladimir Kostin (1905-1991) was a Soviet art historian, one of the organizers of the
Exhibition 30 years of the Moscow Union of Artists, and author of the books about art of
the first post-revolutionary decade.
28 Dementiy Shmarinov (1907-1999) was a Soviet book illustrator, a chief of the Moscow
branch of the Union of Artists in 1959 -1961, 1966-1988, and in 1972-1973.
29 Boris Nemensky (b. 1922) is a Soviet painter, author of realistic pictures about the Great
Patriotic War.
30 Transcript of the symposium dedicated to the main problems of the development of the Soviet
fine art. The second day, 18 April 1967, col. 2943, vol. 2, TS 1424, RGALI, Moscow 17 & 50.
319
VERA OTDELNOVA
opinion-based publicity in the field of the form, exclaimed Boris Nemensky, and I
lack the dispute in the field of content! 31 The root of the problem was seen by
speakers in the isolation of Soviet artists, as well as in the interdiction to show
modernist interpretations at the Union of art exhibitions. Valerius thought that it was
necessary to show Abstract art. According to her, a close examination of Abstract art
would uncover its defects and would consequently convince young artists to finish
with stylization. Art historian Vladimir Kostin regretted that the real contemporary
artists doing kinetics and illustrators of scientific journals were not called to
participate to the exhibition. The agrarian theme is everywhere and this fact
signifies the indifference of artists to the contemporary and to the life around
them.32 It is noteworthy that talking about social problems, none of the speakers
tried to specify his or her point of view and to identify the range of issues that could
cause a public outcry. They distinguished The Memories (1966), painted by Victor
Popkov, as a positive example, but could not say openly that the piece attracted them
by the expression of the sad reality of old soldiers' widows, and raised a question
about the tragic consequences of the war. Such treatment was very atypical for
Socialist Realism and for the State rhetoric that called for the depiction of war
heroism and declined any pessimistic declaration. So, obviously, a certain part of the
art community expressed a desire to speak on socially relevant issues and at the
same time was aware of the difficulty of this conversation, and any direct statements.
Young art historians such as Yuri Gerchuk, Ivan Gorin, Dmitry Sarabianov
who were also members of the Union of artists, supported the exhibition and singled
out such features as sincerity, improving the intellectual image, strengthening the
emotional origin of painting, in the methods, in the style, striving for small format
paintings, filling of the objects with meaning, landscape with mood. 33 They
highlighted genre paintings by Eugene Strulev, Victor Kalinin and Ivan Sandyrev,
still-lives by Yuri Pavlov and Igor Obrosov. The development of the artistic
language becomes the content of art, said the young critic Yuri Gerchuk. 34
Numerous variations on the theme of folk art, icon painting or modernism presented
31 Transcript of the meeting of artists with the discussion on the Seventh exhibition of the young
Moscow artists pieces, 4 January, 1967, col. 2943, vol. 2, TS 320, RGALI, Moscow, 73-74.
32 The transcript of theoretical conference of art historians devoted to the problems of
development of the Soviet art (based on the materials of art exhibitions of 1967),
16 January, 1968, col. 2943, vol. 2, TS. 1429, RGALI, Moscow, 17-21.
Soviet fine art. The second day, 25-26.
34 Ibid., 106.
320
at the exhibition were perceived as a complication of the realistic forms.35 The

problem of artistic form was considered the main one, and the search for plastic
solutions was an overriding priority of the artist. The art historian Vasily Rakitin
talks about the emergence of a new type of painting, not narrative and literary, but a
poetic one: This is not a direct story about the life event, but the exact counting on
musical and poetic associations. 36
The position of the young artists themselves is poorly represented in
transcripts and seems to be very passive. Oleg Loshakov, emphasizing the autonomy
of art from politics, took away any civic responsibility and encouraged artists to rise
above the problems of everyday life: Art cannot go beyond politics, beyond what
has already been said, it has to go far ahead, but practically it is not always possible
and so this is a conscious avoiding of the theme. 37 An artist, Igor Obrosov,
harangued with the similar speech and argued that the young artist had to "acquire
the skill, find the visual language (at first) and only then take on the expression of a
serious topic." According to Obrosov, the work on formal problems would lead the
artist to a more profound understanding of life, would form his individual artistic
language in contrary to the average realistic style of the Socialist Realism.38
The need to escape from political purposes into the area of private experience
and feelings was felt in many different groups of artists. The key concept of such
rhetoric was "sincerity," "the search of truth," "the expression of the artists personality"
and the truth of art that was understood not as a direct reflection of current events,
but as "something hidden, not lying on the surface." 39 Opposing ideological and
professional censorship, the artist Dmitry Zhilinsky exclaimed: Nobody has the
right to prohibit the culture and proclaimed a human attitude to what he (an artist)
depicts, passion to everything that is depicted the main idea of art.40
The trends indicated at the Seventh youth exhibition became the leading ones
within Soviet art over the next decade and defined the character of the Eighth, Ninth,
35 Ibid., 104-9.
36 Transcript of the meeting of artists with the discussion on the Seventh exhibition of the
young Moscow artists pieces, 57-9.
Soviet fine art. The second day, 44.
38 Transcript of the meeting of artists with the discussion on the Seventh exhibition of the
young Moscow artists pieces, 77-78.
39 Ibid., 23-4 & 38. Transcript of the symposium dedicated to the main problems of the
development of Soviet fine art. The second day, 23-4 & 80-1.
40 Ibid., 34 & 38.
321
VERA OTDELNOVA
and Tenth exhibitions. In 1969 the art historian Myuda Yablonskaya41 described the
Eighth exhibition in the following way: Art has become more metaphorical. (...) Any
work, for example Igor Orlovs interior, turns not into a domestic image, but into a
great poetic observation and a philosophical attitude to life.42 A conversation about
social or civil content of art was appearing rarely and the concept of contemporary
art was related to the theme of continuity of ancient artistic traditions. There were
thoughts that the use of stylization could give an opportunity to talk about its time in
encrypted language of metaphors and parables and at the same time to avoid
ideological clichs and conflicts with the officialdom.
As we can conclude from the oral interviews realized with the painters Viktor
Kalinin, Tatyana Nazarenko and Olga Bulgakova, most of the artists did not accept
the state ideology but preferred not to emphasize it. Victor Kalinin, participant to the
Seventh youth exhibition, recalled that within small communities there was a very
liberal atmosphere: After the opening of the exhibition, we went to visit Romadin,
there were a lot of people, all joking, criticizing the Soviet regime and talking
political jokes." 43 This side of life was not reflected in art, but was emphasized
autonomously. We were not talking about ideology, we talked about the culture,
which expressed our disagreement with the government, said Olga Bulgakova, who
started her career in the mid 1960s. 44
A painting by Tatiana Nazarenko The execution of the folk revolutionaries
displayed at the Ninth youth exhibition in 1972 was an exception. Nazarenko
depicted a subject from the nineteenth century Russian history, but according to the
testimony of the artist, this painting was dedicated to the group of five people who
protested on the Red Square in Moscow against the invasion of Soviet tanks in
Czechoslovakia in August 1968. When I worked on my Execution, I was thinking
about my contemporaries. How could they venture to do this step?! They also were
five, four men and one woman. Me I would never do that.45 However, the censors
did not understand the hidden political idea. What is more, the Komsomol awarded
Nazarenko and this marked the beginning of her rather successful career.
41 Myuda Yablonskaya (1926-1990) was a Soviet art historian and critic, one of the organizers
and active promoters of the youth exhibitions in the 1960s and 1970s.
42 The transcript of the discussion around the Eighth exhibition of young artists, 2-3.
43 Interview by the author with Viktor Kalinin, March 2016. My translation from Russian.
44 Interview by the author with Olga Bulgakova, October, 2015. Bulgakova Olga (b.1951) is a
painter, and author of abstract composition influenced by Russian icons and aesthetics of
modern theatre.
45 Interview by the author with Tatyana Nazarenko, March 2015.
322
Conclusions
The Moscow art youth exhibitions of the 1960s and 1970s represent an interesting
case study of the complex relationship between young artists and the state. Their
program revealed the artists desire to bring art beyond the limits of political directives
into the ethical and aesthetic area, and to validate its autonomy from ideological
tasks, to develop a new critical language and method to talk about issues, trends and
strategies of contemporary art. Pursuing these goals, artists attempted to express
their political position, and particularly, their disagreement with the state ideology.
However, a detailed analysis of the arguments they used makes it clear that
while certain theses of the official ideology were in decline, the young artists could
not overcome such basic Soviet ideological statements as a mystification of reality
and of the national history, and they searched for some true ideals, lack of critical
view of the present, and honoring professional traditions. Replacing the official
clich of party, nation, etc., artists were inventing new ones, which were not less
anonymous and meaningless, such as sincerity, truth, etc. This feature demonstrates
that the artists political position was vague, and their connection with the state was
not confined by the institutional and financial circumstances. Probably that is why
the youth exhibitions lost appeal among the public, and became one of the
institutional branches of the state official art by the mid-1970s.
Meanwhile, these exhibitions had one real political premise: they detected the
ambiguity and uncertainty of many Soviet ideological statements and demonstrated
an ability to ignore many official doctrines. They accentuated the problem of the
generations and the pluralism of the Soviet art scene, but because of them, the revival
of Socialist Realism in its traditional forms became impossible, though it was
encouraged by the Soviet mass media of the 1960s and 1970s.
LIST OF REFERENCES
Primary sources
Transcript of the seminar of the creative workers, 2-3 October 1965. Collection:
Moskovskij Gorodskoj Komitet Vsesojuznogo leninskogo kommunisticheskogo
sojuza molodezhi (MGK VLKSM) (Moscow City Committee of the All-Union
Lenin Communist Youth League) 635. Vol. 1. TS 2663. Moscow: Central'nyj
Arhiv Obshhestvenn-politicheskoj istorii Moskvy (Central Archive for the
Social and Political History of Moscow), (CAOPIM).
323
VERA OTDELNOVA
List of the paintings displayed at the Seventh exhibition of the young artists pieces,
1966. Col. 2943, vol. 2. TS 647. Moscow: Rossijskij Gosudarstvennyj Arhiv
Literatury i Iskusstva (Russian State Archive for Literature and Arts), (RGALI).
The transcript of theoretical conference of art historians devoted to the problems of
development of the Soviet art (based on the materials of art exhibitions of
1967), 16 January, 1968. Col. 2943, vol. 2. TS. 1429. Moscow: (RGALI).
The transcript of the discussion around the Eighth exhibition of young artists,
18 February 1969. Col. 2943, vol. 3. TS 30. Moscow: (RGALI).
Transcript of the symposium dedicated to the main problems of the development of
the Soviet fine art. The first day, 17 April 1967. Col. 2943, vol. 2. TS 1423.
Moscow: (RGALI).
Transcript of the meeting of artists with the discussion on the Seventh exhibition of
the young Moscow artists pieces, 4 January, 1967. Col. 2943, vol. 2. TS 320.
Moscow: (RGALI).
Transcript of the symposium dedicated to the main problems of the development of
the Soviet fine art. The second day, 18 April 1967. Col. 2943, vol. 2. TS 1424.
Moscow: (RGALI).
Interviews
Bulgakova, Olga. Interview by the author. May 2016.

Kalinin, Viktor. Interview by the author. April 2016.
Loshakov, Oleg. Interview by the author. April 2016.
Nazarenko, Tatyana. Interview by the author. April 2015.
Nikonov, Pavel. Interview by the author. March 2013.
Tutunov, Andrei. Interview by the author. May, 2016.
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Dirk, Krechmar. Politika i kul'tura pri Brezhneve, Andropove i Chernenko 1970-1985

(Politics and Culture in Brezhnev, Andropov and Chernenko Times 1970-1985).
Moscow: AIRO-XX, 1997.
D'jakonov, Valentin. Moskovskaja hudozhestvennaja kul'tura 1950-1960-hgg. Vozniknovenie
neoficial'nogo iskusstva (Moscow artistic culture in the 1950s and 1960s. Rise of
Non-official art). PhD diss., Russian State University for the Humanities, 2009.
Engel, Peter. Westerners on the wrong track: reappraisal of contemporary Soviet
art?. A-Ya, 6(1984): 56-8.
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Gastev, Alexei. Purposefulness of Creation. Tvorchestvo (Creation), 10(1957): 24-25.

Gerchuk, Jurij. Art of the thaw 1954-1964. Voprosy iskusstvoznanija (Problems of
Art Studies) 1(1996): 49-114.
Gerchuk, Jurij. Krovoizlijanie v MOSH (The MOSH haemorrhage). Moscow: Novoe
literaturnoe obozrenie, 2008.
Ioganson, Boris. Moskovskij sojuz hudozhnikov. Problemy razvitija otechestvennogo iskusstva
vtoroj treti XX v. (Moscow Union of Artists. Evolution of Native Art in the
second third of the XXth century). PhD diss., Russian Academy of Arts, 2012.
Kovalev, Andrej. Introduction to the political economy of the period of Stagnation.
Arthronika, 2(2004), the online edition of Arthronica, http://archive.li/Zyn3t.
Krechmar, Dirk. Politika i kul'tura pri Brezhneve, Andropove i Chernenko 1970-1985
(Politics and Culture in Brezhnev, Andropov and Chernenko Times 1970-1985).
Moscow: AIRO-XX, 1997.
Manevich, Galina. Opyt blagodarenija (Thanksgiving experience). Moscow: Agraf, 2009.
Sokolov, Konstantin. Hudozhestvennaja kul'tura i vlast' v posstalinskoj Rossii: sojuz i bor'ba
1953-1985 (Artistic culture in Russia after Stalin: Union and Fight. 1953-1985).
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Yurchak, Alexei. Everything was Forever, until it was no more: the last Soviet Generation.
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325
State Commissions and Artistic Limits in 1950s Bulgaria:
the Case of Lyubomir Dalchev
INA BELCHEVA
Abstract. This chapter analyzes the case of one of the best Bulgarian sculptors, Lyubomir Dalchev,
and his participation to the art collective of the Monument of the Soviet Army in Sofia. As a state artist
before the coup dtat from 1944 and remaining as such afterwards, Dalchev constitutes the perfect
case study concerning the relations between the state and the artists, as well as the limits and the
possible transgressions during the first decade of socialism in Bulgaria. Through the analysis of
archival protocols of the Bulgarian State Archive and the personal archives of the architect Danko
Mitov involved in the building of the monument, of the monument Danko Mitov - archives that either
have not been exploited by researchers before, or have not been available until now - the argument is
that the figure of the state artist in the 1950s in Bulgaria is more nuanced than previous studies reveal.
Lyubomir Dalchev is a representative of the counter-adaptive artists as early as the 1950s, a type of
state artists that, while not entering political debates, consistently defended their artistic choices, and
that were more obviously present in the 1960s and 1970s. His case is a first step towards an attempt of
reformulating the image of the state artist during the 1950s Bulgaria.
Introduction
When talking nowadays about state artists and state commissions during socialism,
ones mind usually calls out the image of a highly-placed state administrator who
gives out an order to the artist, who in turn, has to execute it without any questions
or alternatives. Mikls Haraszti develops this stereotype in an ironic way only to
conclude that art and power are not natural enemies. Art flourishes, even within
totalitarian regimes.1 And in fact, the relationship between the state and the artists
1 Mikls Haraszti, The Velvet Prison. Artists Under State Socialism (London: I.B. Tauris, 1988), 12.
INA BELCHEVA
as well as the figure of the state artist are a lot more nuanced and complicated.
Haraszti reveals the specificities of the Hungarian state artists who were conditioned
to adapt their art according to what was officially acceptable in order to benefit from
the different types of privileges available to them. The relationship between the state
and state artists became thus one of mutual agreement, contrary to the expected fear
and repression.2
The general case of the Bulgarian state artists corresponds perfectly to this
profile. Still, state artists vary according to the context and the time-period. Generally,
they were acclaimed artists who received numerous commissions of importance from
the state and who held a particular status because of that. But even during the most
complicated periods that allowed for very limited resistance, such as the 1950s in
Eastern Europe, at least three different categories of state artists could be discerned:
the artist who never strays from the official line; the artist who accepts the official
aesthetics but sometimes has a corrective attitude towards it; and the counter-adaptive
artist who does not participate in a political or ideological debate, but who pushes
the limits in order to defend their artistic visions against the imposed restrictions.
Nataliya Hristova first proposed this typology of state artists that could be
expanded to include all intellectuals.3 She made a certain distinction between what
she calls counter-adaptive artists and the figure of the communist-idealist. For
Hristova, while the counter-adaptive artist takes more of a silent position, a position
that confuses the central power, the communist-idealist is the one to take an active
opposition stance and to be perceived as a dissident.4 While those types of state
artists became more evident in the later years of socialism in Bulgaria, what is newly
revealed by the archival documents of the Monument of the Soviet Army in Sofia (1954)
is that we could find them defined as early as the first half of the 1950s. And while
this is certainly an exception from the general rule,5 we believe it is a tendency that is
worth analyzing.
Taking the example of the art collective of the Monument of the Soviet Army we
could find representatives of all three categories of state artists. As an artist that
never strays from the official line, one should not look further than Petar Doichinov
or Vasil Zidarov (Hristova would call them faithful members of the party). A typical
2 Ibid.
3 Nataliya Hristova, Des masques la mascarade. Les intellectuels bulgares et les dfis de la
mmoire sociale (Milieu des annes 1950 fin des annes 1990), History of Communism in
Europe. Vol. II. Avatars of Intellectuals under Communism 2(2011): 132.
4 Ibid., 128.
5 We can see in the archival documents of the Brotherly Mound in Sofia (1956) that the third
group of state artists was not represented.
328
representative of the artists that follow the official line, but not fully (and who fall
into Hristova's category of friendly couretsans) is Ivan Funev. And finally, as one
of the few representatives in the third group in Bulgarian art from the period, we
find Lyubomir Dalchev. We choose to adopt Hristovas term of counter-adaptive
artist bearing in mind that although he might have some characteristics of the
communist-idealist according to her classification, Dalchev is by no means a
communist, nor an idealist.
The art production of the 1950s in Bulgaria has been systematically neglected in
art history studies. During the period of developed socialism (1971-1985) 6 it was
considered an inferior type of art and a manifestation of the wrongly interpreted
concept of Socialist Realist aesthetics, while during the post-socialist period it was
almost unanimously declared a non-art form and thus only mentioned as an example
of the repression and limits exercised on artists during socialism. A lot of works have
been dedicated to the dissident movement in Bulgaria, or the lack of thereof, but we
choose to not use this word in Lyubomir Dalchevs case. The term of counter-adaptive
artist allows for a more flexible interpretation to the transgression of limits, and at the
same time evades the ethical problem of the term dissident that was not universally
well perceived by the East-European intellectuals in the years of socialism.7
This article discusses the case of Lyubomir Dalchev (1902-2002), both as one of
the most prolific sculptors from the period and as a counter-adaptive artist. It
presents the four periods of Dalchev's artistic life in Bulgaria: from the 1930s to the
first half of the 1940s; the period of popular democracy from 1944 to 1947/8; a
particular focus on the 1950s; and a brief overview of his work in the 1960s and
1970s. The 1930s and 1940s will be studied in order to reveal Dalchev's work during
the authoritarian regime from 1934 until 1944, and then his quick adaptation during
the period of popular democracy (1944-1947/8). The second part of the article is
dedicated to Dalchevs work in the art collective responsible for the creation of the
biggest state commission in 1950s Bulgaria: the Monument of the Soviet Army in Sofia.
While Dalchev is least famous for this particular monument, it is in the context of its
creation that his counter-adaptive position is most brightly manifested and most
surprising. We argue that the period of the 1950s plays an intricate part in the
shaping of the counter-adaptive attitude that marked the Bulgarian cultural life
6 According to Bulgarian historiography after 1989, the period of socialism is constituted of

five sub-periods: the popular democracy (1944-1947), totalitarian period (1948-1955/6), real
socialism (1956-1971), developed socialism (1971-1985) and perestroika (1985-1989).
7 Nataliya Hristova, Specificities of the Bulgarian dissident movement. Power and intelligentsia
1956-1989 (Plovdiv: Letera, 2005).
329
INA BELCHEVA
during socialism and that merits a more profound study by scholars. We also argue
that the case of Lyubomir Dalchev could surpass the boundaries of a case study and
be revealing for an existing tendency that is relatively unexplored until now.
On New Realism in new realities
The beginning of the 1930s was relatively calm, in a traditionally democratic vein,
but it was seen as unsatisfactory by the Bulgarian society. The ideas of a new order
became popular and the word new became key for the following years. In May
1934, with a military coup d'tat an authoritarian regime was instated and all political
parties and formations were banned. At the dawn of the Second World War Bulgaria
joined the Tripartite Pact in 1941 in order to realize the long-lasting dream of uniting
Great Bulgaria. The regime developed the already existing nationalistic tendencies,
and this was reflected in the art production of the time. The traditional motives such
as the Bulgarian village and various techniques (such as wood carvings) were found
everywhere and the public commissions of war monuments and national-themed
decoration of administrative buildings increased. 8 At this moment, the artistic
institutions were also more tightly linked to the state than ever before. A strong
tendency of centralization was felt. State commissions could be received only
through the Union of the Societies of Artists in Bulgaria, a union that insured a
monopoly over all exhibitions and public art projects with its close cooperation with
the Ministry of Popular Education.9
One of the biggest artistic societies, that proved extremely active and that
shaped the art production of the following decades, was founded in 1931, the Society
of the New Artists. It was a group that, similarly to other groups in Europe at the
same period, announced the need for a new art, that would correspond better to the
new life of the 1930s. It is not easy to determine the characteristics of this new style
that resembles the newly introduced Socialist Realism in the USSR but also has
openly "formalistic" traits. Internally, the Society was divided into two groups, either
influenced by Socialist Realism, which at the time was called new artistic realism
in Bulgaria, or influenced by the Neue Sachlichkeit (New Objectivity). Despite the
8 See Tatiana Dimitrova, Between Modernism and Totalitarism: State Cultural Policy's
Projections onto the Bulgarian Artistic Life in the 1930s - beginning of the 1940s, Problems of
Art 1(1996): 3-13.
9 Nikolay Poppetrov, Attempts for controlling the culture in Bulgaria (1934-1944), in
Modern Bulgaria, ed. Iskra Baeva (Sofia: St. Kliment Ohridski, 1999), 182-202.
330
abundant literature on the Society of the New Artists, especially the one written
under socialism, a comprehensive study of this artistic group and its way of
expression is still not a fact.10 The lack of such a study is the reason why it is still a
problem to determine with exactitude all its permanent and temporary members.
It is also why we cannot categorically say whether Lyubomir Dalchev was one
of them. We are asking this question because he is one of the biggest Bulgarian
sculptors of the twentieth century, who was equally appreciated before, during, and
after socialism, and whose works could still be seen in the Bulgarian public space. In
the second half of the 1940s, some of the members of this artistic group occupied
important positions in the state artistic institutions, as well as received the biggest
commissions. Dalchev received his artistic education in painting in Bulgaria, in
sculpture in Italy and he studied plastic anatomy at cole des Beaux-Arts, and later at
La Grande Chaumire in France. 11 Those experiences shaped his work and his
modernist approach to figurative art. With his return to Bulgaria in the 1930s, his
style and his subjects were marked by a social sensitivity that brought them closer to
the ideas of the New Artists.
Dalchev was one of the most sought out sculptors in the 1930s when it came to
state commissions and monumental decoration. For instance, he has worked on the
sculptural decoration of the Bulgarian National Bank in Sofia, as well as on the
Monument to the Fallen in the Wars in Targovishte and other war monuments in
Lomtsi, Pchelarovo, Drianovo. The monument in Targovishte carries some
characteristics that are important for Dalchevs work, such as the movement and the
momentum and elements that could be traced in his later sculptures, especially in
one of the most controversial ones: October on the Monument of the Soviet Army in
Sofia of 1954. The commissions were given out by the state institution in charge of all
monumental production, such as the Ministry of War, but also by the National Bank,
or the Ministry of Justice.
Without a doubt, one of the biggest state commissions of the end of the 1930s,
and the beginning of the 1940s was the one for the sculptural decoration of the Palace
of Justice in the Bulgarian capital. Lyubomir Dalchev won the competition and he
worked on the project from 1937 to 1942. Among the numerous sculptures he created
for it, the four sculptural compositions that were placed on the capitals of the
enormous columns in the central foyer are his true artistic achievements: Prehistoric
10 The last attempt of a comprehensive study was in Tanya Staneva's PhD thesis from 2014
"The Figurative Composition in the Works of the Society of the New Artists 1931-1944",
National Academy of Arts, Sofia.
11 Lyubomir Dalchev, Life in Images, in Talks About Art (Sofia: Narodna prosveta, 1966), 42.
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INA BELCHEVA
Justice, Solomons Judgment, Bulgarian Khan Krums Laws and the Contemporary Justice
in Bulgaria. 12 This was the commission that made Dalchev the master of the
sculptural composition, his way of articulating the figures and incorporating several
layers of meanings into them being without equal for years to follow. The idea to tell
the story of the court system through the different concepts of justice: human justice,
divine justice, ruler's justice, is extremely interesting and at the same time serves as a
way to introduce the contemporary justice, the one to be served in this very
building.Art was a way of legitimizing it.
At the time that Nikola Mavrodinov wrote the monograph about him, Dalchev
had not yet finished his rendition of the contemporary Bulgarian court, which has as
central characters of the composition the villagers, and yet he received the highest
praises. This subject is, of course, an iconic way to represent the Bulgarian people, in
a country that was mainly agricultural and whose population was, at the time,
concentrated in villages and not cities. But Mavrodinov insists: The image of the
young man is not only rendered through his clothes, body and typically Bulgarian
face. He also has a characteristic posture. He doesnt look like Alexander Bozhinovs
characters, neither like Ivan Lazarovs Balkan villagers. He is an image, taken from
reality.13 To be close to reality and to capture the type of face of the character
were some of the main demands made upon a Socialist Realist artist as the
stenographic protocols of the artistic committees of the 1950s revealed. These
characteristics of Dalchev's work earned him praises in the later years of his career.14
In the collective book, Revolution and Art, published in 1970,15 Mara Tsoncheva
insists on Dalchevs creations for the Palace of Justice, naming them a summit not
only in Dalchevs artistic work, but also in the development of Bulgarian
monumental sculpture.16 This is but a proof that Dalchev carried a particular status
for his success and his high-quality work from before 1944. Without having direct
relations with the authoritarian regime from 1934 to 1944, his talent allowed him to
obtain the position of an artist preferred by the state.
12 Nikola Mavrodinov, Lyubomir Dalchev (Sofia: Chipev, 1942), 32.

13 Ibid, 37.
14 Protocol of the jury for the Monument of the Soviet Army in Sofia, op. 7, a.e. 74/April 25th, 1951,
Fund 143 Committee for science, art and culture (KNIK), Sofia Central state archives (CDA), Sofia.
15 Mara Tsoncheva, Progressive tendencies and directions of the Bulgarian art (1920s beginning
of the 1940s), in Revolution and Art, ed. Alexander Obretenov et al. (Sofia: BAN, 1970), 129-186.
16 Ibidem.
332
Art(ist) for the People
With these many commissions and resounding success, we could expect that after
the coup d'tat of September 9, 1944, Dalchev would not be among the most sought
out artists since there was a total negation of the previous decade. In the first period
of popular democracy, the policy of the Fatherland Front17 towards the intelligentsia
was, however, one of inclusion. Georgi Dimitrov called for patience towards the
intelligentsia that didn't swear allegiance to the Party18 and he would go as far as to
say that [The people] remember and do not forget past transgressions, but it prefers
to have in its midst activists that serve its interests now than to have those with
flawless past, but who are now against its freedom and independence or that actively
serve the people's enemies.19
On the same day as the coup d'tat, a newspaper call summoned some of the
biggest names of the Bulgarian artistic life to the stage of the National Theater in
Sofia in order to create a plan for an ephemeral monumental decoration of the
capital, and later for the establishment of a Union of the Artists in Bulgaria. Unlike
some of the artists that were later chosen as part of the collective to elaborate the
Monument of the Soviet Army in Sofia20, Lyubomir Dalchev was not mentioned among
the names in the newspaper summons and did not, unlike other artists, go to the
National Theatre out of his own idealistic enthusiasm on September 19th, when it was
voted that all artists present would join the Fatherland Front, help with its
propaganda and ideological tasks and make art for the people.21 Boris Angelushev
17 The Fatherland Front is the political coalition that came into power after the coup from
September 9, 1944. It was firstly created in 1942 and it was formed of representatives of the
Bulgarian Workers Party (communists) (BRPk), the Bulgarian Agricultural Peoples Union
Pladne (BZNS Pladne), the Bulgarian Workers Social-Democratic Party (BRSDP),
members of the political circle Zveno and unaffiliated intellectuals. It is the Fatherland
Front that organized the anti-Hitlerism resistance between 1941 and 1944.
18 Nataliya Hristova, The 120 Anniversary of Georgi Dimitrov a time for reflection, in
Georgi Dimitrov Between the Glorification and the Negation, ed. Rima Kanatsieva, Tania
Turlakova et al. (Sofia: Center for Historical and Politological Research, Foundation Solidary
Society, 2003), 143.
19 Quoted by Nataliya Hristova, The 120 Anniversary of Georgi Dimitrov, 145 (op. 6, a.e. 83,
Fund 146B Dimitrov, Georgi (G.D. Mihailov), CDA, Sofia; Georgi Dimitrov, On Literature
and Art (Sofia: 1982), 207.
20 Boris Angelushev, Mara Georgieva, quoted by Nikolay Shmirgela in Through the History
of the Union of Bulgarian Artists, Izkustvo 10(1984): 2-11.
21 On December 10, 1944, the Union of the Societies of Artists was disbanded and the Union of
Artists in Bulgaria was inaugurated, which became in 1956 the Union of Bulgarian Artists.
333
INA BELCHEVA
and Mara Georgieva were part of the left-wing group of the Society of the New
Artists who naturally found their way into the biggest state commissions of the end
of the 1940s and the beginning of the 1950s. Dalchev, a formalist, also had a
prominent role in the first years after 1944, as well as later on, during the 1950s. This
could be due to his close personal relations with some of the prominent members of
the left-wing group of the Society of the New Artists, but we could also presume that
the expertise he acquired before 1944 in monumental sculpture played a key part in
his position. Meanwhile, many artists with a similar biography, including his
brother, a notoriously formalist poet, who was not published for years, lost certain
favor from the government.
Dalchev participated actively to the ephemeral sculptural decoration in 1945,
by being part of the collective22 to create the two compositions for the First Congress
of the Fatherland Front in March 1945, by creating one of the ten plaster figures that
would ornate the September 9th Square on the occasion of the May 1st parade of the
same year, as well as a sculpture for the following years parade. He was also the
leader of the artistic collective behind the first monument dedicated to Georgi
Dimitrov in Bulgaria, created for the May Parade of 1945.23 Those are, of course, not
coincidences, especially bearing in mind that the other sculptures were created by
Vaska Emanuilova, Mara Georgieva, Ivan Funev or Nikolay Shmirgela, to name a
few, who were all at some point members of the Society of the New Artists and were
later present at the National Theater to pledge allegiance to the Fatherland Front. The
period of the popular democracy lacked big state commissions, aside from
ephemeral sculptures, so in this context Lyubomir Dalchev, with his active
participation, found his place among the group of the state artists.
State commissions and state committees
Commissions were important for Bulgarian artists since the 1930s, when a big part of
the artistic work was created on the occasion of different competitions. As the
main way for artists to live with only their talent, commissions were highly sought
after. As Tatiana Dimitrova observes in her work on the artistic life of the 1930s and
22 The collective Septemvriitsi, of which were also members Ivan Funev, Stoyan Konakliev
and Tsvetan Mihov.
23 For more information on the ephemeral decoration in the period after 1944 in Sofia, see
Georgi Tsarev, Visual Agitation and Monumental Propaganda in Sofia, in the first years
after September 9th, 1944, Izkustvo 8(1984): 14-21.
334
1940s24, the relationship between the Bulgarian state and the Union of the Societies of
Artists in Bulgaria was so intertwined, that only artists who were members of the
Union could hope to win a competition. In the period after 1947, competitions were
opened to everybody, but the practice showed that only a handful of artists, close to
the government seemed to receive the big commissions.
In 1947 was created the division Museums, monuments and war tombs headed by
the artist Ivan Petrov. An art council was attached to it, including members of the
Union of Bulgarian Artists, the Union of Architects of Sofia, the Ministry of Public
Works, the National Art Academy, the government, and the Committee of the Fighters
against Fascism. 25 This was a structure that was later transformed into the state
commissions' art juries, such as the one for the Monument of the Soviet Army in Sofia.
The biggest commission at the beginning of socialism was without a doubt the
Monument of the Soviet Army in Sofia. This monument, planned since 194626, was
finished and inaugurated as late as 1954. This was due not only to the numerous
conjectural changes in these years, but also to the many failed competitions that took
place between 1948 and 1950. Of course, in order to choose the best project, an artistic
jury was created. The jury for the Monument of the Soviet Army was essentially formed
of two groups of people which included political figures and representatives of the
artistic fields. In 1949, the second competition for a project for the Monument of the
Soviet Army in Sofia was declared without winner, as all presented ideas were judged
not corresponding to the task, neither ideologically and politically, nor
architecturally and artistically. 27 This was why it was decided that another
competition should take place, this time among artists chosen by the jury who had
the task to form a collective and propose a project. While open to other participants,
the main expectations lied with the appointed artists that had failed at the first
competitions to answer the governments invitation to resolve this task of most
politically-cultural importance.28 Prominent sculptors, such as Marko Markov, Ivan
Funev, Kiril Todorov, Andrey Nikolov and Danko Mitov - who was an architect and
chief-architect of Sofia, leaded the five collectives. 29 Interestingly, Ivan Funevs
24 Dimitrova, Between Modernism and Totalitarism, 8.

25 Veneta Ivanova, Bulgarian Monumental Sculpture: development and problems (Sofia: Bulgarski
hudozhnik, 1978), 280.
26 Tsarev, Visual Agitation and Monumental Propaganda in Sofia, 21.
27 Conclusion document of the jury of the competition for the Monument of the Soviet Army
in Sofia, op. 7, a.e. 20/August 4th, 1949, Fund 143 (KNIK), CDA, Sofia, 47.
28 Tsarev, Visual Agitation and Monumental Propaganda in Sofia, 21.
29 Protocol of the jury for the Monument of the Soviet Army in Sofia, op. 2, a.e. 4/September 3rd,
1949, Fund 143 (KNIK), CDA, Sofia, 35.
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INA BELCHEVA
project was one of the first rejected on the grounds of formalism,30 ignoring his Party
activism and his important role in different artistic institutions at the moment. He
was later integrated into Danko Mitovs collective that won the competition, the
same collective to which Lyubomir Dalchev belonged.31
Once the project for the Monument of the Soviet Army was chosen, a continuous
control was exercised on the artists in the collective. This control was meant to
survey the ideological content of the sculptural groups and to make sure that it was
translated into the right form. This was the reason why two committees were
created: a small, and a large one. These titles referred to the number of their
members and to their field of specialty. The small committee was formed of mainly
artists and architects, representatives of the different chairs of the National Academy
of Arts, or high placed specialists from the Committee of Science, Art and Culture
(CSAC). The discussions rarely strayed from the artistic field, concentrating mainly
on the form, and how it could be improved. The large committee, which was formed
predominantly of generals and ministers, rarely convened, and when it did it was
only in order to validate a decision taken by the small committee, or to make a
decision when such was not reached at the small-committee level. The big committee
also served as a sanction to the small one; this is why a subject could be put for
discussion numerous times before it reached the higher instance.
The (Im)possible rebellion, and the 1950s artistic limits:

The limit is individual
Artists were often present at the meetings of the small committee, in order to defend
their artistic choices. Their presence was also needed since the small committee also
served as an educational unit; it defended its sanctions and tried to define more
clearly how to translate the theory of Socialist Realism into practice. This turned out
to be one of the biggest struggles at this level. If we study the discussions of the small
committee, we can conclude that the main difficulty with art commissions during the
1950s was the lack of experience with the rightful artistic method (as the term
30 Protocol of the jury for the Monument of the Soviet Army in Sofia, op. 5, a.e. 214/June 14th,
1950, Ibid., 117.
31 The art collective responsible for the Monument of the Soviet army in Sofia: Architects:
Danko Mitov, Ivan Vassilyov, Lyuben Neykov, Boris Kapitanov. Sculptors: Vaska
Emanuilova, Mara Georgieva, Ivan Funev, Lyubomir Dalchev, Petar Doychinov, Vasil
Zidarov, Ivan Lazarov. Painter: Boris Angelushev.
336
Socialist Realism was, surprisingly, not used during these discussions), and
therefore the impossibility for critics to make it clear to the artists.
The archival protocols reveal how the different artists from the collective dealt
with the restrictions imposed on their style and expression. Lyubomir Dalchev
stands out among the rest, even though he was pointed out as an example of
mastering the realistic approach at the beginning of the realization of the project,32
progressively he became the sculptor that created problems for the small committee
with his stubbornness, but he also became the sculptor that most vigorously
defended his artistic vision against the unclear, yet persistent demands for more realism.
The Monument of the Soviet Army in Sofia consists of six sculptural groups. Two
of them, by Ivan Funev, present the welcoming of the Soviet army by the Bulgarian
people, while the central composition, on top of the plinth, by Vaska Emanuilova
and Mara Georgieva, represents a Soviet soldier, holding his weapon in the air in a
victorious gesture, accompanied by a Bulgarian worker and a Bulgarian peasant
woman, holding a child. While at the base of the plinth an inscription relates the
gratitude towards the Soviet army, 33 on the other three sides there are three
sculptural groups: the Great Patriotic War by Vasil Zidarov, the Soviet Arrire-Garde
During the War by Petar Doychinov, and October 1917 by Lyubomir Dalchev.
Dalchev's composition is doubtlessly the one that has the most pronounced
artistic merits and that has been the object of studies even during the period when
the art of the 1950s was neglected.34 The ten figures that constitute the group are
represented in a moment of charge. The objective is that the viewer's attention is not
captured by a particular character, but by the movement, the dynamism of the
moment. At the center of the group there are a young soldier and the bearer of the
flag, depicted in a battle cry. The types of the different characters vary in age,
profession, gender, so that they could be representative for all the revolted people:
the Party commissary, women, workers, intellectuals, soldiers and marines.
The dynamism of the composition resides in the way the movement is
constructed thanks to the three soldiers that form between each other two arches that
32 As a departure point for what a realistic treatment of a sculptural group is, the collective
should take the relief of the October revolution that, besides its relative schematic character,
has good realistic qualities., in Protocol of the jury for the Monument of the Soviet Army
in Sofia, op. 7, a.e. 74/April 25th, 1951, Fund 143 (KNIK), CDA, Sofia.
33 To the Liberating Soviet army from the grateful Bulgarian people., Ibid.
34 See Atanas Patsev, October by Lyubomir Daltchev, in October (Sofia: Balgarski houdozhnik,
1967), 35-52; Veneta Ivanova, The October Composition of the Monument of the Soviet
Army in Sofia, in Revolution and art (Sofia: Art history institute, 1970), 325-33.
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INA BELCHEVA
delimit three groups.35 The first one, the gunner, starts the movement in the direction
of the attack; the second soldier from the center of the composition is taking out his
sword and the final, third one, the bomb thrower, breaks the movement going
backwards. The political commissary on the left and the worker on the right frame
the composition. The different objects scattered around such as the broken chains,
stones, bricks, Aurora's canon are used to set the scene in the appropriate context, the
same as the inscription on the flag: Power to the Soviets.
October 1917 has gone through a big transformation, which is obvious when a
comparison is made between one of the first versions presented in 195236 and
the final result (Figure 1). Two figures have been added, but also the concept of
the composition has changed. While the movement and the general feeling of
the momentum have remained, the modernist concept of showing the
movement as a sequence, as seen with the figures of the six soldiers in the
earlier version has disappeared.
Those changes were, however, not only due to the maturing of the artistic
project, but also and especially due to the many meetings of the small committee and
the critiques the jury made to Lyubomir Dalchev. The limits that they tried to impose
on him, however, were met with Dalchev's characteristic struggle and refusal to
compromise on his artistic expression, with his counter-adaptive attitude.
The first time Dalchev raised his voice and put into question the indications
that the committee had given him was during a discussion of the central composition
at the time he was still the head of the collective in charge of it.37 He showed his
frustration with the unclear demands of the jury:
Last time I was present at the meeting of the committee and as an author I
guess it wasn't just my impression I found the remarks made by the comrades
in the jury in many aspects contradictory. Without a doubt, we had to make
comparisons with our perspective, and see what we could accept as critics that
would give results. Because, I have to admit, between critics and [artistic] work
there should be evenness. While at the beginning the committee was useful with
its indications, there are times when it reaches a point that it hinders the artistic
forces of the collective. (...) While at the beginning it could offer a possibility for
development, afterwards it impedes and could even hurt the work.38
35 Patsev, October by Lyubomir Dalchev, 38.

36 Consulted by the author in Danko Mitov's personal archives, made available by Nikola Mihov.
37 April 8th 1953, Ibid.
38 Ibidem.
338
This was not the only time Dalchev put into question the role of the committees
and whether or not they do more harm than good to the creative process. During a
discussion about one of the figures in October 1917,39 he concluded: I am surprised
that the comrades do not want to see this from the artist's point of view. In many
cases, what they demand is impossible, not because it cannot be done, but because it
would lead to losing what has already been achieved.40
And while not completely ignored, Dalchev's doubts towards the official
representatives and the state institutions were often left without comments. This only
proves that resistance was not impossible, and was even tolerated in some cases. Of
course, Dalchev was not a typical example. His particular status of an extremely well
known artist, a professor at the Art Academy, as well as his self-assurance and self-
righteous attitude were so specific that even the critiques for exhibiting formalist
tendencies were delivered to him in a respectful tone.
This did not mean that the small committee was in any way more tolerant
when it came to artistic expression and reinforcing the method of Socialist Realism.
When, during the meeting of May 19th, 195341 Dalchev went as far as to proclaim that
he categorically refused to make changes that he did not deem important, he was
reminded that he transgressed the borders of what was allowed, and that a major
problem was that his composition contrasted with the others, when they were
supposed to form an ensemble. His response went as far as to put into question not
only the institutions, but some basic characteristics of Socialist Realism:
I believe that uniformization in the sense that some of the comrades have
expressed it, is impossible. Mainly because when a singer is a bass, he cannot
be a tenor. [If you wanted a tenor], then it would be best to change [the singer].
[] When it comes to [sculptural] work, I have certain experience and it is this
experience that I apply here. For me a sculptural work is not a copy of nature.
[...] For me the treatment of the form is a lot more important. [...] And maybe
the work will resemble a sketch, a model, why do you think this is bad?42
Interrupted by Alexander Obretenov, one of the theoreticians that introduced

Socialist Realism in Bulgaria, that there should be a limit, Dalchev answered: The
limit is individual.43
39 May 27th 1953, Danko Mitov's personal archives.

40 Ibidem.
41 Ibidem.
42 Ibidem.
43 Ibidem.
339
INA BELCHEVA
Even so, Lyubomir Dalchevs individual rebellion had to be reigned in at some

point. It happened on June 9th, when Alexander Obretenov insisted that the sculptor
did not seem to be implementing the needed corrections to his work.44 To which
Dalchev answered:
I have my way of treatment of the form. I understand that they could not like
it. But this would mean for me not to work. Here is what I suggest: accept the
construction of the group, because you are right not to accept the rest; we are
going to cut off the heads [of the figures] and somebody else will make them. I
cannot spit on myself, after working for twenty years in this fashion.45
The limit has been crossed and the sanction did not wait, as Alexander Obretenov
lashed out:
Say things as they are: it was during formalism that you worked for twenty
years (...) Now everything is being fixed, as you can see, besides the difficulties.
You can see that for the girls [Vaska Emanuilova and Mara Georgieva] it's
complicated, the same for us, the critics. You cannot say: I have worked for
twenty years and won't spit on myself. You spit on what? You spit on your
formalistic tendencies. Nobody denies you your mastership, but the fact is that
you have negative traits in your work.46
This marked the end of Dalchev's outspoken rebellion against the system. And even
though his composition October was the last to be admitted, he no longer tried to
impose his approach to the work to the committee.
This abrupt fall into submission could seem as if the rebellious streak in
Dalchevs nature has been crushed and maybe even that he has fallen in disgrace.
However, it would be wrong to assume this, as Lyubomir Dalchevs path had only
just begun as a state artist during socialism. While working on the Monument of the
Soviet Army in Sofia, he was also part of the jury discussion of the Monument-ossuary
to the Soviet Warriors in Sofia (1954).47 Meanwhile, Dalchev was also working as part
of the art collective of the Monument to the Soviet Army in Plovdiv (1954).
44 Protocol of the meeting of the small committee, op. 9, a.e. 154/June 9th, 1953, Fund 143
(KNIK), Sofia, 108.
45 Ibid., 119
46 Ibidem.
47 Order for the formation of the artistic committee of the Monument-ossuary of the Soviet
Warriors, op. 8, a.e. 241/March 1, 1952, Fund 143 (KNIK), CDA, Sofia.
340
In 1966 Dalchev revealed what was hidden behind this apparent subdual
during the final stages of the creation of the Monument of the Soviet Army in Sofia.48
Before sending the figures to be molded into bronze, the sculptor made all the
changes he deemed important into the wax and thus fashioned them as he wanted.
This was the ultimate rebellion and transgression of limits.
In the 1960s, he continued to receive big state commissions, the most famous of
which is the Brotherly Mound in Plovdiv (1968-1974). This monument to the fallen is
distinctly different to the one created in Sofia (1956). The architecture and sculpture
work together, instead of one being used as a support of the other, and Dalchev had
the opportunity to return to his initial inspiration: the traditional Bulgarian wood-
carvings. He even said later in a letter from 1992: It was a wonderful opportunity
for artistic achievements and success, such as the Palace of Justice in Sofia, and I
worked with passion in order to create something unique, grand and monumental.
Such opportunities are really rare in the life of an artist and I could not pass it by.49
His style evolved during the years, and he received many more and different
state commissions: from the sculptural decoration of public gardens and parks in
Sofia or Ruse for example, to monumental statues of historical figures such as the
Monument to Kliment Ohridski (1979) in Sofia. All of these commissions were,
however, executed with difficulties and constant struggles against the limits the
artistic committees tried to impose on the sculptor. Ten figures were removed from
the Brotherly Mound in Plovdiv, being judged unacceptable by the commissioner50;
his composition Samuils Warriors (Sofia, 1977) was also met with unease and Dalchev
had to fight to defend not only his artistic concept, but also the original place for the
sculpture, since it was seen as delicate for the Bulgarian-Macedonian international
relations.51 Dalchev was refused many commissions, but this, as well as his constant
counter-adaptive attitude, did not have direct effects on his person or artistic career.
In 1971 he received the biggest award in socialist Bulgaria: the Dimitrov Prize. He
participated to foreign exhibitions representing Bulgaria and he continued until the end
to teach at the National Art Academy, forming a counter-adaptive school of his own,
and many of his students were known later for breaking the limits imposed on them.
For reasons we could only guess, in 1979, aged 77 years old, during his
exhibition in Vienna, Dalchev asked for permission to go to the United States. His
48 Dalchev, Life in Images, 50.

49 Letter by Lyubomir Dalchev, quoted by Boryana Dimitrova, Dalchev rearranges the Brotherly
Mound in Plovdiv, in Trud, September 30, 2009, accessible at http://www.trud.bg/Artic
le.asp?ArticleId=240599 (accessed 4 November 2016).
50 Ibid.
51 Georgi Monev, The Unexpected Lyubomir Dalchev, (Sofia: Sv. Kliment Ohridski, 2011), 25.
341
INA BELCHEVA
outgoing visa was denied, but he left all the same, and never returned to Bulgaria.
He continued his work from there, producing public sculpture as well as works for
private collectors. In his home country, silence covered his work, as no scientific
publications have been dedicated to it until 1989.
Always Faithful to the Individual Limit
The Monument of the Soviet Army still stands in the center of Sofia and the attention it
receives nowadays is more important than during its inauguration, or even in the
years of socialism. The monument has been almost removed from public
commemoration rituals, except for the one on May 9th, when the Bulgarian Socialist
Party and its partisans invest it. It has become a place for political, social and
aesthetic debates on the evaluation of the recent past and its monumental heritage.
At the beginning of the 1990s, Lyubomir Dalchev took part in the discussion in
the form of open letters published in the press speaking of the duress under which
the monument was created and that its symbolic outright surpassed its aesthetic
qualities: Even if the artistic dimensions of the monument are great, this is no
reason for the monument to remain, it cannot excuse its existence, and especially not
today.52 Many questions arise: are those the words of the disappointed Dalchev that
immigrated in 1979 to the United States? Are those the words of Dalchev the artist
that despised the changes he was forced to do to his composition? Or are those the
words of Lyubomir Dalchev who naturally takes part to the dominating discourse of
total denial of the past?
The interest for the official art of socialism is recent in Bulgaria. With the study
of emblematic works of art of the different periods, a greater understanding can be
achieved, in order to be able to have a different image of the state artist, a more
nuanced and adequate image. In this sense, we find the following quote by Dalchev
to be the perfect summary for his vision on individual limits:
Some consider social engagement, such as the demands the commissioner has
towards an artwork, an artistic limit. For the bad artist of course, but for the
great one the commission is nothing, but a chance for new artistic possibilities,
a road towards new discoveries.53
52 Lyubomir Dalchev, The Enslaver's Landmarks, in Trud, 1993, accessed December 15, 2014
at http://ow.ly/ffvm308iPXk.
53 Lyubomir Dalchev, as quoted by Georgi Monev, The Unexpected Lyubomir Dalchev, 44.
342
This approach was clearly professed by the sculptor not only during the 1950s,
but all through his artistic life. Until now, the first decade of socialism in Bulgaria has
been studied and analyzed only through its repressive mechanism, the violence, the
martyrdom and the subordination. In the art field, the subordination was seen as
common, either because of fear, of a desire to be noticed by the government, or
simply in order for the artists to continue their careers. Harazsti would say: We
skillfully reshuffle the furniture around the walls of the house of art. We learn to live
with discipline; we are at home with it. It is a part of us, and soon we will hunger for
it because we are unable to create without it. 54 The archival documents of the
discussions of the small and big committees of the Monument of the Soviet Army in
Sofia reveal a different picture, a different type of 1950s state artist. This is but a
proof that the period of the 1950s in Bulgaria, especially in relations to art, is
understudied while it could reveal previously unknown forms of resistance, as well
as allow for a new and unbiased look on the art production of the time. This study of
Lyubomir Dalchevs case was an attempt to do just that.
LIST OF REFERENCES
Primary sources
Conclusion document of the jury of the competition for the Monument of the Soviet
Army in Sofia. op. 7, a.e. 20/August 4th, 1949. Fund 143 Committee for science,
art and culture (KNIK). Sofia: Central state archives (CDA).
Order for the formation of the artistic committee of the Monument-ossuary of the
Soviet Warriors. op. 8, a.e. 241/March 1, 1952. Fund 143 Committee for science,
art and culture (KNIK). Sofia: (CDA).
Protocol of the jury for the Monument of the Soviet Army in Sofia. op. 2, a.e.
4/September 3rd, 1949. Fund 143 Committee for science, art and culture (KNIK).
Sofia: (CDA).
214/June 14th, 1950. Fund 143 Committee for science, art and culture (KNIK).
Sofia: (CDA).
54 Haraszti, The Velvet Prison, 9.
343
INA BELCHEVA
74/April 25th, 1951. Fund 143 Committee for science, art and culture (KNIK).
Sofia: (CDA).
Protocol of the meeting of the small committee. April 8th, 1953. Danko Mitov's
personal archives.
Protocol of the meeting of the small committee. May 27th, 1953. Danko Mitov's
personal archives.
Protocol of the meeting of the small committee. op. 9, a.e. 154/June 9th, 1953.
Fund 143 Committee for science, art and culture (KNIK). Sofia: (CDA).
Secondary sources
Dalchev, Lyubomir. Life in Images. In Talks About Art. Sofia: Narodna prosveta,
1966. (, . , .
: , 1966)
Dalchev, Lyubomir. The Enslaver's Landmarks, in Trud, 1993, accessed on
December 15, 2014. http://ow.ly/ffvm308iPXk. (, .
, , 1993)
Dimitrova, Tatiana. Between Modernism and Totalitarism: State Cultural Policy's
Projections onto the Bulgarian Artistic Life in the 1930s beginning of the 1940s.
Problems of Art 1 (1996): 3-13. (, .
:
1930- 1940-.
1(1996): 3-13.
Dimitrova, Boryana. Dalchev rearranges the Brotherly Mound in Plovdiv. In
Trud, 30.09.2009, http://www.trud.bg/Article.asp?ArticleId=240599. (,
. , ,
30.09.2009)
Haraszti, Mikls. The Velvet Prison. Artists Under State Socialism. London: I.B.
Tauris, 1988
Hristova, Nataliya. The 120 Anniversary of Georgi Dimitrov - a time for reflection.
In Georgi Dimitrov Between the Glorification and the Negation, edited by Rima
Kanatsieva, Tania Turlakova, 138-147. Sofia: Center for Historical and Politological
Research, Foundation Solidary Society, 2003. (, . 120
,
, ,
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(.), 138-147. :
, , 2003)
Hristova, Nataliya. Des masques la mascarade. Les intellectuels bulgares et les
dfis de la mmoire sociale (Milieu des annes 1950 fin des annes 1990). In
History of Communism in Europe. Vol. II. Avatars of Intellectuals under Communism.
Bucharest: Zeta books, 2011.
Hristova, Nataliya. Specificities of the Bulgarian dissident movement. Power and
intelligentsia 1956-1989.Plovdiv: Letera, 2005. (, .
. 1956-1989 . :
, 2005)
Ivanova, Veneta. Bulgarian Monumental Sculpture: development and problems. Sofia:
Bulgarski hudozhnik, 1978. (, .
: . : , 1978)
Ivanova, Veneta. The October Composition of the Monument of the Soviet Army in
Sofia. In Revolution and art, edited by Alexander Obretenov, 325-333. Sofia: Art
history institute, 1970. , .
, ,
(.), 325-333. : , 1970)
Mavrodinov, Nikola. Lyubomir Dalchev. Sofia: Chipev, 1942 (, .
. : , 1942)
Monev, Georgi. The Unexpected Lyubomir Dalchev. Sofia: Sv. Kliment Ohridski, 2011
(, , . :
. , 2011)
Patsev, Atanas. October by Lyubomir Daltchev. In October, 35-52. Sofia : Balgarski
houdozhnik, 1967. (, . ,
, 35-52. : , 1967)
Poppetrov, Nikolay. Attempts for controlling the culture in Bulgaria (1934-1944).
In Modern Bulgaria, Edited by Iskra Baeva, 182-202. Sofia : St. Kliment Ohridski,
1999. (, ,
(1934-1944). , (.), 182-202.
: . , 1999)
Shmirgela, Nikolay. Through the History of the Union of Bulgarian Artists,
Izkustvo 10 (1984): 2-11. (, .
, 10 (1984): 2-11)
Staneva, Tanya. The Figurative Composition in the Works of the Society of the New Artists
1931-1944, PhD Thesis, National Academy of Arts, Sofia, 2014. (, .

345
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1931-1944, , ,
, 2014).
Tsarev, Georgi. Visual Agitation and Monumental Propaganda in Sofia, in the first
years after September 9th, 1944, Izkustvo 8 (1984): 14-21. (, .

9- 1944, 8 (1984): 14-21.
Tsoncheva, Mara. Progressive tendencies and directions of the Bulgarian art (1920s
beginning of the 1940s), In Revolution and Art, edited by Alexander Obretenov,
129-186. Sofia: BAN, 1970. (, .
(1920- 1940-).
, (.), 129-186. : , 1970.
List of figures
Figure 1. Lyubomir Dalchev, October 1917, 1954, bronze, 2.20 m (detail of the Monument
of the Soviet Army, Sofia, 1954). Copyright Ina Belcheva.
Figure 1. Lyubomir Dalchev, October 1917, 1954, bronze, 2.20 m

(detail of the Monument of the Soviet Army, Sofia, 1954). Copyright Ina Belcheva
346
From Socialist Realism to Socialist Aestheticism:
Three Contrasting Examples of State Architects in Yugoslavia
VLADANA PUTNIK
Abstract. This chapter analyzes the case of architecture during communism in Yugoslavia
through three dissimilar case studies. The establishment of the Communist Party after the Second
World War affected also the position of architects in Yugoslavia, as the private architectural
bureaus that existed in the interwar period were closed and the newly formed state bureaus
became the only option for work. During the first post-war period, the strong political relationship
with the USSR included the import of Socialist Realism. After Yugoslavias break up with the USSR
in 1948, the situation in architecture began to change as well, and the influence of the International
Style and the concept of socialist society brought a new term to this architecture, that of Socialist
Aestheticism. Some architects managed to become eminent authors and artists for the states
political projects. In the 1970s and 1980s post-modern architecture was also manifested in
Yugoslavia, and the design became more personalized and individualized. In this study, through
the analysis of three distinctive architects, Mihalo Jankovic, Bogdan Bogdanovic and Mihajlo
Mitrovic, we examine the degree to which the position of the state architect was influenced by the
political changes over the period 1945-1990, and help bring forward the differences between
individual trajectories in Yugoslavia and in other similar caseses in Eastern Europe.
Introduction
The Second World War was a breaking point for the political system of Yugoslavia,
and while the official war was fought, there was also a civil war in the country,
which led to the end of the monarchy and the proclamation of a Republic with the
Communist party in the lead. The new political party brought a new social system
and forbade the existence of private companies. All capital was nationalised and
became state capital. Architectural bureaus were subject to the same process as they
VLADANA PUTNIK
were closed and replaced with new state bureaus. 1 The first civil engineering
companies were also founded using the capital of the confiscated private companies.2
The loss of private praxis led to the loss of individual architectural expression. New
project tasks of the Federative National Republic of Yugoslavia did not tolerate
interwar architectural styles, such as Art Deco or Modernism. Since the only way to
work was for the state to be the sole investor, many architects of the older generation
ceased to practice and a certain number of them even decided to emigrate.3
The first years of post-war architecture in Yugoslavia were marked by a
necessity to renovate cities and build as much infrastructure as possible. This
atmosphere, under a strong influence of the Soviet model, led to the depersonalised
architecture of Socialist Realism. Socialist Realism was established in the Soviet
Union after an experimental avant-garde phase, which marked the Russian art and
architecture in the 1920s. The change of the visual model in the Soviet architecture
occurred in 1931 when an international competition was held for the Palace of the
Soviets in Makhachkala, Dagestan. The architect Boris Iofan won the competition
with a hyper monumental neoclassical construction surmounted by a sculpture of
Vladimir Lenin. 4 The Communist Party declared that architecture should not be
personal, nor should it have any distinctive elements of its author and that it should
express everyday life of the community. In 1937 a Congress of architects was held
and it was decided that Socialist Realism represents the fundamental method of the
Soviet system. Socialist Realist architecture was defined as national by its form and
socialist by its content. 5 After the Second World War the Soviet influence in
architecture spread throughout the countries that were members of the Eastern
Block: East Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria.6
1 Aleksandar Kadijevi, Mihajlo Mitrovi: projekti, graditeljski ivot, ideje (Beograd: S. Mai,
Muzej nauke i tehnike, Muzej arhitekture, 1999), 20.
2 Jelena ivanevi, Socijalistiki realizam u arhitekturi, in Istorija umetnosti u Srbiji XX vek,
edited by Miko uvakovi (Beograd: Orion Art, 2012), 281.
3 Aleksandar Kadijevi,
,, 8(2007): 79-80; Milan Prosen,
, 9(2008): 96-7.
4 Selim . Han-Magomedov, Novi tipovi zgrada za drutvene i administrativne potrebe u
Sovjetskom Savezu, in Istorija moderne arhitekture: kristalizacija modernizma: avangardni
pokreti, edited by . Perovi (Beograd: Arhitektonski fakultet, 2005), 503-14. See also Jean-
Louis Cohen, L'Architecture au futur depuis 1889 (Paris: Phaidon, 2012), 172.
5 Aleksandar Kadijevi,
XX , XLV XLVI(1998-1999):
264-5.
6 Cohen, L'Architecture au futur, 360.
348
During the first post-war years Yugoslavia was also under the Soviet influence
in visual arts as well as in architecture. Socialist Realism in Yugoslavia developed as
a part of a wider dogmatic program. Its characteristics were marked by a
stereotypical architecture built with plain construction materials.7 However, at the
same time, the ambitious projects for the government and public buildings of this
period show stylistically different interpretations of Socialist Realism, with elements
of classicism, Art Deco, national style etc.8
Josip Broz Tito personally defined the renovation program and recommended
that architects and civil engineers visit the Soviet Union in order to become
acquainted with their constructions and rational material use. 9 Certain architects,
such as Djurdje Boskovic and Bratislav Stojanovic, demanded that architecture of
Socialist Realism be in accordance with the social needs and reject any influence of
Western bourgeois formalism.10 However, the resolution of Cominform of 1948 and
Josip Broz Titos break-up with Stalin led to a change of the architectural ideology as
well.11 Josip Broz Titos political plan of the Third Way needed a new approach in
visual culture.12 Therefore, in 1950, a Council of Yugoslav architects was held in
Dubrovnik and this event marked a turning point in Yugoslav architecture, which
subsequently opened more to the Western influences. Socialist Realism was cast
away as an unpleasant episode in the history of Yugoslavian architecture.13
Unlike in Socialist Realism, where the narrative was very simple and
understandable, the new goal was to create a spiritual experience, without
introducing a religious dimension.14 As we have seen, the new aesthetic approach led
to the forming of Socialist Aestheticism. The term socijalistiki estetizam (Socialist
Aestheticism) was invented and defined by the literary theoretician and critic Sveta
Lukic in 1963. He noticed that after 1950 Socialist Aestheticism emerged as a reaction
to Socialist Realism, first in literature and then in art. Lukic described Socialist
Aestheticism as neutral, passive and self-indulgent. Socialist Aestheticism ceased to
7 Kadijevi, On Socialist Realism, 80.

8 Prosen, On Socialist Realism, 101.
9 ivanevi, Socijalistiki realizam, 281.
11 Mari-anin ali, 20. (: , 2013), 234-37.
12 Ibid., 246-9.
13 Branislav Krsti, ed., Atinska povelja i misao arhitekata i urbanista FNRJ 1950-ih (urinci: Atom
tampa, 2014). ivanevi, Socijalistiki realizam, 301.
14 Frederic Chaubin, Cosmic Communist Constructions Photographed (Kln: Taschen, 2010), 15.
349
VLADANA PUTNIK
be the optimal reflection of the socialist reality. 15 In architecture Milos Perovic

properly defined this term in 2003 when he stated that Socialist Aestheticism lasted
longer in architecture than in literature and the visual arts, until the mid 1980s.16 In
architecture Socialist Aestheticism was based primarily on the aesthetical quality of
the project, and not solely on functionalism.
Like in other socialist countries, architects were members of organised Unions,
such as the Savez arhitekata Jugoslavije (Union of Yugoslav Architects), and the
Urbanististiki savez Jugoslavije (Union of Yugoslav Urban Planners). However, these
organisations did not play the key role in commission assignments. The productivity
of an architect in socialist Yugoslavia largely depended on competitions. National
competitions were transparently held for each project, whether it was urban
planning, mass housing or important administrative buildings. Each competition and
its results were announced in newspapers and architectural journals. The jury mostly
consisted of eminent architects, professors of the University and academics.17
Even though all architects were considered to be state architects during the
Communist regime in Yugoslavia, there were certain distinguished individuals
whose career was connected to the cultural politics and propaganda. Three architects
were chosen as case studies for this research: Mihailo Jankovic, Bogdan Bogdanovic,
and Mihajlo Mitrovic. Although they were all state architects and tightly connected
to the regime, they reflect different models of Yugoslavias representation through
their architecture. Due to their productive career and different relationship with the
political regime, it is presumed that their examples can reflect the question of who
were the state architects in Yugoslavia. In the first case, that of Mihailo Jankovic, we
have an artist who had a traditional role of a court architect, chosen by the political
elite, or even by the president Josip Broz Tito himself, in order to present
Yugoslavias political aspirations after the break-up with the Soviet Union. The
second case study shows the work of Bogdan Bogdanovic, an artist who was in
charge of designing memorials dedicated to the victims of the Second World War.
His artistic freedom may be looked upon as highly unorthodox in a rigid socialist
system; however it reflected the visual representation of places of memory, which
15 Jea Denegri, Pedesete: teme srpske umetnosti (Novi Sad: Svetovi, 1993); Milan Popadi,
: ,
38(2010): 247-260; Jea Denegri, Socijalistiki estetizam, in Istorija
umetnosti, 395-420.
16 Milo Perovi, Srpska arhitektura XX veka: od istoricizma do drugog modernizma (Beograd:
Arhitektonski fakultet, 2003), 148-210.
17 All major competitions were published in the architectural journal Arhitektura urbanizam
(1960-1988).
350
represented a significant part of the states strategy. The third example, Mihajlo
Mitrovic is an architect who was part of the avant-garde and even had the tendency
to criticise official architecture. However, unlike in other countries of the Eastern
Bloc, he was tolerated by the officials and was not prosecuted or even exiled.18
Architecture in socialist Yugoslavia has been the subject of numerous research
projects, including monographs, articles, interviews, etc. Aleksandar Kadijevic and
Milan Prosen were among the first ones to question the phenomenon of Socialist
Realism in Yugoslavia and Jelena Zivancevic has recently defended her doctoral
thesis on that subject. 19 Art historians and architects such as Biljana Misic,
Aleksandar Ignjatovi, Vladimir Kulic and many others question and analyze
different forms of socialist architecture in Yugoslavia, the creativity of its authors and
various parameters that influenced its development. However, the status of the state
architects, their position in society, and their relationship with the regime has not yet
been the subject of a more detailed research.
The main purpose of this case study research is to determine whether the
position of the state architects was influenced by the political changes that occurred
over the period 1945-1990. It was also important to establish the amount of artistic
freedom and conducted architecture in the commissioned work of Yugoslavian
architects. Finally, since all three architects had different careers and political
engagements, this approach could determine a new, and possibly insightful,
interpretation of their architecture.
Josip Broz Tito's Personal Architect: Mihailo Jankovic
The territory of New Belgrade represented a terrain for the demonstration of the
social, economic and technological development of the new socialist Republic of
Yugoslavia. 20 The idea was to make New Belgrade a contemporary government
18 Caterina Preda, Art and Politics in Moden Dictatorships in the Southern Cone and Eastern
Europe: A Preview of Theoretical Problems, in New Europe College tefan Odobleja Program
Yearbook 2014-2015 (Bucharest: New Europe College), 55-82.
19 Aleksandar Kadijevic (1963) is professor of history of architecture from Belgrade and one of the
most notable experts and researchers of Serbian architecture. , .
75-88; Prosen, On Socialist Realism, 95-118; Jelena ivanevi,
(PhD diss., University of
Belgrade, 2012).
20 New Belgrade is a territory on the left bank of the river Sava, which was uninhabited until it
became a part of Belgrade in 1918. However, the first urban planning of New Belgrade
351
VLADANA PUTNIK
centre for the new state, therefore depicting new ideological values through its
architecture and urban development.21
On January 1st, 1947, two national competitions for the buildings of the new
political power were announced: one for the Communist Party of Yugoslavia's
Central Committee building and one for the Federal Executive Council building.
Since the competitions the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and president Josip Broz
Tito initiated the competitions, they chose this announcement to mark the beginning
of the first five-year plan.22 The main purpose of these competitions was to show the
new direction of Yugoslavian architecture. 23 A team from Zagreb, Vladimir
Potocnjak, Zlatko Neumann, Anton Urlich and Dragica Perak, won the first prize.
The awarded project, which had many similarities to the Centrosoyuz Building in
Moscow, designed by Le Corbusier in 1928, such as the H-shaped base, functional
design, was centrally positioned and had side entrances.24
The construction of the Federal Executive Council building began on April 11,
of the same year. President Josip Broz Tito visited the construction site in June.25
However, the political break-up of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union led to a major
economic crisis in the country. This led to the interruption of the entire urban
development of New Belgrade. The reinforced concrete construction of the Federal
Executive Council building was by that time only partly finished. The construction
continued six years later, in 1954, when the original project was changed. Since
Vladimir Potocnjak died in 1952 the entire project was given to the project bureau
Stadion, and to its main architect, Mihailo Jankovic.26
began after 1945, when the Communist regime chose this area for their grand project of
making a new capital. Today, this territory is a municipality called New Belgrade. See:
Ljiljana Blagojevi, : (: ,
2007); Vladana Putnik, :
1945-1985, in :
, edited by Nada ivkovi (:
, 2015), 87.
21 Biljana Mii, (Beograd: Zavod za zatitu
spomenika kulture grada Beograda, 2011), 28.
22 Ibid., 42.
23 ivanevi, Socijalistiki realizam, 287.
24 The Centrosoyuz Building in Moscow was the headquarters of the Central Union of
Consumer Cooperatives. See in: Cohen, L'Architecture au futur, 128, 172; Mii, The Palace of
The Federal Executive Council, 67.
25 Mii, Palace of the Federal Executive Council, 29.
26 Ibid., 71-75.
352
Although Mihailo Jankovic (1911-1976) became an architect before the Second

World War, the highlight of his career was seen only after the war. He first worked
in the project bureaus of the Yugoslavian National Army (YNA), where he designed
the YNA Stadium in 1948. However, the turning point in his professional career was
marked by the assignment to finish the Federal Executive Council building (Figure 1).27
The selection of Mihailo Jankovic as the main architect for one of the most
representative state buildings in Yugoslavia was partially surprising. Even though
Jankovic proved to be a good project designer when he was constructing two major
stadiums in Belgrade in the early 1950s, he was still inexperienced in working on
ambitious projects for administrative buildings. It was rumoured that Jankovic
gained that opportunity due to his close connections with the political leaders.
Regardless of the way he was assigned to the project, it presented an opportunity for
Mihailo Jankovic to prove himself.28 Jankovic had to modify the previous project in
accordance with the new tendencies in architecture so he removed any traces of the
classical elements and Socialist Realism.29 The entire facade was covered in white
marble from Brac with certain accents of dark grey marble. The material emphasized
the monumentality of the functionalist volumes designed in International style.30
Since the building was to be finished for the first Conference of the Non-
Aligned Movement in 1961, the interior had to represent the power, stability and
grandeur of Yugoslavia.31 The program of artwork and design for each salon was
very precise and can be considered as an example of total design.32 Each Republic
had its own salon with paintings, mosaics, sculptures and furniture in accordance
with its history, tradition and heritage. The walls of the main Yugoslavia salon were
covered with two monumental fresco paintings and mosaics. However, the most
27 Ibid., 76.
28 Ibid., 78.
29 Vladimir Kuli, National, Supranational, International: New Belgrade and the Symbolic
Construction of a Socialist Capital, Nationalities Papers 41/1(2013): 44.
30 The International Style is an architectural style, which emerged in the 1920s and was first
defined by Henry-Russell Hitchcock and Philip Johnson in 1932. They emphasized the form
and aesthetics of the International Style unlike Modern Movement in Europe, which was
largely defined by its social aspects. After the Second World War the International Style was
marked by projects for office buildings and urban development projects. Henri-Rasel Hikok,
Filip Donson, Internacionalni stil (International Style) (Beograd: Graevinska knjiga, 2008).
31 ali, History of Yugoslavia, 246-9.
32 The industrial designer Stewart Pugh defined the term total design in 1991. The term
refers to all elements that follow the designing concept of an object. The term is used in
architectural theory when an architect designs all elements of the building from the interior,
furniture design etc.
353
VLADANA PUTNIK
stunning is the skylight chandelier designed to resemble the sun. The interior was
covered in marble from all regions of the country.33 After the buildings construction,
architects from the project bureau Stadion were awarded medals of honour for
accomplishments for the socialist development of the country.34
The competition for the Central Committee building in 1947 planned that this
edifice should be a dominant urban centerpiece with the height of 120 meters and
the ambition to represent the expression of the creative power and a potent symbol
of the Communist Party.35 Unlike the case of Federal Executive Council building,
the Communist Party of Yugoslavias Central Committee buildings construction was
never made in the project from the 1947 competition. In 1960 another national
competition was held and the project of Mihailo Jankovic, Dusan Milenkovic and
Mirjana Marijanovic won the first prize. Due to its position on the confluence of the
rivers Sava and Danube, the first skyscraper on New Belgrade was distinctively seen
from the old town and represented the symbol of the new city, state, politics and
architecture (Figure 2). The rectangular silhouette of the skyscraper with aluminium
and glass curtain-wall faade, also called the American faade can refer to the
Seagram building by Ludwig Mies van der Rohe in New York from 1958.36
In 1961 Jankovic won the competition again for the Museum of gifts May
25 . The architectural and urban complex of the museum was finished the next
th 37
year and it represented a synthesis of Josip Broz Titos private residence, the public
space of the park in front of the museum, and the museum itself as a connection
between the beloved president Tito and his people. The cultural representation in
this case was constructed strongly in the ideological and political vein of
Yugoslavia.38 The concept of the Museum of Gifts consisted of presents Josip Broz
Tito had received over time from the people and from foreign delegations. The
purpose of this museum was to show in a subtle manner the power of Josip Broz
Titos cult and the socialist system in Yugoslavia as a righteous one.39
33 Mii, Palace of the Federal Executive Council, 97-133.

34 Ibid., 97.
35 Kuli, National, supranational, international, 41.
36 The Seagram building is one of the most notable examples of the Intenational Style. Peter
Blake, The Master Builders: Le Corbusier, Mies van der Rohe, Frank Lloyd Wright (New York: W.
W. Norton and Company, 1976), 263-70; Kuli, National, Supranational, International, 46.
37 Project for the Museum May the 25th, 2/99, 2/69/1962, Municipality of Belgrade Technical
Documentation, Belgrade Historical Archive (HAB).
38 Aleksandar Ignjatovi, Tranzicija i reforme: arhitektura u Srbiji 1952-1980, in Istorija
umetnosti, 706-7.
354
Although the museums architecture reflects the idea of the International style,
the rhetoric of this edifice is highly political and socialist (Figure 3). The main
element, which can be interpreted as socialist, is the mosaic in the central panel of the
front faade above the entrance. The mosaic depicts a scene from the National
Liberation Movement during the Second World War, which is highly unusual for a
museum with the purpose of representing gifts.40 However, the mosaic teaches a lesson
in history about the sacrifice which was made in order to achieve an ideal society.
Mihailo Jankovic had proved to be a proficient architect, and gained the favour
of the political elite. Thus, he was responsible for designing the most important
symbols of the socialist state in its capital.41 By constructing three key buildings,
which represented different parts of Josip Broz Titos official politics, Mihailo
Jankovic was declared one of the main state architects.42
Creating Spaces of Memory: Bogdan Bogdanovic
Remembering the victims of the Second World War played a significant part in the
cultural politics in socialist Yugoslavia, the fallen heroes and their fight for the cause
became a powerful instrument to educate the society about the essence of socialism.43
During Josip Broz Tito's regime numerous memorials dedicated to the heroes and
victims of the Second World War were erected with the purpose to emphasize
collective memory of the Yugoslav people. During the first phase (1945-1948) the
dominant artistic form of the memorials was Socialist Realism, based on the visual
model of the official art of the Soviet Union.
Due to the political events in 1948 the art form of the memorials also changed
its course. The focus turned towards the mourning of the killed civilians and fight
against fascism during the war.44 In the mission to create a collective memory of the
40 Narodno-oslobodilaki pokret (The National Liberation Movement) was a rebel partisan

movement led by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia during the Second World War against
the German occupation.
41 Kuli, National, supranational, international, 44.
42 Aleksandar Ignjatovi, Otvaranje i popularizacija: Muzej 25. maj i transformacija prostora
Dedinja, in Tito vienja i tumaenja, edited by Olga Manojlovi Pintar (Beograd: Institut za
noviju istoriju Srbije i Arhiv Jugoslavije, 2011), 604.
43 Max Bergholz, Meu rodoljubima, kupusom, svinjama i varvarima: Spomenici i grobovi
NOR-a 1947-1965, Godinjak za drutvenu istoriju 14/1(2007): 79.
44 Olga Manojlovi Pintar, Arheologija seanja: Spomenici i identiteti u Srbiji 19181989 (Beograd:
igoja, 2014), 361-83.
355
VLADANA PUTNIK
past, the most eminent sculptors and architects in Yugoslavia such as Dusan Dzamonja,
Miodrag Zivkovic and Bogdan Bogdanovic were chosen to construct memorial parks.
Bogdan Bogdanovic (1922-2010) began his architectural career in tight connection
with the political regime. He shortly participated to the People's Liberation Fight
during the Second World War and was wounded.45 In 1948 Bogdanovic was sent to
the International conference of students of architecture in London. After his visit he
criticized the contemporary architecture of the West and praised the Soviet model.46
After his graduation in 1950 he was given a position of assistant at the School of
Architecture at the University of Belgrade. In this first phase of his career, the
dominant Soviet visual model of Socialist Realism heavily influenced him.47
On Josip Broz Titos personal initiative, in 1951 a competition for designing a
monument dedicated to the Jewish victims of fascism was held. 48 By that time
Bogdan Bogdanovic turned away from Socialist Realism, since it was no longer the
desirable visual model for the official art. He therefore presented a new concept of
memorials for the competition. The members of the jury, architects Aleksej Brkic and
Momcilo Belobrk, decided that the project of the young Bogdanovic was the best. As
Brkic recalls:
Belobrk and I agreed on the fact that a certain archaism that was present in
the proposed sign actually foresees the return to the questioning of human
position between the lonely human existence and the infinite galaxy [...] finally,
we agreed with the fact that in Bogdanovics rudimental symbolism there is no
lament [...] no heavy grieving which disturbs the silence and dignity.49
The visual identity of Bogdanovics monument officially marked the end of the
Socialist Realism era in memorial architecture and sculpture (Figure 4). After this
project was finished there were no more monuments designed in the visual rhetoric
of Socialist Realism. In 1953 Bogdanovic published an article in the newspaper
Borba in which he criticised Socialist Realism.50
45 Andrew Lawler, The Partisans Cemetery in Mostar, Bosnia & Herzegovina: Implications
of the deterioration of a Monument and Site (MA diss., Katolieke Univesiteit Leuven, 2013), 5.
47 Aleksandar Kadijevi, Mihajlo Mitrovi, 21.
48 Lawler, The Partisans Cemetery, 12.
49 Aleksej Brki, : 1930-1980 (:
, 1992), 132.
356
Even though he was an architect, Bogdan Bogdanovic specialised over time in

creating memorials dedicated to the fallen soldiers and victims of the Second World
War. During his career he constructed eighteen monuments in five of Yugoslavias
six republics.51 At first glance, the aesthetics of Bogdanovics work seems far from the
unofficially proclaimed Socialist Aestheticism. However, it was his artistic language
which gave distinction to Socialist Aestheticism in the first place. As Zoran Manevi
concluded, Bogdan Bogdanovic found himself in the role of a pioneer in a new,
undiscovered sphere of designing memorials that were not in the spirit of Socialist
Realism.52
His visually progressive memorials seemed to be on the very edge of state art
and Bogdanovic often publicly highlighted the fact that he was a communist in order
to confirm his ideological program of war monuments.53 His memorial architecture
and sculpture are directly connected to the landscape, and use a complex symbolism,
but this concept had little to do with the long tradition of figurative monuments, and
it seemed as if they were not intended to reflect state ideology. However, Bogdanovic
was one of the most productive state architects in socialist Yugoslavia.
The subtlety of his iconography was just the right recipe to represent cultural
politics and the commemoration praxis within Josip Broz Titos politics of the Third
way. Bogdan Boganovic did not apply obvious symbols of Communism in his
monuments, but rather chose to tell a story of the history of mankind, making his
work universal and timeless.54 As his fellow colleagues of the time, Bogdanovic often
used concrete due to its expressiveness and constructive quality, but also stone and
metal, like in the Memorial Cemetery of the War Victims in Sremska Mitrovica from
1960 (Figure 5).
The beginning of mass memorial production was initiated by the anniversary
of the Revolution in 1961. During the 1960s and 1970s numerous places of
remembrance were marked by monumental sculptural compositions with the
purpose to illustrate the sacrifice, which was made for the making of the new
socialist Yugoslavia.55 The 1960s were considered to be the highlight of Bogdanovics
work. In this decade Bogdanovics most significant and memorable memorial
complexes were erected: The Monument to the Fallen Soldiers of National Liberation Fight
51 Vladimir Kuli, Maroje Mrdulja, and Wolfgang Thaler, Modernism In-between: the Mediatory
Architectures of Socialist Yugoslavia (Berlin: Jovis, 2012), 225.
52 Zoran Manevi, ed., Leksikon neimara (: , 2008), 32.
53 Ibidem.
54 Ibidem.
55 Vladana Putnik, Second World War Monuments in Yugoslavia as Witnesses of the Past and
the Future, Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 14:3(2016): 207-9.
357
VLADANA PUTNIK
in Prilep (1961), the Partisan Memorial Cemetery in Mostar (1965),56 The Memorial Park
Slobodiste in Krusevac (1965),57 and the Stone Flower designed as a memorial to the
victims of fascism in the former concentration camp Jasenovac (1966) for all of which he
won multiple awards.58 His abstract yet ornamental aesthetics moved away from the
dominant model of International style. The memorial sites were places of mass
gatherings on commemoration days and anniversaries as the key elements of socialist
ideology, or the altars of the homeland, as Olga Manojlovic-Pintar defines them.59 The
ceremonies were complemented by thousands of spectators and were often broadcasted
over the radio and television.60 The associative form of Bogdanovic's memorial parks
was not solely in the service of the idealized past, but also served to strengthen the
communist ideology.61 President Josip Broz Tito and other members of the political elite
often held didactic speeches at the opening ceremonies or commemorations.62
Although the primordial symbols Bogdan Bogdanovic used in his memorial
design were moving away from the core of the ideological dogmatism, their iconic
feature became a part of the Yugoslav cultural identity.63 Even though it seemed that
Bogdanovic designed very avant-garde memorial architecture and sculpture, Josip
Broz Tito praised its beauty in his speech at the commemoration in Mostar in 1969,
thus implying Bogdanovics design was well accepted by the political elite:
In various countries that I have visited I saw many monuments at which I

have laid the wreaths. Yet such a beautiful and such a magnificent monument
as it is this one here, I have never seen elsewhere. This is truly a masterpiece of
our architecture, of our artists.64
56 People who fought with the Communist party during the Second World War were
called partisans.
57 Slobodiste is a constructed word which can be translated as a place of freedom.
58 Anonymous, , 80 2(1980).
59 Olga Manojlovic Pintar, Uprostoravanje ideologije: spomenici Drugog svetskog rata i
kreiranje kolektivnih parkova, Dijalog povjesniara/istoriara 10/1(2008): 288.
60 Putnik, Second World War Monuments, 208.
61 Mariela Cveti, Monumentalna memorijalna politika skulptura, in uvakovi, Istorija
umetnosti, 303-23.
62 Nenad Lajbenperger, -
, Zbornik radova sa konferencije Prostori pamenja
(: , 2013), 293-7.
63 Olga Manojlovi Pintar, Arheologija seanja, 382-3.
64 Leila Dizdarevi and Alma Hudovi, The Lost Ideology-Socialist Monuments in Bosnia, in
Proceedings of the First International Conference on Architecture & Urban Design (Tirana: EPOKA
University, 2013), 459.
358
This recognition placed Bogdanovic in the position of a true state artist. Bogdanovic
referred to this in one of the interviews:
In that period I was able to build the memorials to the People's Liberation
Fight, but not in the style of Socialist Realism, but in a way that they are
rewarded by international juries even today [...] Therefore, I was able to make
some bold experiments [...].65
On the other hand, Bogdanovics most important commission, the Stone Flower,
in Jasenovac, was not visited by Josip Broz Tito. Bogdanovic confessed he was offended
by Josip Broz Tito's neglect, since Jasenovac was one of the largest concentration
camps in Yugoslavia during the Second World War and was chosen to be the symbol
of the fallen innocent civilians in the war. 66 Bogdanovics concept was therefore
directed towards all the victims of fascism in Yugoslavia, not just Jasenovac.
His authority on the matter of state art and architecture reached its peak when
he decided to reform the School of Architecture at the University of Belgrade while he
was the dean (1970-1972). Although he initially had the support from the League of
Communists of Yugoslavia, his attempt eventually failed.67 In the 1980s he turned to
politics and served as Mayor of Belgrade (1982-1986). It was in the late 1980s and 1990s
with the dissolution of Yugoslavia and of the communist ideology that Bogdanovic
became a dissident. His first critique of the political system was in a form of an open
letter to the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Serbia in 1987 for
which he was expelled from this political structure. 68 He also strongly opposed
Slobodan Milosevic, and in return was threatened and forced to emigrate in 1993.69
Concerning Bogdan Bogdanovics relationship with the League of Communists
of Yugoslavia before the political changes of the late 1980s, Bogdanovic remembered:
My party would never tolerate that, needless to say it would have let me and
supported me to build monuments to the Revolution where I would meditate
65 Bogdan Bogdanovi, Glib i krv (Beograd: Helsinki odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji, 2001), 111.
66 Ibid., 122.
67 Further in: Branislav Folic, The Contribution to the Research into the Role of Bogdan
Bogdanovi in the Creation of The New School of Architecture in Belgrade, Spatium
27(2012): 19-25.
68 Letter to the Central Committee of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of
Serbia, 1987, published in: Bogdanovi, Glib i krv, 34-66.
69 Slobodan Milosevic was the president of the Republic of Serbia and later Yugoslavia
between 1989 and 1997.
359
VLADANA PUTNIK
about life, death, the metaphysics of truth in the Revolution and about the
necessity of its hypothesis. I believe that it would come to this: on my
monuments they will put five-pointed stars, so that they could baptize them
and put them back into the embrace of the Communist church, for they were
too archaic.70
Tolerated independent architecture: the case of Mihajlo Mitrovic
Mihajlo Mitrovic (b. 1922) belongs to the same generation as Bogdan Bogdanovic, a
generation that started their studies of architecture before the Second World War and
finished them afterwards. The different educational systems from the two time-
periods left a certain mark in the work of both architects, since the old educational
system focused more on historical styles, while the new one was oriented towards
functionalism. Even though their professional lives were different, there are certain
similarities, which can be noted, especially in the treatment of their work by the state.
As numerous other architects, Mihajlo Mitrovic first worked in the Institute of
Urban Development in Belgrade. Mitrovic often referred to the first period of his
work as very restraining and without any possibility for creative expression. 71
However, in 1950 he got a scholarship from the United Nations to travel to France
and Denmark for six months.72 This experience further defined his critical attitude
towards the position of architecture in Yugoslavia. He was unsatisfied with the
situation in architecture until the mid 1950s when he initiated the founding of a new
architectural bureau Projektbiro (The Project Bureau).73
The moment, which announced Mitrovics detachment from the progressive
architectural modernism, was the construction of his residential building on the
Brace Jugovica Street, 14 (1964-1967) (Figure 6).74 Unlike the dominant architecture of
International style, with little elements of originality, the anarchic beauty of
Mitrovic's building brought real refreshment to Belgrades contemporary
architecture. This project was an open protest to the restraining architecture of the
higher standard, or Socialist Aestheticism which was unofficially proclaimed by the
70 Bogdanovi, Glib i krv, 72.

71 Kadijevi, Mihajlo Mitrovi, 25; Manevi, Lexicon of Builders, 283.
72 Kadijevi, Mihajlo Mitrovi, 26.
73 Manevi, Lexicon of Builders, 282; Dijana Milainovi Mari, Vladimir Lovri and Zoran
Bulaji, ed., Portreti arhitekata: retrospektiva lanova Arhitektonske sekcije Ulupuds-a, 1953-2010
(Beograd: Vizuelno, 2010), 166.
74 Belgrade Historical Archive, Technical documentation, signature 556/1.
360
state. The official norm of prefabricated systems in which all residential architecture
and mass housing was constructed brought certain limitations to its design. Mihajlo
Mitrovic chose to overcome these limitations by using all four types of prefabricated
door dimensions such as French windows in order to gain a more dynamic faade.75
He also used massive prismatic concrete elements therefore refreshing the brick
facade and making it polychromatic.76 This building, as some critics have noticed,
announced Mitrovics introduction of brutalism to Yugoslavian architecture.77 When
it was finished, the building was not initially well accepted by the domestic critics;
however, it represented a symbol of rebellion and resistance towards the actual system.78
This concept was continued in 1973 when Mitrovic gained the opportunity to
design a corner building next to his existing residential building in Brace Jugovica
Street, 10-12 (Figure 7).79 The investor was the Direction for the City Development.80
Mitrovic chose to apply similar architectural elements and the same materials he
used on his previous project. This edifice was built on the corner of two important
streets and Mitrovic used that position to emphasize the buildings corner by making
a shallow quarter-sphere, which was held by a concrete column in the ground zone.
Another accent was added in the upper zone by making the top floors protrude
comparing to the lower levels. This design was again unusual and shocking for the
architecture of the 1970s in Yugoslavia. It announced the arrival of postmodern
architecture and once more the local critics were divided considering the quality of
this building.81
Mihajlo Mitrovic confessed his desire to make an homage to the corner building
on the other side of the street which was built before Second World War by architect

76 Iva Bundalo,
( , ),
in :
, edited by Milica Grozdani (:
, 2013), 425.
77 Brutalism was a style present in the architecture of the 1960s and 1970s. It was characterized
by the use of raw-concrete Bton brut, hence the term) as the main aesthetic construction
element. Anthony Vidler, Learning to Love Brutalism, Docomomo Journal 47(2012): 4-9.
78 Kadijevi, Mihajlo Mitrovi, 48; Bundalo, Implementation of Contemporary Architecture, 427.
79 Project for the residential building in Brace Jugovica Street, 10-12, 71-13/1973,
Municipality of Belgrade Techical Documentation, Belgrade Historical Archive (HAB).
81 Postmodern architecture emerged in 1970s as a reaction to the dogmatism of the Modernist
Movement and the International Style. Cohen, L'Architecture au futur, 412-22; ,
, 429-31.
361
VLADANA PUTNIK
Momcilo Belobrk. 82 This postmodern communication with the architecture of the

past, especially from the interwar period, was highly undesirable in the official
architectural and political circles of the period. Distinguished state architects of the
older generation, such as Uros Martinovic or Nikola Dobrovic, did not think highly
of interwar architecture and they personally ordered the demolition of certain areas
in the older parts of cities in order to make room for their projects.83
Mitrovics architecture became more daring and less predictable over the years,
as Kadijevic notes.84 The highlight of his work is the Genex tower, which was built
with an ambition to be the largest and tallest building in both Belgrade and
Yugoslavia, with the height of 124 meters.85 In 1970 he designed a concept for a
building that combined office and residential tower-gates. The construction lasted an
entire decade due to the numerous obstructions by various state bureaucratic
institutions, as the architect himself recalls.86 When it was finished, the Genex Tower
represented a dominant landmark of New Belgrade (Figure 8). The building was
constructed for an ambitious investor, the largest state corporation in Yugoslavia,
Genex.87 The main motif of the building was a rotunda, which grew from the
bridge connecting the two towers: commercial and residential. In the rotunda
Mitrovic placed a luxurious restaurant with a 360 panorama. The restaurant was
supposed to rotate, however Genex had no desire to build-in the rotation system.88
When it was finished, the building provoked many different reactions, and there
were certain critics who disliked Mitrovics concept.89 The concrete facade of the
Genex tower once more connected Mitrovic to brutalism and the building was
represented on the covers an encyclopaedia Larchitecture contemporaine.90 The
82 Marta Vukoti, (:
, 1996).
83 Uros Martinovic (1918-2004), distinguished Serbian architect and professor on Faculty of
architecture, author of many significant edifices after the Second World War; Nikola
Dobrovic (1897-1967) one of the most notable Yugoslavian architects, worked in
Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, professor at the Faculty of architecture; Putnik,
Transforming the Cityscape, 87-93.
85 Project for the Genex Tower, 33-48, 33-49, 33-21, 33-22, 33-23, 33-24, 33-25, 33-26, 33-27/1970,
Municipality of Belgrade Techical Documentation, Belgrade Historical Archive (HAB).
87 Genex or Generalexport was a large corporation for export, import, hotel industry and
air transport.
88 Ibid., 72.
89 Ibid., 88-90.
90 Anthony Krafft, Larchitecture contemporaine 3 (Paris: Bibliothque des Arts, 1981-1982).
362
Genex tower became a symbol of Yugoslavian progressive society but also of its
unused potential.91
Even though his architecture was a shock to the system and in many ways
avant-garde, Mihajlo Mitrovic was not a dissident, nor was his architectural
expression censured in any moment in socialist Yugoslavia. He was colloquially
called an unrestrained steed of architectural scene in Yugoslavia.92 He was well
accepted and gained many awards and prosperous positions.93
Conclusion
Regarding the fact that architectural projects were mostly all commissioned by the
state, it is important to note that the political elite in Yugoslavia only gave general
directions for the project tasks with little interference in the visual form. As artist
Miodrag Zivkovic (1928) recalls, Josip Broz Tito and other politicians respected the
artistic freedom of the architects and other artists who worked on state
commissions.94 Even though there were unions of architects, they did not play the
crucial role in the commissions, as the competitions and architectural bureaus did.
Since Socialist Realism was quickly rejected, the majority of state competitions for
each important project assignment enabled architects to have an equal opportunity to
participate to the creation of Yugoslavias new visual identity. Socialist Aestheticism,
the new architectural style that emerged, had little limitations and was not a
mandatory style, was mostly based on the principles of Modern architecture in the
Western countries, but with certain distinctive motifs of socialist iconography;
examples include the mosaics depicting the workers, partisans and pioneers.
However, there were certain forms of resistance with the emergence of postmodern
architecture and Brutalism during the 1970s.
Based on the case-studies presented it can be concluded that the position of a
state architect in socialist Yugoslavia was a highly favourable position compared to
the other architects working in large project bureaus as assistants. Although some
architects had political careers and were also members of the League of Communists,
91 Ignjatovi, Tranzicija i reforme, 699.

92 Manevi, Lexicon of Builders, 248.
93 Mitrovic won the October award of Belgrade city, Borba award twice, the Salon of
Architecture; he was the general secretary of the Yugoslavian Architects Association and the
president of the Serbian Architects Association; Kadijevi, Mihajlo Mitrovi, 7.
94 Miodrag ivkovi is a sculptor, most known for his grand projects for memorial parks, such
as Tjentite and Kadinjaa. Miodrag ivkovi, interview by author, December 6, 2016.
363
VLADANA PUTNIK
it was not enough to justify their successful career. The architect Mihailo Jankovic
was chosen to present the first phase of state architecture. The three important
edifices he designed do not reflect Socialist Realism, but the International style.
However, they also represent a new ideology that came after Socialist Realism, but
was equally at the service of political propaganda. Bogdan Bogdanovic was one of
the most eminent artists of the socialist era in Yugoslavia. His artistic language suited
the state politics and helped create a new form for places of memory.95 However,
throughout his career he faithfully served Communist ideology, first as an artist,
then as a politician, after which he began to criticise the regime, which finally led to
his exile after 1990.96 Mihajlo Mitrovics architecture represented a combination of
traditional and modern architecture, which was not a desirable stream in socialist
Yugoslavia. Unlike other countries, the spirit of citizen disobedience and the fight for
the freedom of artistic expression that was present in Mitrovics work did not bring
him any form of prosecution. He was not censored but tolerated and the State
showed an understanding for the distinguished individual artists within its cultural
politics by giving them assignments, studios and apartments, annual awards etc.97
We can conclude that some architects, such as Bogdan Boganovic and Mihajlo
Mitrovic used the advantage of the cultural climate and designed bold projects that
marked Yugoslavian architecture of the era. In the other socialist countries
commissioned architecture had a more rigid form and was largely based on different
interpretations of Socialist Realism, only to become more expressionist in the later
period.98 On the other hand, since the 1950s the establishment in Yugoslavia silently
tolerated, and in some cases encouraged the avant-garde so that Yugoslavia would
appear to be free of censorship in art, unlike the countries behind the Iron
curtain.99 This was the consequence of Josip Broz Titos desire to detach Yugoslavia
from the Eastern block and show the West that good communism was possible.
95 Putnik, Second World War Monuments, 207.

96 Bogdanovi, Glib i krv, 3.
97 The state showed great interest in improving the working and living conditions of artists.
Many of them got apartments and studios from the state. For examples see: Goran
Anelkovi, 14, XV(2014): 99-112; Putnik, Transforming the
Cityscape, 89.
98 Chaubin, Cosmic Communist Constructions Photographed, 10.
99 Putnik, Second World War monuments, 208.
364
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Primary sources
Project for the Museum May the 25th. 2/99, 2/69/1962. Municipality of Belgrade
Technical Documentation. Belgrade Historical Archive (HAB).
Project for the Genex Tower, 33-48, 33-49, 33-21, 33-22, 33-23, 33-24, 33-25, 33-26,
33-27/1970, Municipality of Belgrade Techical Documentation, Belgrade
Historical Archive (HAB).
Project for the residential building in Brace Jugovica Street, 10-12, 71-13/1973,
Municipality of Belgrade Techical Documentation, Belgrade Historical
Archive (HAB).
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Anelkovi, Goran. 14 (Building in Pariska Street, 14).

XV(2014): 99-112.
Anonymous, (Architectural
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Bergholz, Max. Meu rodoljubima, kupusom, svinjama i varvarima: Spomenici i
grobovi NOR-a 1947-1965 (Among the Patriots, Cabbage, Pigs and Barbarians:
Monuments and Graves of NLW 1947-1965). Godinjak za drutvenu istoriju
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List of figures
Figure 1. Mihailo Jankovic, arch., Federal Executive Council building, 1948-1961.

Copyright Vladana Putnik.
Figure 2. Mihailo Jankovic, arch., Central Committee building, 1960-1961. In the
private collection of Milos Jurisic. Copyright to Milos Jurisic.
Figure 3. Mihailo Jankovic, arch., Museum 25 May, 1961. Copyright Vladana Putnik.
Figure 4. Bogdan Bogdanovic, arch., Monument to the Jewish Victims of Fascism, 1951.
Copyright Vladana Putnik.
Figure 5. Bogdan Bogdanovic, arch., Monument to the Victims of Fascism in Sremska
Mitrovica. Copyright Vladana Putnik.
Figure 6. Mihajlo Mitrovic, arch., Residential building in 14 Brace Jugovica Street,
1964-1967. Copyright Vladana Putnik.
Figure 7. Mihajlo Mitrovic, arch., Residential building in 11-12 Brace Jugovica Street,
1973. Copyright Vladana Putnik.
Figure 8. Mihajlo Mitrovic, arch., Genex tower, 1970-1980. Copyright: Vladana Putnk.
Figure 1. Mihailo Jankovic, arch., Federal Executive Council building, 1948-1961.

Copyright Vladana Putnik
369
VLADANA PUTNIK
Figure 2. Mihailo Jankovic, arch., Central Committee building, 1960-1961.

In the private collection of Milos Jurisic. Copyright Milos Jurisic
Figure 3. Mihailo Jankovic, arch., Museum 25 May, 1961.

370
Figure 4. Bogdan Bogdanovic, arch., Monument to the Jewish Victims of Fascism, 1951.
Figure 5. Bogdan Bogdanovic, arch., Monument to the Victims of Fascism in Sremska Mitrovica.
371
VLADANA PUTNIK
Figure 6. Mihajlo Mitrovic, arch., Residential building in 14 Brace Jugovica Street, 1964-1967.
Figure 7. Mihajlo Mitrovic, arch., Residential building in 11-12 Brace Jugovica Street, 1973.
372
Figure 8. Mihajlo Mitrovic, arch., Genex tower, 1970-1980.

Copyright: Vladana Putnk
373
Annexes
Program and Abstracts of the International Conference
5 November 2016
Institute of Political Research, University of Bucharest
SESSION 1
The Union of Visual Artists (UAP) in Romania 1
CATERINA PREDA, Department of Political Science, University of Bucharest

The State Artist in Romania and Eastern Europe: a Theoretical Overview
After 1948, the communist regimes in Eastern Europe supported by the Soviet Union
introduced a new mandatory artistic style, that of Socialist Realism, and
accompanied this ideological position with an institutional apparatus able to support
it. The state acquired a monopoly on artistic life through a quick process of
nationalization of all means of creation and diffusion of artistic works, as well as
through the reform of the education system and the establishment of unique state
controlled institutions. Artists were organized in mandatory party state dominated
unions of creation for each artistic expression: visual arts (arte plastice), literature,
music, architecture, cinema, and theater. In this panorama, Miklos Haraszti
discussed the case of the state artist, which was an organized professional. As
workers, artists were a thoroughly organized and rationally subdivided group of
state employees, to which the state guaranteed a public, and through regulation
offered them protection. 1State artists were at the center of the transformation of the
artistic panoramas and benefitted of the new norms and of the public orders
1 Miklos Haraszti, The velvet prison: Artists under state socialism (London: I.B Tauris Co, Ltd,
1988), 129, 43, 46.
organized together with the party, and state institutions. At the same time, not all
artists followed the official precepts, and asked for artistic autonomy. The role of
Socialist Realism, and of the creative unions in the transformation of the artistic
spheres, and of the relations between the new institutions of the communist regimes
remains an understudied topic. Therefore, this presentation presents an overview of
theoretical issues related to the case of the visual state artists stemming from the
extensive archival research of the Union of Visual Artists in Romania (UAP).
DAN DRGHIA, Department of Political Science, University of Bucharest

Comrade Artist! Prestige and Profit in the Labor Organization
of the Romanian Visual Arts during Communism
In December 1950, the Union of Visual Arts in Romania (UAP) was established to
replace the old Syndicate of Fine Arts, which had dissolved two months earlier. Labor
struggle had no place in the new Romania, at least not in the same sense like in
capitalism, and especially among the artists, who were regarded as key contributors to
the new socialist society. From elitist, art was on the way of becoming popular, and
artists were called to act as intermediaries between the regime and the people. Suddenly,
the artist acquired a status of almost necessity, comparable to that of a doctor or a
teacher: everybody wanted to have a piece of art in his or her home, and production
facilities had to present their achievements in an artistic way. The title of comrade
artist called for an increased respect in everyday life, raising the prestige of the
profession. Despite this formal importance granted to art and the artists, a look at the
archival documents of the UAP, especially from the 1950s, shows us a surprisingly
difficult situation of the artists and of the branch as a whole, with lots of individual and
collective requests. The general impression within the profession was that the new status
was not valued enough. This paper will argue for the role played by the UAP in Romania
during communism as a form of soft syndicalism. Backed by the major role attributed to
them inside the communist society, becoming an artist was transformed in a desired
profession because of the significant benefits for the Union and its members.
DUMITRU LCTUU, CPES, University of Bucharest

The Visual Artists and the Securitate. Between Collaboration and Disavowal
The opening of the archives of the former Securitate has allowed for the research of
the relation of the Creative Unions with the secret police. The Union of Writers and
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its members have been at the center of several studies, and publications, while the
Union of Visual Artists (UAP) has not enjoyed the same attention. In this subfield,
research is at the beginning, although a number of articles have been published on
the topic. Stemming from the investigation of the files created by the main repressive
institution of the communist regime in Romania, this presentation will analyze the
institutional and personal relations between the UAP and the Securitate, as well as
the way in which this interaction has influenced artistic expression and the
professional career of artists. The main purpose of this examination is to showcase
the different reasons for which visual artists and the UAP were subject to the
influence of the Securitate, of the measures taken by the secret police to survey
artists, as well as the reactions of those under surveillance to the interference of the
Securitate in their activity. Therefore, the main questions we address are the
following. How did artists manage their relations with the Securitate? Which role
had these relations for their professional evolution? Which were the main objectives
pursued by the Securitate in the case of the UAP and of the visual artists and how
where they achieved? How are visual arts and the artists represented in the files of
the Securitate? To understand the relation of the UAP and the Securitate, the
presentation advances, on one side an analysis of the files of surveillance opened for
artists, and on the other side, the strategies of recruitment of visual artists as well for
the annihilation of potential dangers identified by the Securitate in the artistic milieu,
but also so as to rally artists to the process of creating according to the ideology of
the time. The presentation will recall also how artists chose to resist the pressures of
the Securitate, and discuss the purposes artists had when interacting with the secret
police agents.
ALINA POPESCU, Cerefrea, CPES, University of Bucharest

Unions of Artists in Communist Romania: an Institutional Comparison
of the Filmmakers Association and of the Visual Artists Union (UAP)
The Filmmakers Association and the Union of Visual Artists were two of several
creative unions that organized the cultural and professional life in Communist
Romania. In a context where free association was not tolerated, these institutions had
a crucial role in defending artists rights and in defining their status. To date, the
available studies on these organizations have only partially documented the way in
which they functioned, with much emphasis placed on their dependency towards
the Communist Party or on their Eastern transplantation according to a preeminent
Soviet model, thus creating a monolithic image of their existence. Although the
379
political aspect cannot be diminished, the majority of these studies seem to ignore a
pivotal element of these organizations: namely, their professional purpose. In this
paper, we would like to propose an organizational history of these two institutions,
in an attempt to understand to what extent they managed to represent a project of
professional autonomy. For this purpose, we will first examine in more detail the
conditions of their foundation, especially the discrepancy between their statutes, on
the one hand, and the time they acquired official recognition, on the other hand. The
Union of Visual Artists was established in 1950, based on a Syndicate for Fine Arts,
which had already existed since 1921, while the Filmmakers Association was created
in 1963, although filmmakers had been expressing the need for a representative
structure since the end of the 1950s. Further, we will analyze the internal and
geographical structure of each of these institutions and the changes each went through
over several decades until the fall of the Communist regime. Finally, we will scrutinize
the professionalization initiatives that were meant for the members, and how useful
they were judged to be by them. How did the different contexts of the establishment of
each of these institutions influence membership life? How did the artists succeed in
having a Union, while the filmmakers did not manage to get legal representation?
Did the waves of political freezes and thaws have the same effect on both institutions?
What were the particularities of the institutional design in each case and to what social,
political, economic and aesthetic purposes did they respond? Did these institutions
succeed in representing the interests of their members and becoming a force that
counterbalanced the political power? These are some of the questions that we will try
to answer in this paper, based on archival documents and other secondary sources. A
comparison between two similar institutions will allow us to reconstitute key moments
of their existence, which would otherwise remain ambiguous through monographic
research, especially given that the archives of the Filmmakers Association are
particularly poor compared to those of the Union of Visual Artists. The parallel
between the two organizations and the focus on them as institutions will help us to
challenge the monolithic view of how they functioned and to understand how
important they were for the visual propaganda of the regime.
CRISTINA STOENESCU, CPES, University of Bucharest

The Reform of the Union of Visual Artists of Romania (UAP) after 1990:
The development of the contemporary Romanian art-scene has depended greatly on

the slow unfolding of the Union of Visual Artists in Romania (UAPR) after the fall of
380
the communist regime. What once was a clear monopoly over the means of
production and artistic recognitions was suddenly to give in to the slow emergence
of a free art market with the occurrence of auction houses and a more consistent
primary market. The predictability once ensured by norms and regulations had to
make room to cultural policies that have also been slow to surface and inconsistent in
defining a long-term cultural strategy, as evident with changes of leadership in post
1989 government-appointed offices. I plan to explore the tension created between
UAP and the artists during the political and economic transition, with a unique case
study, namely Atelier 35. Constituted as a pre-entry department where young artists
could exhibit and work prior to their acceptance in the Union of Visual Artists in the
70s, Atelier 35 enclaves were said to offer more extensive creative liberties to its
artists during the repressive regime. After the 1989 Revolution, Atelier 35 had
continued to function as a space provided to young artists but with a few significant
differences. By studying the continuities and the dis-continuities in Atelier 35's
activity from a period spanning form the 80s to the 2010, I aim to better define the
transformation of the state artist within UAP's presumable syndicate character.
Understanding the way that UAPR attempted to re-define the state artist and
consequently itself, is a possible first step in understanding the effect that UAPR still
continues to exert in the nowadays-Romanian cultural landscape.
SESSION 2
ALICE MOCNESCU, Independent Researcher

The July Theses, launched in the summer of 1971, were a real game changer in the
cultural policy of Ceauescus Romania. They deeply altered the course of the
ideological and artistic activity in communist Romania and touched upon every
discipline and intellectual category. This paper will assess the impact that the July
Theses had within the Romanian Artists' Union (RAU). It will focus less on
individual reactions, while it will attempt to explore the response of the Romanian
Artists' Union as a corpus of professionals faced with a major and intrusive invasion
381
of ideological disturbance. It will endeavour to investigate to what extent did the July
Theses alter the general artistic discourse as well as the works of art produced
afterwards by the Romanian artists. The paper will have three main sections. The
first one will attempt to offer an overview of what the July Theses stated. It will focus
mainly on those aspects of the Theses that had a direct impact on the artistic activity
in Romania from that point on, such as the insistence on national topics in the artistic
creation, the status of the socialist artist, the leading role of the Romanian
Communist Party in all domains of political, educational and artistic activity, the
transformation of the Unions into guardians of the Party policy, and so on. The
second part will endeavour to evaluate the impact of the July Theses' launching
within the Romanian Artists' Union. This evaluation will be made mainly on the
basis of archival material, namely the minutes of the RAU meetings that took place
immediately after the event. It will focus in depth on the response of the Unions
leadership to the Theses, on the reorganization of the exhibitions agenda according
to the new requirements, on the Unions plan for a more robust ideological and
educational activity within the Union and within the artistic community in general,
on the re-positioning of the Unions members according to their readiness to
conform with the new ideological and cultural policy, etc. In the final section, I shall
attempt to draw some conclusions regarding the importance of the above-mentioned
Theses for the artistic and ideological production during the period of mature
'Ceauescuism', to see to what extent the July Theses were a real game changer for
the artistic activity of the period and how they re-modeled the work and the
relationships within the Romanian Artists Union.
MIRELA TANA, College of Fine Arts, Millikin University

The Commissioned Image of Nicolae Ceausescu:
from Socialist Realism to Neo-Socialist Realism
When analyzing Romanian artistic production between 1945-1989, scholars tend to

split the artworks into two camps: those suffering under the Soviet Socialist Realism
imposition and those subversive enough to state-commissioned demands to succeed
in producing emancipatory objects resembling Western Modernism. Viewed within
this dyadic model, any artwork created during those decades of dictatorship appears
either as badly done Socialist Realismrelative to Chinese and Russian
sophisticationor as a timid imitation of Western Modernism. Either way, such
stereotypical receptions preemptively discount too much of Romanian art
production as poorly conceived and amateurishly executed. My research-based
382
analysis questions the placement of Romanias state-commissioned art in the

periphery of this or the other imperialistic center: Moscow to the East or Western
Europe and North America to the West. My research complicates this commonplace
division between subservient and rebellious Socialist Realist art by proposing that
artists, such as the following, were working within the state canon, but not
necessarily against Modernist aesthetics: Ion Grigorescu, Dan Hatmanu, Ieronim
Boca, Vladimir etran, and Ion Bian. Such examples of state-commissioned art
illustrate other possible iterations of Modernist aesthetics that refuse to act merely as
backdrop to more subversive Modernist practices. The Romanian moment of
Socialist Realism requires us to consider a simultaneous double consciousness: first,
we must attend to the particularities of its restricted aesthetic; second, we must
become aware of the possibilities not available for artists, but imagined or known
about, that existed outside the boundaries of those restrictions. To meet this complex
sociopolitical moment, my research focuses on circumstantial details through the
analysis of primary sources and points to a broader theoretical framework. Rather
than narrowly labeling the art commissioned by the state and created by the artists as
autonomous of or beholden to the state, I focus on the aesthetic, social, iconographical,
and stylistic choices these artists made when faced with the implementation of Soviet
Socialist Realism in Romania. I look at how individual artists and artists collectives
painted the canonical political portrait. After 1965 nearly 10 years after the Soviet
Union had ceased to impose Socialist Realism Ceausescu revived Socialist Realist
tropes in the visual arts. However, I argue that this rappel a lordre taking place in
Romanian artistic production during the 1970s and throughout the 1980s was not a
return to the Soviet Socialist Realism, not even to the local version of it as practiced in
Romania between 1948-1960s. It was, rather, a dizzying palimpsest of unstable
messages exposing, from within as it were, the impossibility of transposing Socialist
Reality into art as Ceausescu had dreamed of and articulated throughout his many
long and wooden speeches on art. Ceausescus return to Socialist Realism after a
decade-long reprieve was a return to an ideal of what Socialist Realism ought to be.
Neo-Socialist Realism is an improvisation on an ideology. Precisely this honesty in
painting what artists were told to paint exposed the procedural mechanics of the
ideology from inside as: paternalistic, protochronistic, Neo-Stalinist, and dynastic
communism. This is the moment I am most interested in because it shows the
spectacular failure of Socialist Realism to make politics and art one.
383
ALEXANDRA PREDA, CEU Budapest

Discursive Oppositions and Documentary Practices in the Archives
of the Union of Visuals Artists during the 1980s
The present paper attempts to analyze various instances of discursive opposition as

they appear in the archives of the Union of Visual Artists during the 1980s2. By
presenting these cases, the purpose is not to show the oppositional attitude of
UAPs members or staff or to create a mythology of resistance around them, but
rather to investigate how the category of cultural opposition was constructed,
perceived or employed at the level of the archives by those who could play a role in
shaping this notion in the 1980s. In stating this, I acknowledge the limitations of the
notion of cultural opposition, which is by no means a term used in the archives
themselves, but a retroactive construction used to describe and qualify socialist
realities from a post-socialist perspective. In this sense, cultural opposition
becomes a starting point for investigation and research in the archives, rather than an
organizing principle of analysis to be taken literally. Looking into the archives of the
Union of Visual Artists as a repository of distinctive discourses may provide a
unique historical perspective into phenomena perceived to be oppositional or
subversive in the 1980s, before being permeated with the binary oppositions of the
Cold War that are oftentimes retroactively superimposed upon socialism. In
investigating this theoretical issue by means of archival sources, I attempt to set up a
working framework for dealing with archives of artistic institutions, which hold a
somewhat distinct position as compared to other more overtly politicized sources. In
that they are (semi)private archives, they have escaped systematic research and even
formal ordering. The question of the degree to which the archives are (or are not)
ideologized will also be tackled with in the following paper. Also, rather than
inquiring into issues of cultural politics, I will attempt to investigate how artists
positioned themselves in relation to the political establishment, the means of
institutionalization they employed and the strategies they used in an attempt to
establish themselves on the cultural scene. In this sense, I will try to formulate the
relation between the artistic and the political camp as an interaction with rather than
as an opposition to the political establishment, similar to Ioana Macrea-Tomas macro-
sociological analysis of Romanian literary institutions under communism. In looking
at the relation between institutionally-embedded actors and artists who were outside
2 The current paper is partly informed by the archival research I conducted for my M.A. Thesis
Young Romanian Artists of the 1980s: between Avant-Garde Aesthetics and Ideological Options,
defended in 2014 at the History Department of Central European University Budapest.
384
the confines of politically and financially relevant establishments, I opt for a different
approach than looking at the relationship between artists as a cohesive, atomized
group and political power. Although relevant for charting the strategies employed
by the state in an attempt to enforce its cultural policy, such an approach offers a
one-sided methodological framework that says little about the diversity of positions
and attitudes among artists. I argue for a more differentiated approach, by regarding
artists not as a group in opposition to political power, but rather as individual
agents driven by specific (personal) goals and having distinct professional positions
and aspirations on the artistic scene.
CLAUDIU OANCEA, New Europe College, Bucharest

Claiming Art for Themselves: State Artists versus Amateur Artists
in Art Exhibitions within the Song of Romania Festival (1976-1989)
The proposed paper aims at investigating the relation between professional state
artists and amateur artists within political festivals in socialist Romania, with a
particular focus on visual exhibitions of the most important festival organized by the
regime, that of Song of Romania (1976-1989). Whereas the state commissioned works
of art to professional artists, who, in return, received an extensive array of financial
compensations and symbolic rewards, it also paid special attention to the formation
of the amateur artist. On the one hand, amateur artists belonged to fields of activity
not related to professional arts: workers, peasants, and pupils. On the other hand,
however, the state envisaged that social and professional categories not belonging to
any artistic branches and not defined professionally by artistic activities had the
potential to reach the same status as that of professional artists through their works
of art, as long as they were offered the necessary space of artistic activity, time to
create, and proper guidance. This policy was translated in the formation of artistic
brigades in factories, agricultural cooperatives, and houses of culture. The activity of
such brigades was supposed to take place in recurrent festivals and performances,
dealing with all kind of artistic activities, from theatre plays, to singing competitions
and art exhibitions. Such festivals existed since the early 1950s and developed
throughout the 1960s and early 1970s, with increasing budgets allocated to their
development. It was the National Festival of National Culture Song of Romania that
would take things to a whole different level in terms of organization, in an attempt to
emphasize the primary role played by amateur artists in the formation of the new
socialist man, as well as to blur the boundaries between state and amateur artists.
Consequently, professional state artists often portrayed this particular view on amateur
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artists as seeking to undermine the formers status and role. In most cases and in the
context of various economic crises this was expressed in the allocation of increased
budgets to amateur artists activities to the detriment of those organized by professional
artists. Notwithstanding this aspect, the policies adopted by the state in this respect
actually reconfirmed the special status of state artists, as the latter were needed in
order to guide and teach amateur artists. This ambivalent situation in defining state
artists through their relation to amateur artists was mirrored in the editing of art
exhibition albums, as part of the Song of Romania Festival. Despite the official claim of
singularizing amateur works of art, the selection made for such albums indicated a
much more nuanced approach, with state artists works of art intermingled with amateur
ones. In analyzing such albums, this paper will address the topic of how state artists
were defined by the regime through their relation to amateur artists. Furthermore, the
paper will construe the ideological platform and the actual cultural practices through
which state and amateur artists interacted in the realm of socialist culture.
SESSION 3
MAGDA PREDESCU, National Museum of Contemporary Art of Romania

The Role of the Fine Artists Union in the Formation of the State Artist
The Fine Artists Union (UAP) was established in the second year of planned
economy to coordinate the national artistic creation in the first Five-Year Plan. The
UAP is the institution that participated in the rationalization of the field of art in the
postwar period, and occupies an important place in the archives of communism. This
organization was created to control the production, distribution and consumption of
art. To achieve these objectives, the main task of the Fine Artists Union was the
management of a new identity, that of the state artist, a variant of the new man,
a professional whose skills were acquired through ideological training. In order to
raise the ideological level of its members, the Union authorized several disciplinary
mechanisms, some of them identical to those functioning in the USSR (ideological
training committees, criticism, and self-criticism), others specific to the satellite
countries (the presence of Soviet advisers in the ideological activity). At the same
time, the structure has created professional opportunities, with the result of a
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significant increase in the artistic production ideologically controlled. Artists

acquired ideological instruments enabling them to react promptly to the signals
transmitted by the political power. Despite some difficulties, such as the obvious
contradictions with the interwar period (the status of propaganda tool for the
artwork, the mission assumed by the cultural producer), punishments and rewards
shaped behaviors, transforming Socialist Realism in a reality. Controlling all the
means of production, and distribution of cultural products, the communist state
transformed creators in a new social class, operating in a symbiotic manner with the
political power.
MONICA ENACHE, National Museum of Art of Romania

Mechanisms of Coercion and Control over the Artistic Act:
the Relationship between the UAP, the Plastic Fund, and Artists (1948-1965)
Among the key organisms for propaganda the Plastic Artists Union, and its
executive division for matters of finance and production The Plastic Fund, are the
most important institutions, for their role of interface between the regime and the
artist. Their objectives were the popularization and the introduction of the new
Socialist Realism aesthetics, as well as the control of artistic creation, operated by an
unbeatable system of granting rewards. Artists became employees of the state, and
their access to various funding, loans and creation aids, state commissions, the
permission to participate in the numerous exhibitions staged on various criteria, the
access to workshops and houses of creation etc., were actually as many means of
control and conditioning the artistic production, as well as efficient ways to impose
the unique language in art: an ideologized one, in the spirit of Socialist Realism.
What role could the individual option play in this process? Which were the methods
for bringing the deviationists on the right path and what was their efficacy? We will
try to figure out the mechanisms which the management of PAU/PF used, on its way
to promoting fine art which contribute through its content of ideas and by high
artistic value to our peoples struggle to build socialism, peace and social progress in
the world. The period examined here 1948-1965 known as Gheorghe Gheorghiu
Dej`s regime, represents the time of the structural transformations of the state, when
the plan for the accelerated Sovietization of Romania was put into practice and,
therefore, constitutes a significant cut-off for the study of the politic/art dynamics.
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MARIA OROSAN TELEA, University of Timioara

Awards and Distinctions Received by the Sculptor Ion Irimescu during Communism
Focusing on the case of the sculptor Ion Irimescu, this study analyzes the reward
system used by the former Communist Regime in Romania in the cultural field. The
effort to legitimize an abusive regime involved the development of a legal
framework capable of bringing the cultural and artistic life under state control. Using
various rewards such as prizes, honorary titles, and high-ranking positions, the
Communist Party intended to control the intellectuals, and the artists. Ion Irimescu
was one of the most important Romanian sculptors during the communist period.
Starting early in his career many of his sculptures were commissioned by the state,
thus his work totals an impressive number of public art pieces and official portraits,
including the portraits of Elena and Nicolae Ceauescu. The large number of awards
received between 1954 and 1985 confirm his approval of the communist ideology.
Therefore, he was gevin numerous decorations, prizes and state medals such as: The
State Prize of RPR (Premiul de Stat al RPR), Honored Master of Arts (Maestru Emerit
al Artei), Peoples Artist (Artist al Poporului), The RPR Star Order (Ordinul Steaua
RPR), The Work Order (Ordinul Muncii), The Cultural Merit Order (Meritul
Cultural), first prize of Cntarea Romniei National Festival (Festivalul Naional
Cntarea Romniei). Some of those above mentioned imply substantial pecuniary
values, others being just honorary titles. The presentation analyses the characteristics
of each one of this awards and the professional and social implication of the
communist rewarding system.
ANDREEA LAZEA, University of Timioara

Public Art in Socialist Romania: Resistance Strategies
What is specific to art in the public space is that it belongs simultaneously to the
fields of visual arts, to the social and political fields. Thus, in national contexts under
authoritarian regimes, public art contributes decisively to the propagation and
support of the dominant ideology, and to the dissemination of messages that the
state wants to transmit to the large public. After a short overview of the public art
realized in Communist Romania, I will present the strategies used, individually or
even at the level of the organization by Romanian artists to create and populate the
public space with public art objects that did not respect the official thematic and
aesthetics of the time. Thus, we will shed light on the attempts by the visual arts to
obtain a relative and limited autonomy form the political regime. By applying the
distinction by Manuel Castells between the legitimizing identity, the resistance
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identity, and the project identity, to the building of the professional identity of
artists, I will investigate, using the methods of cultural anthropology (interviews,
analysis of documents, and observation), the situations that can be framed in the
process of constituting a resistance identity, and a project identity.
SESSION 4
Other Artists Unions: Literature & Theater
LUCIA DRAGOMIR, Faculty of Foreign Languages and Literatures, University of Bucharest

The States Writer. A Case Study of the Union of Writers,
a Transnational Institution in Communist Times
The Writers' Union is an institution which reproduced the Soviet model in the
countries of Central and Eastern Europe under communist rule. As it was the unique
organization for the writers, it represents a particularly suitable observation point to
analyze the relations between writers and the power, as well as the special status of
the writer state artist (Haraszti 1983) in popular democracies. As soon as these
institutions were established, the literature was obliged to help the state in
educating the people political exhortations which engendered the new functions
of the writer in the popular democracies. Thus, compared to other societies, literature
in the East block was transformed in an ideological and political weapon with
educational and propagandistic functions. Why a writer would be part of the
Writers Union? Above all, because outside of the institution there was no officially
recognized literary practice. The monopoly that the Union had in the national
literary spaces was ensured by its strong apparatus for distribution and literary
consecration. The Union provided its members with a wide range of symbolic
recognition as well as granting them considerable material benefits, particularly
through the Literary Funds. Thus, the writers status in the people's democracies
was significantly improved. To the point they seemed to lose contact with the reality
of everyday life, with, ironically, the precious help of the communist state. The
latters declared purpose was to create and encourage writers able to pay attention to
the life of the working people and to describe it in their works. In fact, what is
required of writers is a description of an idyllic reality in propaganda purposes.
Today one may wonder to what extent the Writers Unions have responded to the
political demands. Was this investment of the communist state in stimulating
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literary creation really profitable? If it determined the writers to present the

embellished reality that we can see in the socialist realist creations, it seems that the
answer to this question might be yes, but what is the ratio between the investment
and the quantity and the quality of the works and to what extent their reception at
that time was it the one expected?
MIRUNA RUNCAN, Theater Department, Babes-Bolyai University Cluj

The Coronation of the Accompanying Comrade.
Sic Alexandrescu A Case Study
Were People's Artists famous artists, plain nomenclature representatives in the

artistic milieu or just accompanying comrades? What were the characteristics of
the mechanism producing these people's artists in the first years after the concept
had been imported from the USSR? What are, in this context, the specificities of the
Romanian theatre environment? Who are the people selected to become
distinguished artists, State Prize Laureate, Honour Masters of Art or People's
Artists and what justifies this hierarchy? Clearly, some of the members of the first
generation of living statues were truly artists who had earned certain fame even
before the Second World War. Others, however, had not or they had earned an
entirely different kind of status and fame, even though they were already entering
their final years. What kind of negotiations and conventions explain the choice of
these people for such honours? We can only obtain partial answers to all these
questions, because the private fates and even the (critical) history of theatre in the
communist era seem to have lacked almost completely any appeal for study: for the
26 years since the paradigm change, the Romanian theatre sphere has avoided, with
(guilty) stubbornness, to confront both its history and the necessary recalibrations of
worth. We shall, nonetheless, try to uncover at least a part of the mechanism for
selecting/producing state artists, by means of a case study focussing on possibly
the most illustrative character for the stated theme: stage director Sic Alexandrescu.
MIHAI LUKACS, Independent Researcher

From Theatrical Entrepreneurs to Soul Engineers:
the Emergence of the Socialist State Artists
The disappearance of the Dramatic Societies and the emergence of many State
Theatres in a short period of time, after 1948 led to a radical change of the status of
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the actors, who lost their authority, which was taken over by the director, the iconic
socialist artist. Theatre adapted to the new socialist system, to the purpose of social
modernization, and to the replacement of the old with the new. The primacy of stage
direction became a socialist goal in itself, while the repertoires changed, staging
developed, and the theatre became a popular art form, as well as a form of mass
education in the socialist spirit. The transition from the star system to the ensemble
theatre with a realistic approach, and under the direction of one person, the director-
of-ideas, did not take place smoothly, but there were a series of aesthetic conflicts,
directing, or acting approaches which were considered inappropriate to the general
artistic program, and numerous attempts to bring the theatre to its healthy track of
realistic tradition (Aurel Leon). This presentation deals with the understanding of
these theatrical transformations in the writings of the actors from the 1950s and
1960s, and especially with the cases of Maria Filotti and tefan Ciobotrau, but also
Toma Caragiu and other representatives of the 1960s-1970s. Maria Filotti, a famous
actress and owner of the Srindar Theatre (later called Maria Filotti Theatre), wrote
in her memoirs about the change between what she was calling the theatrical
entrepreneurs (especially the great actors, owners or shareholders of private
theatres), and the soul engineers, after the social and institutional changes, which
occurred in the period 1947-1948. Revolt was expressed through various protests,
resignations, retirements, or the difficult adaptation of senior actors was perceived as
a form of suffering, required to produce major changes and as a contradiction, which
was beneficial in adapting to the new state of things. The new theatre saw a new
generation of theatre makers, playwrights, set designers, a new type of actor, but also
a new Stanislavskian school of work on stage, of capturing the authentic life, of
total transformation of the artistic purpose and new creative conditions.
Unprecedentedly, art became an essential element in the process of social
transformation, and the artistic production was transformed radically in the process.
RDU BLBIE, General Directorate for High Education, Ministry of National Education
Preparing Future Arts Artists in the Early Years of the Popular Power (1948-1955).
A Comparison with the Preparation of Young Writers
of the School of Literature and Literary Criticism Mihai Eminescu
Writers, in the bourgeois regime, never had a proper school or any other training
form; most of those who wrote until 1945 had an eclectic education, varying from
literature graduates to doctors, lawyers, engineers, officers. Those who graduated
from a language and Literature Faculty were educated as teachers for Romanian
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Language and literature. In the arts field, the Academies of fine arts, with higher
education status, formed in general teachers for the secondary and high school, a few
being those who used their talent in workshops. Most of the inter-war artists and
even those in the first decade after 1947 are university graduates. The change of the
regime in Romania as part of the Soviet orbit did not just mean the changing of the
power relations at the political level, but also the profound transformations in all
areas of social life. Culture and education were politicized and turned into annex
instruments of the official propaganda for indoctrination and training of generations
far from the old life style, the old values, far from the former moral and cultural
landmarks. Starting with 1948, art students were formed in four new institutes (Iai,
Cluj, Bucharest, Timioara), at the Faculties of Fine Arts. Young writers and literary critics,
who came from workers background, were educated at the School of Literature and
Literary Criticism "Mihai Eminescu", founded in 1950, having as model a state higher
education institution of the Soviet Union. The study reviews the differences and
similarities between the two forms of education, the political interference, from
designing study programs to students selection and purge of undesirable teachers.
SESSION 5
State Artists in South-Eastern Europe
INA BELCHEVA, Universit Paris 1

State commissions and artistic limits in 1950s Bulgaria: the case of Lyubomir Dalchev
As one of the most prominent figures on the Bulgarian art scene, Lyubomir Dalchev
was naturally solicited by the State before and after 1944 to participate in its the
biggest commissions. After the 9th September 1944, he was one of the first to join the
Union of Bulgarian Artists on the 19th September 1944. He participated actively in the
ephemeral sculptural decoration of the capital of Sofia for the Labor Day in 1945, he
created the first monument of Georgi Dimitrov. In 1949, he became part of the art
collective working on the Monument of the Soviet Army (MAS) in Sofia, one of the
most important commissions of the 1950s, and created the composition October 1917.
Two committees the small and the big jury were formed, in order to guide the
artists in their work and to make sure they follow the right artistic method, that of
the Socialist Realism. The stenographical protocols, other archival documents and the
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final monumental work that can still be seen at the center of Sofia give us important
information on the possible and impossible refusal of participation, on the
dimensions of choice, on the understanding and the implementation of the socialist
realistic aesthetics, on the defense of one's own artistic signature and the limits of the
compromise. Critiqued for being passive and only applying the Socialist Realist
aesthetics in theory and not in practice, continually questioning the judgment of the
professional and ideological juries, Dalchev's October remains until today the best
critically acclaimed composition on the MAS in Sofia. After making a compromise
during the construction of the ensemble, he continued to work in a more liberal
system (after 1956) and to receive the new state commissions. He is one of the artists
behind the Monument of the Soviet Army in Plovdiv, the Brotherly Mound in the
same city, but also of many other sculptures in the public space, such as Samuil's
Warriors from 1974 in Sofia. Soon after inaugurating this monument, Lyubomir
Dalchev immigrates to the United States, never to come back. After 1989 he
published a few articles denouncing the repression on artists during the socialism
and more or less appealing to destroy the Monument of the Soviet Army that he took
as a symbol of the system. A system he seemed relatively well integrated to. So we
could ask ourselves, was Lyubomir Dalchev well adapted to the changing aesthetics
of the years of socialism and to what extend could we call him a state artist?
IRINA CRBA, Department of Art Theory, National University of Art of Bucharest

Bilateral Agreements in the Balkans:
the Socialist Artistic Identity before UAP and the International Exchanges
Although the establishment of the Union of Fine Artists (Uniunea artitilor plastici
UAP) in 1950 is regarded as the grounding event of the relationship between the
artist and the new socialist state in Romania, efforts have been made to establish it
very early in the aftermath of the Second World War. The centralization, the
collectivization and the close surveillance of the artists and their works alike which
enabled the very functioning of the UAP had been gradually implemented by the
Syndicate of Fine Arts, the heritage of which was further absorbed by the UAP.
Socialist Realism loomed within this context, not as much as an artistic style but
rather through the re-signification of some artistic practices from the interwar period.
At the same time, Socialist Realism was grounded on emerging institutional
mechanisms, which required new rituals and new artistic hierarchies. Tracing back
the history of the Union of the Fine Arts, mostly forgotten, enables one to thoroughly
understand the connections between earlier structures and shifts performed by the
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new regime. The first part of my paper proposes an outline of these connections. The
second part will deal with a particular side of the new artistic life before the
establishment of the UAP, namely the contact with institutions and artists from other
socialist countries. After the war, a new regional identity is being configured through
collaboration agreements, not only between the USSR and each of the Eastern Block
countries usually turned into the import of institutional strategies and decisions
but, at the same time, through less hierarchical relationships between the newly
installed communist regimes. These relationships were also entailing cultural
conventions which stipulated common events, exhibitions or documentation travels.
As for the artistic area, the cultural exchanges between socialist countries were
implying both the Syndicate of Fine Arts and the Ministry of Arts, revealing various
decisional layers ruling the artistic life. I will focus mainly on the first cooperation
convention, in 1945, between the Romanian Syndicate and the Union of Bulgarian
Artists, which triggered several types of artistic exchanges that will stay constant
throughout the entire socialist period. This context reshaped artist profiles, either
facing a long career in the socialist artistic institutions, or destined to remain
marginal, or even to vanish. Such international relationships are revealing for the
local negotiations concerning the relationship between artists, and state, but also for
the political prospects in the Balkans. At the same time, they show that the new
identity of the socialist artist was constructed in a broader framework, outgrowing
the inland demarcations.
AGATA ROGOS, Adam Mickiewicz University in Pozna

Busts in Our Heads, Images of Enver Hoxha in Communist Albania
This presentation deals with the cult portraits of Enver Hoxha as inspired by the
portraits of Stalin with mainly two images showing the leaders as teachers, or
builders of a new world. The latter iconographic model was particularly frequently
used in Albanias discourse and iconography, which underscored the myth of a New
Albania. Taking as examples the cases of Joseph Broz Tito in Yugoslavia, Enver
Hoxha in Albania, and Nicolae Ceauescu in Romania, the leader cults became a
demonstration of national independence that frequently led, as might be observed in
the Albanian case, to isolation. Enver Hoxha was promoted as the communist leader
who remained rigorous towards Marxist principles, and thus he was set apart from
all other communist leaders in Europe and in the world. After 1968 his image was
broadly explored by state artists such as Ksenofon Dilo, Vilson Kilica, Bukurosh
Sejdini, and Zef Shoshi. There were five composition models that were used in a
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figurative art to present Hoxha: (1) the apprentice revolutionary and Lenins pupil;
(2) the defender of the state; (3) the prophet, apostle and teacher; (4) the builder of
the new world; (5) the inspirer of his people. In the Albanian cult paintings, two
groups of representations stand out: group compositions and portraits, whereas the
latter ones are more rigorous in form and had been following attentively the social
realism model. Group compositions presenting Enver Hoxha are visibly more
contextualized in Albanian tradition and are completing national-socialism vision
that dominated the Albanian discourse after 1968.
VLADANA PUTNIK, Art History Department, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

the Question of the State Architect in Yugoslavia (1945-1990)
The end of the Second World War in Yugoslavia brought the Communist Party to
power. In accordance with the new political regime, the position of architects was
also severely affected. The private architectural bureaus that existed in the interwar
period were closed, and the newly formed 'state bureaus' became the only option for
work. During the first post-war period, the strong political relationship with the
USSR implied the import of their visual identity of Socialist Realism. After
Yugoslavia's break up with the USSR in 1948 the situation in architecture began to
change as well. The influence of International style and the concept of socialist
society brought a new term to this architecture: Socialist aestheticism. Some
architects managed to become distinguished individual authors and artists for the
state's main political projects. The 1970s and 1980s brought post-modern architecture
in Yugoslavia and the design became more personalized and individual. Through
the analysis of the work of three architects: Mihalo Jankovic, Bogdan Bogdanovic and
Mihajlo Mitrovic we will try to determine whether the position of the state architect
was influenced by the political changes over the period 1945-1990. Even though a
significant number of art historians and architects wrote about architecture of the
socialist period in Yugoslavia, the question of state architects so far has not been the
subject of a more detailed research.
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SESSION 6
State Artists in the Soviet Union
CCILE VAISSI, University of Rennes

The Soviet Union of Cinema:
Reflection, Moving Force and Victim of Perestroika (1986-1991)
In this paper I argue the Soviet Union of Cinema was one of the key actors of the
Perestroika and I analyze the role this union played, as well as the problems it dealt
with. These issues reveal the difficulties of the previous period as well as the
political, economic, creative, but also identity and memorial stakes, that cinema
people tried to solve under Gorbachev. Theoretically, this union had the same
functions as the Union of Writers: to facilitate the control of the Party on creators,
while rewarding and promoting those who were loyal. However, it was different, if
only because it was established not during the terrible 1930s, but in 1965, when the
Thaw was still under way. Yet, what marked the beginning of Perestroika in the
USRR is the Fifth Congress of the Union of Cinema, which was held between the 13th
and 15th of May 1986. In fact, to the general surprise, the leading elites were
contested, dismissed and replaced with others, while very severe critiques were
expressed on the current practices in cinema. But the shock was no less important
within the Soviet intelligentsia. This Congress dealt with at least 3 problems: the
necessary change of the leaders, the relation between the creative generations and the
functioning of the censorship. In the months that followed, other questions were
added: the economic model on which cinema was based (production and
distribution), the possible cooperation with the West, the relation to the Stalinist past,
the new thematic. But, if the Union of Cinema became one of the actors of the avant-
garde of the intellectual turbulence that marked the perestroika, a certain creative
disarray was quickly remarked and the cineaste Andrei Smirnov underlined it in a
plenum of May 19893. In fact, Soviet cinema sank in a crisis caused in part by the
previous system, and by the changes provoked by the perestroika. Numerous full-
length feature films were filmed only to whitewash dirty money; auteur films
became rare, cinema halls were left in ruins and the new system of financial
autonomy of studios did not function really well. Yet, these difficulties explain the
emergence of a feeling nostalgia film people had for the system of production that
existed before 1986 and which established their adherence to the model advanced by
3 Svoboda tvorcestva. A dalse ? Sovetskaja Kultura, 23 mai 1989, pp. 3-4.
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Nikita Mikhalkov at the end of the 1990s. In all likelihood, it is paramount to

understand what was discussed and attempted during the perestroika, in order to do
an assessment of the Brezhnev Stagnation in cinema and to better comprehend the
stakes of the post-Soviet period.
VERA OTDELNOVA, State Institute for Art Studies in Moscow

The Moscow Art Youth Exhibitions in the 1960s and 1970s.
The concept of state artist concerning soviet art appeared in works of western and
soviet emigrant art critiques at the end of the 1960s, when a certain number of artists
declared their unwillingness to integrate into the communist state art institutions
and began to cooperate with foreign art collectors. This term was mostly used for the
representation of free art in contrast to all the production made intramural of the
Union of Artists under the pressure of censorship. The contraposition of official and
non-official art, as well as using the concept of state art became popular in post
soviet Russia, where this term had deteriorative slant. Now, thanks to an imposing
time distance of the contemporary researcher, and events of the middle of the XXth
century, art historians can discover that most of the so-called state-artists did not
just realize official ideology in art, but cooperated with state institutions mostly for
material purposes. Earning in a couple of months enough money, they could make
whatever they wanted during the rest of the year. The serious problem appeared
only if artists attempted to represent such 'free works' to a viewer. A strong
censorship and huge bureaucracy that blossomed during Brezhnev era embarrassed
organization of exhibitions and repressed even harmless initiatives. The situation
was intensified by inner problems and intrigues of the Union of Art. Nevertheless,
there were many artists who attempted to reform the institution, to improve its
exhibition politics and to work inside the given social order. They didn't declare any
opposition to official art theory but didn't accept it either. The 1960s and 1970s were
marked by battles of artists with bureaucracy, and involved overcoming censorship.
This presentation focuses on these artists, and on their activity that concerned first of
all the Exhibitions of young artists. However, the tradition of such youth exhibitions
was provoked by the cultural situation of the thaw, when all the canons of Socialist
realism were reviewed, and young artists with the support of the Moscow Union of
Artists initiated several courageous exhibitions. Such exhibitions rehabilitated artists
who had suffered during Stalin's repressions, and represented the connection between
them, and young artists of the end of the 1950s. At the beginning of the 1960s, when
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the tendencies of the thaw ran out, such exhibitions became complicated. I analyze
four exhibitions of young artists prepared by the Moscow Union of Artists in 1966,
1968, 1970, and 1974, and focus on the organization of the exhibitions from the planning
to their opening. Particular attention is paid to the dialogue between censors, local
authorities of the union, and individual artists, and to their confrontation. Using
archival documents, newspaper articles, and interviews with participants to the
events, I will show the role of the government, of the leaders of the Union of Artists,
and of individual artists in the formation of the exhibition, and then conclude on
how artists expressed themselves, while inside of the strict system.
MUROMTSEVA OLGA, Department of the Moscow State Stroganov Academy of

Design and Applied Arts
Unofficial Artists and the Soviet System: the Ways of Co-existing
The phenomenon of the non-official Soviet art, or the art of the sixties, artists
working underground in the Soviet Union in the 1960s-70s, is a reasonably well-
studied topic. Such aspects as the influence of the first Russian avant-garde, its social
and historical significance, the study of the works of individual artists and artistic
groups are covered by both Russian and Western researchers. However, despite the
traditional reduction of all the artists who worked outside the system to a single
direction, called non-conformism, second avant-garde, other art, or non-official
art, it is important, to review and to highlight the different positions of non-official
artists of the sixties, and to show the whole range of methods of their resistance to
the Soviet regime, and/or coexistence with the regime. Did some of them really
wanted to rebel against the political authorities, or most of the non-official artists
tried to escape an open conflict and to work quietly by their own? Such famous
artists as the sculptor E. Neizvestnyi and the painter V. Weisberg were members of
the Moscow section of the Artists Union. V. Weisberg, D. Birger, N. Andronov and
other representatives of a left wing of the Artists Union formed the Group of
Eight, the first creative group after 1932, and tried to legitimize their creative and
exhibition activities. The abstractionist painter Ely Belyutin formed his own school,
and for a rather long period, managed to be the part of the system, but the famous
Manege exhibition of 1962 put an end to the artists attempts of integration into the
system. Twelve years later, the Bulldozer Exhibition of 1974 was the crucial point
of the non-official art resistance to the regime, and at the same time led to the
beginning of a new dialogue with the political authorities. Other non-official artists
led a life of a hermit, and they created their works for themselves and for the closest
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circle of friends and relatives, and didnt seek publicity or scandal. For artists like
M.Shwarzman, D.Plavinsky their art was a mission and they presented themselves as
some kind of prophets. Many artists led a double life like the children books
illustrators Ilya Kabakov, Oleg Vassiliev and Eric Bulatov, who are now worldwide
known contemporary artists. Some artists chose an ironic mode of treating reality, as
the Sots art and Moscow conceptualism movements show. The response of the non-
official artists to the pressure of the Soviet system differs greatly, as differ their mode
of representing their art, the themes they choose, the techniques they use.
MICHAEL BRODSKI, the Institute for Film, Theatre and Empirical Cultural Studies
at the University of Mainz
The Soviet State Artists Alexander Ptushko and Alexander Rou
and Their Ambivalent Construction of Fairy Tale Films
The aim of this paper is to portray two Soviet state artists, the film directors
Alexander Ptushko and Alexander Rou, who may both be regarded as pioneers of
the fairy tale film in Stalinist cinema, after the fairy tale had been ideologically
resurrected by Maxim Gorky and Samuil Marshak in the course of the
institutionalization of the formal canon of socialist realism during the Soviet Writers
Congress in 1934. This paper thus wants to illustrate the complex and ambivalent
nature of both the directors aim as state artists to adopt and make fruitful the
structure of the fairy tale in the context of socialist realism, thereby conforming to the
Stalinist slogan We were born to make fairy tales come true as well as finding a
way to latently resist this dogma. On the one hand, it can be proclaimed that the
world of Soviet reality subsumes the fairy-tale plot, making it a vessel for its
ideology (Balina 2005). This manifests itself prominently, for example, in the
opulent style of Ptushkos fairy tale films through bright colors and special effects,
thereby implying a direct allusion to the Stalinist reality as the classical Soviet visual
landscape of the extraordinary miraculous times (Prokhorov 2010). On the other
hand, the films of both directors seem to find ways to simultaneously subvert the
proclaimed ideological implications. Although Mark Lipovetsky identifies a rich
tradition in the subversive potential in Soviet fairytales of regime ideology (see
Lipovetsky 2005, 2010), he interestingly excludes both Ptushko as well as Rou from
this consideration. On the contrary, this paper attempts to rethink their role by
examining specific filmic modes which are employed in order to create spaces for the
spectator outside of ideological purpose and instead recurring to the state of
innocent childhood and play behavior. Thus, the films of Ptushko create modes of
399
nonsense, and in a Bakhtinian sense carnivalistic play (see Winnicott 2005; Wuss
2009), as, for instance, the interaction between the boy protagonist and the tiny clay
figures in the socialistic Swift-adaptation The New Gulliver (1935) or the chaotic and
playfully directed fight against the eponymous monster in the folktale-based The
Sword and the Dragon (1956). Alexander Rou instead creates several mythological
trickster figures, particularly the antagonistic villains played by his recurring actor
Georgiy Millyar such as the witch Baba Yaga, for example in Vasilisa the Beautiful
(1939), or the presumable tyrant in Kashchey the Deathless (1944). By means of
typically trickster-like playful behavior (see Hynes 1993), these figures transcend the
ideologically strict manichaeistic binary model between good and evil. Finally it shall
be considered, how such staging strategies likewise subvert socialist realism by
recurring to non-ideological innocent childhood memories of the adult spectator (see
Tatar 2009; Warner 2014) by means sof the stated playfulness and nonsense behavior.
PN-II-RU-TE-2014-4-0243
From the State Artist to the Artist Dependent on the State:
the Union of Visual Artists (of Romania) (1950-2010) the Bucharest Branch
(director Lecturer PhD Caterina Preda)
The project proposes to write a monographic study of the Union of Visual Artists of
Romania (UAP) in the period 1950-2010 in the absence of a landmark study of one of
the most important communist and postcommunist organizations that administers
controls and represents visual artists. The period of analysis includes both the
communist regime, as well as the first 20 years of the democratic regime (1950-2010)
so as to be able to capture in detail the transformation it suffered as a consequence.
The project advances an analysis at several levels of this organization: an institutional
sociologic approach, an analysis in terms of members and leading teams (elites), a
research of the legal statutes that UAP went through and the definition of the artist,
the relation with the communist and democratic state through a case study that of
producer of public monuments in Bucharest. The analysis of the relation with the
Romanian state will include several types of interactions between the state and the
artists through the investigation of archive documents unexploited until now (UAP,
CNSAS, ANR etc.), of interviews with those that governed the UAP and through the
use of the methods specific to the analysis of the interdisciplinary field of art and
400
politics. The project will disseminate its results through an international conference, a
database with the UAP members, an index of the monuments realized by the UAP in
Bucharest, as well as the publication of a monograph of UAP, of a volume including
the presentations at the international conference, and a volume with archive
unpublished documents.
Expected Research Results

A volume of archival documents (2016).
A volume including the presentations at the international conference The State
Artist in Romania and Eastern Europe (2017).
A monograph of the Union of Visual Artists in Romania (1950-2010).
A database with the members of the UAP.
A database with the monuments realized in Bucharest by the Bucharest branch of
the UAP.
401
Format finit B5: 17,7 cm / 25 cm
Fonturi folosite: Palatino Linotype (Size 10,5 / 9)
Tiparul s-a executat sub c-da 4101 / 2017

la Tipografia Editurii Universitii din Bucureti

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The State Artist in Romania and Eastern Europe.

The Role of the Creative Unions

Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naionale a Romniei

os. Panduri nr. 90-92,

Corectur: editor Caterina Preda

Biographies of the authors .................................................................................... 9

Annexes ..................................................................................................................... 375

archives de la Securitate, de nouvelles sources pour comprendre le fonctionnement

Editura Universitii din Bucureti, 2014). Dumitru Lctuu is a research assistant in

Art during the communist regimes in Eastern Europe

7 Andreas Schedler, The New Institutionalism in the Study of Authoritarian Regimes,

Whatever sources one turns to in studying totalitarian culture the speeches

10 Golomstock, Totalitarian Art, xii, xv.

14 In Romania it was denounced in 1965.

An institutional approach to the study of art: the creative unions

In a more global context, the Stalinist transformation of art into planned

25 Irne Semenoff-Tian-Chansky, Le pinceau, la faucille et le marteau Les peintres et le pouvoir en

Uniunea Artitilor Plastici in Romania (1950)

The state artist

The structure of the volume

36 Crneci, Artele plastice n Romnia.

Aucouturier, Michel. Realismul socialist. Cluj-Napoca: Ed. Dacia, 2001.

Lhistoriographie des rgimes communistes, en particulier en Roumanie, sest

culturelles, des figures assimiles la dissidence ou la rpression accordant peu

manire significative sa dfinition. Ltude de ces institutions peut apporter des

La fondation de lACIN et de lUAP: un dcalage temporaire,

6 Une perspective sur la complexit de la vie institutionnelle de lUAP se dgage du volume

galement du contrle politique des films. Le studio de films exprimentaux na

trouvaient des ralisateurs importants: Liviu Ciulei, 15 Ion Popescu-Gopo, 16 Mircea

La fondation tardive de lACIN a pour consquence une moindre affectation

union sont dus un contexte politique sous tension en URSS ou un mode

Similaires, mais pas identiques: structure, organisation et fonctionnement

LACIN et lUAP fonctionnent sur la base de statuts do se dgagent des buts

29 Dragomir, LUnion des crivains, 21-3.

poursuivis par lassociation diffrents moments. Ainsi, de nouvelles sections

33 Dare de seam asupra activitii Asociaiei Cineatilor din RPR de la nfiintare i pn n

projets, ceux-ci ne bnficiaient daucune protection salariale. Qui plus est, le

Conformment au statut adopt en 1950, lUAP sest constitue en tant

dcoratifs, de scnographie, de critique dart. Dans les villes moins importantes, o il

provenant de ltranger, pour les dplacements nationaux ou internationaux, pour

55 Referat, Dossier 31/1961, Fonds UAP, ANIC, Bucarest, 123-7.

Des institutions pour les forces cratives et professionnelles

59 lpoque on discute dune rvaluation de la rmunration des ralisateurs, pays

cinmatographie, en assurant un espace dinteraction et de dialogue et en participant

LUAP se fixait des objectifs de professionnalisation et dducation similaires.

domaine culturel respectif, mme si elles ne regroupaient quune partie des

62 Kiril Tomoff, Creative Union, 2, 96.

dexposer certains problmes directement Nicolae Ceauescu. Lesprit de leurs

Pour une sociohistoire des institutions de la priode communiste

Sans avoir lambition dune comparaison systmatique et respectant finement la

LISTE DES REFERENCES

65 Tomoff, Creative Union, 4.

rtributions de plus de 100.000 lei). Dossier 127/1970. Fonds UAP. Bucarest:

Popescu, Ioana. Interview ralise par lauteur. Enregistrement audio. Bucarest,

Macrea-Toma, Ioana. Privilighenia. Instituii literare n comunismul romnesc (Les

Studiul de fa analizeaz Uniunea Artitilor Plastici (UAP) din Romnia n timpul

este vizibil n primul rnd prin beneficiile i avantajele pe care le presupunea

2 Magda Crneci, Artele plastice n Romnia 1945-1989 (Iai: Polirom, 2013).

n loc de Sindicat, Uniune: artitii plastici ntre capitalism i comunism

Pe 23 decembrie 1950, prezidiul Marii Adunri Naionale a Republicii Populare

21 Vasile, Literatura i artele, 153-154.

expoziii n marile centre industriale. 34 Totui, documentul are mai degrab

34 Drghia et. ali., Uniunea Artitilor Plastici, 120-121.