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ISTROS XIII, 2006

Colegiul de redacţie:

VICTOR SPINEI – preşedinte de onoare


IONEL CÂNDEA - redactor responsabil
VALERIU SÎRBU - secretar de redacţie
STĂNICĂ PANDREA – membru
CRISTIAN LUCA – membru
SUMAR

I. STUDII

MUGUR ANDRONIC, Apariţia locuirii umane în Bucovina şi evoluţia


sa până la sfârşitul eneoliticului..................................................… 9
…..
VALERIU SÎRBU, Elitele geţilor dintre Carpaţi şi Balcani (sec. IV-III
a. Chr): „prinţii de aur şi 41
argint”............................................................
LYUBAVA KONOVA, Once more about the temenos of Apollo Ietros
in Apollonia Pontica. Attempt at reconsideration 71
.................................
DIANA GERGOVA, The Tumular Embankment in the Burial Rites
and Cosmogony of the Thracian Getae. The Cosmic 85
Egg...................
TOMASZ BOCHNAK, Un aperçu général de l’armement de la
culture de Przeworsk aux derniers siècles avant J.-C. 95
...................................
DOINA CIOBANU, Methods and techniques of “local” salt
extraction in the Romanian area 119
..................................................................…….
IONEL CÂNDEA, Cetatea şi oraşul Brăila în relatări ale călătorilor
străini (secolul al XVIII-lea) (I) 129
..........................................................…

II. MATERIALE ARHEOLOGICE

SORIN-CRISTIAN AILINCĂI, CĂTĂLIN DOBRINESCU, Aşezarea


din perioada timpurie a epocii fierului de la Ţibrinu - „La Lac” (com.
Mircea Vodă, jud. Constanţa) .......................................................… 135

III. ARTICOLE

VIOREL STOIAN, Piese din carapace de ţestoasă descoperite la


Siliştea - „Popină”, jud. Brăila 159
.............................................................
DONE ŞERBĂNESCU, Morminte geto-dacice descoperite în judeţul
Călăraşi 165
................................................................................................
VARBIN VARBANOV, D. DRAGOEV, A New Thracian Pits
Sanctuary in Russe (a preliminary 181
report)...........................................
VALERIU SÎRBU, EMILIA CORBU, Un mormânt sarmatic de copil
descoperit la Vlădeni - „Popina Blagodeasca” (jud. 195
Ialomiţa)...............

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NICOLAE MIRIŢOIU, Analiza antropologică a mormântului sarmatic
de la Vlădeni - „Popina Blagodeasca” (jud. Ialomiţa) 201
..........................
DRAGOŞ MĂNDESCU, Cea mai veche reprezentare grafică a
pietrei tombale a comitelui Laurencius de Longo Campo 207
.............
CLAUDIU NEAGOE, Mari dregători şi negustori greci în Ţara
Românească în a doua jumătate a veacului al XVI-lea 215
...............
SILVIU OŢA, Un dépôt de lingots et tourteaux de bronze découvert
dans Oraşul de Floci (comm. de Giurgeni, dép. de Ialomiţa) 225
.........…..

IV. IN MEMORIAM

Niculae Conovici, 1948-2005 (Valeriu Sîrbu) 237


...................................…

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L’APARITION DE L’OCCUPATION HUMAINE DANS LA RÉGION DE
BUCOVINE ET SON ÉVOLUTION JUSQU’AU LE FIN DU ÉNÉOLITIQUE

MUGUR ANDRONIC
Résumé

Pour toute région géographique, la reconstitution de l’évolution


démographique est très importante. L’archéologie fait la même chose, mais
ayant des possibilités plus réduites. Bien que dans la région de Bucovine, les
anciènes vestiges archéologiques datent dans l’Aurignacian, la plupart des
découvertes appartiennent au Gravettien. On a decouvert des vestiges de
l’homme paléolitique dans les Carpates Orientals jusqu’à l’altitude de 17oo m.
En plus, dans la commune Frasin, a coté de la surce d’eau salée Doroteia (plus
de 800 m alt.), on a trouvé des outils paléolitiques en pierre, celle-ci étant la
plus ancienne témoignage de l’utilisation de cette résurce naturelle de la
Roumanie. Des autres importantes découvertes, inédites jusqu’à présent, ont
été fait sur le cours supérieur de Bistriţa. La plus grande partie de silex
provenait des vallées de Prut Supérieur et de Nistre Moyen. Ainsi, comme dans
des autres régions, la période de transition vers le néolitique est très peu
connue. Mais, grâce au procés de sédentarité des communités humaines et
celui de transition des habitats qui practiquaient l’agriculture extensive, le
nombre des sites grandit extrêmement. Les représentants de la variante
nordique de la culture Starčcevo-Criş de l’Est de Carpates ont réussi pénétrer
aussi dans les vallées des eaux secondaires de la réseau hidrographique. En
général, on saisi une intense occupation humaine dans la vallée inférieure et
moyenne de la rivière Suceava. Ce phénomène est aussi valable pour la
culture suivante, avec la céramique rubanée, dont ses habitats ont employé
souvent des emplacements plus anciens. Quelques découvertes de la région
de Bucovine indiquent une étroite liaison entre la culture avec la céramique
rubanée du S-E de la Pologne et le Nistre Superieur et aussi le centre et le sud
de la Moldavie. À son tour, la culture Précucuteni est bien représentée dans la
région de Bucovine, mais d’une étape plus tardive. Ainsi plus d’habitats étoient
établis dans la zone de la ville Suceava et sur le cours inférieur de la rivière.

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Une grande évolution démographique obtient la culture Cucuteni. Elle occupe
des étages divers d’altitude, en fortifiant souvent ses habitats et qui exploite le
sel à l’aide des vases de type briquetages, par exemple en Solca ou Cacica.
En conclusion, beaucoup d’aspects étroitement liés à l’archéologie de la
période de transition vers l’âge du bronze où s’affirme la culture Horodiştea-
Erbiceni(Gorodsk-Usatovo), et aussi la culture des amphores globulaires est
encore plus pauvre en découvertes.
Ainsi, toute l’évolution culturelle et démographique, y en ajoutant les
procés de synthèse ethnique où ont été impliqué des ethnies divers, a
représenté le préambule pour l’apparition de la population protothrace.

GETAE ELITES BETWEEN THE CARPATHIANS AND BALKANS


(4TH-3RD CENTURIES BC): “GOLD AND SILVER PRINCES”

VALERIU SÎRBU

Abstract

Chance or systematic archaeological findings between the Dniestr,


Black Sea, Carpathians and the Balkans, have brought to light vestiges with
similitudes that, when corroborated with written sources, can be attributed to the
Getae.
The “society of living”, which is to say the ruler and the community, tried
to embody their prestige in the residential centers. As for the tombs, they were
the result of the thoughts of the individual and the family on integrating oneself
in the “community of the dead”. Finally, the practice of burying treasures points
to their views on the “invisible partners” that were the deities, which were never
absent from their worldviews.
There is little doubt concerning the existence of a common ideology for
the Getae aristocracy in the area in question, given the existence of a set of
common items, images and figurative scenes. Moreover, the way these three
types of findings show up on the map, namely in higher numbers in particular
areas, suggests the presence of centers of power and authority in those areas.
Residential nuclei. The area in question – between the Dniestr, Black
Sea, Carpathians and the Balkans – is the site of more than a hundred fortified
centers. Despite this high number, conditions pertaining to a particular research
or to the overall environment have made it almost impossible to reach
unambiguous conclusions. There was more than one reason to erect
fortifications. Dangers lurked from other peoples – Schythians, Celts, the
southern kingdoms, but also from other Getae, because of conflicts between the
various “domestic” political structures. What these fortifications tell us without a
shadow of a doubt is that they mark key trading and gather sites, on the one
hand, and that they are a result of the political rulers’ desire to show their
authority and prestige to the world. One problem is that, for lack of sufficient
data, we cannot say in what areas this prestige and authority were exerted, or

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determine the nature of the relations between the aristocrats/dynasts that ruled
them.
Dynast tombs. Another major type of finding in the Thracian world
consists of imposing tumuli, some of them “featuring” opulent buried gold and
silver treasures and even full-blown temples. Only strong beliefs could have
been important enough to convince the communities where the dead were from
to go at such length in building these sites and in giving up valuable objects. It
is the only reasonable explanation, for other motives do not seem strong
enough to appease feelings of frustration in families and communities for such
efforts without clear benefits. What were these beliefs for the Getae/Thracians?
Since there is evidence of only some 250 inhumation tombs, compared
with over 1600 cremation tombs, from the 5th-3rd centuries BC, we can only
conclude Thracians had cremation as the predominant funerary rite during this
period. However, preferences are reversed in the case of the aristocracy, where
inhumation dominates. We see this in the tombs from the Sboryanovo-
Sveshtari area, Agighiol, Peretu, Vraca, north of the Balkans or from the
Kazanluk-Plovdiv region in southern Balkans.
What is the explanation for this divide?
Is it safe to assume that the Thracian aristocracy in general, and the
Getae one in particular, saw the “afterworld” as mirroring life on this earth and
therefore preferred inhumation and built massive tumuli (some of them
“comfortable” by the standards of the living), deposited personal goods (some of
them of great value) and sacrificed horses? This could suggest the tumulus was
just another “palace” – the last one, true - for the dead.
What about the cases where we find only body parts or even just
isolated bones from the dead, which points to practices of repeated exposure
and dismembering. These practices are the result of the belief that the body is
just a “container” that the spirit needs to escape from before it can achieve
immortality, meaning the body needs to be destroyed. The tumulus no longer
seems to be the “terminus station” for the dead, but more of a transit one, on
the dead’s way to the place of the “immortals”.
Moreover, we have some cases of high-ranking aristocrats that were
cremated. Is this a sign of a “higher” spiritualization of the views on the
“afterworld”, or merely of local and family customs? We have cases of
commanding funerary set ups where the dead were cremated, such as in
Sboryanovo-Sveshtari or the tomb in Cucuteni.
Given all of the above, we cannot but conclude that the Getae
“aristocracy” did not have identical notions on what the “afterworld” was like.
The differences between the dead, in terms of their social and political
status, are visible in the differences between the richness of the inventory, the
presence (or absence) of sculpted or painted scenes, and in the size of the
tumuli and the size of the tumuli and of the chambers beneath them. There still
are many things we don’t know yet, but we can assume the tombs here mean it
was a sacred place that contains the buried remains of the Getae elite, which
ranges from court aristocracy to the rulers.
Another class of tombs or tumular necropolises consists of those where
weapons and offerings were found, but the context is not ostentatious. The dead
here are mostly cremated, and only a small percentage of them are inhumed.

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We find this class of tombs in Găvani, Chirnogi, Zimnicea, Borovo, Drumevo,
Yankovo and other sites. They probably contain members of a warrior
aristocracy or bands of warriors in the service of dynasts. We know of only a
handful of cases with complete sets of a knight’s gear (e.g. Ruce, formerly
known as Jurukler): bridle bits, armor and helmet, sword, lances and arrow.
Basilei treasures. Craiova, Băiceni, Borovo, Lukovit and Letnica have
been, among others, the sites of treasures (found in high numbers in the region
that the Getae – the northern Thracians in particular – used to call home) that
display several similitudes, not just in terms of the types of items and figurative
representations they contain, but also of the discovery context. Namely, they
were not unearthed in necropolises and sanctuaries, or in settlements and
fortresses, which means they fall in the category of isolated findings.
Nevertheless, there is always a site of a tumular tomb or a fortress somewhere
in a one to five kilometer radius. It is crystal clear that the these treasures, with
their specific items and figurative scenes, which totaled entire kilograms of
silver and gold, used to be the property of rulers or high-ranking dynasts.
Although we cannot be sure of the cultural reason for burying any of these
treasures, it is safe to assume they were not hidden for fear of some clear and
present danger.
The symbols of power. We know from archaeological findings that
certain items were used by Thracians to show one’s social, military and political
rank. Such was the ceremonial gear, chariots and horse harnesses, as well as
ceremonial tableware, and figurative scenes and the motives on them. Almost
all of the items in question are made of gold, silver or gilded silver, which is an
important aspect because it not only demonstrates the sizeable resources that
the owners had at their disposal, but also that these metals had a sacred
meaning according to the mythological and religious beliefs of the aristocracy.
Helmets, cnemids, clothing accessories and adornments with rich figurative
motives (only two of which will be included in the discussion, given their special
meaning) make up the ceremonial gear, while goblets and rhytons, phials, deep
bowls and, less frequently, other types of recipients, are the composition of the
ceremonial tableware. The gold and silver appliqués did indeed play a
decorative role, but the symbols present on their figurative representations point
to their aim of increasing the horse’s power in order for the aristocrat to get to
the target.
Images and gestures. Thorough examinations of the numerous
representations on Getae toreutics – and on Thracian toreutics, in general –
show the existence of characteristic scenes and motives. We will try to see what
they stand for.
Several basilei emerged in the Getae world, mostly the one of the 4th
century BC, and they brought along an ideology that needed to put the spotlight
on their heroic and divine origin. Since writing was anything but widespread in
those times, the ideology had to turn to iconography. Here are, in short, several
images and scenes specific to the Getae aristocracy.
The rider and the sacred hunt. Lance in hand, ready to strike,
sometimes in armor, the rider is moving from left to right. This is the scene most
frequently found on items from the Getae region – and the Thracian one, in
general. There are several important observations that need to be made: we

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have no knowledge, in toreutics, of a scene portraying confrontation between
humans, of an item that bears, in inscription, the name of a deity, or of a rider
with a helmet or shield. This most likely means we are looking at hunting
scenes, one of the favorite activities of the aristocracy, not to mention it was
also a courage test that the rulers had to perform on a regular basis.
Some ceremonial items are displaying throned male or female
characters, e.g. cnemid no. 1 in Agighiol or the Băiceni helmet. Given the
vessel in Borovo or the rhyton in Poroina, we can say such scenes also appear
on drink ware. There is little doubt as to the character’s high rank, since he or
she is on the throne, a most clear symbol of authority, and the unicorn bird, the
rhyton and the phial held in hand have a clearly sacred meaning.
Throwing the spear/lance. The spear or lance is the weapon most
frequently shown in the hands of riders in the iconography or found in tumular
tombs. As previously mentioned, there is no scene of a human attacking
another human, which means the spear or lance is never used to strike another
person. That is why we believe some of these scenes show the dynast proving
his skills prior to the investiture.
Parading the bow. The bow is never actually used to fire an arrow –
neither against an animal, nor a warrior, but always just held in hand, exhibited,
or near the character. These scenes include more symbols of power (rhyton,
throne), which makes them solemn scenes that are about high-ranking
characters, possibly dynasts (if they are male) and goddesses (if they are
females).
We know of the unicorn bird-fish-hare scene from the helmets in Peretu
(currently at the Detroit Institute of Art) and the goblets from Agighiol and
Rogozen and the one at the New York Metropolitan Museum. Most likely, the
bird stands for air, the fish for water and the hare for earth, namely for the
dynast’s rule over all the realms of his kingdom.
Sacrifices. The nape guard of the helmet from Poiana-Coţofeneşti is
displaying, on two levels, anthropomorphic demons and fantastic creatures
holding the foot of a mammal in their mouth, while the cheek-piece is host to a
character with a shield, who is sacrificing a ram with a dagger. Sacrifices are
meant to strengthen the divine connections and diminish tensions in the
community, which indicates the ram could be sacrificed to drive out chaos and
terror and bring back balance in the society.
Libation. There are Getae toreutics items displaying male or, more
rarely, female characters holding rhytons, bowls or horns in hand - the vessel in
Borovo, the rhyton in Poroina, an appliqué in Letnica, the helmet in Băiceni, and
cnemid no. 2 in Agighiol. These are sacred characters, given the meaning of
these vessels in the Thracian world, the throne and the overall solemn feeling of
the scenes.
Apotropaic eyes. All of the five gold and silver Getae helmets have
“apotropaic eyes” on them. Despite the impassioned dispute as to the meaning
of this motive, some consensus has emerged that these eyes served their
bearer in both the world of the living – by indicating his power to see, and
implicitly, control all – and of the dead – by showing him the way to the
“afterworld”.

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Hierogamy. Letnica is the site of an appliqué with an unusual scene on
it, namely a man and a woman in an erotic position, with another female
character on her feet (with a tree branch and mug in hand), assisting them. This
could be the union between a goddess and the ruler, which could be meant not
just to drive home the idea of the divine origin of the royalty, but also to secure
prosperity and authority for the entire kingdom.
Discussion. As have already stated, the male rider or the throned
character is the most frequent motive in Thracian toreutics, from any type of
complexes (tombs or treasures) or items. We would also like to stress again that
Thracian toreutics does not include any known scene of a human confrontation,
nor does it have any inscription of some kind of Thracian god. Also, the
characters are shown in one of the following situations: hunting and, not so
often, performing sacrifices, in investiture scenes or solemn positions, holding
vessels (rhytons, horns, phials) or weapons (lance, bow) in hand. There are also
scenes with female characters in more than one situation, such as throned or
winged (e.g. the Rogozen mugs). These could be female goddesses passing on
signs of power to, or protecting, the dynasts.
Given the significant resources that went to making toreutics items,
namely kilograms of gold and silver, there is not doubt as to who they were
meant for, namely the elites, which means the iconography was also “targeted”
for the elites, for their ideology.
The aristocracy must have had a desire for this sort of art, a need to
address a society that was overwhelmingly illiterate. Images were not just
decorative, but were the communication medium, hence the emergence and
progress of the outstanding Thracian toreutics between 5th and 3rd centuries BC.
This art was also meant to communicate, but that does not mean
anyone could “read” it. One needed to be initiated in the “codes” to fully
understand what the decorative scenes and the composition were transmitting.
Therefore, since we cannot know for sure how these scenes were “read”
(what was the internal logic of certain hagiographies, myths and legends), or
even how the “audience” would be introduced to these items, we are in the
position of someone watching a movie in a foreign, unknown language, and with
the scenes mixed up.
What were the Getae elites? we asked at the beginning. The jury is still
out on the details, because they are open to speculations. However, based on
the “archaeological footprint” (from certain items and the iconography), the
overall verdict is clear: the Getae elites existed. The lay elite was most likely
made up by bands warriors, on top of which was the high-ranking aristocracy,
them came the court aristocracy, and at the top we find the ruler.
Obviously, the Getae society – and the Thracian one, in general – were
not strangers when it came to the “institution of the gift”.
Made possible by the control of the Getae aristocracy over vast riches,
a “proprietary” ideology emerged in this part of the world. If there are any doubts
as to its uniqueness, one need only look at the characteristic decorative
compositions, such as the apotropaic eyes, the throned characters, the “animal
procession” or the horned bird – on harness appliqués, goblets, rhytons,
cnemids and helmets. The Getae aristocracy clearly had a desire to make
visible their ethnic and social-political individuality, and they managed to do that

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via these items and scenes. Also, the aristocracy had extensive relations and
gift exchanges with its Odryssian or Triballi counterpart.
More than one key issue – the hierarchical structure, the size of the
kingdoms under these rulers, their foreign relations and more - are purely a
matter of speculation for lack of written sources.
An important questions regards the existence of a religious elite – was
there one? We know from Herodotus (IV, 93-95) that the Getae world had an
advanced polytheist and anthropomorphic religion, with complex rites. Having
this sort of religion, but no “specialists”, is not possible. Some must have
dedicated themselves to the practices and doctrine of the cult. We also have
some data on this from several iconographic scenes –a sacrificed ram (the
Poiana-Coţofeneşti helmet), the male and female characters with horns, bowls
and rhytons in hand possibly performing libations (the Agighiol and Malomirovo
cnemids, the Letnica appliqué, the Băiceni helmet, the Poroina rhyton or the
Borovo container).
What about the roles of the basilei and the priests in performing sacred
acts, what was their relation in this case, did they complement each other in
some way? Putting aside the Poroina rhyton and the female character on it, we
seem to be dealing with basilei exclusively, since the characters are wearing
armor or are riding. However, there is enough reason to assume the existence
of something similar to priories of priests.
We have talked plenty of uncertainties and the lack of clear sources. In
the end, however, we can safely say that the Getae world had both a lay and a
religious aristocracy.
Translated by Mihai Sîrbu

ONCE MORE ABOUT THE TEMENOS OF APOLLO IETROS


IN APOLLONIA PONTICA.
ATTEMPT AT RECONSIDERATION

LYUBAVA KONOVA

Abstract

The article deals with several problems related to the enigmatic Apollo-
temenos in Apollonia Pontica. Even after of the intensive archaeological
research accomplished on the territory of the contemporary town of Sozopol
during the last decades, the picture of the existing temenoi or temple-buildings
remains still obscure.
Because of the scanty written records, the authors’ attention was
focused on two key-sources – the Strabo’s excerpt (Strab. 7, 6, 1) and the well-
preserved lapidary decree of the Histrian nauarch Hegesagoras (IGBulg I, N
388 bis). The hypotheses are grouped into two general directions arguing either
for the city or for the island locality of the temenos. However, the analysis of
the epigraphic and numismatic documents, the results of the recently conducted
archaeological excavation – even tough they are very briefly reported, and the

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attempt to view the question in a more general perspective of some sacred
spaces in Hellas and in other poleis along the northern and western Black sea
coasts, give certain grounds to re-consider the problem.
The new hypothesis discusses the possibility of the existence of two
Apollo temenoi - one of them denoted as “hieron tou Apollonous tou Iatrou"
which has been situated probably within the city boundaries, whereas the other
could have coincided with the place, were the famous colossus by Calamis was
exhibited. If the testimony of its dimensions are reliable, such a creation was
most probably intended to stay on an island, for instance on that one where the
contemporary lighthouse is located.
In conclusion I have got to specify that all arguments will be a matter of
dispute as long as new archeological materials studied in a clear context will be
uncovered.

THE FORTIFIED TOWN AND THE CITY BRAILA IN FOREIGN


TRAVELLERS WRITINGS (THE XVIIIth CENTURY)

IONEL CÂNDEA
Abstract

During the XVIIIth century, Braila was the most disputed town between
Turkey, Rusia and Austria. The foreign travellers’ writings created a complete
image about the fortified town, the settlement and the every day life in its
different aspects (especially the confessional one).
It has been trying the identification of the spy who provided
informations for the Johann von Vermatti’s plan realised in 1790.

THE EARLY IRON AGE SETTLEMENT FROM ŢIBRINU „LA LAC”


(MIRCEA VODĂ, CONSTANŢA COUNTY)

SORIN – CRISTIAN AILINCĂI,


CĂTĂLIN DOBRINESCU

Abstract

On 24th – 30th of September 2003, surface investigations were made on


the shore of Tibrinu Lake. These investigations resulted in discovering various
pottery fragments characteristic for the Babadag culture, the Getic culture (4 th
-3rd century B.C.), the Roman-Byzantine period and early medieval period (9th-
11th century BC). In order to verify the existence of a settlement, two sondages
were drilled: H1 (1x4m) and H2 (1x4m), situated at 50m and respectively 300m
from the shore, in a large bay, on the southern shore of the lake.

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The purpose of this article is to analyze the material attributed to the
First Iron Age. Most of the fragments were discovered on the shore of the
artificial lake Tibrinu that covered the Babadag type settlement, as the currents
of the lake bring to the shore impressive amounts of pottery. In 2002, the
Museum of National History and Archeology from Constanţa acquired a large lot
of artifacts from Ţibrinu Lake.
Typologically, there can be identified various shapes that are often
encountered in the Babadag type settlements (fig. 1), as follows: 1. Amphorae,
represented by numerous black, polished fragments, which, unfortunately, are
mostly atypical (fig. 2/ 6; 3/1-19). It was possible to make whole again only two
such vessels (fig. 2/1, 4). A less common variant of this type is represented by a
fragment from the upper part of a vessel of medium size (fig. 2/ 7, 9-10), with
height possibly approximately equal with the maximum median diameter, and
with an ample opening of the mouth. 2. Mugs - are the least represented type of
vessel in most of the Babadag culture settlements. There has been established
only one fragment certainly belonging to a mug, which was discovered on the
shore of Ţibrinu Lake and is decorated with a line of incised dots (fig. 2/ 5), and
another fragment, almost certainly belonging to a mug, with a conical
prominence in the area of the maximum diameter, beneath a strip of parallel
horizontal lines (fig. 2/ 8). 3. Cups - are represented by whole samples and
suggestive fragments (fig. 3/20; 4/ 1-13; 5/ 1-12). These vessels are made of a
fine, well burnt paste and have just one ear that is elevated above the rim of the
vessel (we are cautious regarding the samples reconstructed graphically). On
the whole, we can establish various types of cups. 4. Pixydes - are represented
by a lid made of coarse unevenly burnt paste (5/ 14). 5. Deep bowls - are
represented by only one fragment indicating a large size flat pot, with two
diametrically opposed conical prominences in the maximum diameter area (fig.
2/3). 6. Bowls - are the most common type of vessel (fig.6, 7, 8, 9). 7. Coarsed
ware - are also very well represented by numerous fragments. These vessels
have tronconic and bi-tronconic shape and are made of a coarse, porous,
unevenly burnt paste (fig. 10, 11).
Along with the above mentioned fragments, there were discovered
other clay objects that can also be attributed to the First Iron Age: 1. Weights
are represented by a relatively great number of forms (12/5-18). 2. Clay
stamps. During the surface investigations on the southern shore of the Tibrinu
Lake there were discovered three small instruments (one whole and two in
fragments) used for decorating pottery by impressions (fig. 12/2-4). 3.
Anthropomorphous statuette (?) Among the discovered objects there was
also found a clay object with three tubular prominences placed on a flat basis
(fig. 12/1).
As I have mentioned above, the archaeological material, though found
in great quantities on the shore of the Ţibrinu Lake, lacks archaeological
context, and an objective dating could be done only by comparing it with
situations from other Babadag culture settlements, especially those in the south
western Dobrudja.
The dividing in periods of the Babdag culture was made based on the
stratigraphical observations from the eponymous settlement, the basic criteria
being the stylistic characteristics of the pottery and establishing analogies

12
between other cultural environments. Thus, based on the stratigraphy of the
eponymous settlement, there were established three phases of evolution.
In south western Dobruja there were identified more settlements
attributed to the Babadag culture along its entire evolution. Regarding the
chronological dating of the settlement at Ţibrinu Lake, we must note the
presence of numerous pottery fragments wuth stamped patterns, which
represents a clue for dating this settlement in phase two of Babdag culture. An
additional argument regarding this dating is the presence of the three
instruments used for decorating the pottery through impression. The types of
pottery found at Ţibrinu Lake also have analogies in the settlements dated in
phase two of Babdag culture (10th - 9th century BC).

TURTLE SHELL ITEMS DISCOVERED AT SILISTEA,


BRAILA COUNTY

VIOREL STOIAN

Abstract

In the archaeological researches made in July 2005 at Silistea, Braila


County, were discovered five turtle shell pieces. The discovery place is situated
in the north of Campia Brailei, in the bottom land of Buzau river, on a triangular
hill with 120 metre long, 80 metre base and 10-12 metre altitude. The hill
surface was forceful affected by the ditches made in The First World War and
all research campaigns among 1981-2005 brought to the discovery of a lot of
dwellings, huts, pits and fireplaces dated in Babadag I-II culture.
The turtle shell pieces were discovered in the archaeological layers and
pits along with clay vessels fragments and other inventory objects dated in
Babadag culture, phase I. One of the pieces was found in a pit which contains
ash, burned slake clay and animal bones. This pit could be the remains deposit
of a magic or religious ceremonial.
Watching for published analogies to these pieces I found that they are
unique, but we can find in whole human history a lot of zoomorphic statutes and
representations with turtles.
Beginning from the turtle symbol we can consider these pieces are
linked to a belief which refers to protection and close by home.

Translated by Viorel Stoian

TOMBES GÉTO-DACES DÉCOUVERTES DANS LE


DÉPARTEMENT DE CĂLĂRAŞI

13
DONE
ŞERBĂNESCU

Résumé

Pendant les dernières décennies du dernier millénaire, dans les


collections du Musée de la Civilisation de Gumelniţa-Olteniţa sont entrées
plusieurs découvertes funéraires appartenant à la civilisation des Géto-Daces.
Ces découvertes sont autant fortuites que le résultat des fouilles de sauvetage
de Chirnogi, sur la haute terrasse du Danube, tout près de deux établissements
géto-daces des IIe-Ier siècles av. J.-C. Pendant les travaux agricoles de
Mânăstirea on a découvert une tombe plane d'incinération en urne. L'urne était
représentée par une amphore thassienne de la deuxième moitié du IVe siècle -
la première moitié du IIIe siècle av. J.-C. Dans une autre tombe d'incinération
découverte fortuitement à Spanţov comme urne funéraire a été utilisée une
amphore d'Héraklée du Pont, datant du point de vue typologique de la même
époque. Ces deux tombes planes d'incinération ont appartenu, probablement, à
la population libre et il est possible qu'elles fassent partie d'une nécropole. En
même temps elles reflètent les liaisons commerciales des Gètes avec le monde
hellénistique.
Une nécropole de la même période, de Olteniţa, le lieu dit «Valea
Mare», a été détruite pendant les années 1988-1989 par les constructeurs du
Canal Danube-Bucarest. Les pièces récupérées par les constructeurs sont un
miroir gréco-scythique en bronze décoré sur les bords, une tasse de petites
dimensions et une pointe de lance à nervure médiane en fer du IV e siècle av. J.-
C. D'autres découvertes funéraires ont été faites à Chirnogi, sur la haute
terrasse du Danube, entre ce village-ci et Căscioarele, tout près de plusieurs
établissements géto-daces.
Pendant des recherches de surface, près de «Şuviţa Iorgulescu» on a
découvert une tombe plane d'incinération en urne, datant du II e siècle av. J.-C.
Et non loin de cet endroit, pendant des travaux de terrassement, on a découvert
plusieurs vases entiers qui proviennent, probablement, d'une nécropole gète
d'incinération des IVe - IIIe siècles av. J.-C., qui malheureusement n'a pas pu
être identifiée. Les années 1988-1989, pendant des fouilles archéologiques de
sauvetage sur «Terasa Rudarilor», non loin de l'établissement géto-dace fouillé
par George Trohani en 1971-1972, on a découvert six tombes planes
d'incinération en fosse, ayant des pièces comme mobilier. D'après la
composition de cet inventaire deux tombes ont appartenu à des guerriers,
probablement des mercenaires, et quatre autres tombes d'incinération, ayant
comme offrande une tasse en terre cuite, ont appartenu à des membres de la
communauté locale. Une autre tombe d'incinération en urne a été découverte à
Greaca, le lieu dit «Ristache». Si les sépultures des IVe-IIIe siècles av. J.-C.
découvertes à Mânăstirea, Spanţov, Olteniţa et Chirnogi ne relèvent pas de
grands problèmes, s'intégrant dans les rites et les rituels funéraires pratiqués
par la plus grande partie de la population locale, qui utilisait à peu près en

14
exclusivité l'incinération, les autres tombes datés d'après le rite, le rituel et
l'inventaire funéraire pendant les IIe - Ier siècles av. J.-C. méritent une attention à
part en raison de leur rareté. Tous ceux qui se sont occupé des rituels funéraires
pratiqués par les Géto-Daces sont en unanimité d'accord que, depuis le II e
siècle av. J.-C. et pendant les deux siècles suivants ont eu lieu de profonds
changements dans les habitudes funéraires - les nécropoles disparaissent et les
tombes de la majorité de la population ne peuvent plus être dépistées. Font
exception seulement quelques endroits périphériques. Une de ces zones se
trouve au sud-ouest de la Roumanie et au sud du Danube, dans le nord-ouest
de la Bulgarie, où l’on connaît des tombes planes d'incinération appartenant au
groupe Padea - Panaghiurski - Kolonii et qui sont attribuées à des guerriers,
ayant comme mobilier funéraire de l'armement défensif ou offensif. La période
de manifestation de ce groupe est comprise entre ±150 - ± 50 av. J.-C.
Le rite et les rituels funéraires pratiqués et les pièces d'inventaire
découvertes dans les six sépultures découvertes à Chirnogi ont des
ressemblances avec les complexes funéraires de l'aire du groupe Padea -
Panaghiurskii Kolonii. Dans deux des six tombes d'incinération on a découvert
des objets de mobilier qui ont appartenu à des guerriers, comme sont le casque
et les pièces de harnachement. D'après le fait que les tombes se trouvent tout
près des établissements géto-daces qui ont évolué pendant la même période,
elles ne peuvent appartenir qu’aux membres des collectivités respectives. Les
autres quatre tombes d'incinération en fosse, planes, dans lesquelles on a
déposé rituellement une tasse de petites dimensions, nous les mettons en
liaison avecles membres des communautés gètes locales qui ont été influencé
par les habitudes funéraires pratiquées par les guerriers du groupe Padea -
Panaghiurski Kolonii.La même influence est constatée aussi dans la cas des
tombes tumulaires qui appartiennent à des aristocrates guerriers, comme sont
les tombes tumulaires deRadovanu et Popeşti. Les deux autres tombes
d'incinération en urne, qui datent de cette période, découvertes à Chirnogi et à
Greaca, trouvent des analogies dans les cinq découvertes funéraires de
Zimnicea, appartenant avec certitude à la deuxième moitie du IIe siècle av. J.-C.
Mais, vu le nombre petit des sépultures d'incinération en fosse découvertes
jusqu'à présent en Valachie, nous supposons que pendant les II e - Ier siècles av.
J.-C., à part les habitudes funéraires documentées par les découvertes de
Chirnogi – «Terasa Rudarilo»", Chirnogi – «Şuviţa Iorgulescu» et Greaca, le leiu
dit «Ristache» on utilisait en même temps d'autres habitudes de traitement des
restes funéraires d'incinération des défunts – comme par exemple l'exposition
suivie par la décomposition, les tombes collectives ou le dépôt des restes
cinéraires dans des lieux cachés, des marécages, lacs, ruisseaux etc.

UNE TOMBE SARMATIQUE D’ENFANT TROUVÉE À VLĂDENI-


POPINA BLAGODEASCA (DÉP. DE IALOMITZA)

VALERIU SÎRBU
EMILIA CORBU

15
Résumé

On y présente une tombe d’inhumation d’un enfant, âgé d’un an et


demi-deux ans, tombe qui avait pour mobilier un vase céramique fait à la main,
caractéristique aux Sarmates; la tombe se date aux IIe – IIIe siècles apr. J.-C.

ANALYSE ANTHROPOLOGIQUE D’UNE TOMBE SARMATIQUE DE


VLĂDENI-POPINA BLAGODEASCA (DÉP. DE IALOMITZA)

NICOLAE MIRIŢOIU

Résumé

On y présente l’analyse anthropologique du squelette d’un enfant, au


sexe indéterminable, âgé d’un an et demi-deux ans, appartenant aux Sarmates.
La tombe se date aux IIe – IIIe siècles apr. J.-C. L’enfant souffrait d’anémie. L’on
a constaté une déformation du crâne (du type tabulaire) provoquée à l’aide d’un
baquet ou d’un berceau.

THE FIRST GRAPHIC PORTRAYAL OF


LAURENCIUS COMES DE LONGO CAMPO’S TOMBSTONE

DRAGOŞ MĂNDESCU

Abstract

The author edits a drawing plate showing a graphic portrayal of


Laurencius Comes de Longo Campo’s tombstone from the St. James the Great
Church in Câmpulung Muscel. The draw was found in the Bucharest City History
Museum storage, belonging to Dimitrie C. Butculescu’s archive. This is the first
preserved image of the famous tombstone, made by Butculescu himself during
the archaeological exploration at Câmpulung, in the autumn of 1876 year.

GREAT HIGH OFFICIALS AND GREEK MERCHANTS IN WALLACHIA


IN THE LATE 16th CENTURY

CLAUDIU NEAGOE

16
Abstract

In the 14th and 15th centuries the Greek influence in Wallachia was
obvious either by the connections with the Patriarchate in Constantinople or by
the political and commercial ones with Byzantium. After the fall of
Constantinople in 1453 under Ottoman dominion, the Greek influence could be
seen by means of Serbian and Greek scholars, clergymen and nobility’s as
refugees at the Court of Wallachia.
The amount of south-Danube and especially Greek elements was to
increase in the late of the 16th century when the Romanian Principalities
became subject to the Ottoman Empire, first during the reign of Mircea
Ciobanul and of his heir, Peter, later under the rule of Alexander II Mircea and of
his son, Mihnea II the Renegade. This so called Country Greek had high official
responsibilities in the administrative department of the country, acquired wide
landed property either by prince donation and by purchase, or by being closely
related to the local boyars. On of them was Mihalcea Caragea, who had the
highest position in the country and had owned the largest real estates. As a
great leader, a warrior and a perfect diplomat, he was a loyal subject to Peter
Cercel (1583-1585) and later to his brother in law, Michael the Brave (1593-
1601). By the end of the 16th century Wallachia had almost been overwhelmed
by Greek both politically and socially, as well as economically and commercially,
situation which brought about tough reactions of the local nobility.

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