CULTURA SI CIVILIZATIE

LA DUNAREA DE JOS SERIE NOU, NR. 1

MUZEUL DUNRII DE JOS, CLRAI

ISBN 973-87003-9-6

IN HONOREM
SILVIAE MARINESCU-B
MARINESCU-BLCU
LCU

CULTURA I CIVILIZAIE LA DUNREA DE JOS SERIE NOU, NR. 1

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CULTUR I CIVILIZAIE LA DUNREA DE JOS

XXII

IN HONOREM SILVIA MARINESCU-BLCU

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COLEGIUL DE REDACIE:
Redactor Responsabil: Marian Neagu
Redactori: Ctlin Lazr, Valentin Parnic
Traduceri: Anne Morgan, Ctlina Rdu, Alexandru Dragoman

Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naionale a Romniei

OMAGIU. MARINESCU BLCU, SILVIA
In Honorem Silvia Marinescu Blcu - 70 ani. Bucureti : Daim, 2005
ISBN 973-87003-9-6
902(498) Marinescu-Blcu, S.
929 Marinescu-Blcu, S.

Colegiul de redacie nu rspunde de opiniile exprimate de autori.

Normele de redactare i sistemul de note folosite n aceast publicaie sunt cele
folosite de publicaia European Journal of Archaeology editat de European
Association of Archaeologist i Sage Publications Ltd.
(http://www.e-a-a.org/journal.htm)
Manuscrisele, crile i revistele pentru schimb, precum i orice coresponden
se vor trimite Colegiului de redacie, pe adresa:
Muzeul Dunrii de Jos, str. Progresului, nr.4, Clrai, 910079, jud. Clrai
tel/fax 40242.313.161
e-mail: coslogeni@yahoo.com

Coperta IV: vas cucutenian descoperit la Drgani

Editura DAIM P.H. Bucureti www.daimph.ro

ISBN:973-87003-9-6
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MUZEUL DUNRII DE JOS

In Honorem

Silvia Marinescu-Blcu
70 de ani

Clrai, 2005
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Alexandru Dragoman (Bucureti)

TABULA GRATULATORIA
Florin Draoveanu (Timioara)

Chritos Dumas (Grecia)

Gheorghe Dumitroaia (Piatra Neam)
Georgeta El Susi (Reia)
Alin Frnculeasa (Ploieti)
Constantin Hait (Bucureti)
Sven Hansen (Germania)
Puiu Haotti (Constana)
Mihai Irimia (Constana)
Gabriel Jugnaru (Tulcea)
Atilla Laszlo (Iai)
Gheorghe Lazarovici (Cluj-Napoca)
Cornelia-Magda Lazarovici (Cluj-Napoca)
Ctlin Alexandru Lazr (Clrai)
Clemens Lichter (Germania)
Sabin Adrian Luca (Sibiu)
Radu Lungu (Frana)
Virgil Lungu (Constana)
Dan Lupoi (Clrai)
Janos Makkay (Ungaria)
Lucia Marinescu-eposu (Bucureti)
Mihaela Mnucu-Admeteanu (Bucureti)
Gheorghe Matei (Slobozia)
Michel Maille (Frana)
Zoia Maxim (Cluj Napoca)
Drago Mndescu (Piteti)
Cristian Leonard Micu (Tulcea)
Florian Mihail (Tulcea)
Virgil Mihilescu-Brliba (Iai)
Pavel Mirea (Alexandria)
Nicolae Mirioiu (Bucureti)
Drago Moise (Australia)
Dan Monah (Iai)
Crian Mueeanu (Bucureti)
Evghenia Naidenova (Bulgaria)
John Nandris (Marea Britaniei)
Dan Basarab Nanu (Galai)
Marian Neagu (Clrai)
Marin Nica (Craiova)
Eugen Nicolae (Bucureti)
Irina Oberlnder-Trnoveanu (Bucureti)
Vasile Oprea (Clrai)
Ioan Opri (Bucureti)
Adriana Oprinescu-Rusu (Reia)
Marcel Otte (Belgia)
Nona Palinca (Bucureti)
Iuliu Paul (Alba Iulia)
Stnic Pandrea (Brila)

Sorin Cristian Ailinci (Tulcea)

Petre Alexandrescu (Bucureti)
Emilian Alexandrescu (Bucureti)
Marius Alexianu (Iai)
Radian Romus Andreescu (Bucureti)
Alexandru Avram (Frana)
Mircea Babe (Bucureti)
Douglass W. Bailey (Marea Britaniei)
Krum Bacvarov (Bulgaria)
Alexandru Barnea (Bucureti)
Victor Bauman (Tulcea)
Adrian Blescu (Bucureti)
Maria Brbulescu (Constana)
Vitalie Brc (Cluj-Napoca)
Diana Bindea (Cluj-Napoca)
Carmen Bem (Bucureti)
Ctlin Drago Bem (Bucureti)
Doinea Benea (Timioara)
Adina Boronean (Bucureti)
Maria Bitiri Ciortescu (Bucureti)
Ioana Bogdan-Ctniciu (Cluj-Napoca)
Octavian Bounegru (Iai)
Elena Busuioc (Bucureti)
Gheorghe I. Cantacuzino (Bucureti)
Joseph Canataci (Malta)
Marin Crciumaru (Trgovite)
John Chapman (Marea Britaniei)
Marius Mihai Ciut (Alba Iulia)
Ionel Cndea (Brila)
Florin Constantiniu (Bucureti)
Jean-Marie Cordy (Belgia)
Zaharia Covacef (Constana)
Vasile Cotiug (Iai)
Oana Damian (Bucureti)
Paul Damian (Bucureti)
Lidia Dasclu (Botoani)
Valentin Dergacev (Chiinu)
Petre Diaconu (Bucureti)
Marin Dinu (Iai)
Adrian Dobo (Bucureti)
Roxana Dobrescu (Bucureti)
Ctlin Dobrinescu (Constana)
Suzana Dolinescu-Ferche (Bucureti)
Catrinel Domneanu (Bucureti)
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Nikola Tasi (Serbia)

Dan Gh. Teodor (Iai)
Silvia Teodor (Iai)
Silviu Teodor (Bucureti)
Stoilka Terzijska-Ignatova (Bulgaria)
Laurens Thissen (Olanda)
Henrieta Todorova (Bulgaria)
Mihai Tomescu (S.U.A.)
Florin Topoleanu (Tulcea)
George Trohani (Bucureti)
Ersilia Tudor (Bucureti)
Ecaterina nreanu (Alexandria)
Mircea Udrescu (Belgia)
Nicolae Ursulescu (Iai)
Valentin Vasiliev (Alba Iulia)
Mirela Vernescu (Brila)
Florin Vlad (Slobozia)
Valentina Mihaela Voinea (Constana)
Alexandru Vulpe (Bucureti)
Pompilia Zaharia (Alexandria)
Vladimir Zbenovi (Israel)

Tudor Papasima (Germania)

Gheorghe Papuc (Constana)
Valentin Aurel Parnic (Clrai)
Eugen Pavele (Ploieti)
Jan Pavk (Slovacia)
Anca Punescu (Bucureti)
Mircea Petrescu-Dmbovia (Iai)
Traian Popa (Giurgiu)
Gabi Popescu (Bucureti)
Dragomir Popovici (Bucureti)
Eugenia Popuoi (Brlad)
Valentin Radu (Bucureti)
Florin Rdulescu (Clrai)
Elena Rena (Slobozia)
Cristian Schuster (Bucureti)
Michel Louis Sfriads (Frana)
Gavril Simion (Tulcea)
Vladimir Slavchev (Bulgaria)
Andrei Dorian Soficaru (Bucureti)
Valeriu Srbu (Brila)
Alexandru Suceveanu (Bucureti)
Done erbnescu (Oltenia)
Clin uteu (Alba Iulia)

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CUPRINS

Silvia Marinescu Blcu i cercetarea arheologic........................................ 9

STUDII I ARTICOLE
Adina Boronean

Early Neolithic Lithic Industries (The Banat and Transylvania) .......................... 19

Pavel Mirea,

Consideraii asupra locuirii Starevo-Cri din sud-vestul Munteniei ..................... 37

Z. Maxim

Snake Symbolistic in the Prehistory of the South - East Europe .......................... 53

Diana Bindea

Zooarcheological Aspects Regarding the Economic Life of Preand Proto-historical Sites from Transylvania ..................................................... 63
Douglass Bailey,

Studying the Neolithic: An Argument Against Generalization .............................. 85

M. Seferiades

Note shamanique: A propos du bucrane nolithique de Dikili Tash (Macdoine

orientale grecque) ......................................................................................... 97
Sabin Adrian Luca

New Discoveries of the Neolithic and Eneolithic Fine Arts at Miercurea SibiuluiPetri, Trtria and Lumea Nou ....................................................................115
Evghenia Naidenova,

Characteristics and Analogies in Vdastra Pottery Found South of the Danube ...127
Radian Romus Andreescu,

Valea Teleormanului. Mediul i comunitile umane n mileniul V a.Chr. .............141

Constantin Hait,

Preliminary Considerations on the Sedimentological Sondages Performed

in the Neo-eneolithic Tell Borduani Popin.....................................................151
Vladimir Slavchev

About the Beginning of Gumelnia Culture in North-East of Balkan Peninsula .....161

A. Blescu, D. Moise, V. Radu,

The Palaeoeconomy of Gumelnia Communities on the Territory of Romania .....167

Mihai Tomescu,

Probing the Seasonality Signal in Pollen Spectra of Eneolithic Coprolites

(Hrova-tell, Constana County, Southeast Romania) .....................................207
Cristian Micu, Michel Maille, Florian Mihail,

Outils et pices en pierre portant des traces de faonnage et/ou dutilisation

dcouverts Luncavia (dep. de Tulcea) ........................................................223
Stnic Pandrea, Mirela Vernescu,

Cteva observaii referitoare la raporturile dintre cultura Gumelnia

i cultura Precucuteni....................................................................................263
John Chapman,

Contextual Archaeology and Burnt House Assemblages: Categorical

Analysis of Pottery from Late Neolithic Cscioarele, Romania ............................279
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Ctlin Lazr, Andrei Soficaru,

Consideraii preliminare asupra unor oase umane descoperite n aezarea

gumelniean de la Cscioarele-Ostrovel.........................................................297
C. Bem, A. Blescu,

A few Considerations Regardinfg an Exceptional Archaeological Situation.

Foundation Pit of the Settlement or Occasional Offering? .................................317
Svend Hansen,

Eine tnerne Rassel in Schildkrtengestalt aus Mgura Gorgana bei

Pietrele, jud. Giugiu ......................................................................................337
Valentin Parnic, Ctlin Lazr,

Plastica antropomorf gumelniean de la Mriua La Movil .........................351

Marian Neagu

Noi descoperiri n aezarea de la Cscioarele-Ostrovel .....................................371

Stoilka Terzijska-Ignatova

Newly Found Bone Figurines at Tell Yunatsite, Pazardzhik Region, Bulgaria .......377

Valentina Voinea,

Gesturi i semnificaii n arta gumelniean .....................................................383

Gheorghe Lazarovici, Cornelia Magda Lazarovici,

Contribuii privind arhitectura eneoliticului din Banat, Criana i Transilvania......399

Ctlin Dobrinescu, Constantin Hait,

Aezri de tip cenuar din bronzul trziu n sud-estul Romniei .........................421

Drago Mndescu,

Considrations sur la chronologie relative et absolute de la ncropole

Gte de professeur Ichirkovo, rgion Silistra (Bulgarie du nord-est) ..................429
Valeriu Srbu, Vitalie Brc

Figurative Representations on Sarmatian and Geto-Dacian Phalerae

of 2nd -1st Centuries ......................................................................................441
E. nreanu,

Date despre locuirea medieval romneasc din castrul roman de la Poiana

Flmnda, judeul Teleorman ........................................................................455

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SILVIA MARINESCU-BLCU
I CERCETAREA ARHEOLOGIC
Demn motenitoare i continuatoare a activitii prestigioase a lui Vladimir
Dumitrescu, doamna Silvia Marinescu-Blcu i-a dedicat ntreaga via cercetrii
arheologice, din care a fcut o profesiune de credin. Pasiunea, abnegaia i
devotamentul pentru arheologie au fost exemplar i strlucit dublate de
profesionalism, disciplin, rigurozitate, exigen i de o aleas responsabilitate n
tot ceea ce a fptuit. Toate aceste caliti ntruchipate ntr-o personalitate foarte
puternic ce nu i-a nclcat principiile au proiectat-o ntr-o ipostaz de adevrat
mentor al arheologiei preistorice contemporane.
Silvia Marinescu-Blcu nu a fost doar o conductoare de doctorate, ci i-a
asumat rolul formator a cel puin dou generaii de arheologi sau cercettori
preistoricieni. Doctoranzii domniei sale au fost i sunt sprijinii i ndrumai pas cu
pas, precum sunt nvai puii s zboare de ctre pasrea-mam. Paradoxal, n
ciuda exigenei sale proverbiale, este nzestrat cu o sensibilitate rar i a neles i
participat trit la cea mai nalt temperatur la emoiile prin care au trecut
colaboratorii i doctoranzii domniei sale.
Asemenea lui Vladimir Dumitrescu, Silvia Marinescu-Blcu a pus accentul pe
rolul moralei n arheologie. Silvia Marinescu-Blcu nu a fcut compromisuri
tiinifice, conduita-i exemplar aducndu-i n nu puine situaii multe necazuri i
probleme n anii comunismului, dar i dup 1990! Astfel, majoritatea doctoranzilor
i-au devenit i discipoli ! Pregtirea doctoratelor Doctoratele sau simplele ntlniri
ntlnirile cu Silvia Marinescu-Blcu au devenit o adevrat coal de preistorie la
care s-au format arheologi sau cercettori nsemnai precum Radian Romus
Romulus Andreescu, Puiu Haotti, Dragomir Popovici, Sabin Adrian Luca, Valentina
Voinea, Roxana Dobrescu, Stnic Pandrea, Cristian Micu, Ctlin Bem, Mihai
Tomescu, Adrian Blescu, Drago Moise, Valentin Radu, Cornel Beldiman,
Emilian Alexandrescu, Florin Vlad, Costel Hait, Pavel Mirea, Valentin Parnic sau
Ctlin Lazr. Eforturile de a lega ntr-o strategie unitar cercetarea arheologic
preistoric de pe cele dou maluri ale Dunrii s-au concretizat n doctoratul
arheologului bulgar din Oreahovo, Evghenia Naidenova.
Doamna preistoriei romneti are o viziune aparte asupra fenomenului
tiinific i al integrrii sale culturale. n perioada de incertitudini i chiar
degringolad, ce nu a ocolit nici arheologia romneasc dup evenimentele din
decembrie 1989!, Silvia Marinescu-Blcu a fost una din minile luminate ale
cercetrii tiinifice romneti. Dei adversar a sistemului unei centralizri
excesive, a pledat pentru metode unitare de cercetare n cadrul unei strategii care
s fac cunoscute n toat lumea cele mai importante descoperiri i cercetri
arheologice romneti. Astfel, Trpeti i Drgueni sunt monografii arheologice ce
constituie modele, nu doar n cercetarea romneasc, ci recunoscute pe plan
internaional. Deloc ntmpltor, prima monografie dedicat sitului de la Trpeti
(Marinescu-Blcu 1981) a fost publicat la Oxford, n prestigioasa serie BAR, iar cea
de-a doua, Drgueni (Marinescu-Blcu, Bolomey 2000) editat chiar de celebrul
Institut Arheologic German i Institutul de Arheologie Vasile Prvan! Pentru
monografia arheologic Trpeti a obinut Premiul Academiei Romne n anul 1981.
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Nume de rezonan ale arheologiei europene i-au devenit prieteni sau colaboratori
precum M. Garaanin, N. Tasi, Bogdan Brukner, din Serbia, Nandor Kalicz, Janos
Makkay din Ungaria, Jan Pavk din Slovacia, Vladimir Dergacev din Republica
Moldova, Henrieta Todorova din Bulgaria, Arend von Mayer din Germania, John
Chapman i Douglass Bailey din Marea Britanie. Practic, majoritatea colaborrilor
internaionale din domeniul preistoriei s-au bucurat de consilierea important a
doamnei Silvia Marinescu-Blcu.
ntotdeauna a tratat cu maximum de profesionalism i responsabilitate toate
descoperirile arheologice la care a luat parte, nu doar pe cele preistorice. Astfel,
Silvia Marinescu-Blcu a elaborat articole i studii despre materialele arheologice
hallstattiene sau geto-dacice, ori a valorificat exemplar descoperirile numismatice.
Una din caracteristicile activitii sale tiinifice o constituie abordarea frontal
a marilor probleme ale arheologiei preistorice romneti i sud-est europene,
precum cultura Cri, Precucuteni i Cucuteni, cultura ceramicii liniare sau
Gumelnia, relaiile cu lumea neo-eneoliticului sud-est european, egeic i
microasiatic, problemele vieii spirituale, expert unic n studierea statuetelor
antropomorfe i zoomorfe.
Silvia Marinescu-Blcu a nfruntat cu senintate i demnitate ostilitatea unor
colegi i arheologi, fr a renuna la principiile sale de-o via. mplinirea celor 70
de ani cu aceiai distincie, elegan i senintate ne pune n postura de a-i ura s
rmn tnr la suflet, iar binecunoscuta-i energie s-i lumineze activitatea
tiinific nc muli ani de acum ncolo!
Marian Neagu

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SILVIA MARINESCU-BLCU 70 DE ANI

Nscut la Braov - 1 ianuarie 1935, a absolvit Facultatea de Istorie a
Universitii din Bucureti, Secia de Istorie Veche i Arheologie n vara anului
1958, trecnd atunci i examenul de stat cu o lucrare privind epoca roman,
intitulat Monografia oraului Dierna.
i-a susinut teza de doctorat cu lucrarea Cultura Precucuteni pe teritoriul Moldovei,
n aprilie 1971, n cadrul Facultii de Istorie a Universitii Al. I. Cuza din Iai, titlul fiindui confirmat de comisia superioara de diplome n noiembrie 1971.
Lucreaz la Institutul de Arheologie "Vasile Prvan" din toamna anului 1957;
angajat iniial pentru scurt timp ndrumtor, iar din vara anului 1958 pn la
data pensionrii (1 dec. 1999) a lucrat fr nici-o ntrerupere. Dup aceast dat
a devenit cercettor principal I asociat al aceluiai Institut.
Activitatea de teren a nceput-o nc din anii studeniei: 1955 Histria; 19561957 Traian; 1957 Bicaz, continund-o n toi anii urmtori. A lucrat pe teren ca
membr n colectivele de la Traian (1958-1961); Cscioarele (1962-1968);
Trpeti (1961-1963); Histria (1965); Topile (1969); Drgueni (1970-1972),
rspunznd de diverse sectoare. A condus spturile arheologice de la Trpeti
(1959-1960, 1964-1965, 1968); Grumzeti (1960, 1971-1972); GhigoetiTrudeti (1969-1970); Hneti (1971); Drgueni (1973-1985); Piatra oimului Calu (1973-1974); Gumelnia-necropol i Brlaleti, ultimele dou reducndu-se
numai la mici sondagii; Izvoare (1987-1990); Borduani (1986-1999); Ciulnia
(1992-1996); Luncavia i Isaccea (1997-1998); Bucani (1998).
n cadrul Institutului a activat ntre anii 1958-1965 la secia Muzeu. n urma
concursului susinut n anul 1965, a fost numit cercettor tiinific la Secia
Sclavagist, n cadrul creia s-a preocupat de probleme legate de "Meteugurile
n Dacia Roman". Totodat a executat o sptur ntr-un tumul al marii
necropole de la Histria, sptur pe care a valorificat-o ntr-o comunicare
susinut la Institut i mai apoi ntr-un articol publicat n Studii i Cercetri de
Istorie Veche.
Din 1969, a obinut mutarea la Secia Preistoric, unde n primvara anului
1972 a trecut i examenul de cercettor tiinific principal gradul III, n octombrie
1991 pe acela de cercettor tiinific principal gradul II, iar de la 1 ianuarie 1994
este cercettor tiinific principal gradul I.
ncepnd cu anul 1992 conduce n cadrul Institutului doctorate la
specialitatea Arheologie Preistoric. n aceast calitate apte dintre cei nscrii au
devenit doctor, n istorie, zece fiind nc doctoranzi. Este membr n comitetul de
redacie al revistei Dacia, redactor responsabil al revistei Studii de Preistorie i
membr n comitetul de redacie al revistei Cultur i Civilizaie la Dunrea de
Jos. Cu ncepere din 1995 pn la data pensionrii a fcut parte din Consiliul
tiinific al Institutului.
ncepnd cu anul 1959, s-a ocupat de culturile epocii neo-eneolitice, n mod
special de probleme legate de culturile Precucuteni, Cucuteni i Gumelnia, mai
apoi de acelea ale culturilor liniar-ceramic i Cri, precum i de marile probleme
ale neo-eneoliticului sud-est european, microasiatic i egeic. n cadrul acestor
preocupri a valorificat materiale provenite att din spturi recente (Trpeti,
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Cscioarele, Ghioeti-Trudeti, Larga-Jijiei, Mandrica, Andrieeni etc.), ct i din

vechile colecii ale Muzeului Naional de Antichiti i ale altor muzee din ar
(Oltenia, Tg. Mure, Piatra Neam, Iai, etc.).
Lucrarea de sintez publicat "Cultura Precucuteni pe teritoriul Romniei" a
fost rezultatul unei munci susinute de teren, n muzee i biblioteci i a unui
studiu amnunit asupra tuturor materialelor aparinnd acestei culturi de pe
ntreaga ei arie de rspndire.
A studiat materiale neo-eneolitice dintr-o serie de muzee din ara - Iai,
Piatra Neam, Tg. Neam, Bacu, Alba Iulia, Sibiu, Cluj-Napoca, Braov, Sf.
Gheorghe, Miercurea Ciuc, Constana etc. S-a preocupat ns i de alte perioade
valorificnd n diverse studii, materiale arheologice halltattiene, geto-dacice i
chiar descoperiri numismatice.
n anul 1981 a redactat i publicat monografia Trpeti, aprut la Oxford, n
prestigioasa serie B.A.R. Aceast lucrare a obinut premiul "Vasile Prvan" al
Academiei Romne.
ncepnd din 1960 a redactat i rapoartele preliminare asupra tuturor
spturilor conduse de domnia sa, care au fost predate direciunii Institutului,
dar i prezentate la sesiunile anuale de rapoarte: Bucureti, Tulcea (1980),
Braov (1981), Vaslui (1982), Ploieti (1983), Alba-lulia (1984), Deva (1987),
Timioara (1988), Sibiu (1989), Arad (1990), Piatra Neam (1991), lai (1992),
Constana (1993), Satu Mare (1994), Cluj-Napoca (1995), Brila (1996),
Bucureti (1997), Clrai (1998).
A prezentat comunicri tiinifice att n cadrul Institutului ct i la diverse
sesiuni ale unor muzee din ar (Constana, Cluj-Napoca, Botoani, Piatra Neam,
Alba Iulia, Clrai, Vaslui, Slobozia, Timioara etc.), la simpozioane i Congrese
internaionale (Praga, Szkesfehrvr, Plovdiv, Nice etc).
De asemenea, a publicat n revistele din ar i din strintate peste 70
(aptezeci) de articole i a redactat i predat direciunii Institutului 18
(optsprezece) rapoarte preliminare de spturi.
n anii 1970 i 1980 n cadrul schimbului de experien a fcut cltorii de
studii n URSS, n 1977 n Polonia, n 1991 n Republica Moldova, iar n 1996 n
Iran. Cu burse de studii oferite de Asociaia Internaional de Studii sud-est
Europene a ntreprins cltorii de studii n Iugoslavia (1969), Turcia (1971), Italia
(1972). Pe cont propriu a fcut cltorii de studii n Bulgaria i Ungaria, unde a
vizitat muzeele i institutele de specialitate, studiind cu precdere materialele
neo-eneolitice.
n anul 1994 a beneficiat de o burs de dou luni n Grecia, oferit de
lnstitutul Arheologic German.
A colaborat la ntocmirea bibliografiei preistorice romneti (1965-1970), care
urmeaz s fie publicat n seria Council for Old World Archaeology (SUA).
De asemenea, a redactat o serie de voci att pentru Dicionarul Enciclopedic
de Istorie Veche i Arheologie (vol I-II i III), ct i pentru Enciclopedia Istoric

Romn.

n anul 2000 a publicat (n colaborare cu Alexandra Bolomey) rezultatele

spturilor de la Drgueni (jud. Botoani).
n acelai timp a publicat o serie de articole avnd ca subiect cele mai
spectaculoase descoperiri neo-eneolitice de pe teritoriul rii noastre, precum i o
serie de recenzii asupra unor lucrri de specialitate.

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LISTA DE LUCRRI
Volume:
1. Catalogul sculpturilor gumelniene din Muzeul Oltenia, Sibiu, 1967, 43
pag., 21 plane (n colaborare cu B. Ionescu).

2. Cultura Precucuteni pe teritoriul Romniei, Bucureti, 1974, 212 pag., 95

figuri (Ed. Academiei).

3. Trpeti. From Prehistory to History in Eastern Romania, BAR,

International Series, 107, Oxford, 1981, 173 pag., 245 figuri.

4. Drgueni. A Cucutenian Community, Bucureti, 2000, 198 pag., 190 fig.,

4 plane color (n colaborare cu Al. Bolomey).

Articole:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.

Sondajul de la Trpeti. Materiale i Cercetri Arheologice VIII, 1962:

235-243.
Dou vase zoomorfe din cultura Gumelnia. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie
Veche 2, 1961: 345-358.
Un torques geto-dacic, de argint, descoperit n Moldova. Studii i
Cercetri de Istorie Veche 1, 1962: 111-114.
Un nou topor de silex lefuit descoperit n Moldova de nord-vest. Studii
i Cercetri de Istorie Veche 1, 1962: 91-93.
O statuet neolitic de marmor descoperit la Gumelnia. Studii i
Cercetri de Istorie Veche 2, 1963: 139-144.
Noi urme bastarne n Moldova de nord-est. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie
Veche 2, 1963: 413-418.
Klad Bronzovih izdelii v Oinake. Dacia N.S. VII, 1963: 517-526.
Reflets des rapports entre les civilisation de Hamangia et de Precucuteni
dans la plastique precucutenienne de Trpeti. Dacia N.S VIII, 1964:
307-312.
Unele probleme ale perioadei de tranziie de la neolitic la epoca bronzului
n Moldova, n lumina a trei morminte plane de inhumaie descoperite la
Trpeti. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche 2, 1964: 241-250.
Un atelier nolithique pour la taille des haches en silex. Archaelogicke
Rozhledy XVII (1), 1965: 48-53.
Not asupra descoperirilor carpo-dacice de la Trpeti. Fasti
Archaeologici XVII (1962), 1965: 435.
Asupra unui depozit de bronzuri de la Oinac. Revista Muzeelor III (4),
1966: 349-352.
Cteva descoperiri geto-dacice de la Cscioarele. Studii i Cercetri de
Istorie Veche 3, 1966: 113-123.
Lhabitat cramique rubane de la station nolithique de Trpeti et
quelques problmes de la cramique rubane en Roumanie. Actes du
VII Congres International des Sciences Prhistorique et Protohistorique,
Praga, 1966: 423-426.
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15. Die Bedeutung einigter Gesten und Haltungen in der jungsteinzeitlichen

Skulptur der Aus.serkarpatischen Gebiete Rumaniens. Dacia N.S. XI,
1967: 47-58.
16. Unele probleme ale neoliticului moldovenesc n lumina spturilor de la
Trpeti. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche 3, 1968: 395-422.
17. Not asupra descoperirilor La Tene de la Cscioarele. Fasti Archaeologici
XVIII-XIX (1963-1964), 1968: 401.
18. Un mormnt tumular din necropola Histria. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie
Veche 20 (4), 1969: 587-593.
19. Aspetcs tardifs de la civilisation cramique rubane et sa contribution
la gense de la civilisation Prcucuteni I. Praehistorische Zeitschrift 46
(1), 1971: 4-36.
20. Quelques aspects du problme de l'apport de la cramique rubane la
formation de la civilisation Prcucuteni I. Alba Regia XII (1971), 1972:
162-171.
21. Asupra unor aspecte ale raporturilor dintre culturile Precucuteni i
Hamangia. Pontica 5, 1972: 29-38.
22. A propos des influences de la culture Prcucuteni sur la culture de
Hamangia, la lumire de quelques dcouvertes indites de Dobrogea.
Dacia N.S. XVI, 1972: 53-73.
23. De ce nu se poate vorbi de analogii ntre anurile de la Trpeti i cele
de la Suceveni. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche 23 (3), 1972: 433440.
24. Tipuri de aezri i sisteme artificiale de aprare n cultura
Precucuteni. Memoria Antiquitatis IV-V (1972-1973), 1976: 55-64.
25. Contributions au probleme de le gense de la culture Prcucuteni.
Studii i Comunicri Sibiu 18, 1974: 9-30.
26. "Dansul ritual" n reprezentrile plastice neo-eneolitice din Moldova.
Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche i Arheologie 25 (2), 1974: 167-179.
27. Cteva observaii asupra sculpturii n lut a culturii Hamangia i influena ei
asupra plasticii culturii Precucuteni. Peuce VI, 1977: 13-17.
28. La plastica in terracotta della cultura precucuteniana. Rivista di scienze
preistorische XXIX (2), 1974: 399-436.
29. Cultura Precucuteni n Cmpia Moldovei. Din trecutul judeului Botoani
I, Botoani, 1974: 49-53.
30. Asupra unor probleme ale culturii Cri. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche
i Arheologie 26 (4), 1975: 487-506.
31. Relaii ntre culturile Precucuteni i Boian-Gumelnia. Studii i Cercetri
de Istorie Veche i Arheologie 27 (3), 1976: 347-353.
32. Atti des Simposio internazionalle sulla antica eta del Bronzo in Europa
(recenzie). Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche i Arheologie 27 (4),
1976: 581-583.
33. Unele probleme ale plasticii antropomorfe neo-eneolitice din Romnia
i relaiile ei cu Mediterana Oriental. Pontica X, 1977: 37-43.
34. Unele probleme ale fazei Cucuteni A n lumina spturilor arheologice
de la Topile. Cercetri Istorice VIII, 1977: 125-144.
35. Les problmes de la plastique no-nolithique en Roumanie et ses
rapports avec la Mediterane Oriental. Actes du IX Congres
International des Sciences Prhistorique et Protohistorique, Nice, 1976.
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36. Unele aspecte ale legturilor dintre neo-eneoliticul romnesc i

culturile egeice i microasiatice. Pontica XIII, 1980: 57-65.
37. n ce zon i cum s-a putut face trecerea de la ultima faz a culturii
Precucuteni la prima faz a culturii Cucuteni. Studii i Comunicri Sibiu
21, 1981: 27-34.
38. Drgueni (jud Botoani). Raport de spturi. Materiale i Cercetri
Arheologice XIV, 1980: 100-102.
39. Unele probleme ale nceputurilor neoliticului la est de Carpaii Orientali.
Anuarul Muzeului Judeean Suceava VIII, 1981: 163-167.
40. Contributions to the Ecology of Pre-and Proto-Historic Habitations at
Trpei. Dacia N.S. XXV, 1981: 7-31 (n colaborare).
41. Cteva elemente de cultura Noua i hallstattiene descoperite n Moldova
central. Thraco-Dacica II, 1981: 147-159.
42. n legtur cu cteva opinii ale unor cercettori strini asupra neoeneoliticului romnesc. Pontica XIV, 1981: 39-46.
43. Au sujet de quelques opinions d'auteurs etrangeres sur le nonolithique de Roumanie. Dacia N.S. XXVI, 1982: 153-156.
44. Le dbut et les tapes de la culture Prcucuteni ainsi que ses relations
avec la culture Tripolje. Thracia Praehistorica . Supplementum
Pulpudeva 3, 1982: 23-44.
45. n legtur cu cteva opinii privind originea i evoluia neoliticului i
eneoliticului pe teritoriul Moldovei. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche i
Arheologie 34 (2), 1983: 116-128.
46. Cercetrile de la Drgueni, jud. Botoani. Materiale i Cercetri
Arheologice XV, 1983: 82-85.
47. Ecological, economic and behavioural aspects of the Cucuteni A4
Community at Drgueni. Dacia N.S. XXVIII (1-2), 1984: 41-46 (n
colaborare).
48. propos de statuette du type "Le penseur " de l'Atique et le problme
de ses ventuelles relations avec celle de Cernavoda. Dacia N.S. XXIX
(1-2), 1985: 119-123.
49. nceputurile i etapele culturii Precucuteni i relaiile sale cu cultura
Tripolie. Memoria Antiquitatis IX-XI (1977-1979), 1985: 419-428.
50. Contribuii la ecologia locuirilor pre- i protoistorice de la Trpeti.
Memoria Antiquitatis IX-XI (1977-1979), 1985: 643-684 (n colaborare).
51. O statuet cicladic de "gnditor" i eventualele sale legturi cu piese
similare din Romnia. Cultur i Civilizaie la Dunrea de Jos I, 1985:
83-89.
52. Unele probleme ale culturii Cucuteni-Tripolie. Cultur i Civilizaie la
Dunrea de Jos III-IV, 1987: 39-48.
53. Industria osului n aezarea cucuteniana de la Drgueni-Ostrov. Studii
i Cercetri de Istorie Veche i Arheologie 39 (4), 1988: 331-353 (n
colaborare).
54. Ceramica cucutenian de la Drgueni: tradiii, creaii proprii, aspecte
regionale. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche i Arheologie 40 (3), 1989:
215-239.
55. Tezaurul de monede romane descoperit la Trpeti. Studii i Cercetri
de Numismatic IX, 1989: 43-51 (n colaborare).
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56. Asko et rhytons nolithiques des rgions balkano-danubiennes et leur

relations avec la Sud, la lumiere de quelques pieces de Cscioarele.
Dacia N.S. XXXIV, 1990: 5-21.
57. Stratigrafie i tipologie n cercetarea neoliticului i eneoliticului. Studii i
Cercetri de Istorie Veche i Arheologie 42 (3-4), 1991: 113-119.
58. Sur quelques problmes du nolihique et du nolithique Vest des
Carpathes Orientales. Dacia N.S. XXXV, 1991: 5-59.
59. Coliers de "Lithospermum purpureo coeruleum" et "prles" de cerf dans
l'nolithique de Roumanie dans la contexte Central et Sud-Est
Europen. Prehistoire Europaenne, vol. 2, Lige, 1992: 70-88 (n
colaborare).
60. Coliere de "Lithospermum purpureo coeruleum" i "perle" de cerb n
neoliticul din Romnia n contextul centrului i sud-estului Europei. Studii
i Cercetri de Istorie Veche i Arheologie 43 (4), 1992: 355-370 (n
colaborare).
61. Spturile arheologice de la Izvoare - Piatra Neam din anul 1987.
Memoria Antiquitatis XVIII, 1992: 173-181 (n colaborare).
62. Les Carpathes Orientales et la Moldavie. Atlas du Nolithique europen.
L'Europe orientale. E.R.A.U.L., Lige, 1993: 191-241.
63. Un vas cultic cucutenian de la Izvoare - Piatra Neam. Memoria
Antiquitatis XIX, 1994: 97-114 (n colaborare).
64. Elemente trzii n ceramica Cucuteni A de la Drgueni i relaiile
acestora cu descoperirile de la Traian-Dealul Fntnilor. Memoria
Antiquitatis XIX, 1994: 115-126.
65. Les contributions de Vladimir Dumitrescu pour dfinir le concept de
complexe culturel Ariud-Cucuteni-Tripolje et pour la connaisance de ses
origines et de son volution interne. In Dumitroaia, Gh., Monah, D. (eds.)
Cucuteni aujourd'hui, Piatra Neam, 1996: 27-38.
66. Consideraii pe marginea organizrii interne a unora dintre aezrile
culturilor din complexul Precucuteni-Cucuteni. Cultur i Civilizaie la
Dunrea de Jos XV, 1997: 165-201.
67. Industria materialelor dure animale n cadrul culturii Starevo-Cri de pe
teritoriul Romniei. Aezarea de la Grumzeti, judeul Neam. Memoria
Antiquitatis XXI, 1996: 273-296 (n colaborare).
68. Archaeological Researches at Borduani-Popina (Ialomita County).
Preliminary Report 1993-1994. Cercetri Arheologice X, 1997: 35-143 (n
colaborare).
69. antierul arheologic Bucani (jud. Giurgiu). Raport preliminar. Campania
1998. Buletinul Muzeului Teohari Antonescu II-IV, 1996-1998: 93-102
(n colaborare).
70. Les recherches archologiques de sauvetage de Ciulnitza, dep. de
Ialomia (1994-1997). Pratiques funraires dans l'Europe des XIIIe -IV'
s. av. J. C. Actes du III Colloque International d'Archologie Funraire,
Tulcea, 2000: 149-165 (n colaborare).
71. Rhyta sau vase zoomorfe? Buletinul Muzeului Teohari Antonescu V-VI,
1999-2000: 251-261.
72. Sur lorganisation interne de certaines station des cultures des complexe
Boian-Gumelnitza et Prcucuteni-Cucuteni. Cercetri Arheologice XI (1),
1998-2000: 321-336.
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73. Noi descoperiri de la Gumelnia. Cultur i civilizaie la Dunrea de Jos

XVI-XVII, 2001: 114-144 (n colaborare).
74. Noi dovezi ale tradiiilor precucuteniene n mediul cultural cucutenian.
Studii de Preistorie 1, 2001: 95-104.
75. A Few Observations on the internal organization of Gumelnia
communities on Lake Ctlui Islet. In Memoriam Vladimir Dumitrescu.
Cultur i Civilizaie la Dunrea de Jos XIX, 2001: 147-153.
76. Aezarea eneolitic de pe insula "La Ostrov" lacul Taaul (Nvodari, jud.
Constana). Raport preliminar- campaniile 1999-2000. Pontica XXXIIIXXXIV, 2001: 123-170 (n colaborare).
77.
. Stratum Plus II, 2001-2002: 164-169.
78. Cu privire la unele piese tiate din corn de cerb. Buletinul Muzeului
Teohari Antonescu VII-VIII, 2001-2002: 103-112.
79. Ace de pr descoperite n tell-ul de la Atmgeua-Ttrasc. In Cndea,
I., Srbu, V., Neagu, M. (eds.)Prinos lui Petre Diaconu la 80 de ani,
Clrai-Brila, 2004: 35-40 (n colaborare).
80. Piscul Corniorului. Studii de Preistorie 2 (2003-2004), 2005: 143-180 (n
colaborare).
81. Noi date privind depuneri rituale n peteri din Mehedini. Studii de
Preistorie 2 (2003-2004), 2005: 207-213 (n colaborare).
La acestea se adaug un numr de peste 50 comunicri tiinifice inute n
ar i strintate, articole aprute n pres, informaii la radio i emisiuni
televizate, toate referitoare la cele mai spectaculoase descoperiri neo-eneolitice
fcute pe teritoriul Romniei.

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18

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ADINA BORONEAN*

EARLY NEOLITHIC LITHIC INDUSTRIES (THE

BANAT AND TRANSYLVANIA1)

Abstract: Industria litic a neoliticului timpuriu in Romania pare s fie sraca i puin variat. Articolul
i propune s demonstreze c n parte, aceasta se datoreaz nepublicrii materialului litic cioplit sau
lefuit. In acelai timp, se propune o metodologie nou- chaine operatoire'- n abordarea industriei
litice cioplite, se discut avantajele i aplicaiile analizei litice in contextul mai larg al arheologiei sitului.
O trecere n revist a materialului arheologic publicat pn n prezent arat c preocuprile, au cuprins
mai degrab determinarea surselor de materii prime, analiza tipologic i mai puin tehnicile de cioplire
i modul de utilizare al uneltelor, ceea ce ar aduce o abordare dinamic industriei litice. Se discut
sursele de materii prime din zon, tipologia, microlitismul, i prin aceasta, eventualele contacte cu
mezoliticul din zon. Industria litic lefuit pare la fel de slab reprezentat. Tipologia este neclar i
exist tipuri de unelte care nu par a se ncadra n definiia tradiional de piatr lefuit dar nici n cea
cioplit. Pentru aceasta am propus adoptarea unei definiii din literatura de specialitate strin care
lrgete acest concept. Numrul mare de aezri ale neoliticului timpuriu din Transilvania ne
ndreptete s credem - i descoperirile recente din Ungaria si Slovacia ne confirm acest lucru- c
industria litic este mai bogat i mai variat decat se credea dar c relaiile sale cu mezoliticul rmn
nc neclare.
Keywords: early neolithic, Starevo-Cri culture, lithic industries, tools, sourcing of the raw materials.

There is no doubt that pottery is regarded as the most important

archaeological artifact type in studying the Neolithic. But although ceramics may be
considered as some kind of a fossile directeure2 (Maxim 1999: 31) there are other
artifact types that should not be neglected when looking into the life-style aspects
of the Neolithic communities, such as the lithic or bone industries. They might
exhibit neither fast changes in types nor great variation in styles but this does not
mean that they are not taking place. Perhaps, the major change may have been

a shift away from a reactive and adventitious production and refinement of tools
on the spot as necessary, towards a productive but foresightful system of acquiring
appropriate high-quality raw materials, shaping blade cores and perhaps even
producing the majority of blades at a distance from the place and time of eventual
use (Bailey 2000: 131).

Archaeology does not limit itself to describing past objects and cultures. It also
tries to give answers to questions of a dynamic nature. Questions as: how do the
early Starevo-Cri lithic tools connect to the previous Mesolithic tradition and the
following Middle Neolithic? Can we prove that the microlithic industry is the result
of a Mesolithic-Neolithic contact? Does the availability of raw materials influence
the chipping techniques and/or the typology of the tools? Is there a variability to
be noted among the assemblages of contemporary Starevo-Cri sites? Has the
*

Vasile Prvan Institute of Archaeology, Bucharest. e-mail: boro30@hotmail.com.

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raw material changed during the Neolithic development in the same regions? And
if so, why and how? What led to the adoption/invention of the ground stone tools
the introduction of farming as a major activity or the transition to a sedentary life
with a strong hunting-gathering economy in its base?
This are just a few questions that could find an answer if more attention were
granted to the lithic industry. The present paper suggests that it is time for a
change in the methodology when studying lithic artifacts, to a methodology
enabling us to see the tools in their dynamic lives, not only as a one time frozen
type. It also argues for the introduction and use of consistent typologies in what
the ground stone industry is concerned, for the complete publication of the lithic
material (chipped or ground) no matter how poor it might seem, and while
reviewing the Early Neolithic assemblages in Transylvania it briefly presents the
wider applications the lithic analysis might provide.
1. Theoretical bases of the lithic analysis: concepts, techniques, methods
The chaine operatoire is one of the main tools in the lithic analysis It has
been rarely employed in Romanian archaeology at its whole extent, although the
benefits of choosing it as an analytical tool are many3 and the concept itself is far
from being new (Inizan et al. 1999; Sellet 1993; Collins 1973).
F.Sellet (1993: 106) described the chaine operatoire as a technological

approach that seeks to reconstruct the organization of a technological system at a

given archaeological site with a particular stress on revealing the dynamics of the

lithic system and its role within the broader technology of a prehistoric grou
Part of the novelty of the concept is the fact that it integrates three separate
levels of analysis: the objects themselves tools and byproducts, a series of
gestures or technical sequences (the methods to produce tools) and the abstract
level the specific technical knowledge shared by all group members.
The chaine operatoire is made up of five subsystems: the raw material
procurement, tool manufacture, tool use, maintenance and discard. The raw
material analysis includes the determination of the type of raw materials, their
quantitative and qualitative importance, the morphology under which they were
introduced, the process under which they were introduced (indirect vs. direct
procurement). The tool manufacture is seen as a series of steps (reduction
sequences/stages). One or a series of end products, waste flakes or debris,
bearing technical criteria, characterizes each of them. Based on its own
characteristics each flake can be assigned to a reduction stage. There are three
methods of looking at the tool manufacture: refitting4, diacritical studies (studies of
flaking sequences)5, and experimentation. The refitting provides a dynamic view
of the tools life, helps to infer strategies of use and to validate existing typologies.
It reveals the morphology of raw materials when introduced into the site blanks,
cores already, cores in exploitation and it shows the particular methods of
reduction. The advantage of the flaking sequences is that it studies both flakes
and cores, including waste flakes and resharpening flakes, as opposed to refitting
where cores and bifaces are the primary sources of data. Experimentation
provides better definition of relevant technological criteria for use in making
inferences (Sellet 1993). The use, maintenance and discard deal with the
successive transformations of a tool, the study of the type of blanks, the
resharpening chips. The goal is not to reconstruct the function of each tool (done
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by the use-wear studies) but rather to refine the data provided by traditional
typological analysis. Tools are seen in dynamic transformation not merely as
immutable types.
Analysis implementation implies determining the frequency of flake types,
number of scars on platforms and dorsal surfaces, manufacturing tools, rejected
broken tool portions. All this has their importance and place in the different steps
of the reduction processes. The integration of these frequencies with their
distributions across lithic types reveal how different materials were worked
different, give an insight on the acquisition of the material types, show the effects
of distance on particular material, on trade and exchange (Kooyman 2000: 147).
What is the difference between the chaine operatoire approach and the
traditional one? Unlike the typological studies that have failed to consider stone

tools as responsive to specific needs, it lets us see technological trajectories

through the relationships of lithic subsystems, and thus outlines the choice of the
prehistoric people. Though a chaine operatoire study requires taxonomy, this
taxonomy does not have universally explanatory value. The type of classification
needed in a chaine operatoire analysis is peculiar to each situation and answers
specific analytical needs (Sellet 1993: 111).
Apart from the chaine operatoire there are of course other ways lithic

industries could provide information on human communities. Styles and

technologies are used to trace migrations and contacts (Kooyman 2000: 149).Use
wear and residue analysis become more and more an archeologists tool when
it comes to determining function and having and revealing information on the
economic and social life of a certain community. Out of the three varieties of use
wear analysis, microchipping examines the small scars left from flakes that have
been knocked off the edge of a tool during use,the micropolish studies the
polish that the contact work material produces on a stone tool while
striations/scratches result on the tool surface following the contact with worked
material and small fragments of debris.
The analysis of ground tools should start by defining the concept6:
J.L.Adams considers a ground tool as any stone item that is primarily

manufactured through a mechanism of abrasion, polish or impaction or is itself

used to grind, abrade, polish, or impact many artifact are in the fuzzy set
between the flaked and ground stone, including cores that were ground to prepare
areas for efficient flake removal, and axes that were either ground or flaked to
shape or resharpen (Adams 2002: 1).
Adams argues that several sources should be taken into account when
studying ground stone industry: use-wear analysis that builds on experimentation
and science of typology, classification techniques, descriptions based on
excavations and ethnography, including ethnoarchaeology and experiments
(Adams 2002: 9).
A complete ground stone analysis should include descriptions of the grinding
technology, the technological analysis, artifact descriptions and the reduction
stages. Reduction stages for the ground industry are analogous to the flaked
industry,with five stages for certain types of ground stone e.g. adze manufacture:
production of regularly shaped preforms from a blank, reduction to a point where
final grinding and polishing could be undertaken, grinding, polishing, resharpening
and repair stage.
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One of the most interesting issues regarding the ground tools is determining
the function. The most important lesson to be learnt from a technological

approach is that form does not always define function, that many forms can serve
the same function (Adams 2002: 9). This is a question for the use-wear analysis

because design and form are not synonymous.

Classification is another interesting matter. Creating categories/types is one
thing, analyzing the real items and deciding to which category it belongs is
another. An item can be analyzed using more than one typology. Also, we
permanently deal with a mixture of technological and form/function based
typologies (Adams 2002: 12).
2. Wider applications of lithic analysis and questions that can be
addressed based on the study of the lithic debitage
2.1 Determination of the site type and settlement patterns including
activities that occurred at a site, the types of materials worked with tools, the
stages of tool manufacturing, the repairing and refitting of tools. Habitation sites
tend to have a wider range of tools because of the large variety of activities taking
place there. On the other hand, the specialized sites tend to provide tools
reflecting specific activities (points for hunting, axes for clearing away surrounding
areas, debitage, cortex flakes and broken pieces in the case of a workshop).
Inferences on the mobility can also be made based on the lithic assemblages.
As raw material is not always available and mobile people can carry a limited
amount of things with them, they need tools that can be resharpened many times
or even re-worked (curation)7.Expedient tools on the other hand, might give a
measure of sedentism. Sedentary groups tend to use certain types of raw materials
of well established sources, and as obtaining it is not a pressure, 'wasting' it on a
one-time use tool is not a concern. For the mobile people, curation reduces the
need of raw material. Such assemblages tend to display a wider range of raw
materials, a reflection of the many sources visited (Kooyman 2000: 129).
2.2. Intra-site patterning. A careful recording of the location and scatter of
the lithic pieces can give an idea of the activity areas on the site. Clustering of
different lithic types may reflect the way activities are segregated, although a
correspondence between morphological types and functions cannot be assumed
(Cahen, Keeley, Van Noten 1979: 672). If lithic reduction takes place at the site
one might expect to find a lot of debitage and microdebitage, but for the latter
flotation is needed. Associated to use-wear studies, we can determine the type of
activities taking place: bone working, wood working, hide scraping, etc (Koymann
2000: 133). Refitting (the vertical distribution of the refitted pieces) can also be
employed to define activity areas and the location where the reduction took place
as well as give indications on the degree of disturbance a site has undergone8
(Dibble et al. 1997; Kooyman 2000: 135-136).
2.3. Sourcing of the raw materials. Apart from finding the actual source,
sourcing also means determining the existing (or not) contacts between different
groups/communities, the types of exchange and the ways of transporting the raw
material (cores, blanks, etc).
One of the most used models is the distance fall-off, when the amount of raw
material decreases with the distance to the source. Most important factors are
distance and weight of raw material found (quantifying the labor/effort needed to
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carry it back to the site, whereas counts are relevant only for the finished tools). If
there is a direct access to the source one might expect to find on the site complete
cores. As distance increases the expected pieces would be preforms, blades,
finished tools but the type of the site should be taken into consideration as well.
The frequency of lithic types (percent of weight and types) for different
categories of raw material in different sites would give an idea over the
exploitation of the lithic types. Different frequencies for different reduction stages
might suggest differences in the functions of the tools or in the duration of
occupation of sites.
One of the main problems with the sources of raw materials is determining if
the source was controlled or not. For more complex societies at times we see
territorial markers. Source controlling is done for obtaining economic or social
benefits. But such benefits could equally be obtained through more sophisticated
labor saving technologies, standardization of form, specialization in the use of raw
material resources, tools, techniques, space, labor (Kooyman 2000: 147). Craft
specialization should be defined by specific structures/areas, localization of
different stages of the production processes, minimizing the waste of raw material,
the presence of dumps of debitage of essentially lithic type, etc. The presence of
the same certain types in different sites, but with different frequencies could be a
sign of social or economic differentiation.
3. The lithic industry of the Starevo-Cri culture
Various theories were formulated about the origins and development of the
Starevo-Cri culture and the matter is far from being clear. The beginnings (for
Romania) are linked to the research of D. Berciu (1940, 1954, 1975, 1958, 1959)
at Verbia and its stratigraphy. During the same period, I.Nestor and its team
(Nestor 1950: 204-214; 1951: 17-26) were conducting researches on Valea Jijiei in
Moldavia and at Le in Transylvania (Nestor 1957: 59-63) trying to establish
connections between the chronology of Starevo-Cri, the linear pottery and Boian
cultures. Also in the 1950-ies, M. Petrescu-Dmbovia, following his own
excavations at Perieni attempted to connect the chronology of the Moldavian sites
(Perieni, Valea Lupului, Traian, Glvneti) to those in Transylvania, Hungary and
Yugoslavia (Petrescu-Dmbovia 1958: 60, 65). But it is N. Vlassa who wrote the
first synthetic study on the Starevo-Cri culture in Transylvania (1958-1966),
completed later on with the results from Gura Baciului (1968, 1971, 1972b, 1980).
Interested in the lithic industry and raw materials was also E.Coma (1970, 1971a,
1976), but his works were rather general with no particular information on any site.
The first study that touched on the lithic Neolithic industry was Al.Punescus
PhD dissertation, published in 1970, where the author followed a presumed
evolution of the chipping techniques from the Paleolithic to the Bronze Age.
Unfortunately, Neolithic lithic artifacts were available only from 10 sites9 (two from
Transylvania and three from Banat) and equally sad, it still remains the only
volume on the subject.
Since the 70-ies and 80-ies the number of actually excavated Starevo-Cri
sites in Transylvania has increased, but a lot more are merely identified. There are
approx. 161 site locations, out of which only in 66 archaeological excavations (size
of the excavated area vary largely) took place. In approx. 15 cases some
information on the lithic materials was published.
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For Banat, the beginning of the research during the historical period is
connected to the names of B. Milleker (1897, 1898, 1938, 1939), N. Gyula (1904,
1907, 1909, 1911). Later on, an impulse to the study of the Neolithic (and all
prehistoric ages, in general) was given by the construction of the Iron Gates I and
II power stations, reflected in the articles published by C. S. Nicolescu-Plopor
and his collaborators: V. Boronean (1968, 1970), M. Davidescu (1966), Coma
(1965, 1979), Gh. Lazarovici (1969, 1971, 1978, 1981), Al. Punescu (1970, 1978),
Roman (1974). Unfortunately, at least for the southern part of the Banat (although
new data on Neolithic settlements was made public) the lithic information is still
largely unavailable.
The raw materials. One of the frequent raw materials was flint, local or
brought form distance. It was present in most sites, with colors varying from dark
brown (sometimes translucide) to lighter shades (honey-colored, at times spotted
the dehydrated flint (Lazarovici, Maxim 1995: 158), to a gray color, of poorer
quality (Ciut 2000: 58-59). Some of artifacts retained parts of the cortex
(percentages were never given so we cannot tell whether there were primary or
secondary flakes and the place they hold in the chaine operatoire, and so if
manufacture took place in situ or if they had been carried in).
A quiz raw material is the white-grayish, white-yellowish or white-reddish
quartzite Schela Cladovei (Davidescu 1966: 548; Punescu 1978: 32) and eua,
jud. Alba (Ciut 2000: 58), because of its poor qualities in tool manufacturing. The
quartzite does not brake conchoidally but in an irregular fashion because of its
crystalline structure. In most cases the implements obtained need further
retouching. It appears to be quite common at Schela Cladovei, eua and Ocna
Sibiului.
Then why use quartzite? Perhaps this raw material was so abundant that
importing other types was not an option (Ciut 2000: 58) noted the existence of
quartzite boulders inside a house. This points out to the large availability and easy
access to the source. Also expedient tools might have served the purpose, having
been used a few times and then discarded. When needed, new ones were made
on the spot. This also points to a lack of tool specialization. Also, possible existing
workshops, were temporary and not specialized.
Other raw materials were the opal - Gura Baciului (Vlassa 1980: 693;
Lazarovici, Maxim 1995; Maxim 1999), jasper - Cuina Turcului (Boronean 1970:
408; Vlassa 1966), obsidian10 - Banat -Cuina Turcului (Coma 1969: 30), Ostrovul
Golu (Roman and Boronean 1974: 126), Criana Fughiu (Ignat 1979: 721), Slaj
- Zuan (Lako 1978: 12), Transylvania - Gura Baciului (Vlassa 1959: 450;
Lazarovici, Maxim 1995), aga (Kalmar 1983), Le (Nestor 1957: 62), eua, (Ciut
2000: 59).
The sources for the raw material seemed to be with a few exceptions
largely local: Rastolu, Buciumi, and ardu for grey chalcedonies, Zuan, Seini for
obsidian, Coldu for cornean (Maxim 1999: 29).
The obsidian received by far the most attention. A study was undertook on the
obsidian from Gura Baciului, Zalu, Seini, Rastolu Mare, Buciumi (Maxim 1999:
52).The study indicated the presence of three types of obsidian, from three
different sources: Melos (black with grey micro-bands), Clineti-Oa (black with a
concentric texture) and one unknown source - grey semi-transparent (Maxim
1999: 53).
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Several sources of obsidian, out of which at least one is of southern origin,

would suggest the influence of external factors especially if each site has
varying amounts of material from different sources through time, so it is not only a
matter of distance but other factors too, perhaps social ones.
Z. Maxim also talks about the changed qualities of obsidian when heat-treated
but it is unclear if such a treatment took place in the studied sites.
The typology. Coma was the first one that tried to put order in the Neolithic
assemblages. As tool types he identified trapezes, encoche blades and bladelets,
side-scrapers on blades, rounded endscrapers, burins, drills. But there was no
information regarding the inter-site type variability and there was no attempt to
correlate the occurrence or frequency of occurrence to certain Starevo-Cri
phases (Coma 1971a: 103, Fig.1).
At the other end of the pole stood Al. Punescu, who obviously regarded the
Neolithic lithics from the standpoint of a Paleolithic archaeologist . He identified
within the chipped lithic industry of the Starevo-Cri culture three main artifact
classes: 1. the traditional implements, well known from the previous cultures and
ages (denticulated, encoche, truncated or retouched tools, drills, scrapers and
even burins. 2- the typically Tardenoasian implements11 (the trapeze microliths);
3. the implements specific to the Neolithic..., linked to the beginning of plant
cultivation (Punescu 1988: 49). Unfortunately there was no example of such a
tool. At Cuina Turcului three stratigraphical horizons were determined, assigned to
phases IIa, IIb and IIIa-b (Vl.Milojcics periodization). The artifacts (1405 in
number) were generally small in size (but not necessary microlithic). Al. Punescu
considered that the number of finished tools typically Neolithic (group III) was
incredibly small, only 5,01% (Punescu 1988: 17). He also noted a large presence
of the microlithic tool types. The large number of flaked pieces and the presence of
cores were suggestive of a local manufacturing of implements.
Gh. Lazarovici determined the same tool-types as Al. Punescu for the
Starevo-Cri sites in Banat - Cuina Turcului, Ostrovul Golu (Lazarovici 1978: 30)
and Transylvania: trapezes (used as teeth for knives and sickles group III in
Al.Punescu classification12) with analogies at Valea Rii (Oltenia) and Trgorul
Vechi (Wallachia); a large number of blades with trapeze or triangular crosssection13 with analogies at Perieni (Moldavia), a small number of crescents (only at
Cuina Turcului), points - Schela Cladovei (Davidescu 1966: 548), endscrapers on
blades, simple or retouched sidescrapers14.
At eua, M. Ciut noted a rather varied assemblage, from the viewpoint of
the raw material and of the chipping techniques (Ciut 2000: 58). Unfortunately,
we dont know the total number of pieces. As main types were listed blades
(complete or fragmented and not very numerous) with a triangular or trapeze
section, flakes of various shapes or sizes. A chaine operatoire type of analysis
should be able to tell us what types of flakes we are dealing with. Some of them
preserved the cortex so they might have been produced on the spot. Refittings
would be interesting to attempt, especially for the 150 quartzite pieces.
For the north-west of Transylvania, D.Ignat notes a scarcity of the lithic
assemblages. The most frequent tool types are thin blades triangular in section,
endscrapers, flakes and obsidian cores. (Ignat 2002: 73)
A typological analysis apparently exists for the sites at Ciumeti, Gura Baciului,
Livada, Iclod-La Doroaie, Moreti, Le, Zuan, Rastolu Mare, Seini, Taga, Coldu,
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Liubcova (Lazarovici, Maxim 1995; Maxim 1999: 52-54; Luca 1995, 1998) but none
was completely published.
For the materials in Transylvania Z. Maxim determined that the main
techniques were soft hammer and pressure flaking (Maxim 1999: 52) but these
apply only for the obsidian. We still dont know if there was any cortex left on the
flakes, if any cores were present. And as there is indication of pressure flaking
was any micro-debitage recovered?
Interesting in what the obsidian is concerned, is its clustering during the GB
IIIb and Ib-IC (Maxim 1999: 52, Fig.58) seen as migration and diffusion phases as
opposed to the GB IV and IIa-b seen as transition phases. The only objection is
that counts were used for drafting the table. A combination of counts and weights
would have been more accurate. If the weight increases during the migration
phases, than it should also be studied in terms of sourcing. It would be interesting
to know if the major component is of Melos origin (thus indicating maybe a social
function of the obsidian, used to maintain connections with the original place
(Sheppard 1993: 124-127).The amount should decrease in time as the colonies
became more established. which seems to be the case. Also, a study of the
finished tools and by-products is required, to see if they arrived as raw material or
finished pieces.
Another remark concerns the phasing of the pottery that confirmed apparently
by the seriation of the complexes based on the rock types (Maxim 1999: 52-53). A
count of the implements and refitting would be good before drawing the final
conclusions, as the situation may change if pieces refit. What if they are all part of
the same core?
The microlithism and the Mesolithic Neolithic contacts. Al. Punescu
supported the hypothesis (extremely likely) of a contact between the Mesolithic
populations (still surviving in the isolated or peripheral areas) and the Neolithic
ones. The latter adopted the Tardenoasian lithic manufacturing techniques- and
thus the microlithism, from the hunter-gatherers.
Gh. Lazarovicis explanation of microlithism looks for a more natural and
straight forward: The microlithism of the lithic assemblages results from the

necessity of using such tools and not because of the contact with retarded groups

(Lazarovici 1969: 74; 1978: 28-30). But he seems to be alone in supporting this
point as view. M. Ciut (2002: 59) is also of the opinion of having Epi-Paleolithic
and Tardenoasian traditions in the flakes, trapezes, triangular points and also in
the techniques15. The presence of the quartzite might indicate some links to the
Tardigravettian in the Iron Gates. To this might also point some of the lithic
implements published by Z.Maxim from Transylvanian sites (Maxim 1999: 29)
given their gravettian types: La Gravette points, backed bladelets, encoches.
Unfortunately, the main drawback is that we know close to nothing about the
Mesolithic groups in Transylvania and not as much as we would want about the
ones in the Iron Gates. If for the latter there are more 14C dates, for Transylvania
we only have the date from Ciumeti (7320C 60 BP (623090BC), OXCal V3.10
and from Gura Baciului (M6)- stage IV 640090BP (Maxim 1999: 130). Mesolithic
site are just starting to be discovered in the SE Hungary, and the same as in
Transylvania,the Mesolithic is recognized based only on the lithic industry. We
know nothing about the size of the communities, the types of their settlements,
the subsistence patterns, mobility etc. With this little information it is too early to
develop on the subject of Mesolithic-Neolithic contacts, especially as for the
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moment C14 dates for the Neolithic are also rare and point to a chronological gap
between the two periods. This is not discarding the hypothesis altogether, just
putting it aside until the moment comes when more data will be available.
Throughout the Neolithic assemblages was noted a large number of flakes
compared to the total number of tools recovered. Should we find more tools?
Not finding them might mean they were not discarded yet and that tools had a
long use-life. What we find is only the last step in the chaine operatoire, the
very last function that the tool had to perform (Dibble, 199516; Sellet 1993). H.
Dibble (1995: 332) also remarked that if very few tools are made overall

(meaning that there is a high potential blanks available), then the degree of
reduction exhibited in the assemblage as a whole will be very slight. But

there may be tools exhibiting a high degree of utilization and we should be

looking for them. The measure of tool reduction enables us to monitor the
effects of intensity of occupation and raw material utilization. Measuring the
length and widths of tools and of the blanks/flakes and comparing them might
give an indicative of the extent of tool reduction on a site: average tool size

(with a minimum size related to the need to grasp the tool) should always
exceed the average size of the un-retouched pieces (whose minimum size is
only a question of recovery techniques) (Dibble 1988: 193).

Another problem concerns the place the artifacts were found. More were noted
inside the houses and less in the cultural layer (Ignat 1979b: 54-56). This would
point to a lack of specialization and a rather domestic manufacturing of tools. But
debitage and microdebitage studies are needed in order to look for a verdict in this
and no microdebitage is available from the discussed sites.
Claims for at least two workshops were made for Coldu and Costanda
(Maxim 1999) but the information was not published. The assumption was
presumably made on the large number of flakes recorded. It would be interesting
to see the results of refitting.
Use-wear issues. According to M. Ciut, at eua at least two implements
presented sickle gloss. It is unclear though whether the observation was made
under the microscope or juts with the naked eye.
Some other blades or bladelets were reported to have had striations and
breaks following use, most frequently from cutting (Ciut 2000: 58-59). But again,
are this reports following use-wear analysis and if so, what was the methodology
used? The two observations are too specific and too important to be taken lightly
especially as it is hard to discern them from natural breaks occurring while the
tools are buried in the ground, caused by trampling or even bagging or storing in
boxes, using only the naked eye, a magnifying glass or even a microscope. SEM
techniques could provide a more reliable answer to that.
The ground stone industry. Hard and soft rocks (Ciut 2000: 60) seem to
have been both used in manufacturing the ground stone artifacts. Granite,
granodiorate, serpentinite, basalt, nephrite and andesite were noted. Sources were
determined around Baciu and Popeti for limestone, Popeti for andesite, quartzite
along the Someul Mic valley, amphibolites at Someul Rece (Maxim 1999: 55).
The axes rank as the most frequent tool type: flat and trapeze shaped
(Lazarovici 1978: 30) with analogies in Moldavia at Perieni, Pogrti and
Glvneti, Cuina Turcului and Ostrovul Golu, Beenova (Roman and Boronean
1974: 120; Lazarovici 1969: 9) with analogies at Boneti, Pogrti, Budureasa
but also in Yugoslavia. Their lack or scarce occurrence in certain horizons was
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interpreted as indicative of early Starevo phases (Ciut 2000: 60; Vlassa 1972:
11; Lazarovici, Maxim 1995: 159, 162).
Also an indicative of the early Starevo-Cri horizons was considered the
Walzenbeil, recovered at Gura Baciului (Lazarovici 1984: 75), Cuina Turcului II
(Boronean 1970: Fig.2/1), Moreti (Vlassa 1966), Cipu and Inucu in Transilvania
(Lazarovici 1984: 75) with analogies in Moldavia at Grumzeti (Marinescu-Blcu
1975: 502)
Less frequent were the chisels - Banat and Criana (Lazarovici 1979: 30-31;
1984: 75; Ignat 1979: 721-722), perforated axes - Cuina Turcului (Punescu
1978: 32), Beenova (Lazarovici 1984: 75 - after Milleker 1934), Ostrovul Golu
(Roman, Boronean 1974: 120) with analogies in Oltenia at Valea Rii and
Moldavia at Bal, Suceava (Ursulescu 1972: 72), perforated mattocks often in a
fragmentary state Ostrovul Golu (Roman, Boronean 1974: 120), Beenova
(Lazarovici 1978: 31), Cuina Turcului (Punescu 1978: 32).
Various rocks bearing traces of use or partly worked were also identified on
sites. Some were considered as polishers (Ciut 2000: 61; Vlassa 1972: 11,
Fig.12/11), crushers and hand grinders - eua (Ciut 2000: 61), Gura Baciului
(Vlassa 1966: 49), Cuina Turcului (Punescu 1978: 32) , probably used to crush
seeds, break bones, crush pot sherds for the temper (Lazarovici 1984: 75). Their
use was mostly inferred and the typology is very flexible. At times archeologists
record them as other lithic implements 17 (Maxim 1999: 55) or have a hard time
fitting them somewhere between the flaked and ground industry (Ciut 2000). But
as showed above, they all can be classified as ground tools once we all agree
upon a definition.
As a whole, publications tend to agree upon a poverty of the ground stone
types. Some of them appear to have been used until exhaustion. This sends us
again to the concept of curation and its implications for the Neolithic communities.
If the first Starevo phases do not provide ground tools (Lazarovici 1993: 245;
Maxim 1999: 55) and the next ones are of local origin, we can only assume that
ground tools were not known during the first stages, otherwise people would have
brought them with them as they did with other items. If they really did not exist,
was it because they were not needed? We re-state one of the questions we started
with: what led to the adoption/invention of the ground stone tools the
introduction of farming as a major activity or the transition to a sedentary life with
a strong hunting-gathering economy in its base?
4. The lithic industry of the Linear pottery (East-Slovakian, Alfld)
culture
Sites with linear pottery (east-Slovakian) are a lot less frequent and occurred
only to the north-west of Transylvania. The most important one appears to be at
Ciumeti Berea IX (Coma 1963; Punescu 1963), and a few more sites were
mentioned at Turda, Petreti, Cipu (Vlassa 1959: 239-247), Braov - Lutrie
(Costea 1995: 26; Ciut 1997: 14),Cluj Napoca - La Stvilar (Roska 1942: 133;
Lazarovici 1983a: 4; RepCj 1992: 118-154), Feldioara - Pe Dealul Cetii
(Roska 1942: 94; Ciut 1997: 13), Trgu Mure - La Cetate (Roska 1942: 166167; Lazr 1995: 253-260). The sites were assigned to an early phase of the
culture with analogies in Alfld18 and oriental Slovakia at Barca III.
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The raw material for the linear pottery sites is mostly the obsidian. Implements
made of siliceous rocks or quartzite is rare.
Coma considered that obsidian might exist in Transylvania in the volcanic
massifs in the south-east (Perani, Harghita), in Western Carpathians (around
Cerbel, Valea Bradului, Scrmb, Techeru) or Maramure (Seini, Raca) (Coma
1976: 246). Al. Punescu thought the Ciumeti obsidian came from the region of
Tokay-Preov (Punescu 1988: 16) opinion supported also by Gh. Lazarovici and Z.
Maxim (1995). It is interesting to see a shift from the use of obsidian to that of
flint in the late sites of the linear pottery with musical note heads in Moldavia.
Obsidian still occurred but in a much lower percentages - Glvnetii Vechi, Traian
(Punescu 1970: 39) while flint prevailed.
The main tool types are almost conspicuously similar to the Starevo-Cri ones.
The largest part of the implements is microlithic19. Among the most frequent types
Coma determined trapezes, blades, bladelets, rounded micro-endscrapers, microendscrapers on blade ends, spherical, pyramidal or an irregular shape cores
(Coma 1971: 103; Punescu 1988: 16). The number of endscrapers appeared to
be low (the same as in the case of the Starevo-Cri) and burins were accidental.
Retouched flakes were few (Punescu 1988: 16).
Strangely enough, there is no indication of ground stone tools. What we should
expect to find are small trapeze axes (for the proto-linear) and larger ones with the
cutting edge arched or straight, during the middle linear hammer-axes and chisels,
and over all, sand stone grinders. This is what pendant Slovakian sites had
provided (ika 1993: 347). In Hungary Kalicz noted rather large polished axes,
oval or semi-circular in sections (Kalicz 1991: 286) as well as perforated axes.
The lithic industry was reported poor and mainly on obsidian (Kalicz 1991:
286) in Hungary and predominantly on blades in Slovakia (ika 1993: 347). The
use of obsidian seemed to vary with the region 68-99% for the sites in the oriental
Slovakian plain and decreasing to 26-78% in the western Tisza region. Other
reported raw materials were limestone, limnoquartzite, radiolarite.
But recent research has shown that the lithic industry of the Early Neolithic

period in Hungary seems to be more rich and significant than hypothesized before

(Biro 2002: 119). Excavations at Gllehza-Vrosrt (1990-1996), of late stage

Starevo (spiraloid B) reported over 1200 stone implements. Also with horizons
assigned to Starcevo-Cris, but a smaller number of pieces is the site at VrsMriaaszony sziget. New linear pottery sites, rich in lithic material, were reported
at Fzesabony-Gubakt and Szentgyryvlgy-Pityerdomb, the latter with 379
implements. The study of this new material suggested that regional and style
difference could be observed in the horizon of the early Neolithic, that
workmanship and raw materials were outstanding and optimized but the Mesolithic
roots are still to be found (Biro 2002: 129).
5. Conclusions
1. Although the Starevo-Cri culture covered a relatively large area (almost
the entire territory of Romania, with the exception of Dobrodja and south-eastern
Wallachia) and although the pottery abounds in most sites, the lithics seem to be
rather poor and unevenly distributed in various parts of the country. The Banat
and Moldavia appear to hold sites with richer and more varied lithic assemblages
(Cuina Turcului, Ostrovul Golu, Schela Cladovei, Trestiana, Glvneti, Grumzeti,
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etc.) while many in Transylvania are largely depleted of it20. Part of the
explanation is, as we have seen, the lack publication. One can not compare what
one has never seen. Saying all the time it is not varied, it is poor will not improve
the situation. Poor as it is (if that is the case), we should be able to see and judge
for ourselves.
2. The cause of the non-publications also lies on the approach to the lithic
studies for the Neolithic period: was not considered relevant or defining for the
cultural evolution and at times was neglected from the very moment of the
excavation21. N. Ursulescu noted that ideally the evolution (of a culture- n.a.

should be followed based on its general progress, but in fact only certain limited
categories where the change is faster are taken into account...For the societies
whose existence developed after the production of pottery, the latter become the a
first rank typological and stylistical index, based on which the evolutionary
moments of the respective are seen (Ursulescu 1972: 69). The problem of
ignoring the rest of the artifact types goes way back in Neolithic archaeology....
3. In what the flaked industry is concerned, little work focused on how tools
were made. More attention was given to the sourcing of the lithic materials and
this is a very useful first step to take (Lazarovici, Maxim 1995: 156-159; Maxim
1999: 52-55). As already noted by Bailey (2000: 124), even less attention was
given to the ways in which lithic tools were used and the distribution of events of
manufacture, use or discard within a site or activity area. Occurrence of earlier
types was regarded as tradition but a type-disappearance was never questioned
nor explained. New types were inevitably seen as brought in by migrations.
At this point in time is obvious that the mere typological characterization of

whole lithic assemblages, while supremely important as a method of summarizing

data and a means of communication among prehistorians provides a poor and
confusing unit of analysis (Cahen, Keely, Van Noten 1979: 672).

4. Based on the typological and functional analysis of the chipped and ground
stone industry we can try and determine more about the subsistence patterns of
the respective communities. For the ground stone industry, manufacturing tools
might presume chipping and retouching, or pecking, grinding in order to acquire
the final shape, possibly adorning by incision (Antonovic 1998: 139). These
techniques should be studied and discussed. Are there specialized workshops, is
there any evidence of lithic craft specialization at the Starevo sites? These are
issues that have been rarely if ever addressed.
The first thing that the analysis of ground industry might need is establishing
an explicit typology for the Neolithic stone tools, using it consistently for all cultural
aspects and adding new variants or new types when and if needed. Also we need
distributions of tool types by cultural horizons on a site and comparisons between
sites, distributions of raw materials by cultural phases (Maxim 1999), frequencies
of tool types within a site and inter-site comparison (Antonovic 1998), frequencies
of raw materials.
As for the functional analysis we should continue to raise the question of usewear even if at a macroscopic level. What were the tools used for? D.Antonovic
(in her analysis of the Serbian ground tools) expressed the opinion that the

ground edge tools, which ubiquitously bear signs of wear originated during wood
working and sees it possible that the stone tools were also used for bone cutting

or splitting, milling of cereals and other grains, scraping hides and farming (more
rarely) (Antonovic 1998: 140).
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5. Once more lithic assemblages are known, a correlation of the pottery

phases, lithics, bone industry and radiocarbon dates should be attempted. It is
astonishing how few dates we have for the early Neolithic. Such attempts existed
before (Al. Punescu, Gh. Lazarovici) but the data was very poor and it happened
many years ago.
Notes
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.

6.

7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.

13.
14.
15.
16.

17.
18.
19.

The choice for this area was partly triggered by the fact that it holds some of the earliest
Starevo-Cri horizons, partly by the subject of my future PhD dissertation.
The genesis of the Neolithic is the result of the migration and diffusion of pottery from the
Orient, through Anatolia, Cyclades and Thessaly during a pre-pottery or aceramic horizon
(Maxim 1999: 27).
R. Dobrescu, PhD dissertation on the subject of Upper Paleolithic in the north-western
Romania (reserved title), BAR, in press.
There are two kinds of refitting fracture refitting (refitting of broken pieces) and debitage
refitting (sequential refitting) ( Tixier 1979).
Diacritical study imply count, orientation and classification of all flake removals visible on an
artifact. Classification with help of all visible marks left, allows the reconstruction of removals
and their chronology, recognition of a shift in manufacture operations (Sellet 1993: 109). See
also Inizan et all 1999. The main goal is the recognition of patterns in core reduction.
There seems to be a separation in the Romanian archaeological literature between polished
tools and tools used for grinding, crushing or even polishing. The latter seem to be treated
separately, because they are not really polished. The point made is that polished stone, in
the general sense is just a term that incorporates more than just polished artifact.
Curation is the ability of a tool to have an extended uselife because it can be resharpened,
maintained, reworked, recycled or transported from one site to another. Tools lacking these
features are called expedient tools (Kooyman 2000: 131).
The stratigraphy of a site might look undisturbed, but defining refitting zones associated to
zones that lack refitting (representing distinct occupations of the site) gives us one more
control over the relative chronology.
The rock shelter from Cuina Turcului Dubova and the sites from Schela Cladovei-Turnu
Severin, Ostrovul Banului-Gura Vii, Valea Rii-Rmnicu Vlcea, Trestiana, Bal, Glvnetii
Vechi, Le-Varhegy, Ohaba-Ponor Bordu Mare, Trgoru Vechi (Punescu 1970: 151-153).
Apparently the obsidian also was seen as an indicative of the chronology of the horizons,
being very abundant in early ones (Ciut 2000: 59, 60).
A.Boronean, The Tardenoisian,- a false problem, Studii de preistorie II, 2005: 17-46.
Gh.Lazarovici, supporting the hypothesis of a two wave neolithization (first proto-Sesklo and
the second Starcevo-Cris) sees the lithic assemblages from Gura Baciului as the traditional
tools brought in (by the bearers of the respective cultures. This would seemingly be the
typical Neolithic tools (Lazarovici, Maxim 1995; Maxim 1999).
Blades of various sizes were recorded in Banat (Davidescu 1966: 548; Coma 1969: 30;
Lazarovici 1979: 29), Criana (Ignat 1978: 10), Slaj (Lako 1978: 12), Transylvania (Vlassa
1966: 18).
Such finds occurred in Banat (Lazarovici 1979: 26), Criana at Suplacul de Barcu (Ignat
1978: 10).
Although he does not specify what these techniques are.
artifacts found in the archaeological record reflect only the last point in what could have
been a long and continuous history of reworking. Their morphology therefore represents
their state at the time they were discarded and not necessarily their original design (Dibble
1988: 299-300).
In the same category go the stone figures from Gura Baciului (humans or horses) and the
stone heads from the same site with claimed analogies at Lepenski Vir and Donja Branjevina
(Maxim 1999: 55).
Tiszadada, Herman Otto Cave , Polgar, Tikos, Demeterkut (Vlassa 1959: 242)
The same as in the case of the Starevo-Cri lithics, microlithism and typological
resemblances made Al.Punescu suggest an assimilation of the Mesolithic groups by the
linear pottery ones (Punescu 1970: 39). Unfortunaley, again there are no radiocarbon dates
and no ofurther information.

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20. Even for Moldova, there are very rich sites in lithic assemblages but also sites were only
pottery was seemingly reported. Out of the 151 locations mentioned by N. Ursulescu, only in
29 cases was noted the presence of lithic implements, in some cases mixed with
Tardenoasian finds (Ursulescu 1984).
21. Al.Punescu noted that the smaller pieces (the microlithis?) could have been overlooked
during the excavationa. This is not difficult as flotation or wet sieveing is not widely spread on
Romanian archaeological sites. (Punescu 1970: 37, note 4).

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36

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PAVEL MIREA*

CONSIDERAII ASUPRA LOCUIRII STAREVO-CRI

DIN SUD-VESTUL MUNTENIEI

Abstract: This article focused the preliminary stage of the early Neolithic research in the south-west of
Muntenia. Several early settlements was found in the last years in this area. The firs of them was
investigate at the end of `60 at Dulceanca on the Burdea stream, a tributary to Vedea river. The most
important was found at Mgura (the Buduiasca point) on the Teleorman river. Since 2001 the
Southern Romania Archaeological Project (SRAP) has been investigate this settlement. The series of
radiocarbon data from Mgura (689661 BP, 683353 BP, 678456 BP) provide a new image of the
early habitation. These dates and one of the painted pottery style (black strips bounded by white dots
on red) suggest some links with the Karanovo I-II area. They are not a pattern of the early Neolithic
settlements in this research stage. Only the lower terraces and the neighborhood of water springs are
common elements. Many archaeological complexes was found in the investigate settlements. One of
them are pit-huts houses. Others are considerate, in a traditional way, rubbish pits. This features seems
give an atmosphere of relative impermanence of occupation in all the western Balkans and the lower
Danube and they are, perhaps, an expression of the early community mobility.
Keywords: early Neolithic, Starevo-Cri culture, pit-huts houses, pottery, radiocarbon dates

Apariia i evoluia comunitilor Starevo-Cri din Muntenia sunt legate de

fenomenul general de neolitizare. S-a considerat, pn nu demult, c nceputurile
vieii neolitice de aici erau legate de neoliticul dezvoltat, comunitile Dudeti fiind
cele care impuneau acest mod de via (Coma 1978: 9-10; 1993: 152-153).
Puinele aezri Starevo-Cri datau dintr-o faz trzie i erau dispuse pe o fie
ngust, la stnga Oltului sau n zona dealurilor subcarpatice (Teodorescu 1963:
251-268; Coma 1993: 152). Pentru sudul i centrul Munteniei aceste asezri fie nu
erau descoperite (Bailey 2000: 91), fie nu existau (Boronean 2005: 63).
ntr-un prim studiu asupra culturii Starevo-Cri de pe teritoriul Romniei, n
Muntenia erau semnalate doar dou descoperiri, la Bieti i Trgoru-Vechi. O
descoperire, considerat incert chiar de autorul ei, era semnalat la Dudeti
(Coma 1959: 180, Fig.III). Prima aezare n care au fost cercetate complexe
nchise, cu materiale tipice Starevo-Cri, a fost cea de la Trgoru-Vechi. n
Muntenia erau semnalate, cu aceast ocazie, 12 puncte cu descoperiri atribuite
neoliticului timpuriu: Bieti, Gherseni, Ceptura, Budureasca, Fntnele, TrgoruVechi, Butimanu, Bucureti-Dealul Mihai Vod, Bneti, Ipoteti, Stejaru i
Srceti (Teodorescu 1963). Multe dintre ele erau cunoscute n urma unor
cercetri de suprafa, ce au avut ca rezultat, descoperirea, cteodat, doar a
ctorva fragmente ceramice, uneori 1-2 cioburi !
*

Muzeul Judeean Teleorman, Alexandria. e-mail: pavelcmirea@yahoo.com.

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Cu diferite alte ocazii erau semnalate materiale Starevo-Cri la Bungetu

(Olteanu 2003), Dulceanca (Dolinescu-Ferche 1974: 100, 103, Fig.110; Coma
1994: 13-39; 1995: 47-52), Blneti, Brebeni, Slatina (Butoi 1999: 7, 17, 27),
Comani, Godinaci i Drgneti-Olt1. O alt aezare semnalat la Blteni, n nordvestul Munteniei, ar trebui privit cu rezerve2. Cu un caracter incert era prezentat
i descoperirea de la Bucani (Bem 2004: 61).
Descoperiri ntmpltoare ce pot fi atribuite neoliticului timpuriu au fost fcute
la Deagurile (Nania 1965: 317-319) i Bbia, localiti aflate n bazinul
Teleormanului. Este vorba despre dou depozite de unelte de silex, n primul caz
fiind asociate i fragmente ceramice Starevo-Cri. O alt descoperire
ntmpltoare, fcut la Alexandria, atesta i aici, prin prezena mai multor
fragmente ceramice, posibila existen a unei aezri Starevo-Cri.
Cea mai important aezare Starevo-Cri din aceast parte a Munteniei era
identificat la Mgura, n anul 2001, an n care ncepeau i spturile sistematice
(Andreescu, Bailey 2002, 2003, 2004). Spturile continu i n prezent, n cadrul
unui program internaional de cercetare3, program n care studiile pluridisciplinare
joac un rol important4.

Fig.1 Descoperiri neolitice timpurii din sud-vestul Muntenie.

n acelai an erau identificate materiale Starevo-Cri i ntr-un punct situat n
comuna Vitneti (Vitneti IV).
O cartare a tuturor descoperirilor Starevo-Cri, cunoscute n Muntenia, pn n
prezent, relev un numr total de 30 de puncte. Dintre acestea 11 au fost descoperite
n urma unor cercetri de suprafa, 3 sunt descoperiri ntmpltoare iar alte 6 sunt
incerte n ceea ce privete apartenena la cultura Starevo-Cri. Doar n 9 cazuri au fost
fcute sondaje arheologice sau spturi sistematice, dar numai 3 situaii au fcut
obiectul cercetrii neoliticului timpuriu. Ceva mai mult de jumtate din aceste
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descoperiri se regsesc n sud-vestul Munteniei (Fig.1). Situaia este disproporionat n

raport cu descoperirile din alte zone. n Moldova sunt semnalate 205 aezri StarevoCri (Vleanu 2003: 65), 147 de aezri n Transilvania (Maxim 1999: 134) i 41 de
aezri n Oltenia (Nica, Rdoiescu 2002: 9, Fig.1).
Chiar dac cercetrile de dat recent de la Mgura (punctul Buduiasca) au
conturat o nou imagine a neoliticului timpuriu din zon, numrul redus al
descoperirilor nu pot conduce la formularea unor reguli cu privire la tipul
preponderent de amplasament geo-morfologic, la forma, dimensiunile i tipul de
organizare intern al aezrilor sau la tipul arhitectural predominant al locuinelor
acestor comuniti. Se pot contura unele interpretri, cu titlul de ipoteze, despre
caracteristicile aezrilor Starevo-Cri. n cazul amplasamentului geo-morfologic al
aezrilor de la Alexandria, Dulceanca, Mgura i Vitneti se observ un element
comun i anume situarea lor pe terase joase, cu nlimi ce variaz ntre 2,5 - 4,5 m,
n apropierea unor izvoare.
Aezarea de la Dulceanca se afl amplasat pe o teras joas cu nlimea de 3,5
m fa de lunca inundabil, la aproximativ 1 km nord de confluena prului Burdea cu
rul Vedea (Dolinescu-Ferche 1974: 18). Tot n bazinul Vedei se gsete i aezarea de
la Alexandria, pe terasa nord-estic, nalt de circa 2,5 m. Aezarea de la Mgura
Buduiasca este amplasat pe terasa joas a rului Teleorman (circa 4,5 m nlime),
n vecintatea unor amenajri piscicole moderne ce au schimbat semnificativ
configuraia terenului. De altfel, pe valea Teleormanului, n zona comunei Mgura, pe o
suprafa de aproximativ 6 km2, au fost identificate locuiri ce se ntind pe ntreaga
secven neo-eneolitic: Starevo-Cri, Dudeti, Boian, Vdastra, Gumelnia
(Andreescu, Mirea, Apope 2001: 29). Fr a putea preciza n momentul de fa
legtura i relaia temporal cu Mgura Buduiasca, aezarea de la Vitneti este
amplasat ntr-o poziie oarecum asemntoare, pe terasa de nord-est a rului
Teleorman, teras cu o nlime de circa 4 m fa de lunca inundabil.
n cele dou aezri Starevo-Cri din sud-vestul Munteniei, cercetate prin
spturi sistematice, respectiv, la Mgura i la Dulceanca, au fost identificate mai
multe complexe arheologice.
La Dulceanca au fost descoperite patru complexe arheologice, considerate a fi
dou gropi de bordei, o groap simpl i o amenajare deosebit, probabil o parte dintrun cuptor (Coma 1994: 14). Gropile de bordei aveau forme i dimensiuni diferite. Una
dintre ele era aproximativ romboidal, cu dimensiunile de 3,80 x 5 m, cealalt avea o
form neregulat, cu dou laturi drepte i alta n form de semicerc, cu dimensiunile
de 3,42 x 3 m. Doar ntr-unul dintre bordeie au aprut, alturi de inventarul arheologic,
fragmente de chirpici ars, provenite din pereii construciei de deasupra solului. n nici
unul dintre bordeie nu s-au gsit resturile vetrelor. Nu exist detalii n ceea ce privete
groapa simpl, iar funcionalitatea complexului considerat a fi o parte dintr-un cuptor,
rmne neclar (Coma 1994: 17).
n ceea ce privete inventarul arheologic sunt semnalate unelte de silex i
piatr, oase de animale i destul de multe fragmente ceramice. Conform studiului
publicat, se remarc un grad mare de fragmentare al ceramicii, fr a fi sesizate
vase ntregibile sau cel puin profile complete. Putem observa ns, un numr de
44 de buze de vase, dar i 29 de funduri de vase ce provin dintr-unul dintre
bordeie (B 1). Fr a lua n consideraie i fragmentele provenite de la corpul
vaselor i excluznd, probabil, o publicare integral a fragmentelor ceramice
descoperite n acest bordei, numrul vaselor de la care ar putea proveni aceste
fragmente ar atinge, cel puin, cifra de 80. Semnalm i faptul c uneltele de piatr
(toporaele) au fie partea distal, fie partea proximal distrus, nemaiputnd fi
astfel utilizate, iar unelte de silex prezint, n majoritatea lor, urme de folosire.
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Aceleai observaii au putut fi fcute i n cazul celuilat bordei (B 3). Toate aceste
aspecte ar sugera mai degrab un caracter menajer al complexelor amintite,
eventual o depunere ulterior, dup ce nu au mai fost folosite ca locuine.
Situaii asemntoare au fost observate i n aezarea de la Mgura
Buduiasca. n aceast aezare au fost cercetate parial sau exhaustiv 13
complexe arheologice datate n neoliticul timpuriu (Fig.2). Dintre acestea, doar
patru complexe au fost considerate c ar aparine unor locuine, dou dintre ele
bordeie, iar celelalte dou, locuine semiadncite.
Unul dintre bordeie (B 5), cercetat parial, avea probabil o form oval, cu unul
dintre diametre de 2,30 m i o adncime maxim de 1,10 m. n partea de sud-est
au fost evideniate resturile deranjate ale unei vetre construit pe pat de cioburi i
pietri. Cellalt bordei (C 13), tot de form oval (3,80 x 2,70 m), cu o adncime
maxim de 1 m, era spat n trei trepte.
Locuinele semiadncite aveau, la rndul lor, forme ovale, una dintre ele (C 18)
cu diametrele 2,80 x 2,50 m i adncimea de 0,60 m, cealalt (C 35) cu diametrele
de 2,40 x 1,60 m i adncimea de 0,50 m. Cea din urm prezenta n partea de
nord-vest resturile unei vetre puternic deranjat.
n toate aceste complexe au fost identificate n diferite cantiti i dimensiuni,
fragmente de chirpici ars, ce pstrau uneori, amprente lemnoase. Nu au fost
identificate amenajri de tipul podelelor, prile inferioare ale gropilor fiind extrem
de neregulate n suprafa datorit gangurilor i vizuinelor de animale.
Deasemenea, nu au fost identificate gropi de pari care s susin eventuali perei
sau acoperiurile acestor locuine. Este posibil ca aceti perei s fi fost construii
din structuri uoare, de lemn, stuf i trestie, locuinele de acest tip sugernd o
locuire pe termen scurt, pus pe seama roirii aezrilor, ca expresie a mobilitii
unor comuniti semisedentare.
Gropile (C 1, C 3, C 4, C 5, C 10, C 12, C 19, C 33) au forme i dimensiuni
diferite. Unele dintre ele sunt simple alveolri, de form oval, cu diametre ce nu
depesc 1 m i adncimi cuprinse ntre 0,20 - 0,30 m (C 12, C 19). Altele au
forme ovale, cvasicirculare sau curbiliniare, cu dimensiuni maxime de 2,30 x 0,90
m i adncimi cuprinse ntre 0,40 - 0,60 m (C 1, C 3, C 4, C 5, C 10, C 33).

Fig.2 Mgura Buduiasca. Complexele neolitice timpurii.

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Semnificaia complexelor arheologice de la Mgura Buduiasca poate fi legat

de inventarul arheologic i de modul de depunere al acestuia. Doar n bordeiul B 5
au fost descoperite fragmente ceramice care pot ntregi vase sau profile de vase
(Fig.5/7, 9). Tot de aici, poate fi menionat i un depozit de 5 rnie, aflat n
partea de vest a bordeiului (Fig.4/1-5). Inventarul este completat de unelte de
silex, unelte de os i oase de animale.
O situaie deosebit merit a fi semnalat n legtur cu cellalt bordei (C 13).
Aici, a fost descoperit o mare cantitate de fragmente ceramice, cu un grad ridicat
de fragmentare. Multe dintre ele prezint abraziuni i poriuni cu exfolieri ale
suprafeelor. Nu a putut fi reconstituit nici un profil complet de vas, existnd
extrem de puine fragmente ce se pot asambla cte dou (sub 1 % !).
Fragmentele ceramice identificate provin de la aproximativ 100 de vase. Unele
dintre ele au fost transformate n diferite obiecte: fusaiole, plcue discoidale, o
plcu triunghiular. Inventarul ceramic este completat de partea inferioar a unui
vas antropomorf, un fragment de statuet antropomorf, dou statuete zoomorfe.
Au fost descoperite i resturi de chirpici ars, de diferite mrimi. Acelai grad mare
de fragmentare a fost constatat i n ceea ce privete oasele de animale. n
vecintatea de nord-est a complexului mai nainte amintit se afla complexul C 12, o
alveolare a crei funcionalitate este greu de precizat. De form aproximativ oval
(dimensiuni 1,10 x 0,65 m, adncime maxim 0,20 m), coninea, pe lng
fragmente de chirpici ars, un vas ntregibil (Fig.5/12) i alte fragmente ceramice
(Andreescu, Bailey 2004: 187).
La o prim constatare, amplasamentul n teren al complexelor arheologice de
la Mgura Buduiasca ar sugera existena unor gropi menajere aflate n
apropierea unor locuine, dar cercetarea unei suprafee relativ mici nu poate
susine o asemenea ipotez.
Acest tip de aezri, ntinse n suprafa, cu structuri ovale sau curbiliniare
semiadncite, uneori i cu construcii la suprafaa solului, cu aspectul unor
reedine pe termen scurt, par a fi o caracteristic a zonei de vest a Balcanilor i a
regiunii Dunrii de Jos (Bailey 2000: 62). Structura respectiv ar sugera c multe
dintre activitile de natur social i economic aveau loc n afara aezrilor
propriu-zise, urmele arheologice ale acestora fiind greu de evideniat (Bailey 2000:
265). O alt interpretare referitoare la prezena n stare fragmentar a materialului
ceramic dar i a celui de alt natur, explic acest fapt ca fiind un act intenionat,
consecin a unei practici sociale caracteristic comunitilor neolitice timpurii din
sud-estul Europei. Abandonarea i reocuparea periodic a aezrilor se constituie
ca o surs major pentru depunerea fragmentelor ceramice, expresie a unor
aciuni cu caracter repetitiv. ntoarcerea pe un vechi amplasament sau n
vecintatea acestuia genera o colectare de memorii culturale legate deopotriv
de oameni i de locurile anterior ocupate (Chapman 2000: 41, 42).
O serie de informaii despre de comunitile neolitice timpurii au fost furnizate
de inventarul arheologic descoperit n aezrile Starevo-Cri cercetate.
Piatra a fost una dintre materiile prime cel mai des folosite de ctre
comunitile preistorice pentru confecionarea unor unelte sau arme. Prelucrarea ei
s-a fcut, att prin cioplire ct i prin lefuire, n funcie de proprietile fizice avute
i de necesitile de a obine diferite tipuri de unelte.
Materia prim folosit aproape n exclusivitate pentru cioplire a fost silexul.
Majoritatea pieselor (95 %) descoperite la Dulceanca au fost confecionate din
silex cu nuane galben-maronii, n timp ce la Mgura acest procent este
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semnificativ mai sczut (55 %). n cea din urm aezare exist complexe
arheologice unde acest tip de silex este predominant (pn la 80 %), n alte situaii
uor predominant fiind silexul cu nuane de cenuiu sau negru-cenuiu (procente
cuprinse ntre 55-60 %).

Fig.3 Mgura Buduiasca. Unelte de piatr.

Principalele tipuri de piese de silex descoperite la Dulceanca sunt lamele i
segmentele de lam, unele dintre ele fiind utilizate pentru obinerea unor unelte
compuse, de tipul secerilor. Se adaug rzuitoarele, vrfurile retuate, aschiile
retuate, precum i nucleele sau un percutor sferic (Coma 1994: 17-21). O
structur tipologic similar se nregistreaz i n cazul aezrii de la Mgura
Buduiasca. Predomin i aici lamele i segmentele de lam. Au fost identificate i
trei lame de secer, una dintre ele pstrnd luciul specific pe ambele laturi, dovad
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a refolosirii acesteia. Alte piese de silex apain tipurilor reprezentate de rzuitoare,

achii retuate, nuclee i percutoare. Unele dintre piese pstreaz cortexul iniial al
galetului din care au fost cioplite. Acestea, dar i prezena unor nuclee prismatice
epuizate sau aflate n lucru, pledeaz n favoarea ipotezei prelucrrii pe loc.
Att n aezarea de la Dulceanca ct i n cea de la Mgura se remarc absena
piselor geometrice trapeziforme i n general a microlitelor, utilaj de tradiie
tardenoisian, ntlnit n proporii diferite n unele aezri neolitice timpurii
(Punescu 1988: 15).
n cuprinsul teritoriului ce face obiectul analizei noastre, au fost descoperite i
dou depozite de unelte de silex, atribuite culturii Starevo-Cri. Primul dintre ele,
descoperit la Deagurile, pe rul Teleorman, are n componena sa 25 de piese
dintre care 23 sunt cioplite din silex i dou realizate din piatr lefuit. Dintre
piesele de silex pot fi menionate 20 de lame-cuite, cu lungimi cuprinse ntre 6 i
16,5 cm. Au forma arcuit, cu margini subiri i tioase i seciuni triunghiulare sau
trapezoidale. Sunt realizate dintr-un silex de culoare glbui-vineie sau alb-vineie,
cu pigmeni albicioi, unele pstrnd poriuni din cortexul calcaros. Un nucleu conic
psteraz urmele a 16 desprinderi de lame, din el fiind lucrate cel puin dou
treimi din piesele ce compun depozitul (Nania 1965: 319).
Un depozit asemntor a fost descoperit la Bbia, pe prul Clnia, un
afluent al Teleormanului. Este compus din 14 lame-cuite i 3 segmente de lam,
cu lungimi cuprinse ntre 10 i 16 cm. Au forma, de asemenea, arcuit i seciuni
triunghiulare sau trapezoidale. Majoritatea au marginile retuate. Sunt realizate
dintr-un silex de culoare maroniu-glbuie sau alb-glbuie, cu pete rare, albicioase.
Cortexul iniial, calcaros, se pstreaz i n acest caz, pe unele dintre piese.
O prezen, deocamdat singular n neoliticul timpuriu din sud-vestul
Munteniei, o constituie un rzuitor confecionat din obsidian, de culoare fumurie,
semitransparent, descoperit ntr-un complex Starevo-Cri de la Mgura (C 13).
Inventarul litic este completat de diferite unelte de piatr lefuit. De la
Dulceanca provin cinci toporae plate, trapezoidale, confecionate din roc
albstruie i marn glbuie, dou piese lucrate din gresie sfrmicioas i alte
dou din roci dure, plate, subiri, cu suprafaa puternic neregulat (Coma 1994:
23). La Mgura pot fi amintite: un fragment dintr-un topor de tip vltuc
(Walzenbeile), confecionat din ist verde (Fig.3/6), un frector confecionat din
calcar grezos (Fig.3/7) i un fragment de ascuitor confecionat din gresie roie,
feruginoas (Fig.3/8). Tot aici, ntr-un complex nchis (B 5) a fost descoperit un
depozit compus din cinci rnie, de diferite dimensiuni, confecionate din gresie
(Fig.3/1-5). Patru dintre ele, cu forme rectangulare sau ovoidale, aveau o suprafa
plat sau uor albiat, constituind partea util a rniei. Cea de-a cincea pies, de
form romboidal, prezint pe ambele fee cte o alveolare circular cu dimensiuni
aproape egale (diametrul de 10 cm. i adncimea de 5, respectiv 3,5 cm).
Informaiile furnizate de uneltele i obiectele realizate din materii dure animale
(MDA) sunt limitate de loturile relativ mici provenite n urma cercetrilor
arheologice. n aezarea Starevo-Cri de la Dulceanca nu sunt semnalate
descoperiri de acest fel (Coma 1994: 23), singurul lot reprezentativ fiind cel de la
Mgura Buduiasca. De aici provin 61 de pise dintre care 39 sunt piese finite,
ntregi sau aflate n stare fragmentar, iar 22 sunt n curs de prelucrare.
Au fost descoperite, cu preponderen, unelte precum spatule-linguri, vrfurimpungtoare, dltie-netezitoare (Fig.4). O analiz a tipului de os utilizat a relevat
faptul c erau preferate metapodiile i semicorpurile costale de bovine i
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ovicaprine. De altfel, inventarul obiectelor din MDA sugereaz folosirea cu

precdere a celor provenite de la animale domestice, peste 60 %, n timp ce MDA
provenite de la animalele slbatice nsumeaz 10 %. Datorit gradului de
fragmentare i prelucrare, exist i un procent de peste 20 % de MDA
indeterminabile ca specie. De semnalat prezena unui zdrobitor realizat dintr-un os
fosilizat provenit de la un animal de talie mare, de faun cuaternar, dar i a altei
piese aflat n curs de prelucrare. Acestea erau probabil culese de membrii
comunitii Starevo-Cri de la Mgura din prundiurile rului Teleorman aflat n
apropierea aezrii.

Fig.4 Mgura Buduiasca.Unelte de os (1-14) i corn (15, 16).

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Mai multe piese aflate n curs de prelucrare, mai ales cele obinute din
metapodii de bovine, au putut reconstitui lanul operator prin care erau
confecionate. De exemplu, pentru obinerea spatulelor-linguri, metapodiile erau
despicate i apoi lefuite, pn la realizarea prii active (cuul) i a mnerului.
ntr-un mod similar erau obinute i vrfurile-mpungtoare, fiind folosite, cu
predilecie, metapodiile de ovicaprine. Spatulele i netezitoarele erau realizate i
din coaste de bovine, lanul operator putnd fi urmrit i n acest caz.

Fig.5 Vase i fragmente ceramice: Mgura Buduiasca (1-3, 7-14),

Alexandria Crmidrie (4-6).
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Din aceeai categorie a obiectelor realizate din MDA fac parte i cteva obiecte
de podoab, descoperite la Mgura: un pandantiv confecionat dintr-un canin
inferior de porc mistre (Sus scrofa) i o verig, fragmentar, realizat dintr-un os
ce provine de la un mamifer de talie mare. Deasemenea, pot fi menionate, o valv
de Cardium, perforat i trei gasteropode marine (Natica sp.), la rndul lor,
perforate.
Dintre categoriile de descoperiri arheologice, ceramica este cel mai bine
reprezentat. Ceramica a fost modelat cu mna, din lut amestecat cu pleav i a
fost ars ntr-o atmosfer reductoare. Forma vaselor ceramice a fost subordonat
mai ales funcionalitii, dar i a posibilitilor de realizare, fiind prezente att
forme nchise ct i forme deschise.

Fig.6 Vase i fragmente ceramice: Mgura Buduiasca (1-13),

Alexandria Crmidrie (14, 15).
Categoria grosier cuprinde, mai ales, vase globulare sau cu perei arcuii, cu
buza mai mult sau mai puin nlat, dreapt sau rsfrnt n afar, uneori
ngroat (Fig.6/1-9). Mai rar sunt ntlnite castroane tronconice, cu perei drepi
sau puin arcuii n afar i baza masiv, cilindric (Fig.5/1,2).
Ceramica fin, inclusiv ceramica pictat este prezent n mai multe forme: vase
globulare, semisferice sau bitronconice i cupe tronconice sau profilate (Fig.5/7-14,
7/1-4).
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Cupele au, de regul, picioare cilindrice, fie goale, fie pline la interior. Uneori,
picioarele sunt masive, de form cvadrilobat.
Ca tehnici de decorare sunt folosite: impresiunea, incizarea i pictarea.
Impresiunea este folosit n cazul ceramicii grosiere i prezint mai multe
variante: impresiuni realizate cu degetul, unghia i uneltele ascuite din os sau
lemn i ciupituri.
Decorul este realizat pe ntreaga suprafa a vaselor. Ciupiturile sunt adesea
dispuse n aa-numita form a spicului de gru, uneori asociate cu alveolri pe
buza vaselor (Fig.6/9, 11, 15). Asociate cu acelai tip de decor sunt liniile incizate
i decorurile n relief, brurile alveolate dispuse oblic, orizontal, vertical sau n
ghirland (Fig.6/1, 4, 9).
Incizia ngust, realizat probabil cu ajutorul unei unelte de silex, os sau lemn,
este asociat de cele mai multe ori cu impresiuni i bruri alveolate. Liniile incizate
sunt dispuse fie neregulat, fie paralel sau n reea (Fig.5/10, 6/1,4). Pe unele vase
este ntlnit un decor compus din linii incizate, scurte, paralele, succesive, ce
acoper ntreaga suprafa (Fig.5/1,2).
Un decor mai rar ntlnit pe vasele confecionate din past fin, cu suprafaa
lustruit, este cel realizat din caneluri fine, dispuse n zig-zag (Fig.5/13, 14).
Unele vase din categoria grosier au suprafaa acoperit cu barbotin, asociat
sau nu cu un alt tip de decor i interiorul bine lustruit (Fig.6/2, 3, 5).
O categorie ceramic deosebit, reprezentativ pentru cultura Starevo-Cri,
este categoria ceramicii pictate. Vasele sunt pictate pe ntreaga suprafa, fie la
exterior, fie i la interior, n funcie de forma vasului, cu o angob ale crei nuane
variaz de la portocaliu i crmiziu, la rou, rou-sngeriu i brun rocat. Pentru
multe dintre vase acesta este fondul propriu-zis, peste care se picteaz decorul, n
variant bicrom sau policrom.
Pictura bicrom este realizat, mai ales, cu nuane de negru sau brun (Fig.7/1,
3, 4). Motivele decorative ntlnite sunt: liniile paralele, dispuse vertical, liniile
meandrate, segmentele curbiliniare, benzile i triunghiurile haurate n reea,
triunghiurile simple, zig-zagurile, ghirlandele. Foarte rar, este prezent pictura cu
alb pe fond rou i cu totul izolat au aprut fragmente ceramice pictate cu brun pe
fond crem sau rou pe fond alb.

Fig.7 Mgura Buduiasca.Ceramic pictat.

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Pictura policrom este realizat cu nuane de negru sau brun i alb-crem sau
alb-ivoriu. De obicei, benzile pictate cu culori nchise sunt mrginite de linii subiri
sau puncte realizate cu culori deschise (Fig.7/2). n aceleai culori deschise sunt
pictate linii dispuse n reea sau n x. n alte cazuri, benzi late, pictate cu alb,
sunt delimitate de linii subiri pictate cu brun.
Iniial, aezrile Starevo-Cri din Muntenia au fost ncadrate n fazele trzii ale
culturii, apariia lor fiind considerat ca un rezultat al rspndirii spre est al
comunitilor neolitice din estul Olteniei (Lazarovici 1971: 32-37; Coma 1994: 39),
nefiind exclus, cel puin pentru vestul provinciei, posibilitatea existenei unor faze
mai vechi ale culturii (Coma 1994: 40).
Datele 14C de la Mgura - 689661 BP, 683353 BP, 678456 BP5 - ar plasa
aezarea de aici naintea nivelurilor Starevo-Cri III i IV de la Crcea Viaduct i
Copcelu Valea Rii, posibil la un nivel II B, conform periodizrii lui Gh. Lazarovici
(Lazarovici 1984: 62-63).

Fig.8 Suma probabilitilor datelor calibrate C14 pentru fazele Starcevo-Cri III i
IV din aezrile de la Mgura Buduiasca, Cocelu, Crcea Viaduct,
Trestiana i Gura Baciului.
Aceleai date le devanseaz i pe cele de la Gura Baciului i Trestiana,
corespunztoare unor niveluri Starevo-Cri III B (Mantu 1995: 215, 226) (Fig.8).
Prin urmare, pentru ptrunderea comunitilor neolitice timpurii la nord de Dunre,
ar trebui luat n consideraie varianta sudic. Una dintre ci este posibil s fi
pornit din bazinul Mariei pe culoarul Tundja - Iantra - Vedea, iar o alt cale pe
culoarul Topolnia - Osm/Vit - sud-vestul Munteniei. Fragmentele ceramice pictate
cu benzi de culoare neagr, delimitate de puncte sau linii albe, pe fond rou,
considerate a fi de tradiie Karanovo I (Fig.7/2) ar indica legturi cu zona bazinului
Mariei (Nikolov 1995: 54)6. Mai multe date 14C cunoscute pentru aezri neolitice
timpurii de tip Karanovo I-II de la sud de Dunre, avdar IV-II, Azmak I-1 - I-2,
Stara Zagora II-III, Karanovo I-II, plaseaz nivelurile timpurii n intervalul 57505600 cal BC, interval asemntor cu cel de la Mgura (Bojadziev 1995: 161-163,
179-180).
Dac sincronismul locuirilor neolitice timpurii din bazinul Mariei i din sudvestul Munteniei poate fi sugerat de seriile de date 14C, dovezile arheologice
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demonstreaz diferene clare n ceea ce privete tipul de aezri i de

paleoeconomie. n zona central a Bulgariei se nregistreaz locuiri de lung durat
n acelai loc, ce au ca rezultat formarea tell-urilor, n timp ce la nord de fluviu, dar
i pe malul su drept, locuirile sunt dispersate i inconsistente.
Cercetrile viitoare de la Mgura Buduiasca, dar i identificarea altor aezri
Starevo-Cri, ar putea mbogi informaiile deinute n prezent i lmuri totodat
o serie de probleme legate de originea i evoluia neoliticului timpuriu, de legturile
cu teritoriile nvecinate. Deocamdat, lipsa unor spturi de amploare n aezrile
Starevo-Cri din aceast parte a Munteniei i pune, o amprent negativ asupra
cunoaterii specificului acestor comuniti omeneti.
Descoperiri neolitice timpurii din sud-vestul Munteniei
1. ALEXANDRIA, jud. Teleorman, Crmidrie
Descoperiri ntmpltoare (1984), la aproximativ 1 km nord-est de ora, pe
terasa joas, nord-estic a rului Vedea.
Crecetrile de suprafa efectuate ulterior (I. Spiru, P. Mirea 1984 - 1990), au
condus la identificarea unor urme de locuire din neolitic (Starevo-Cri, Boian),
bronz timpuriu (Glina), geto-daci, sec. VI Chr. (Ipoteti-Cndeti), epoca feudal
timpurie (Dridu).
Culturii Starevo-Cri i-au fost atribuite cteva fragmente ceramice cu pleav n
past i fragmente ceramice cu angob roie.
Materiale inedite aflate n colecia Muzeului Judeean Teleorman.
2. BBIA, jud. Teleorman
Depozit format din 17 unelte de silex, atribuit culturii Starevo-Cri, descoperit
ntmpltor (1967) pe raza comunei Bbia, aflat la aproximativ 20 km nord de
Alexandria, pe valea prului Clnia, afluent al rului Teleorman.
Materiale inedite aflate n colecia Muzeului Judeean Teleorman.
3. DEAGURILE, jud. Arge, Piscul Mmligii
Depozit format din 23 unelte de silex i 2 unelte din piatr lefuit, atribuit
culturii Starevo-Cri, descoperit ntmpltor (1964), pe raza comunei Deagurile,
situat la aproximativ 30 km sud de Piteti i 11 km sud-est de Costeti, n
apropierea malului stng al rului Teleorman.
Sunt menionate i fragmente ceramice cu pleav n past.
Materiale aflate n colecia Muzeului Judeean Arge.
Bibliografie: Nania 1965: 315 319.
4. DULCEANCA, com. Vedea, jud. Teleorman
Aezare aflat la marginea de sud-vest a satului Dulceanca, situat la 17 km
nord-vest de Alexandria, pe terasa joas a prului Burdea, la aproximativ 1 km
nord de confluena cu rul Vedea.
n urma spturilor sistematice (Suzana Dolinescu-Ferche, 1968 - 1969) s-a
constatat prezena unui nivel neolitic timpuriu (Starevo-Cri), parial suprapus de
un nivel inconsistent din epoca bronzului (Tei) i niveluri din sec. III Chr. (dacii
liberi), sec. VI Chr. (Ipoteti - Cndeti), urme sporadice din sec. VIII IX (Dridu)
i din epoca feudal (sec. XIV).
Din neoliticul timpuriu au fost cercetate 4 complexe arheologice (dou bordeie,
o groap simpl i, posibil, un cuptor), din care s-au recuperat fragmente
ceramice, unelte se silex i piatr lefuit.
Materiale aflate n colecia Institutul de Arheologie Vasile Prvan Bucureti.
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Bibliografie: Dolinescu-Ferche 1974: 100, 103, Fig.110; Coma 1994: 13-39;

G 1994: 41-44; Coma 1995: 47-52.
5. MGURA, jud. Teleorman, Buduiasca (TELEOR 003)7
Aezare descoperit n urma unor cercetri de suprafa ( Mirea, t. Apope,
2001), aflat la 7 km nord-est de Alexandria i aproximativ 1 km sud-est de
comuna Mgura, pe terasa joas a rului Teleorman.
Spturi sistematice, desfurate, ncepnd cu anul 2001, n cadrul Southern
Romania Archaeological Project, au condus la descoperirea unor urme de locuire
din neolitic (Starevo-Cri, Karanovo III, Dudeti, Vdastra), bronz timpuriu
(Cernavod III), Hallstatt timpuriu, sec. III Chr. (dacii liberi), sec. IV Chr., Dridu,
epoca medieval trzie, epoca modern.
Stratigrafia este, n general, orizontal; uneori nivelul Starevo-Cri a fost
parial suprapus de un nivel din neoliticul dezvoltat (Dudeti) sau niveluri
postneolitice.
Din neoliticul timpuriu dateaz 13 complexe arheologice (4 locuine, 9 gropi),
din care s-au recuperat vase i fragmente ceramice, unelte de silex, piatr,
obsidian, os, plastic antropomorf i zoomorf, obiecte de podoab.
Materiale aflate n colecia Muzeului Judeean Teleorman.
Bibliografie: Andreescu, Bailey 2002, 2003, 2004; Andreescu, Mirea, Apope
2001: 29-34.
6. VITNETI, jud Teleorman, Vitneti IV
Aezare descoperit n urma unor cercetri de suprafa (P. Mirea, t. Apope,
2001), aflat la aproximativ 7 km nord-est de Alexandria, la marginea de vest a
comunei, n apropierea drumului E 70, pe terasa nord-estic a rului Teleorman.
Au fost descoperite materiale din neolitic (Starevo-Cri, Boian, Gumelnia),
Hallstatt (Basarabi), sec. IV Chr.
Culturii Starevo-Cri i pot fi atribuite fragmente ceramice cu pleav n past i
fragmente ceramice cu angob roie.
Materiale inedite aflate n colecia Muzeului Judeean Teleorman
Note
1.
2.

3.

4.

5.
6.

Informaii inedite de la T. Zorzoliu (Muzeul Cmpiei Boianulu Drgneti-Olt).

Referitor la aezarea de la Blteni, E. Coma, citndu-l pe autorul descoperirilor, meniona
existena unor vase pictate (Coma 1994: 38). n schimb, autorul descoperirilor semnala
tocmai excepionala raritate a ceramicii pictate! (Cioflan, Antipa 1992: 11).
Proiectul romno-britanic de cercetare pluridisciplinar a locuirii neo-eneolitice de pe valea
Teleormanului (SRAP - Southern Romania Archaeological Project) a debutat n anul 1998 i
este condus de dr. Radian R. Andreescu, cercettor la Muzeul Naional de Istorie a Romniei
i de dr. Douglass W. Bailey, eful Departamentului de Arheologie al colii de Istorie i
Arheologie a Universitii din Cardiff. Proiectul este finanat de ctre Academia Britanic,
Universitatea din Cardiff i Societatea Anticarilor Londonezi din partea britanic, respectiv
Ministerul Culturii i Cultelor i Consiliul Judeean Teleorman din partea romn.
Mulumim i pe acest cale colegilor Adrian Blescu, Constantin Haita i Valentin Radu de la
Centrul Naional de Cercetri Pluridisciplinare de pe lng Muzeul Naional de Istorie a
Romniei pentru informaiile de specialitate puse la dispoziie.
Datele 14C au fost obinute la Radiocarbon Dating Labotatory, University of Waikato,
Hamilton, Noua Zeeland (Wk 14435, Wk 14436, Wk 14437)
Putem aminti prezena masiv n complexe ce aparin neoliticului dezvoltat (i care, uneori,
suprapun parial complexele neolitice timpurii) a elementelor Karanovo III: vase cu trei sau
patru picioare, toarte cu protome cilindrice sau discoidale i msue altar triunghiulare sau
rectangulare (Andreescu, Bailey 2003: 189-190; 2004: 184-189), reflectnd, probabil,
legturile cu zona bazinului Mariei.

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7.

Conform SRAP, siturile au primit un numr de cod ce cuprinde denumirea prescurtat a

unitii hidrografice pe care se afl amplasate (TELEOR - pe rul Teleorman, CLA - pe prul
Clnia, VED - pe rul Vedea), urmat de un numr de ordine.

Bibliografie
Andreescu, R., Bailey D. 2002. Mgura, Lceni, Vitneti. Raport preliminar.
Cronica Cercetrilor Arheologice. Campania 2001: 196.
Andreescu, R., Bailey D. 2003. Mgura. Raport preliminar. Cronica Cercetrilor
Arheologice. Campania 2002: 189-190.
Andreescu, R., Bailey D. 2004. Mgura. Raport preliminar. Cronica Cercetrilor
Arheologice. Campania 2003: 184-189.
Andreescu, R., Mirea, P., Apope, t. 2001. Dinamica locuirii neo-eneolitice pe valea
Teleormanului. Cultu i Civilizaie la Dunrea de Jos XVI-XVIII: 29-34.
Bailey D. 2000. Balkan Prehistory. Exclusion, Incorporation and Identity,
Routledge, London.
Bem, C. 2004. Bucani. Raport preliminar. Cronica Cercetrilor Arheologice.
Campania 2003: 187.
Bojadziev, J. 1995. Chronology of Prehistoric Cultures in Bulgaria. n D.W.Bailey i
I. Panayotov, Prehistoric Bulgaria., Monographs in World Archaeology No. 22,
Prehistory Press, Madison, Wisconsin: 149-191.
Boronean, V. 2005. Chitila Ferm. Studiu monografic. Cercetri Arheologice n
Bucureti VI: 47-82.
Butoi, M. 1999. Descoperiri arheologice din judeul Olt, Slatina, 1999.
Chapman, J. 2000. Fragmentation in Archaeology. Places and Broken Objects in
the Prehistory of South-Eastern Europe, Routledge, London-New York.
Cioflan, T., Antipa, V. 1992. Cercetrile de suprafa de la Blteni, jud. Arge.
Studii i Comunicri: 11-13.
Coma, E. 1959. La civilisation Cri sur la teritoire de la R.P. Roumain. Acta
Archaeologica Charpathica I (2): 173-184.
Coma, E. 1978. Probleme privind cercetarea neo-eneoliticului de pe teritoriul
Romniei. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche i Arheologie XXIX (1): 7-31.
Coma, E. 1993. La Roumanie Mridionale. Atlas du Nolithique europen.
L`Europe orientale, ERAUL, Lige: 151-189.
Coma, E. 1994. Aezarea Starevo-Cri de la Dulceanca. Analele Banatului S.N.
III: 13-39.
Coma, E. 1995. Une agglomration de type Starevo dans louest de la Muntnie.
Acta Musei Napocensis 32 (1): 47-52.
Dolinescu-Ferche, S. 1974. Aezri din secolele III i VI e.n. n sud-vestul
Munteniei. Cercetrile de la Dulceanca. Bucureti.
G, Gh. 1994. Caracterizarea tehnologic a ceramicii Starevo-Cri de la
Dulceanca. Analele Banatului S.N. III: 41-44.
Lazarovici, Gh. 1971. Difuziunea unor civilizaii neolitice n regiunea Dunrii de Jos.
Pontica IV: 31-40.
Lazarovici, Gh. 1984. Neoliticul timpuriu n Romnia. Acta Musei Porolissensis VIII:
49-104.
Mantu, C. M. 1995. Cteva consideraii privind cronologia absolut a neoliticului
din Romnia. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche i Arheologie XLVI (3-4):
213-235.
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Maxim, Z. 1999. Neo-eneoliticul din Transilvania. Date arheologice i matematicostatistice, Cluj-Napoca.

Nani, I. 1965. Dou depozite de unelte neolitice n raionul Costeti (regiunea
Piteti). Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche XVI (2): 315-319.
Nica, M., Rdoiescu, L. 2002. Aezri i locuine neolitice descoperite pe teritoriul
Olteniei. Arhivele Olteniei 16: 7-26.
Nikolov, V. 1995. Bemerkungen zur gemalten Ornamentierung auf den
Tongefssen aus avdar (Gruppe Kremikovici). Acta Musei Napocensis 32 (1):
53-65.
Olteanu, Gh. 2002. Repertoriul arheologic al judeului Dmbovia. vol. II (N-Z),
Trgovite.
Punescu, Al. 1988. Les industries lithiques du nolithiques ancien de la Roumanie
et quelques considrations sur linventaire lithique des cultures nolithique
moyen de cette contre. Dacia S.N. 1-2: 5-19.
Teodorescu, V. 1963. Cultura Cri n centrul Munteniei (pe baza spturilor
arheologice de la Trgorul Vechi). Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche XIV (2):
251- 268.
Vleanu, C.M. 2003. Aezri neo-eneolitice din Moldova, Iai.

52

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ZOIA MAXIM*

SNAKE SYMBOLISTIC IN THE PREHISTORY OF THE

SOUTH - EAST EUROPE

Abstract: Prezentul articol abordeaz problema simbolisticii arpelui n perioada neo-enolitic i n

epoca bronzului. Pentru aceste perioade, n sud-estul Europei exist o serie de reprezentri, semne i
simboluri (spirale, S-uri, zig-zaguri, meandre, cercuri etc.), care pot fi interpretate ca simboliznd
arpele, ntr-o form abstractizat - simbolic. Aceste semne i reprezentri sunt prezente mai ales pe
vase, dar i pe alte obiecte (altare, statuete etc.), n aproape toate culturile din zona Balcanic i nu
numai: Protosesklo, Starevo-Cri, Vina, LBK, grupul Lumea Nou, Lengyel, Hamangia, Gumelnia,
Petreti, Cucuteni, Bodrogkeresztur, Horodite-Erbiceni, Tei, Otomani, Coslogeni, Suciu de Sus .a.
Simbolistica arpelui este foarte complex i variat: simbol falic, simbol al regenerrii i continuitii, al
eternitii, prudenei, nelepciunii etc.
Keywords: neo-eneolithic, bronze age, south-east Europe, pottery decoration motifs, snake symbol,
mythology.

Motto:
When man is resting he looks to the sky (Camille Flammarion)
Always man wanted to explore in order to understand the Universe and the life on
Earth. In this way appeared the abstracting and symbols. The most mysterious and
Symbolistic creature was the snack, which took an important place in the mythology,
imagistic and rituals of different people, recovered in the customs over the year.
The popular (ethnologic) calendar of the South East European areas is based
on the millenary observation with high precision of the cosmic clock and on the
earthly guide marks, concerning of the biological rhythm of animals, birds, reptiles
and plants. Even in superior Paleolithic the wises of the village were readers of
the sky (stargazers) being the link between the sky and earth. The result was the
appearance of calendar celebrations dedicated to zoomorphic and cosmic gods,
some of them being taken by Christianity receiving name of saints (Vulcnescu
1987; Ghinoiu 1997).
Such an important celebration was about the vernal equinox, when took place
some rituals for the new Agricultural Year, Piscicultural Year, The Day of the
Beehives, The Day of Fishes and The Day of the Snake (Ghinoiu 1994;
1997). In this moment of the year, on the sky of Eastern Europe rises the Snake
constellation. Now the Sun is warmer, the plants grow, the animals get out from
the earth and water, the birds come back to the old aeries, and the bees take
again their activity.
Why the Day of the Snake? It is the only vertebrate without limbs, he changes
ones place by own energy in winding moves, it is cold, hasnt ears, hasnt external
*

National Museum of Transylvania, Cluj-Napoca, Romania. e-mail: zmaxim@mnit.museum.utcluj.ro.

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sexual apparatus (being androgynous), he opens his mouth at 90 and hibernates

exactly 6 months (Fuhn 1969; Lewinsohn 1988). When man started to grow wheat
he noticed a similitude between the events on the sky and on the earth to the
vernal equinox the spring wheat is sowing and the autumn wheat becomes green
= the snakes get out from the earth, the Snake constellation is seen very well; at
summer solstice the wheat is ripened, the snakes hatch the eggs, the Snake
constellation is in the highest point; in 14th of September the Agricultural Year is
closed, the snake goes in the earth and the constellation is disappeared from the
sky. These reasons make us to start an archaeo astronomical study of the
constellation Ophicus (the 13th zodiacal constellation) for the year 4000 B.C (Csillik
Maxim 2003).
In Mythology (Kernbach 1978; 1989; Vulcnescu 1987; Gimbutas 1989; 1991;
Eliade 1994; Morretta 1994; Chevalier Gheerbrant 1995; Eliade Culian 1996;
Monah 1997; Evseev 1999; Berdan 2001; Lzrescu 2001; Golan 2003) the Snake
wasnt a created creature, he preexists in the Primordial Waters before the making
of the Earth. Here is the mystery! Dumuzis legend explains the hibernate of 6
months. From here the link between the earthly world, alive, and the underground
world of death and hiding things. His winding move is seen by philosophers such a
sign of perpetual evolution, cyclic.

Fig.1 1 - Knossos, minoic (after Gimbutas 1989, fig.210; Morretta 1994);

2 Ghelieti, Cucuteni culture (after Monah 1997, fig. 12;
Gimbutas 1989, fig. 221).
Through the link between Sky, Earth, Snake on the one hand and Man,
Survival, Procreation and Agrarian Rites on the other hand; we can try an

interpretation of the snake Symbolistic in Prehistory in this part of Europe. In this

way the ancestral intuition, the creative and regeneration force of nature
amalgamated with the magic power of the snake. From here results so many
symbols of the snake especially in connection with the Agrarian Year: 1) snake and
Sun (fire); 2) snake and Water; 3) snake and Air; 4) snake and Earth - the Snake
amalgamated all these four elements became the symbol of the Unity of all
Cosmos, a whole of good and bad. So, the snake has to major characteristics: the
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force of life, regeneration, procreation, perpetuance of the life on earth, and, if

some rules neither are nor respected death.

Fig. 2. 1 Frcau de Sus, Vina Culture (after Gimbutas 1989, fig. 44); 2 Dikili
Tash Slatina (after Bojadjiev 1993, 6/1); 3 Hovar Lisiii, Hovar Culture (after
Benac 1993, 5/12); 4 csd Kovshalom, Tisza Culture (Kalicz 1993, 4/9); 5
Nea Nicomedea, Protosesklo Culture and 6 Dikili Tash, Kodadermen culture
(after Seferiades 1993, 1/10, 21/10).
The symbols of the snake are very various: seminal (the phallic shape);
regenerative; is the sign of cyclic continuity and lasting of life, the eternity;
of prudence; of wisdom, the ascending force of life; etc.
The great changes of the economic behavior in Neolithic and than in Metal Age
underlined the importance of the snake, and now there was a real religion of the
snake (Snake Culture) connected with the religion of fertility and fecundity. In this
period we have god snake and goddess snake and an immensity of abstract
representations (Amorgos, Kato Ierapetra, Traian - Dealul Fntnilor, Sabatinovka,
Koumasa, Knossos, Mycenae, Argive Heraeum, Boeotia, Petsofas, Kophina,
Mochlos, Hacilar, Beletinci, Sitagroi, etc.: Gimbutas 1989, p. 121-140; 1991).
Between the sign symbols of the snake we mention:
spiral (simple or double) representing the coiling up snake, the sun,
the divine eye, the evolutional move, eddy, hypnosis, the abyss in
Karanovo culture at Gradesnica (Todorova - Vaisov 1993, 97/12) and
Marica (Todorova 1979, fig. 79a); in Starevo-Cri culture at Giulvz II
(Lazarovici 1979, VIII/D8); in Vina culture at Para (Lazarovici 1979,
XXIV/E31), Snandrei (Draovean 1996, LXVIII/6), Hodoni
Pocioroane (Draovean - eicu - Muntean, 1996, XLI/1) and Zorlenu
Mare (Lazarocici 1979, XIX/H14; in C1; Draovean 1996, CIX/7); in
Lumea Nou group at Trtria (Vlassa 1976, 130, 11/2), ), in LBK
culture at: Frauenhofen and Ravelsbach (Lenneis 1999, 3/2, 4/1),
Becsehely and Veszprm (Kalicz 1998, 4/2, 10/4); in Lengyel culture at
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Fig. 3. 1 Marica Culture (after Bojadjiev 1993, 9/8); 2 Dimini, Sesklo Culture
(after Seferiades 1993, 17/1); 3 Valea Lupului, Cucuteni Culture (after
Dumitrescu 1979, fig. 53); 4 Teiu, Gumelnia Culture (after Gimbutas 1989, fig.
460); 5 Hodoni, Vina Culture (after Draovean 1996, LXII/1); 6 Dvory nad
itavou, Liniar Culture (after Pavuk 1993, 1/9).

Aszod and S (Kalicz 1998, 29/1); in Vina - Dudeti culture at

Crcea - Viaduct (Nica 1996, 13/1, 5); Radovanu (Coma 1990, 49/5,
7); in Vdastra culture at Vdastra, Hotrani (Micle - Florescu 1980,
fig. 73, 76) and Cruovu (Mateescu 1957, fig. 7); in Gumelnia culture
at Sultana (Andrieescu 1924, XXII/7) and Brilia (Haruche Dragomir 1957, 5/3, 12/1); in Petreti culture at Ghimbav, Daia
Romn and Mihal (Paul 1992, XXXVII/1-2, XXXVIII/3), Corbu
(Brccil 1924, fig. 246-248); in Cucuteni culture at Drgueni,
Trpeti, Hbeti, Traian, Corlteni (Dumitrescu 1979, fig. 10, 22/a,
30, 32/a, 37/b, 105, 110-112, 114, 124,127, 132, 136,160-161, 176)
and Scnteia (Mantu 1999, nr. 164, 135, 139, 149, 153); in
Wietenberg culture at Alba Iulia (RepAlba 1995, 245, 7/3), Derida
and Teaca (Micle - Florescu 1980, fig. 391-392); in Otomani culture
at Gorneti (Micle - Florescu 1980, fig. 402), Sarasu (Popescu 1956
p. 230, fig. 141), Socodor and Vrand (Popescu 1956, 28/6, 64/3);
the little sticks = the snake in offensive, a phallus in erection, the
grass springing at Gura Baciului (Starevo-Cri culture; Vlassa 1976,
4/3), Agostonpuszta (Early Lengyel culture; Kalicz 1998, 43/6),
Otomani (Otomani culture; Roska 1944, p. 32, 16/3) and Tei (Tei
culture; Leahu 1966, VIII/2; Miclea - Florescu 1980, fig. 300);
shape of "S" letter around the eggs (circles) = the snake when
he hatches the eggs (source of a new life), than when the sun is the
most power at summer solstice, suggesting the link between Sun,
Divine eye and Snakes. Such images be found at: Para (Banater
culture; Lazarovici 1979, XXIV/E22-23, XXIV/H8), Hotnia, GoleanaDelcevo (Todorova 1979, fig. 30, 49b, 57b), Turda (Roska 1941,
CXI/3), Hotrani (Vdastra culture; Nica 1996, 6/10), Hbeti,
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Izvoarele, Drgueni, Trueti (Cucuteni culture; Dumitrescu 1979,

fig. 1/a, 21/b, 106; Petrescu-Dmbovia 1999, 176/7) and Glbnik II
(Todorova - Vaisov 1993, 91/2);

Fig.4 1 Szajon Felsfld, Starevo-Cri Culture (after Gimbutas 1989, fig.27); 2

Valea Lupului, Cucuteni Culture (after Gimbutas 1989, 469/2); 3 Trueti,
Cucuteni Culture (after Gimbutas 1989, fig.452); 4 Kriszczatek, Cucuteni Culture
(after Gimbutas 1989, 336/1); 5-6 Trpeti and Traian Dealul Viei, Precucuteni
Culture (after Marinescu-Blcu 1974, 55/6, 28/1).

chain of S = wedding of the snakes when the first part of the

agricultural works are closed and starting a time without sexual
restrictions, in philosophic way suggests the perpetual moving, the
eternal life. Such symbols is found in Karanovo culture at Gradesnica
(Todorova - Vaisov 1993, fig. 97/11, p. 206, pl. 43); in Starevo-Cri
culture at Crcea (Miclea - Florescu 1980, fig. 29); in LBK culture at
Balatonendrd, Knya and Medina (Kalicz 1998, 9/1-2, 5); in Vdastra
culture at Piatra Sat - Nucet (Nica 1996, 5/13); Hotrani (Miclea Florescu 1980, fig. 71) and Cruovu (Mateescu 1957, fig. 8); Radovanu
(Coma 1990, 48/4); in Cucuteni culture at Ariud (Lszl 1924, V/6),
Izvoarele, Mrgineni, Drgueni, Frumuica, Hbeti, Traian, Trgu
Ocna (Dumitrescu 1979, 19/c, 20/b, d, 21/a, 35/b, 83, 91, 102, 113,
121, 150; Miclea - Florescu 1980, fig. 162), Scnteia (Mantu 1999, nr.
1, 140); in Otomani culture at Ciumeti (Kacso 1972, p. 87) and
Vrand (Pdureanu 1978, 65/1); in Tei culture at Tei (Miclea Florescu 1980, fig. 300); and in Basarabi culture at Basarabi (Miclea Florescu 1980, fig. 522);
ascending meander (simple or multiple) = the snake climbing the
tree of life, spinal column of the man, Aesculap stick, the ascending
force of life (Brncus Infinite Column) which gets out from the earth
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(Mater Gea, the religion of fertility and fecundity), from Caves (the
World of darkness) and grave (the religion of ancestors); the vertical
movement of the vital regenerative sap (The Tree of Life) through the
spinal column energizing the brain responsible of mans economical
and social actin, the final propose being the ensuring of life on earth.
This symbol is found in Starevo-Cri culture at Donja Branjevina
(Karmanski 1993, IX/1) and Lnycsk (Kalicz 1998, 2/9); in Turda
group at Turda (Roska 1941, LXXXIII/7, XCIII/8, CXI/8, CXXVIII/22;
Vlassa 1959, 1/1,9, p. 10; 1976, p. 173, fig. 10-11); in Hamangia
culture at Medgidia (Haotti 1997, 31/4-5); n Cucuteni culture at Valea
Lupului (Dumitrescu 1979, fig. 42 - 43/b, fig. 156; Miclea - Florescu
1980, fig. 186, 192); in Baden culture at Franzhausen, Ossarn Grasberg (Lenneis 1999, p. 163, 21/1, 4, p. 167, 22/2); in HoroditeErbiceni culture at Sfntu Ilie (Dumitroaia 2000, p. 230, fig. 18) and in
Otomani culture at Gorneti (Miclea - Florescu 1980, fig. 401);
circle = snake which bites his own tail, the becoming wheel, girdle
(erpi, erpar), wedding ring, wreath, crown, circular fortress, means
protection of man which is inside this circle against the darkness
forces. Such image is found at: Gura Baciului (); and Bucova IV
(Lazarovici 1979, VIII/E39-40) in Starevo-Cri culture; Ovarovo in
Karanovo culture (Todorova 1979, fig. 27); Brilia in Gumelnia
culture (Haruchi - Dragomir 1957, fig. 6); Drgueni (Dumitrescu
1979, fig. 115), Trueti (Petrescu-Dmbovia 1999, 165/13, 15-16,
166/3, 5) and Scnteia (Mantu 1999, nr. 352-353) in Cucuteni culture;

Fig.5 1 Moravia IIB (after Kazdova 1993, 6/8); 2 Zengvrkony (after MllerKarpe 1968, II, 191/C2); 3 Pianu de Jos, Petreti Culture (after Gimbutas 1989,
fig. 223); 4 Gorneti, Otomani Culture (Micle Florescu 1980, fig. 401); 5
Sursk Dniepr Culture (Telegin 1993, 4/3); 6 Traian Dealul Fntnilor,
Cucuteni Culture (after Gimbutas 1989, 202/2).
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zig zag (simple, double, horizontal or vertical) = a moving snake, a

sign of water, waves, necessary rains after sowing which is found in
Starevo-Cri culture at Gura Baciului (Vlassa 1976, p. 76, 3/9), Cluj
Stvilar (Kalmar 1987-1988, 3/2), Perieni (Petrescu-Dmbovia 1957,
7/17); Kknydomb (Kalicz Raczky 1991, fig. 4), Obessenyo (Kutzin
1944, 34/16), Donja Branjevina (Karmanski 1978, VI/1), Mostonga
(Karmanski 1968, fig. 20); in Karanovo culture at Ovarovo and
Karanovo (Todorova - Vaisov 1993, fig. 84/3 p. 207); in Vina culture
at Zorlenu Mare, Balta Srat (Lazarovici 1979, XXIV/H 32, XVI/H 11);
in Banater culture at Para, Beenova (Lazarovici 1979, XXIV/E42, G18,
XXVI/B 8); in Turda group at Turda (Roska 1941, XCII/10, 12,
CIV/13, CVI/2, CVII/14, CXLIX/5; Luca 2001, 40/4); in Early Tisa at
csd - Kovshalom (Raczky 1991, fig. 131); in Suplacu de Barcu
group at Suplacu de Barcu (Ignat 1998, 64/8); Falkenstein Schanzboden (MOG; Lenneis 1999, 28/9); in Lengyel culture at
trelice, in Cucuteni culture at Cucuteni (Dumitrescu 1979, fig. 139;
Miclea - Florescu 1980, fig. 177), Srata Monteoru (Dumitrescu 1979,
fig. 56), Trgu Ocna - Podei (Dumitrescu 1979, fig. 148; Miclea Florescu 1980, fig. 175, 185), Valea Lupului (Dumitrescu 1979, fig.
146); in Usatovo culture at Brilia (Haruchi - Dragomir 1957, 12/2);
in Bodrogkeresztur culture at Ciumeti (Kacso 1972, p. 72); in
Horodite-Erbiceni culture at Crniceni (Dumitroaia 2000, p. 231,
19/3); in Globular Amphorae culture at Dolhetii Mari (Dumitroaia
2000, p. 262, 51/1); in Otomani culture at Gorneti (Miclea - Florescu
1980, fig.401); in Coslogeni culture at Clrai - Mgureni (Miclea Florescu 1980, fig. 420) and in Suciu de Sus culture at Suciu de Sus
(Roska 1942, p. 91, fig. 113);
These are only few of the main abstractins; magic signs take over by writing
system.
The snake is a mythological creature, a symbol of the ancestor getting out
from darkness in order to protect the house (The House Snake). Archetype and
total symbol, the snake is a pattern symbol (imago mundi), a sacred creature all
over the world under many hypostasis: snake, dragon, evil spirit, so sometime is a
tabu subject.
Metaphor of regeneration, of vital force, the snake is a metaphor of absolute
knowledge, so the Heros of the legends pass through a hypostasis of the snake.
References
Andrieescu, I. 1924. Les fouilles de Sultana. Dacia I: 51-107.
Brccil, Al. 1924. Antiquits pr- et proto-historiques des environs de Turnu
Severin. Dacia I: 280-296.
Benac, A. 1993. Les Balcans de Nord Ouest. Altas du Nolitique europen.
LEurope orientale, ERAUL, Lige: 127-150.
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Lazarovici, Gh. 1979. Neoliticul Banatului, Cluj-Napoca.

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62

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DIANA BINDEA*

ZOOARCHEOLOGICAL ASPECTS REGARDING THE

ECONOMIC LIFE OF PRE- AND PROTO-HISTORICAL
SITES FROM TRANSYLVANIA

Abstract: Scopul acestui articol este acela de a identifica, analiza i interpreta descoperirile faunistice

provenite din situri arheologice transilvnene (din neo-eneolitic i pn n epoca fierului). Acest studiu
reprezint o sintez a activitii mai multor specialiti. Materialul faunistic utilizat la elaborarea
prezentului studiu const n mai mult de 33347 fragmente determinabile (n marea lor majoritate
provenind de la specii domestice) din 62 de situri arheologice. Evoluia socio-economic a populaiilor
din Transilvania, ncepnd cu neoliticul timpuriu pn la sfritul epocii fierului, prin informaiile obinute
din studierea materialului faunistic, a permis, identificarea unor aspecte majore privind exploatarea unor
specii domestice i vnarea unor specii slbatice, pe parcursul pre- i protoistoriei. Din punct de vedere
ecologic, prezena n numr mare a unor specii slbatice (de pdure), n majoritatea siturilor studiate,
demonstreaz c habitatul acestor specii era mai mare la nceputul Holocenului dect astzi.

Keywords: neo-eneolithic age, bronze age, iron age, Transylvania, archaeozoological analyses.

Dedicated to the friendship between

Silvia Marinescu-Blcu and Alexandra Bolomey
The aim of this paper is the identification, analysis and interpretation of the
materials represented by the fauna remains discovered on the sites, starting from
Neolithic to the Roman conquest period in Transylvania.
The working material is represented by the bony fragments, which have
appeared as a result of the archeological diggings. The bony remains often
represent the remains resulted from food consumption by the old communities
members, thus realizing the domestic remains or kitchen remains of the
inhabitants. There are also some fauna groups with ritual character.
The present paper is a synthesis that reunites the personal studies, but also the
ones made during time, by the archaeozoological specialists, on fauna materials
proceeded from the archeological diggings. The fauna material that makes the object
of the present study sums up 33347 determined fragments (in their great majority
being domestic remains), which came from 62 archeological sites. Among these
materials a number of 10696 remains, discovered in 26 sites, have been personally
determined. The sites where the fauna samples have been analyzed and the number
of remains determined from each site (in parenthesis) are:
THE NEO-ENEOLITHIC AGE
EARLY NEOLITHIC Starevo-Cri Culture: Gura Baciului (522 remains,
personal studies; Lazarovici, Maxim 1995: 12-13, 36-40; Rusu 1995: 499-506); Le
*

National Museum of Transylvania, Cluj-Napoca. e-mail: dbindea@mnit.museum.utcluj.ro

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(153 remains; unpublished); Zuan (193 remains; Bindea 2003: 49-57); Ocna
Sibiului (305 remains; unpublished); Tnad (39 remains; unpublished); Trtria
(112 remains; unpublished); Livada (110 remains determined by G. El Susi; El Susi
1989-1993: 333-336); Turia (96 remains determined by S. Haimovici; Haimovici
1992: 259-268); Seua (422 remains determined by G. El Susi; El Susi 2000a: 4957); Lesiana Cave (8 remains determined by S. Haimovici; Haimovici 1989: 393395); Iernut (157 remains determined; Vlassa 1976: 111); Suplacu de Barcu
(remains determined by T. Jurcsk, E. Kessler; Ignat 1979: 54).
DEVELOPED NEOLITHIC Turda Culture: Tula Deva (50 remains
determined by M Bulai-tirbu; Bulai-tirbu 1984: 45-47); Ortie (1676 fragments
determined by G. El Susi; El Susi 1997a: 78-95); Zau de Cmpie (592 remains
determined by S. Haimovici, V. Man; Haimovici, Man 1986: 333-337; 1992: 21-27);
Herply Culture: Peti (135 remains determined by T. Jurcsk; Ignat 1973: 482);
Cluj Cheile Turzii Lumea Nou Iclod Culture (CCTLNI): Zau de Cmpie (2002
remains; unpublished); Cluj Napoca (82 remains; Rusu 1995b: 191-197); Cheile
Turzii (278 remains; Bindea, Sngerean 1996: 477-509); Iclod (406 remains,
unpublished); Iclod (3872 remains determined by G. El Susi; El Susi 1989-1993b:
187-202); Carei (205 remains determined by G. El Susi; El Susi 1997b: 59-62);
Vina Culture: Trtria (148 remains; unpublished).
ENEOLITHIC Petreti Culture: Cheile Turzii (474 remains; Bindea, Sngerean
1996: 477-509); Zau de Cmpie (1277 remains; unpublished); Trtria (166
remains; ined); Cucuteni Ariud Culture: Malna-Bi (1102 remains determinate
by S. Haimovici; Lsl, Haimovici 1996: 511); Pastelated handles Culture: Cheile
Turzii (546 remains; unpublished).
ENEOLITHIC EARLY BRONZE Coofeni Culture: incai (178 remains;
unpublished); Trtria (103 remains; unpublished); Ghida (57 remains determined
by S. Haimovici; Haimovici 1994: 401-404); Poiana Ampoiului (1717 remains
determined by C. Becker; Becker 2000: 69-74); Livezile (790 remains determined
by C. Becker; Becker 2000: 74-77); Cicu (63 remains determined by P.
Georoceanu, C. Lisovschi; Georoceanu, Lisovschi-Chelanu, Georoceanu 1978:
273-274); ebea (29 remains determined by P. Georoceanu; Andrioiu 1992: 132);
Boiu (31 remains determined by P. Georoceanu; Andrioiu 1992: 132).
BRONZE AGE
EARLY BRONZE Livezile cultural group: Livezile (1773 remains determined by
G. El Susi; El Susi 1997c: 45-64); Iernut cultural group: Zoltan (101 remains
determined by D. Moise; Moise 1997: 230-241); oimu cultural group: ebea (210
remains determined by P. Georoceanu; Andrioiu 1992: 132); oimu (36 remains
determined by P. Georoceanu; Andrioiu 1992: 132).
MIDDLE BRONZE Wietenberg Culture: Derida (1695 remains; unpublished);
Mintiu Gherlei (47 remains; unpublished); Cluj Napoca in the interior of a hole
(G7) it have been discovered 15 pieces, represented by incisors and canines from
Sus scrofa (domestic and wild, sometimes undetermined) and Bos taurus, analyzed
or to be analyzed, some of them having perforations probably being the pieces
from a necklace; Boiu (28 remains determined by P. Georoceanu; Andrioiu 1992:
132); Tureni it has been discovered the skeleton of a bull, ritually disposed, in
anatomic position (Rusu, Tarcea, Maxim 1989-1993: 229-238); Oara de Sus
(analyses S. Haimovici; Haimovici 2003a: 57-64) hole with cultural remains
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(including man) and domestic remains; Otomani Culture: Otomani (2283 remains
determined by S. Haimovici; Haimovici 1987: 37-54; ); Slacea (5417 remains
determined by T. Jurcsk; Bader 1978: 131-132); Scueni (1911 remains
determined by T. Jurcsk; Bader 1978: 131-132); Medieu Aurit Potu (1389
remains determined by T. Jurcsk; Bader 1978: 131-132).
LATE BRONZE Noua Culture: Iclod (55 remains; unpublished); Zoltan (5489
remains determined by G. El Susi; El Susi 2002: 153-172).
IRON AGE
HALLSTATT: Media Cetate (160 remains, Bindea Haimovici, in press);
Zau de Cmpie (133 remains, unpublished); Bernadea (286 remains determined by
G. El Susi; El Susi 2001a: 223-246); Teleac (769 remains determined by C.
Lisovschi-Cheleanu; Vasiliev, Aldea, Ciucudean 1991: 162); Media Gura
Cmpului (215 remains determined by P. Georoceanu; Bljan, Stoicovici,
Georoceanu 1979: 36-37; 1980: 203-204, 211, 214).
LA TNE: Mereti (728 remains; Bindea 1999: 83-103; 2000: 159-180);
Covasna (879 remains, in press); Porolissum-Moigrad (195 remains determined in
holes with incinerated material by S. Haimovici; Haimovici 1993: 12-17; 269
remains from dwellings determined by G. El Susi; El Susi 1999: 387-396);
Sighioara (874 remains determined by G. El Susi; El Susi 1996: 511-524); imleu
Silvaniei (1429 remains determined by G. El Susi; El Susi 2000b: 299-315);
Biharea (35 remains determined by S. Haimovici; Haimovici 1988: 121-130);
Trnvioara-Copa Mic (62 remains determined by P. Georoceanu; Georoceanu,
Bljan, Georoceanu, Lisovschi 1980: 69-78); Seua - 2 skeletons have been
discovered, one of Equus caballus, one of Canis familiaris (analysis by G. El Susi; El
Susi 2004: 273-285).
* * *
The fauna materials belong to several groups: mammals, birds, reptiles,
amphibians, fishes and mollusk. From the 91 species determined in the pre- and
proto-historic settlements from Transylvania, 47 can be found in the materials
personally analyzed.
MAMMALS
Domestic mammals
Bos taurus (cattle): they represent the domestic species with the greater
frequency in most of the placements from Transylvania, 16608 fragments. The
majority of the material represents the kitchen remains of the communities, but
there are also remains proceeded from ritual depositions: Zau de Cmpie, Carei (El
Susi 1997b: 59), Tureni, Porolissum (Haimovici 1993: 12). The domestic bovine
occupies the first place on most archeological sites. The cattle percent varies
between 3.96% on the eneolithic site from Malna-Bi (Lsl, Haimovici 1996:
511), where the big horned mammals are placed on the 5th place, and 88.7 % on
the Dacian site from Trnvioara (Georoceanu, Bljan, Georoceanu, Lisovschi
1980: 72), the criteria being the number of the remains (Fig. 1; * - sites from
where we took the fauna samples from the specialty literature, NR = number of
remains, MNI = minimum number of individuals). The cornular processes differ
under morphologic and dimensional ratio, being situated to the two types:
primigenius and brachyceros (the majority).
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Trnvioara*-Daci
Biharea*-Daci
imleu Silv.*-Daci
Sighioara*-Daci
Porolissum*-Daci
Covasna-Daci
Mereti-Daci
Media"G.Cmp."*Teleac*-Hallst.
Bernadea*-Hallst.
Zau Cmp.-Hallst.
Media"Cetate"Zoltan*-Noua
Iclod-Noua
Medieu Aurit*-Otom.
Scueni*-Otom.
Slacea*-Otom.
Otomani*-Otom.
M.Gherlei-Wieten.
Derida-Wieten.
Zoltan*-gr.Iernut
Livezile*-gr.Livezile
Cicu*-Coofeni
Livezile*-Coofeni
P.Ampoiului*-Coof.
Ghida*-Coofeni
Trtria-Coofeni
incai-Coofeni
Ch.Turzii-ToarteP
Malna-Bi*-Ariud
Trtria-Petreti
Zau Cmp.-Petreti
Ch.Turzii-Petreti
Trtria-Vinca
Carei*-CCTLNI
Ch.Turzii-CCTLNI
Iclod*-CCTLNI
Iclod-CCTLNI
Cluj-Nap.-CCTLNI
Zau Cmp.CCTLNI
Zau Cmp.*-Turda
Ortie*-Turda
Tula*-Turda
Iernut*-St.Cri
Seua*-St.Cri
Turia*-St.Cri
Livada*-St.Cri
Trtria-St.Cri
Tnad-St.Cri
O.Sibiului-St.Cri
Zuan-St.Cri
Le-St.Cri
G.Baciului-St.Cri
0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

% (NR)
NR

MNI

Fig.1 The frequency of Bos taurus in sites from Transylvania.

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100

1500
1450
1400
1350
1300
1250
1200
1150
1100
1050
1000
950
900

G.BaciuluiZuan-St.Cri
Tnad-St.Cri
Zau
Cluj-Nap.Iclod-CCTLNI
Zau.Cmp.*Ortie*Zau Cmp.TrtriaDeridaTureni-Wieten.
Otomani*Zoltan*-Noua
Media-Hallst.
Bernadea*Mereti-Daci
Covasna-Daci
Sighioara*imleu Silv.*Biharea*-Daci

mm

Based on a great number of metric data drew at the appendix skeleton level, it
have been performed several works. At Zau de Cmpie (CCTLNI Culture) after
realizing the dispersion diagram for the proximal epiphyses of the radius it has
been proved a possible grouping on sexes of the individuals of Bos taurus, being
obvious the values that characterized the wild species.
The size calculus (synthesizing with the data from literature) proved the fact
that the bovine were bigger in the Neo-eneolithic Age, when it took place a
gracialization phenomenon during times. The great values from Iclod and ClujNapoca belong to the same castrated individuals, being proved the fact that this
process of castration was practiced in Transylvania even from the developed
Neolithic. Castrated have been outlined also in Zau de Cmpie (CCTLNI Culture),
Mereti, Covasna.

Fig.2 The size (min./max./averege values) of Bos taurus in sites from Transylvania.

Ovis aries / Capra hircus (caprovines): represent the group that occupies
the second place among the domestic animals after the bovine. This group
reunites two species: Ovis aries (the sheep) and Capra hircus (the goat). From
caprovines come 7259 bony fragments.
The smallest percentages of caprovines, between 1-2% from the number of
fragment, can be found in Scueni (Bader 1988: 132), Otomani culture and in
Ortie (El Susi 1997a: 79), Turda culture (Fig. 3). The greatest frequencies of
74.39% from the number of remains are registered in Coofeni, from Livezile
(Becker 2000: 75). In most of the placements the caprovines take the second
place after the cattle, and sometimes the third place after the cattle and pigs. In
most of the Coofeni sites, the caprovines are placed first: Poiana Ampoiului,
Livezile (Becker 2000: 70, 75), ebea, Boiu (Andrioiu 1992: 132), but in some
placements of the Bronze Age such as: Livezile (El Susi 1997c: 19), Mintiu Gherlei
or in the hallstattian site from Media Cetate. At Tnad and Turia (Haimovici
1992: 260) the caprovines are missing, their absence from the species list can be
caused by the reduced number of the lot. The size estimation of the sheep reveal
the smallest sizes, generally in neo-eneolithic sites (except the site from Zau de
Cmpie, CCTLNI and Petreti culture), compared to the ones belonging to the
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www.cimec.ro
% (NR)
0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

MNI

Fig.3 The frequency of Ovis aries / Capra hircus in sites from Transylvania.

NR

G.Baciului-St.Cri
Le-St.Cri
Zuan-St.Cri
O.Sibiului-St.Cri
Trtria-St.Cri
Livada*-St.Cri
Seua*-St.Cri
Iernut*-St.Cri
Tula*-Turda
Ortie*-Turda
Zau Cmp.*-Turda
Zau Cmp.CCTLNI
Cluj-Nap.-CCTLNI
Iclod-CCTLNI
Iclod*-CCTLNI
Ch.Turzii-CCTLNI
Carei*-CCTLNI
Trtria-Vinca
Ch.Turzii-Petreti
Zau Cmp.-Petreti
Trtria-Petreti
Malna-Bi*-Ariud
Ch.Turzii-ToarteP
incai-Coofeni
Trtria-Coofeni
Ghida*-Coofeni
P.Ampoiului*-Coof.
Livezile*-Coofeni
Cicu*-Coofeni
Livezile*-gr.Livezile
Zoltan*-gr.Iernut
Derida-Wieten.
M.Gherlei-Wieten.
Otomani*-Otom.
Slacea*-Otom.
Scueni*-Otom.
Medieu Aurit*-Otom.
Iclod-Noua
Zoltan*-Noua
Media"Cetate"Zau Cmp.-Hallst.
Bernadea*-Hallst.
Teleac*-Hallst.
Media"G.Cmp."*Mereti-Daci
Covasna-Daci
Porolissum*-Daci
Sighioara*-Daci
imleu Silv.*-Daci
Biharea*-Daci
Trnvioara*-Daci
0

10

20

30

40

50

60

% (MNI)

Bronze Age. In the Iron Age, the withers size (the medium values, but also the
maximum ones) of the sheep is smaller than the ones in the previous periods.
Sus scrofa domesticus (domestic pig): gathers 6414 fragments. The pigs
occupy, in most of the sites the third place, after the cattle and caprovines, but in
some settlements are placed second, being preceded by the cattle. At Mereti
(Dacian site), the pig occupies the primordial place, having as a criteria the
minimum number of individuals. In Tnad and Turia (Haimovici 1992: 260) the
pigs are missing. The percentages of the pigs differ, according to the number of
the fragments, between 0.72% in Gura Baciului, Starevo-Cri Culture, (generally,
in the Early Neolihic placements the frequency of the pig is reduced) and 41.1% on
the Dacian site from Sighioara (El Susi 1996: 513). The biometric study has
marked out the possible grouping of the individuals according to sex.
The height calculus for withers emphasizes the fact that the swine from the
Neolithic sites were, on an average, smaller compared to the ones in Eneolithic and
the Bronze Age. In most of the placements from the Dacian Age, the size of the
domestic swine is more reduced than in the Bronze Age, but bigger than in the
Neolithic.
Equus caballus (the horse): has over 1058 remains. The frequency of the
horse in the sites from Transylvania is variable, starting, after the number of
fragments, from 0.4% in the placement from Coofeni, in incai, to 17.77% in the
placement from Noua, in Iclod. Relatively high percents are reached also in Cicu
(Georoceanu, Lisovschi-Chelanu, Georoceanu 1978: 273-274), Coofeni Culture,
Media Cetate, hallstattian placement and the Dacian sites from Porolissum (El
Susi 1999: 391) and Covasna. The size of the majority of horses in the sites from
Transylvania is under 140 cm (only 2 examples, one in Otomani and the other in
Media have the withers height over 140 cm).
800
750

mm

700
650
600

Biharea*-Daci

Sighioara*-Daci

imleu Silv.*-Daci

Mereti-Daci

Covasna-Daci

Zau-Hallst.

Bernadea*-Hallst.

Media-Hallst.

Iclod-Noua

Zoltan*-Noua

Oara*-Wieten.

Otomani*-Otom.

Derida-Wieten.

M.Gherlei-Wieten.

incai-Coofeni

Livezile*-Bronz timp.

Ch.Turzii-T.Pas.

Zau-Petreti

Ch.Turzii-Petreti

Iclod-CCTLNI

Zau-CCTLNI

Ch.Turzii-CCTLNI

Seua*-St.Cri

Livada*-St.Cri

Zuan-St.Cri

Gura Bac.-St.-Cri

500

O.Sibiului-St.Cri

550

Fig.4 The size (minimum - maximum - averege values) of Ovis aries in sites from
Transylvania.
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Canis familiaris (the dog): has 500 bones. Its presence in the fauna remains
is reduced, the percentages being, after the number of fragments, between 0.1%
Ortie (El Susi 1997a: 79), Turda culture and 7.89% in Iernut (Vlassa 1976:
111), Starevo-Cri culture. Numbers relatively high, over 5% are registered also in
Livezile (Becker 2000: 75), Coofeni culture, Otomani (Haimovici 1987: 53) and
Media Cetate (Hallstatt). The calculus of the basic length of the skull reveals
an ample variability, corresponding to some dogs that have a size which differs in
large limits (from very small to dogs that have a big withers height).
Wild mammals
Cervus elaphus (the red deer): has 4430 remains. It is present in most of the
pre- and protohistoric placements (with small exceptions). The percentages of the
red deer differ, after the number of fragments, between 0.35% at Derida
(Wietenberg Culture) and 50.28% at Malna-Bi (Lszl, Haimovici 1996:511),
Cucuteni-Ariud Culture, were is placed on primordial place in the fauna of the
placement. A high percentage, 34.7 (31.4% according to NMI) has the red deer also
in Ortie (El Susi 1997a: 79), Turda Culture, but also in the Neolithic placement
from Iclod, 24.71% (El Susi 1989-1993b: 193). The proceeded metric data indicate
variability, which appears both at the inter-populating level and at in intra-populating
one, because of the pronounced sexual dimorphism of this species. A metacarpus
discovered in Zau de Cmpie (CCTLNI Culture), with a maximum length of 277 mm,
has had a withers height of 126 cm (probably female). The size for 3 red deer
individuals (probably 2 males and a female) has been estimated also at Otomani
(Haimovici 1987: 42), where, based on a metacarpus and two metatarsals, it has
been obtained values of 132; 123 and 128 cm.
Sus scrofa ferus (the wild boar) has 1405 remains. In many sites it is placed
on second place, after the red deer, among the wild mammals. The lowest
frequency, after the number of fragments, of 0.2% is registered in Livezile, Livezile
cultural group (El Susi 1997c: 45). The highest percentage of the wild boar is held
in the Dacian site imleul Silvaniei, with 16,8% (El Susi 2000b: 306). The withers
height also differs in very large limits, the intervals being of 90.01-99.2 cm for
females and 100.2-113.74 cm for males.
Capreolus capreolus (the roe deer) has 1038 remains. The highest number
of roe deer is registered in the Neolithic placement from Malna-Bi (Lszl,
Haimovici 1996: 511), where it reaces 18.57% according to the number of
fragments and in the Coofeni site from Ghida with 12.28% (Haimovici 1994: 404).
The lowest frequency is in the Ortie site, Turda Culture (El Susi 1997a: 79). The
variability of some corporal parameters can also be associated with the sexual
dimorphism.
Bos primigenius (the aurochs) has 849 fragments. At Turia, the aurochs is
registered with the highest frequency, 11.46% according to the remains number
(Haimovici 1992: 260). The lowest number is registered in Poiana Ampoiului
(Coofeni Culture), with 0.07% (Becker 2000: 70). A complete radius proceeded
from the placement in Zau de Cmpie (CCTLNI Culture) has permitted the
estimation of a 135.45 cm size, that had belonged, probably, to a female
aurochs.

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Trnvioara*-Daci
Biharea*-Daci
imleu Silv.*-Daci
Sighioara*-Daci
Porolissum*-Daci
Covasna-Daci
Mereti-Daci
Media"G.Cmp."*Teleac*-Hallst.
Bernadea*-Hallst.
Zau Cmp.-Hallst.
Media"Cetate"Zoltan*-Noua
Iclod-Noua
Medieu Aurit*-Otom.
Scueni*-Otom.
Slacea*-Otom.
Otomani*-Otom.
M.Gherlei-Wieten.
Derida-Wieten.
Zoltan*-gr.Iernut
Livezile*-gr.Livezile
Cicu*-Coofeni
Livezile*-Coofeni
P.Ampoiului*-Coof.
Ghida*-Coofeni
Trtria-Coofeni
incai-Coofeni
Ch.Turzii-ToarteP
Malna-Bi*-Ariud
Trtria-Petreti
Zau Cmp.-Petreti
Ch.Turzii-Petreti
Trtria-Vinca
Carei*-CCTLNI
Ch.Turzii-CCTLNI
Iclod*-CCTLNI
Iclod-CCTLNI
Cluj-Nap.-CCTLNI
Zau Cmp.CCTLNI
Zau Cmp.*-Turda
Ortie*-Turda
Tula*-Turda
Iernut*-St.Cri
Seua*-St.Cri
Livada*-St.Cri
Trtria-St.Cri
O.Sibiului-St.Cri
Zuan-St.Cri
Le-St.Cri
G.Baciului-St.Cri

MNI
NR

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

% (NR)

Fig. 5 The frequency of the Sus scrofa domesticus in sites from Transylvania.

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Lepus europaeus (the hare) has 80 bony remains. The frequency of the hare
is reduces, under 2%. In most of the sites is represented through a single
fragment. A great number of fragments has been discovered in Zoltan, Noua
Culture, 20 remains (El Susi 2002: 165). The hare has the highest percentage in
Zoltan, Iernut group 1.98% (Moise 1997: 241). The metric data of the hare differ
very little among the sites or from one placement to another.
Ursus arctos (the brown bear) has 61 remains. The percentages of this
species differ, in most sites, between 0.02% in Zoltan, Noua Culture (El Susi 2002:
165) and 0.63% in the hallstattian site from Media Cetate. Only on one site,
from the Dacian Age imleul Silvaniei, the frequency of the bear reaches an even
higher percentage of 1.6% (El Susi 2000b: 305). The metric data proceeded are
few, thus they cannot be submitted to a comparative study.
Castor fiber (beaver) has 57 remains. The percentages of the beaver are relatively
high in Cheile Turzii (especially in the layer of the CCTLNI Culture and the Pastellated
handles Culture). It exceeds 1% only in Medieu Aurit, Otomani Culture (Bader 1978: 131).
There have been identified other species in the fauna samples on the territory
of Transylvania, with reduced importance: Canis lupus (the wolf), Meles meles (the
badger), Vulpes vulpes (the fox), Felis silvestris (the wild cat), Martes martes (the
forest marten), Lynx lynx (the lynx), Equus s (the wild horse), Alces alces (the
moose), Cervus dama ? (spoon bill), Bison bonasus ? (bison); some fragments
(among which also specifically undetermined) have been registered in the Orders
Rodentia, Insectivora, Chiroptera.

900

850

800

mm

750

700

650

600

Porolissum*-Daci

imleu Silv.*-Daci

Sighioara*-Daci

Covasna-Daci

Mereti-Daci

Bernadea*-Hallst.

Media-Hallst.

Zoltan*-Noua

Otomani*-Otom.

Derida-Wieten.

Ch.Turzii-T.Pas.

Trtria-Petreti

Ch.Turzii-Petreti

Zau-Petreti

Iclod*-CCTLNI

Ch.Turzii-CCTLNI

G.Baciului-St.Cri

500

Livezile*-Livezile

550

Fig.6 The size (minimum - maximum - average values) of Sus domesticus

in sites from Transylvania.
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15
10

% (MNI)

20

5
0

incai-Coofeni
Cicu*-Coofeni
Zoltan* -gr.Iernut
Derida -Wietenberg
Otomani*-Otomani
Slacea*-Otomani
Scueni*-Otomani
Zoltan*-Noua
Iclod-Noua
Media-"Cetate"-Hallstatt
Zau de Cmpie-Hallstatt
Bernadea*-Hallstatt
Teleac*-Hallstatt
Media-"Gura Cmp."*Mereti-Daci
Covasna-Daci
Sighioara*-Daci
imleu-Silvaniei*-Daci
Porolissum*-Daci
Biharea*-Daci

% (NR)

25

20
18
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0

NR

MNI

Fig.7 The frequency of Equus caballus in sites from Transylvania.

Birds. The Gallus gallus domestica (hen) species appears in a certainly
domestic state on the Dacian sites from Covasna and imleul Silvaniei (El Susi
2000b: 300). The wild birds present a great variety, 40 species discovered in 24
archeological sites. The identifies species are: at Gura Baciului Scolopax rusticola
(woodcook), Corvus monedula (jackdaw), Grus grus (crane), Anser s ; at Ocna
Sibiului Otis tarda (bustard), at Zuan Cygnus cygnus (winter swan), at Cheile
Turzii, Petreti Culture (Kessler, Gl 1998: 10) Pelecanus onocrotalus (white
pelican), Haliatus albicila (white-tailed eagle), Grus grus (crane), Anas acuta
(spear duck), Anser anser (summer goose), Falco subbuteo (sparrow falcon),
Tetrao urogallus (blackcock), Lyrurus tetrix (black grouse), Coturnix coturnix
(quail), Oriolus oriolus (bigwig), Cinclus cinclus (black bird), Turdus viscivorus
(thrush), Turdus philomelos (singing thrush), Corvus cornix (crow), Corvus
monedula (jackdaw); at Cheile Turzii (Pastellated handles Culture) Anas
platyrhynchos (wild duck), Galerida cristata (crested lark), Coturnix coturnix
(quail); at incai (Coofeni Culture) Lyrurus tetrix (black grouse); at Derida
(Wietenberg Culture) Anas platyrhynchos (wild duck), Nyctea scandiaca (polar
eagle owl), Falco s (falcon); at Covasna (Dacian site) Corvus corax (raven).
From reptiles and amphibians remained very few remains: 3 fragments Emys orbicularis (European pond tortoise), respectively 1 fragment - Pelobates
fuscus (brown earth frog).
Fish. The remains of fish which have been identified belong to the following
species: at Trtria, in the Starevo-Cri Culture layers mandible of Esox lucius
(pike) and Vina a vertebra from a Teleostei great size (Cyprinus carpio or
Silurus glanis), at Otomani (Haimovici 1987: 38) Silurus glanis (catfish), Esox
lucius (pike), Perca fluaviatilis (pearch), Carassius carassius (gold fish); at Slacea
73

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imleu Silv.*-Daci
Sighioara*-Daci
Porolissum*-Daci
Porolissum*-Daci
Covasna-Daci
Mereti-Daci
Media"G.Cmp."*-Hallst.
Teleac*-Hallst.
Bernadea*-Hallst.
Zau Cmp.-Hallst.
Media"Cetate"-Hallst.
Zoltan*-Noua
Iclod-Noua
Medieu Aurit*-Otom.
Scueni*-Otom.
Slacea*-Otom.
Otomani*-Otom.
Derida-Wieten.
Zoltan*-gr.Iernut
Livezile*-gr.Livezile
Cicu*-Coofeni
Livezile*-Coofeni
P.Ampoiului*-Coof.
Ghida*-Coofeni
Trtria-Coofeni
incai-Coofeni
Ch.Turzii-ToarteP
Malna-Bi*-Ariud
Trtria-Petreti
Zau Cmp.-Petreti
Ch.Turzii-Petreti
Trtria-Vinca
Carei*-CCTLNI
Ch.Turzii-CCTLNI
Iclod*-CCTLNI
Iclod-CCTLNI
Cluj-Nap.-CCTLNI
Zau Cmp.CCTLNI
Zau Cmp.*-Turda
Ortie*-Turda
Tula*-Turda
Iernut*-St.Cri
Seua*-St.Cri
Turia*-St.Cri
Livada*-St.Cri
Trtria-St.Cri
Tnad-St.Cri
O.Sibiului-St.Cri
Zuan-St.Cri
Le-St.Cri
G.Baciului-St.Cri
0

10
NR

15

20

25

MNI

30

35

40

45

50

% (NR)

Fig.8 The frequency of Cervus elaphus in sites from Transylvania.

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55

(Bader 1978: 131) Silurus glanis; at Scueni (Bader 1978: 131) Silurus glanis,
Cyprinus carpio (carp); at Oara de Sus, Wietenberg Culture (Haimovici 2003: 58)
Tinca tinca (tench), Silurus glanis; at Media- Cetate, hallstattian site 1
vertebral body that had belonged to a Teleosteian fish; at Bernadea (El Susi 2001:
238) cyprinids.
The mollusks are the only invertebrates present in the materials proceeded
from the archeological diggings. They are frequent in the placements from
Transylvania, the great majority belonging to the Helix (gastropods) and Unio
(lamellibranchiate) genres. The highest number appears at Malna-Bi (Lszl,
Haimovici 1996: 511) and Gura Baciului.
*
*
*
The socio-economic evolution of the peoples from the territory of Transylvania,
from Neolithic to the formation of the Roman Dacia, through the information given
by the fauna materials study has permitted the outlining of some aspects referring
to the exploitation of some domestic animals and the hunt practicing in the preand proto-history.
The placements study from the Early Neolithic reveals the fact that the
economy of the communities from those times was not a unitary one, based on the
exploitation of certain types of animal alimentary resources. Two categories of
sites can be described, one, where the caprovines predominate and the other one
where the main exploited group is the one of cattle. In the first category can be
included the placements from Gura Baciului, the first two horizons, and the site
from Seua (El Susi 2000a: 49), and in the second one the remaining placements
from Transylvania. Thus it has been proved that even from the beginning of the
Neolithic the domestic bovine had an important role in the economy of the
communities, and the morphological types identified demonstrate the fact that the
local domestication had already taken place long before, thus being a process that
was continuing through the intercrossing between domestic and wild forms. The
highest number of cattle appears in Transylvania, at Trtria, over 80%. At Tnad
and Turia (Haimovici 1992: 260), the cattle also have high numbers, over 75%,
but the sheep/goat and the pig are absent (probably accidentally). The pig is
mildly represented; it did not represent one of the species constantly grown by the
Early Neolithic populations. A relatively important occupation was hunting. Hunting
for alimentary purposes firstly aimed the great or medium size animals the red
deer, the aurochs, the roe deer, the wild boar. In Transylvania the highest
frequencies of the wild mammals are at Tnad and Turia (Haimovici 1992: 260),
but they not overcome 25% from the total of mammals, as it happens in some the
placements outside the Transylvanian space, where this practice was of major
importance in food provision.
By synthesizing the archaeozoological data provided by the sites belonging to
the Developed Neolithic, it can be said that the main occupation of the
communities in those ages (exception in the Herply culture) was growing
animals, especially bovine, that are situated on first place. Their highest numbers
can be found at Trtria, Vina culture, Tula, Turda culture (Bulai-tirbu 1984:
45), Iclod (personally analyzed material), Cluj-Napoca and Zau de Cmpie, these
last three placements belonging to the cultural complex CCTLNI. In these
Transylvanian sites the cattle exceed 70% from the total of mammals. The second
75

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imleu Silv.*-Daci
Sighioara*-Daci
Covasna-Daci
Mereti-Daci
Media"G.Cmp."*-Hallst.
Teleac*-Hallst.
Bernadea*-Hallst.
Zau Cmp.-Hallst.
Media"Cetate"-Hallst.
Zoltan*-Noua
Iclod-Noua
Medieu Aurit*-Otom.
Scueni*-Otom.
Slacea*-Otom.
Otomani*-Otom.
Derida-Wieten.
Zoltan*-gr.Iernut
Livezile*-gr.Livezile
Cicu*-Coofeni
Livezile*-Coofeni
P.Ampoiului*-Coof.
Ghida*-Coofeni
Trtria-Coofeni
Ch.Turzii-ToarteP
Malna-Bi*-Ariud
Trtria-Petreti
Zau Cmp.-Petreti
Ch.Turzii-Petreti
Carei*-CCTLNI
Ch.Turzii-CCTLNI
Iclod*-CCTLNI
Iclod-CCTLNI
Cluj-Nap.-CCTLNI
Zau Cmp.CCTLNI
Zau Cmp.*-Turda
Ortie*-Turda
Tula*-Turda
Turia*-St.Cri
Livada*-St.Cri
Tnad-St.Cri
O.Sibiului-St.Cri
Zuan-St.Cri
G.Baciului*-St.Cri
G.Baciului-St.Cri

MNI
NR

10

12

14

16

18

% (NR)

Fig.9 The frequency of Sus scrofa ferus in sites from Transylvania.

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imleu Silv.*-Daci
Sighioara*-Daci
Covasna-Daci
Teleac*-Hallst.
Bernadea*-Hallst.
Zau Cmp.-Hallst.
Media"Cetate"Zoltan*-Noua
Medieu Aurit*Scueni*-Otom.
Slacea*-Otom.
Otomani*-Otom.
Derida-Wieten.
Zoltan*-gr.Iernut
Livezile*-gr.Livezile
P.Ampoiului*-Coof.
Ghida*-Coofeni
Trtria-Coofeni
incai-Coofeni
Ch.Turzii-ToarteP
Malna-Bi*-Ariud
Trtria-Petreti
Zau Cmp.-Petreti
Ch.Turzii-Petreti
Trtria-Vinca
Carei*-CCTLNI
Ch.Turzii-CCTLNI
Iclod*-CCTLNI
Iclod-CCTLNI
Cluj-Nap.-CCTLNI
Zau Cmp.CCTLNI
Zau Cmp.*-Turda
Ortie*-Turda
Tula*-Turda
Seua*-St.Cri
Turia*-St.Cri
Trtria-St.Cri
O.Sibiului-St.Cri
Zuan-St.Cri
G.Baciului-St.Cri
0

10

12

14

16

18

% (NR)
NR

MNI

Fig.10 The frequency of Capreolus capreolus in sites from Transylvania.

77

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20

imleu Silv.*-Daci
Sighioara*-Daci
Covasna-Daci
Mereti-Daci
Media"G.Cmp."*-Hallst.
Zau Cmp.-Hallst.
Iclod-Noua
Medieu Aurit*-Otom.
Scueni*-Otom.
Slacea*-Otom.
Otomani*-Otom.
Derida-Wieten.
Livezile*-gr.Livezile
Livezile*-Coofeni
P.Ampoiului*-Coof.
Ghida*-Coofeni
Ch.Turzii-ToarteP
Malna-Bi*-Ariud
Trtria-Petreti
Zau Cmp.-Petreti
Ch.Turzii-Petreti
Trtria-Vinca
Ch.Turzii-CCTLNI
Iclod*-CCTLNI
Iclod-CCTLNI
Cluj-Nap.-CCTLNI
Zau Cmp.CCTLNI
Zau Cmp.*-Turda
Ortie*-Turda
Seua*-St.Cri
Turia*-St.Cri
Trtria-St.Cri
Tnad-St.Cri
O.Sibiului-St.Cri
Zuan-St.Cri
Le-St.Cri
G.Baciului-St.Cri

MNI
NR

10

15

20

25

% (NR)

Fig.11 The frequency of Bos primigenius in sites from Transylvania.

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place among the domestic mammals is disputed between caprovines and the pigs.
There is no placement in Transylvania during the Developed Neolithic, where the
group of sheep/goat (or that of the pigs) prevails in the detriment of the cattle.
Often, in what concerns the animal rising, an equal interest was shown for the
caprovines and the swine, this situation being illustrated through the close
proportion of the two groups, like in Trtria, Tula, Ortie, Iclod, Zau de
Cmpie. In most of the Neolithic placements in Transylvania hunting took a
secondary place. Red deer were hunted, and they hold the highest numbers, for
example at Ortie (El Susi 1997a: 79), Iclod, Zau de Cmpie. In other placements
it can be marked the preference for wild swine: Carei (El Susi 1997b: 59), Peti
(Ignat 1973: 482), Cluj-Napoca. The hunters were also interested in aurochs, roe
deer, and also other species with reduced alimentary role. In the wild fauna from
the Developed Neolithic there were also horses. Ocasionaly there appeared fishing
and mollusk picking.
The Eneolithic period is little studied from the archaeozoological point of view
in Transylvania. In almost all the placements there is a predominance of the
domestic mammals, another proof that the main occupation of the communities
was rising animals. Thus, at Zau de Cmpie there is the highest number of cattle in
Eneolithic, reaching 84.8% from the total of mammals; the rising of the
sheep/goat (6.4%) and of the pigs (4.3%) was realized only subsidiary. The site at
Cheile Turzii, Petreti Culture, is part of the category with placements where the
rising of the cattle represented an important occupation, but along this, there was
also the rising of the caprovines and the pigs. Hunting had a reduced importance
in most of the Eneolithic Transylvanian sites and was directed, firstly, towards the
great sized animals, such as the red deer, that is placed first among the wild
mammals. At Malna-Bi (Lszl, Haimovici 1996: 511) hunting had a primordial
importance in the placement economy, the red deer exceeding half of the
determined material quantity (50.28%); the roe deer has also high percentage,
18.57%. This economic model individualizes the eneolithic placement at MalnaBi, among the other Cucutean sites. Rarely were hunted aurochs, boars and roe
deer, and occasionally bears, hares, wolves, foxes, beavers and other rodents. At
Cheile Turzii during the Petreti Culture, the birds hunting seems to have had an
important role, represented by 5.48%, close to the red deer percentage, 6.11%,
according to the total of the determined remains. Desultory there was fishing at
Zau de Cmpie, the discovered fish quantity being small (23 fragments,
unfortunately specifically undetermined) compared to the existing offer, probably
in the neighboring lakes. The mollusk picking had a certain importance in the
inhabitants alimentation from Trtria, where the lamellibranchiate fragments
represent 7.8% from the total determined remains.
The studies certify important economic differences between different
communities of the Coofeni Culture (the transition period between Eneolithic and
the Bronze Age). Hunting was more or less important in the sites from
Transylvania, the highest numbers of the wild mammals being registered at Cicu,
21% (Georoceanu, Lisovschi-Chelanu, Georoceanu 1978: 276) and Ghida,
29.39% (Haimovici 1994: 404). In a series of placements, the primordial place in
animal husbandry was held by the domestic bovine, and in others, by the
caprovines. The predominance of the swine was not registered in any placement.
In Transylvania at Trtria, incai, Ghida (Haimovici 1994: 404) and Cicu
(Georoceanu, Lisovschi-Chelanu, Georoceanu 1978: 276), the cattle held the
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economic predominance, varying between 50-55%, and were followed either by

the caprovines (incai) or by the domestic swine (Trtria). In opposition, a series
of Transylvanian sites had as a main occupation rising small bovine. Thus, at
Livezile (Becker 2000: 75), the sheep/goat reached 74.3%, at ebea and Boiu they
exceeded 60% (Andrioiu 1992: 132) and at Poiana Ampoiului it was registered
54% (Becker 2000: 70). The domestic horse, which became more abundant in this
period compared to the Eneolithic, was accentuated in Transylvania at incai,
Poiana Ampoiului and Cicu, the latter registering an important percentage of
12.9%. While in some sites the red deer was mostly hunted, in others they hunted
either the aurochs, or the wild boar or even the roe deer. A reduced economic
importance had, on the Transylvanian territory, hunting (catching) wild birds and
mollusk picking.
From the Early Bronze Age on the Transylvanian territory there are few
paleo-fauna data, all of them from bibliographic sources. The domestic mammals
are very well represented in the sites from Transylvania. At Livezile (El Susi 1997c:
45), the ovicaprines totally prevail, with 65.2% (compared to 16.5% bovine). At
the oimu, the cattle register the highest numbers from the early period of the
Bronze Age, 83.3% (Andrioiu 1992: 132). At ebea, the cattle represent half from
the total of mammals (Andrioiu 1992: 132). In all Transylvanian sites the pigs are
placed third. The horse was present only at Zoltan (Moise 1997: 241), in a very
reduced percentage (0.9%). Hunting had a very reduced role in Transylvania. Only
at Zoltan the economic role of the red deer, boar and in a small proportion of the
roe deer seems to have been better established. The mollusk picking and hunting
of wild birds have probably been practiced only exceptionally in the Early Bronze
Age.
For the Middle Bronze Age the studies referring to the fauna on the
Transylvanian territory are numerous. The cattle have the primordial place in the
animal economy practiced by most of the sites in Transylvania. At Scueni (Bader
1978: 131-132) the number of cattle is the highest with 59.2%, at Otomani
(Haimovici 1987: 53) the bovine represent 40.2% from the total of mammals. The
spectrum of domestic mammals is alike in the Transylvanian sites from Slacea
and Medieu Aurit, where the number of the cattle is under 40%, and on second
place are the pigs (Bader 1978: 131-132). At Derida, although the cattle are on
first place (35.8%), they are closely followed by sheep/goat (29.1%) and the pig
(27.6%). At Mintiu Gherlei the number of cattle is reduced (20.9%), the caprovines
having a great percentage (65.1%). Generally the pig have a well defined role in
the economy of the Transylvanian sites from Middle Bronze Age, except the
Scueni (Bader 1978: 131-132), where their frequency is very low, 4.1%. The
horse appears in almost all the sites; its frequency varies between 1-5%.
From the Late Bronze Age only two archaeozoological samples from
Transylvania have been studied (Iclod and Zoltan). They both belong to the Noua
Culture. The ratio domestic species/wild species show similar situations in the two
placements: 88.9/11.1% at Iclod and 92.1/7.9% at Zoltan (El Susi 2002: 165). In
what concerns the representation of the main domestic mammals, at Iclod and
Zoltan, the cattle have a relatively reduced frequency (about 30%), while other
species have a rather high number. In what concerns the wild mammals, they
generally are very low represented in the Late Bronze Age. It can somehow be
appreciated that in the Transylvanian sites the number of the hunted animals is a
little higher compared to other placements belonging to Noua Culture.
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In the hallstattiene sites from Transylvania the main occupation was animal
husbandry, a proof being the predominance of the domestic mammals with a
percentage between 79.1-96.2%, the primordial place being held by the cattle. At
Teleac (Vasiliev, Aldea, Ciucudean 1991: 162) and Bernadea (El Susi 2001: 223)
the pigs are placed second. A special situation can be found in Media Cetate
where the caprovines are predominant with 30.1%, followed rather closed, by the
cattle, 26.4% and the pig, 25.1%. The horse has rather low numbers (under 6%),
with an exception in Media Cetate where it reaches 9.4%. Hunting for
alimentary purposes, although it was not very much practiced in the Transylvanian
Hallstatt, seems to have had a certain importance at Media Gura Cmpului
(Bljan, Stoicovici, Georoceanu 1979: 37; 1980: 211) where the stag registered a
8.8% frequency, and the aurochs and the wild boar 6%; also at Bernadea (El Susi
2001: 228) the main hunted mammal was the red deer, 7.8%. In the others
Transylvanian placements, Teleac (Vasiliev, Aldea, Ciucudean 1991: 162), Zau de
Cmpie and Media Cetate, the numbers of the main wild mammals are
generally reduces, under 2%, and occasionally they exceed 3-4%. Fishing was
probably seldom in the hallstattian placements from Transylvania (few remains of
fish were discovered at Media Cetate and Bernadea), just like wild bird
hunting. Mollusk remains have been identified at Zau de Cmpie and Bernadea in
small quantities. But at Teleac, inside a dwelling there were discovered
lamellibranchiate shells in a great quantity.
Watching the domestic/wild species ratio in the sites belonging to the La Tne
Age, it can be said that in the most Transylvanian sites, animal keeping was the
main occupation; the highest frequency is held by the wild mammals in
Transylvania at imleul Silvaniei 29.3% (El Susi 2000b: 306). Importance was held
by the cattle rising at Porolissum (Haimovici 1993: 15; El Susi 1999: 513) and at
Biharea (Haimovici 1988: 121). The domestic mammals spectrum was very much
alike in the two Dacian sites from the south - east of Transylvania: Mereti and
Covansa. In both sites and in what concerns the number of fragments it can be
observed that the bovine prevail, with about 38%, and for the minimum number of
individuals, the majority are the domestic swine. Also, the caprovines have rather
high percentages (15-19%). In other two Transylvanian placements, the primordial
place in the mammal exploitation is held by the pigs. Thus at Sighioara and
imleu Silvaniei the swine exceed the cattle with over 12%. The horse appears in
all Dacian sites (except Trnvioara, Georoceanu, Bljan, Georoceanu, Lisovschi
1980: 72). It was an animal used in alimentation but also for riding and several
agricultural works. At Covasna and imleu Silvaniei (El Susi 2000b: 306) have been
discovered remains of domestic hen. These are the first signals of this species (in a
certainly domestic stage) in Transylvania. Hunting was not a very well determined
practice in the Dacian settlements from Transylvania. The highest frequencies are
held by the red deer at Mereti, 8.4% and imleul Silvaniei, 8% (El Susi 2000b:
306). In the latter site also the wild boar represented a special importance, its
numbers being of 16.8%. The aurochs and the roe deer are species with low
representation in the archaeozoological samples. Sporadically, it appeared bear
hunting, beavers and hares. The wild birds species are rarely met in the Dacian
sites. Only in Covansa it has been discovered a raven reminder. The remains of
fish and mollusk are missing from the fauna samples in Transilvania.
The way of exploiting the domestic species in the placements is reflected in the
ages at which animals were sacrificed. It has been proven the animal use firstly for
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their primary product (meat), but also for a series of secondary products such as:
leather, wool, horns and bones as primary material for manufacturing tools; a
proof for this are the discovered bony fragments that bear the sign of an anthropic
intervention, some of them being in the finite stage of a tool, others being in
different stages of work (cut up, polished, incised). At the same time, some
animals sample were maintained for assuring a reproductive stock, reaching
maturity or senility.
There are also some fauna materials as results of some ritual manifestation of
the population, such as meat offering - Gura Baciului; deposition of some body
parts - Zau de Cmpie and Carei (El Susi 1997b: 59); domestic remains from a
possible funerary banquet connected to some home foundation and protection Derida; skeleton deposition - Tureni and Oara de Sus (Haimovici 2003: 58-59,
62); pits with incinerated remains - Porolissum (Haimovici 1993: 16).
From the ecologic point of view, the presence of the wild species from the
forest in a relatively high percentage, in almost all the studied sites, proves
that the living area of these species was, at the beginning of Holocene, much
more extended than it is today. The distribution of the red deer, wild boar
and brown bear, species that are specific to compact, thick forests, in the
placements from where the archaeozoological material has been studied,
proves that their living area, during the pre- and proto-historic periods was
much more extended than the present one. The red deer and the bear, by
narrowing their living area have secondary become mountainous species. In
the past they were forest animals, but they were also living at lower altitudes.
From the ecological point of view the greatest part of the identified bird
species lives in the forest.
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economice a populaiei hallstattiene din zona Media (jud. Sibiu). Sargeia XIV:
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Dealul Pemilor. In S. A. Luca, Aezri neolitice de pe Valea Mureului (I).
Habitatul turdean de la Ortie Dealul Pemilor (punct X2), BMA IV, Alba
Iulia: 78-95.
El Susi, G. 1997b. Resturile de faun din groapa neolitic trzie de la Carei
Cozard (G2), judeul Satu Mare. Satu-Mare. Studii i Comunicri XIV: 59-62.
El Susi, G. 1997c. Analiza resturilor faunistice din aezarea de la Livezile Baia.
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Transilvania, BMA VII, Alba-Iulia: 45-64.
El Susi, G. 1999. Archaeozoological report on the animal bones at Porolissum
Mgura Moigradului. A Dacian settlement in NW of Transilvania. ThracoDacica XX (1-2): 387-396.
El Susi, G. 2000a. Determinarea resturilor faunistice dintr-o locuin neolitic
timpurie de la Seua La Crarea Morii (jud. Alba). Banatica 15 (I): 49-57.
El Susi, G. 2000b. Studiul preliminar asupra resturilor de faun din aezarea dacic
de la imleu Silvaniei Cetate (jud. Slaj). Acta Musei Porolissensis XXIII (I):
299-315.
El Susi, G. 2001. Studiul resturilor de faun din aezarea hallstattian de la
Bernadea (com. Bahnea, jud. Mure). Thraco-Dacica XXII (1-2): 223-246.
El Susi, G. 2002. Cercetri arheozoologice n aezarea de epoca bronzului (cultura
Noua) de la Zoltan (jud. Covasna). Angustia 7: 153-172.
El Susi, G. 2004. Expertise ostologique sur deux squelettes de cheval et de chien
de l'poque La Tne de Seua La Crarea Morii (Dpartament d'Alba). In
Festschrift fr Florin Medele (P. Rogozea, V. Cedic eds), Timioara: 273-285.
Georoceanu, P., Lisovschi-Chelanu, C., Georoceanu, M. 1978. Cercetri asupra
faunei din aezarea Cicu Slite. Acta Musei Napocensis XV: 273-286.
Georoceanu, P., Bljan, M., Georoceanu, M., Lisovschi, C. 1980. Fauna din unele
castre i aezri romane din Transilvania (II). Fauna din aezarea antic de la
Trnvioara Cetate (jud. Sibiu). Marisia X: 69-78.
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Haimovici, S., Man, V. 1986. Studiul preliminar al faunei aparinnd culturii

neolitice Turda descoperit n aezarea de la Zau de Cmpie (jud. Mure).
Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche i Arheologie XXXVII (4): 333-338.
Haimovici, S. 1987. Studiul paleofaunei din aezarea eponim a culturii Otomani
epoca bronzului. Crisia XVII: 37-54.
Haimovici, S. 1988. Studiul materialului paleofaunistic provenit din staiunea
arheologic de la Biharea (jud. Bihor). Crisia VIII: 121-130.
Haimovici, S. 1989. Studiul materialului paleofaunistic descoperit n dou nivele
arheologice din Petera Lesiana (com. uncuiu, jud. Bihor). Crisia XIX:
393-395.
Haimovici, S. 1992. Cercetri arheozoologice privind materialul provenit din
aezarea de la Turia (jud. Covasna) aparinnd culturii Cri. Carpica XXIII:
259-268.
Haimovici, S., Man, V. 1992. Studiul preliminar al faunei aparinnd culturii
neolitice Turda descoperit n aezarea de la Zau de Cmpie (jud. Mure).
Marisia XV-XXII (1985-1992): 21-27.
Haimovici, S. 1993. Consideraiuni pe marginea materialului osteologic descoperit n
gropile dacice de pe Mgura Moigradului. Analele Universitii Oradea III: 12-17.
Haimovici, S. 1994. Not privind materialul arheozoologic de cultur Coofeni gsit
n apropierea satului Ghida (La ignu), judeul Bihor. Crisia XXIV: 401-404.
Haimovici, S. 2003. Resturile animaliere i umane dintr-o groap de cult (Groapa 4)
a culturii Wietenberg de la Oara de Sus Ghiile-Botii. Marmaia 7 (1): 57-64.
Ignat, D. 1973. Contribuii la cunoaterea neoliticului din Bihor. Acta Musei
Napocensis X: 477-491.
Ignat, D. 1979. Aezarea neolitic de la Suplacu de Barcu. Materiale i Cercetri
Arheologice XIII: 45-54.
Kessler, E., Gl, E. 1998. Resturi fosile i subfosile de psri n siturile paleolitice i
neolitice din Cheile Turzii i Cheile Turenilor (judeul Cluj). Angustia 3: 9-12.
Lszl, A., Haimovici, S. 1996. Nature et culture en Transylvanie Orientale dans
l'neolithique; contribution archologique et archaozoologique la
connaissance du dvloppement de la civilisation Ariud-Cucuteni-Tripolye. In
M. Otte (eds.), Nature et Culture, Actes des Colloque Internationel de Lige
13-17 dcembre 1993, ERAUL, 68, I: 499-528.
Lazarovici, Gh., Maxim, Z. 1995. Gura Baciului. Monografie arheologic. Cluj-Napoca.
Moise, D. 1997. The faunal remains from Zoltan. Thraco-Dacica XVIII (1-2):
239-241.
Rusu, D. 1995a. Analiza materialului faunistic provenit din aezarea Starcevo-Cri
de la Gura Baciului. Rapoarte de spturi, Campania 1994. Acta Musei
Napocensis 32 (1): 499-506.
Rusu, D. 1995b. Cteva observaii asupra materialului faunistic din Cluj-Napoca
Statuia Memoranditilor. Acta Musei Napocensis 32 (1): 191-197.
Rusu, D., Tarcea, L., Maxim, Z. 1989-1993. Gropi rituale din epoca bronzului la
Tureni Poderei. Date osteologice. Acta Musei Napocensis 26-30 I (1):
229-238.
Vasiliev, V., Aldea, I., Ciucudean, H. 1991. Civilizaia dacic timpurie n aria

intracarpatic a Romniei. Contribuii arheologice: aezarea fortificat de la

Teleac, Cluj-Napoca.
Vlassa, N. 1976. Spturile de salvare de la Iernut. In Neoliticul Transilvaniei., ClujNapoca: 107-112.

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DOUGLASS W. BAILEY*

STUDYING THE NEOLITHIC: AN ARGUMENT

AGAINST GENERALIZATION
Abstract: Articolul de fa prezint cteva subiecte incitante privind perioada neo-eneolitic, acestea
constituind n opinia autorului o veritabil provocare pentru arheologi. Neoliticul reprezint o veritabil
entitate economic, cultural i cronologic. Pe la 6000 cal BC, oamenii din Balcani au nceput s
triasc ntr-un mod de via diferit, adoptnd noi tehnologi, exploatnd noi resurse, folosind ceramica
i construind locuine durabile. Viziunea lor asupra mediului nconjurtor s-a schimbat. Strategiile
economice adoptate s-au modificat. Pn de curnd se considera c trsturile i elementele definitorii
ale acestei perioade sunt omogene pentru tot sud-estul Europei. ns, cercetrile efecuate n Tesalia
(Grecia) au demonstrat c acestea variau foarte mult. Progresele ntreprinse n arheologie, n ultimii 25
de ani au condus la o mai bun nelegere a fenomenelor socio-economice din perioada neo-eneolitic.
La ora actual majoritatea specialitilor accept diferenele sesizate/existente ntre estul i sudul
Balcanilor. Fiecare zon prezint trsturi particulare, n ciuda unor elemente generale oarecum
asemntoare. Neoliticul reprezint o perioad complex, cu o structur specific caracterizat prin
elemente generale i particulare fiecrei zone. De aceea, la acest moment nu se mai poate discuta
despre perioada neolitic la modul general, fr a se avea n vedere acest fapt, fiind necesar
dezvoltarea unor metode diverse de studiu/cercetare. Experiena cptat n cadrul proiectului Southern
Romanian Archaeological Project (SRAP) ne-a dovedit c, n general, arheologii se axeaz/concentreaz
pe siturile mari evidente, ignornd spaiile/zonele din exteriorul siturilor. Southern Romanian
Archaeological Project i-a propus s cerceteze i aceste zone, pe lng siturile mari, viznd stabilirea
dinamicii locuirilor neo-eneolitice din bazinul rurilor Teleorman i Clania. Cercetarea arheologic
trebuie s mearg mai departe, n vedere nelegerii ct mai exacte a comportamentului uman din
trecut.
Keywords: neolithic, eneolithic, Balkans, Romania, Southern Romanian Archaeological Project.

Introduction
We have long accepted and followed the traditional definition by which the
Neolithic is portrayed as a clear and distinct cultural, social, economic and
chronological entity, which we can locate with ease and excavate with surety from
the archaeological record, and which we can reconstruct in a straightforward
manner. Current thinking about European prehistory is challenging the stability
(indeed, even the validity) of these definitions and it is questioning our passive
acceptance of them. In this paper I outline some of the challenges that are eating
away at traditional understandings of the Neolithic in southeastern Europe and I
suggest some areas of research that would benefit further research.1
Breaking down the Neolithic
On the one hand it is clear that from 6000 cal BC in the temperate Balkans
(and half a millennium earlier further south in Greece), people started living their
lives in new ways, adopting new technologies to exploit novel species of plants and
*

School of History and Archaeology, Cardiff University.e-mail: baileydw@cardiff.ac.uk.

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animals, using ceramic pyrotechnology to produce a phenomenal range of vessels

and other objects, and building new, durable places to live. Animals such as pig,
dog and cattle which had been hunted for millennia were supplemented by new
species such as sheep and goat; all were managed as domestics, though of course
hunting continued as a significant component of social and economic activities.
The physical organization of people, places, resources and objects which
followed the introduction of simple architectural constructions created new forms
of social groups that were linked together in particular places and, in many cases,
for long periods of time. People created new perceptions of the landscape (of its
products and of the rights of access to those products) and new conceptions of
how individual people (and groups of people) associated with or differentiated
themselves from others. Social and economic life focused on houses and
households within bounded villages, though at the beginning of this period,
organization of people across social and natural spaces was more fluid and open.
In many places, less permanent camps emerged before longer lasting villages. The
firing of clay to make pots, tools, and figurines was a novelty that had fundamental
consequences for how people lived their lives. In addition to the importance of
pottery vessels as a new container technology, fired clay became a major medium
with which (and literally upon which) occurred an explosion of symbolic expression.
The differences in the ways of living that distinguish the post-6000 BC Neolithic
from what came before (even based on the very thin record that we have for that
earlier period) are clear and fundamental. Early, principally economic, explanations
of the changes that occurred at 6000 BC (e.g., Childes powerful model for a shift
from a food gathering to a food producing system; Childe 1936) assumed that
these changes were absolute, occurred over a short period of time, had the same
character and cause as did the changes that marked the appearance of the
Neolithic in the southern Balkans at 6500 BC (i.e., Greek Thessaly), and were the
result of individual events such as migrations of people or alterations to climate.
Until very recently, it has been acceptable to speak of a single way of early
European life that was Neolithic. Even as mid-twentieth century developments in
the application of nuclear physics to the absolute dating of the prehistoric past
made it clear that the Neolithic appeared in different parts of Europe at different
times (Renfrew 1973), it was still assumed that the collection of activities and
technologies that made up the Neolithic was the same wherever and whenever it
appeared; there remained the belief in the existence of an easily recognisable
Neolithic package. More sophisticated work has broken down the assumed
homogeneity of the Neolithic (see Whittle 1996; Thomas 1999). It is now clear that
even within a single region, for example Thessalian Greece, there was significant
variation in how different people lived their lives, indeed even in how the same
people went about their lively-hoods at different times of the year or during the
same season at a single site or even in various parts of one region (Whittle 1996;
Bailey 2000; Halstead 2005; Kotsakis 1999, 2005; Souvatzi 2000, in press).2 The
recognition of such variation within a single landscape makes any attempt to
generalize across larger regions and between parts of Europe foolhardy at best.
Over the past twenty-five years, significant progress in research on each of the
constituents of the Neolithic package (i.e., sedentism, ceramic pyrotechnology,
animal and plant domestication) has opened up our understandings in new and
increasingly complex ways. For example, it is no longer accurate to speak simply
about the domestication of plants; there are many different scales of relationship
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between people and plants. Large-scale, field-based, crop cultivation of highly

productive and robust species such as wheat and barley was a relatively late
development in European prehistory.3 Evidence for the wide-spread clearance of
land for planting fields of crops does not appear in many regions in the
archaeological record until the late Bronze or early Iron Ages (2500 BC) (Willis
1994, 1995). It is much more likely that the early selection and exploitation of
particular plants were more heterogeneous processes that entailed the smallerscale exploitation of both wild and managed species of plants which functioned
through combinations of garden-sized plantings with sophisticated understandings
of local wild resources.
In similar ways, the development of research into human-animal interactions
that range well beyond simplistic ideas about corrals or farm-yard animals has
exploded assumptions about the ways that early Europeans exploited animals
(Higgs 1972; Ingold 1980; Sherratt 1981; Halstead 1998). A general claim for the
economic importance of domesticating animals has been replaced with a set of
subtle understandings not only of differing scales of animal exploitation (e.g., for
primary and secondary products; via herding and grazing or hunting and
managing wild stock), but also for different scales of consumption for the
products of differently sized animals (Greenfield 1988; 1991, 1993, in press a
and b; Russell 1998).
Even in these well argued fragmentations of the long accepted and simplistic
understandings of plants and animals in the Neolithic, most current explanations
retain a level of generalization that smoothes the data in an unrealistic way and
presents the non-specialist reader with a charade that proposes that there was a
particular Neolithic way of living that can be clearly and cleanly documented by the
presence of domesticated plants and animals. Indeed, as debate continues to pick
apart the increasingly fuzzy entity that archaeologists have called the Neolithic, it
has become increasingly clear that none of the constituents of the original package
occur without significant variation across the regions (indeed even within a single
region) and through the several millennia of the period.
Other recent arguments have acknowledged the differences between the
northern and southern Balkans (Halstead 1989; Greenfield 1993; Jongsma and
Greenfield 2001; Greenfield and Jongsma in press a and b), have given more credit
to the choices made by indigenous local pre-Neolithic inhabitants in adapting,
adopting and rejecting particular elements from the Neolithic package of
technologies, plants, animals and social organs (Zvelebil and Lillie 2000), and have
argued the probability of a less exact, less complete, and less absolute transition to
the Neolithic way of living (Zvelebil 1986, 1994; Greenfield and Jongsma in press a
and b; Greenfield et al. in press). The concept of sedentism has been subject to
similar assaults and critical re-definitions; it is no longer acceptable to assume that
permanent buildings document year-round sedentism, that the inspiration for the
construction of early architecture was simply the provision of shelter, or even that
the same group of people could not exploit two apparently contradictory types of
settlement systems (e.g., complementary villages of permanent houses and more
mobile camps of temporary pit-features) (see papers in Bailey et al. 2005).
A major result of these refinements and redefinitions of the Neolithic and its
constituent parts is that we no longer can speak of one Neolithic. There were many
Neolithics; they appeared and disappeared at different times in one place at one
time and at different places at different times. The distinction between what was
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Neolithic and what was not has been irrevocably blurred both in terms of
chronological sequence (i.e., the permeability of any boundaries of pre- and or
post-Neolithic phenomena) and in terms of an individual definition of typical
Neolithic behaviour (i.e., there are no universal activities that are represented by
the terms animal and plant domestication or permanent sedentism). A
fundamental consequence of breaking down the Neolithic as an archaeological
construct is the devaluing of the earlier, easy explanations for the origins of the
Neolithic which reconstructed a clearly defined parcel of goods, techniques and
knowledges that could have been brought into southeastern Europe by migrating
groups from the Near East. There was no one origin to the Neolithic lifestyle in
southeastern Europe, nor even a set of easily identifiable events that caused
people to change their lives in ways, and which (seen from the distance of 8000
years) appear as dramatic and radical. It is much more likely that the patterns of
behaviour that eventually accumulated and which, as archaeologists, today we
uncover, are the results of very gradual alterations, testings, adaptations,
rejections, re-alignments, regressions and adoptions of a host of alternative
components of living. Change was slow.
Consequences, implications and new directions
The most important consequence of these arguments is the recognition that
the Neolithic as a concept (archaeological, social, or economic) is a coarse overgeneralization. A term such as the Neolithic-way-of-life (just like the terms
sedentism or mobility) has little utility as a tool to characterize human behaviour:
there is too much variation in human behaviour for any one group to be trapped
within the term Neolithic or, for that matter, to be defined as sedentary or mobile.
The implications for us as archaeologists is that we need to look beyond the
generalizations and we need to carry out research that recognizes that human
behaviour ranges well beyond the limitations of these concepts. We need to start
focusing on a new range of research questions and we need to develop research
methods that are capable of delivering answers to our new questions. We need to
think about the specifics of day-to-day living and we need to recognize that such
specifics will vary and transform from one Neolithic day to the next, from one river
valley to the next, and from one Neolithic person to the next. We need to start
trying to understand how people who lived 6-8000 years ago thought about
themselves and how they understood their relationships with others.
Examples from the Southern Romania Archaeological Project
In the work that has been taking place in the Teleorman River Valley to the
north-east of the modern city of Alexandria (Judeean Teleorman), we have been
wrestling with many of these questions.4 While not all of our efforts have been
completely successful, even in our failures we have learned much not only about
human existence in the valley 7500 years ago but also, and perhaps more
importantly, about how we might better succeed in redefining the Neolithic. As our
work has developed, our relationship with the valley landscape has shifted and
grown. One of our original research goals was to understand better the conditions
under which people started to settle in the same place in the landscape over very
long periods of time: i.e., why did tell settlements develop in this region in the fifth
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millennium cal BC? In applying an intensive strategy of field-walking and

geomorphological investigation (as well as more traditional excavation) we were
able to draw some preliminary conclusions about one section of the river valley
(the area between the modern villages of Mgura and Lceni). The detail of our
argument can be found in a publication that appeared in 2002 (Bailey et al. 2002).
We suggested that the prehistoric changes in the character and position of the
river in the Mgura-Lceni section of the Teleorman Valley set the conditions
against which (but did not directly cause) the gradual process of people building
and living over longer periods of times at particular places on the edges of the
valley bottoms (i.e., in those places that then became tells). However, while we
were satisfied with our work on the origins of tells and the specific multidisciplinary research that we had undertaken, we were less comfortable with the
generalizations that our results tempted us to make. What were the broader
consequences of our results? Just because we had recovered one pattern of fluvial
dynamics at Mgura-Lceni, could we simply apply the pattern and our
interpretation of it to the origins of other tells in other parts of the Teleorman
Valley, or in other parallel valleys (e.g., the Vedea), or in other valleys in other
parts of Romania, or at the broadest scale, in other regions of southeastern
Europe.
In carrying out our work on the problem of tell-origins, we found ourselves
drawn to study of parts of the Teleorman Valley landscapes that traditionally had
not been investigated. In this way, we were particularly excited when our
fieldwalking teams found relatively dense concentrations of Boian Culture material
out in the middle of the valley bottom at Mgura-Lceni (for more details see
Andreescu and Bailey 1999; Andreescu et al. 2002; Mills 1999a, 1999b; Bailey et
al. 2002, 2004). This was not where we were supposed to find Boian material:
there are local Boian sites but they are found up on the tops of the terraces, well
above the river valley bottoms (Zaharia 1967; Mitrea and Preda 1959; Neagu
1999a, 1999b). To be honest, I had expected (and hoped) that our fieldwalking
teams would find Gumelnia material out in the middle of the valley bottom. One of
our original research goals had been to locate, map and excavate Gumelnia
activities out in the landscape away from the Gumelnia tells which were
distributed along the edges of the valley bottom (e.g., at Mgura and Lceni).
Later work, that we undertook down-river, in the valley bottom near the tell at
Vitneti, did find concentrations of Gumelnia material away from that tell. All of
this work in the valley bottoms had been stimulated by research that Ruth
Tringham and I had carried out in northern Bulgaria that had asked similar
research questions about the real boundaries of tell settlements and the vitality of
the off-site landscape (Bailey et al. 1998). At the base of all of this work was a
desire to examine the parts of Neolithic landscape which people had neglected: the
parts of the landscape that are always left blank on archaeological maps, the
places which lie abandoned in between the more impressive and better studied
settlements and cemeteries.
Studying the margins and the gaps in the Neolithic landscape
As a result if these efforts, it has become clear to me that, as archaeologists of
the Neolithic, we almost always have studied the wrong thing. Our attention has
been trapped by the wonder of tells and their cemeteries or the concentrations of
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buildings at horizontally defined flat sites. It had became increasingly clear to me

that it is not enough to study only the monumental and, relatively, easily located
and excavated settlements and cemeteries; rather we need to study the less
substantial and more ephemeral ways in which people engaged with their material,
human, physical and symbolic environments. What was emerging in my mind was
the idea that an archaeology of human existence between 6000-3500 cal BC
should take place in the parts of the landscape that floated, isolated and
abandoned, in between the official areas of Neolithic life; research should focus in
the margins, and in the supposedly empty spaces of Neolithic lives and
landscapes.5 The more we learnt about the early Neolithic landscape in the
Teleorman Valley, the more convinced that many participants of the SRAP project
have become that during the Neolithic, the non-site landscape was full of people,
ideas, places, activities, and engagements of people and things. We became
convinced that by focusing on the big, obvious sites, we are missing a huge
portion of Neolithic life, the life that took place out in the middle, between sites, at
the margins of sites, and in the gaps between places. We are convinced that these
are the important places and that it is on these places that we must focus our
attentions and research energies.
Filling the gaps: work on soundscapes
While the overall SRAP research continues (we are currently excavating a
complex of Cri, Dudeti and Vdstra features), several members of the team
have completed innovative projects that have pushed our thinking provocatively
beyond the limits of traditional research and towards the investigation of the gaps
and the margins of Neolithic life. The most detailed of these examples is the work
that Dr Stephen Mills carried out (Mills 2000, 2001, 2005a, 2005b). Mills was
interested in how people engaged the landscape at the Mgura-Lceni reach of the
Teleorman Valley, specifically in the ways in which people might have experienced
different parts of the landscape in the Neolithic. Mills made a series of sound
recordings investigating the distribution of acoustic information6 of different parts
of the Mgura-Lceni reach and discovered that important differences in the
characters, densities and ranges of acoustic information distinguished different
parts of the valley-bottom.
Based on his analysis of the acoustic information gathered, Mills concluded
that there were three main parts of the Mgura-Lceni landscape. The first part
was the eastern, edge zone of the valley. Here, there are many different sources
of acoustic information that often occur at the same time. In acoustic terms, the
auditory scenes in this zone are consistently busy and, because the different kinds
of acoustic information are tightly woven, the fabric of the acoustic composition is
dense and complex. It is polyphonic. Importantly, it is in this area that one finds
the establishments of tells in the Neolithic. The second zone of the Mgura-Lceni
landscape that Mills isolated is the grasslands of the open valley floor. Here there
are fewer and disparate sources of acoustic information, and the acoustic fabric is
loosely interwoven. The grasslands of the open valley floor is acoustically simpler
and more porous compared to the eastern valley edge zone. In the open valley
floor, the fabric is sometimes polyphonic but often monophonic (single source) or
homophonic (predominately a single source but accompanied occasionally by
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others). A fabric of this texture informs people that there is often little happening
in the immediate surroundings; there are few birds, animals and other people
nearby and therefore few resources and few opportunities for interaction. Acoustic
information dissipates easily. The form of the composition is generally monotonous
and slow. It has a low complexity.
Mills third acoustic zone at Mgura-Lceni is the area of the river and here the
acoustic fabric has an intermediate or heterophonic texture. On some occasions,
this zone is polyphonic (particularly when people and their animals are present). At
other times it is mono- or homophonic. The river zone is one of medium acoustic
complexity; the acoustic form is more flexible, punctuated, and disjointed. For
much of the time there is little variation, it is slow and then intermittently there are
sudden or short bursts of acoustic information when people and their animals are
present. There is often much acoustic information when rivers are used as
resting/watering places. River-crossings are places of transition between
topographic and vegetation zones, between meadows and grassland.
The interested reader should consult Mills publications for the full details and
consequences of the research on acoustic information. What is important to the
argument that I am making in this paper is that by thinking in new ways about
how people experienced life (especially in parts of the landscape other than those
traditionally studied), Mills was able to construct a very different map of the
Mgura-Lceni research area. Furthermore, by studying conditions of acoustic
dynamics, Mills work got to the heart of Neolithic peoples living experience of
these places. Like much of what SRAP is attempting, Mills work demonstrated how
Neolithic landscapes can be characterised along what are not archaeologically
traditional dimensions (e.g., sound). Importantly, these alternative dimensions are
extremely non-monumental: sound does not last and the brilliance of Mills work is
that he created a way of recovering a potential dynamics of sound that has
relevance to understanding the Neolithic experience of the landscape at MguraLceni. Work carried out by other team members has investigated the dimension
of sight through and across the landscape (Trick 2002, in press), and a current
project created by Gary Jones is examining the landscape in terms of short-lived
encounters between people, animals, insects, and other ephemera.7
Research questions for the study of the Neolithic of southern Romania
The work carried out by SRAP poses a range of particular research
questions about the Neolithic which seek to break down our traditional
understandings of that period of time in this particular region. The SRAP
questions are not the only questions that can be asked nor are they necessarily
the ultimate questions in fact, if they have any value, it will be in stimulating
other questions and methods which will quickly and concertedly benefit from
what we havent been able to achieve. Other research questions need to be
addressed and, in an ideal world (with unlimited funding, time, personnel and
facilities), SRAP would pursue these in future work. Perhaps others may find
these topics of interest as a stimulus for research. The hidden agenda behind
these topics is the destruction of the traditional definition of the Neolithic, with
its stable and static components of origins, evolutions, economies, and
collapses. It is a call to overturn checklist archaeology: we can no longer just
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dig and check-off items on a list that defines a clearly defined Neolithic:
domesticated cattle (check), pottery (check).
One potential aim of future research, as discussed above, is to examine the
assumed homogeneity of Neolithic landscapes: this requires a more refined
recording and understanding of Neolithic sites which can only be obtained by
detailed work with handheld GPS units and selective exploratory trenching of sites.
What were the relationships between the major sites (such as tells) to each other
(i.e., were they all in use at the same time, or were they seasonally re-occupied, or
were they left empty for long periods of time see Bailey 1999 was there an
ebb and flow of people into, out of, and around sites such as tells)? Equally
important, what were the human relationships between the major sites like tells
and the surrounding landscape. Were these landscapes really empty? What sorts
of activities can we recover from them?
A second research aim is to focus on the gaps and the margins of the
Neolithic. This requires intensive fieldwalking and excavation by many small
sondages across wide areas of apparently empty landscapes. It also requires us to
think in very different ways about what are the important parts of the
archaeological record. Does a burial have one type of significance to us as
interpretive archaeologists which is different (though not necessarily better or
greater) than does the ephemeral traces of more mundane daily events and
encounters?
A third potential aim is to better understand the pre-Neolithic activities in these
landscapes. This requires not only fieldwalking, sondaging and larger excavation,
but it also requires a deeper understanding of those activities that must have
continued from pre-Neolithic to Neolithic periods (see Bailey and Whittle 2005;
Boric 2005; Kotsakis 2005; Thissen 2005). We need to re-examine the ways that
we create explanations of origins of periods and cultural phenomena. It is more
than likely that our continued acceptance of a clean, uni-directional break between
the Mesolithic and the Neolithic is unsupportable and that many of the activities
taking place in the Neolithic landscapes were also taking place in the Mesolithic
landscapes.
A fourth potential research aim is to better understand the relationships
between changes in the environment (e.g., climate and fluvial geomorphology) and
changes in the patterns of Neolithic human behaviour. How much explanatory
power should we allow reconstructions of climate and soil development? It is
highly unlikely that changes in climate directly caused changes in social activities or
patterns of human behaviour; more likely is that such environmental changes have
importance as markers for indirect and inconsequential changes in the physical
backgrounds against which Neolithic lives were lived.
Conclusion
These four proposals of potential research represent a handful of many areas
of research that would benefit from further attention. We could apply many of the
same questions, which I have directed here at the study of the Neolithic in
southern Romania, to the study of other parts of the Neolithic across southeastern,
central, and western Europe. We could trace the same issues through other
periods as well (the Bronze Age appears particularly relevant). In conclusion, the
aim of these suggestions is the same as the aim of this chapter: to push forward
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the study of past human behaviour in new and provocative ways that will overturn
existing understandings of the past and set in motion an ongoing questioning and
re-questioning of our enquiries. If this discussion has stimulated thought and
reaction, then it will have served its purpose.
Notes
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

A longer, more detailed discussion of some of the themes contained in this article can be
found in Bailey (2000) and in the papers included in Bailey et al. (2005).
The same is true to the north in the Northern Balkans (Greenfield 1993, 2000, in press a and
b; Greenfield and Jongsma in press a and b; Greenfield et al. in press).
It is clearly not evident in the Early Neolithic of the northern Balkans (Greenfield and Jongsma
in press a and b; Greenfield et. al. in press a).
Work has been funded by the British Academy, the Society of Antiquaries of London, Cardiff
University, the Teleorman Country Council and the Romanian Ministry of Culture and has
been directed by this author with Radian Andreescu, Steve Mills and Pavel Mirea.
In his recent paper on the archaeology of tells, John Evans has discussed the value of looking
away from the obvious sites and settlements (Evans 2005).
Acoustic information recognises that sounds are encoded with information about the
environment in which they are created and through which they pass/propagate - it is
ecologically structured and not reducible to raw data or sensations.
I am indebted to Gary Jones for allowing me to mention his ongoing doctoral research
(funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council).

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MICHEL LOUIS SFRIADS*

NOTE SHAMANIQUE: A PROPOS DU BUCRANE

NEOLITHIQUE DE DIKILI TASH (MACEDOINE
ORIENTALE GRECQUE)

Abstract: Acest articol este dedicat unui bucraniu descoperit la Dikili Tash. Acesta a fost descoperit n

anul 1995, n interiorul unei locuine incendiate din nivelul 2 - grupul Strymon-Struma, un facies al
complexului cultural Vina (5450-5000 B.C.). Bucraniul era realizat din lut ars. Taurul este frecvent
figurat n reprezentrile plastice neo-eneolitice din zona Balcanic. Amintim aici doar descoperirile de la
Vina, Kormadin, Plocnik, Otzaki, Gomolava, Beenova Veche, Para, Gura Baciului, Porodin, Tell Azmak,
Jasa Tepe, Szajol-Felsofold, Szentpeterszeg et Isaiia, Szolnok-Szanda, Donja Branjevinja,
Hodmezovasarhely, Tiszavasvari-Paptelekhat, Borsod-Derekegyhaza, Villanykves .a. (culturile
Protosesklo, Starevo-Krs-Cri, Karanovo I-II, Vina, Bkk, Lengyel etc.). Aceste reprezentri se leag
de activitile magico-religioase i de viaa religioas a comunitilor respective. Existena unor
sanctuare n perioada neo-enolitic din sud-estul Europei, este nendoielnic. Acest fapt este demonstrat
i de existena a numeroase machete. Simbolul taurului i implicit bucraniile se leag de aceste
construcii i de viaa religioas a acelor societi.

Keywords: neolithic, eneolithic, Dikili Tash, bucranium, shrines, religious symbolism.

En 1998, Ren Treuil et Pascal Darcque publiaient dans le Bulletin de

Correspondance Hellnique, un article intitul Un bucrane nolithique Dikili
Tash (Macdoine orientale) : parallles et perspectives dinterprtation (Treuil et

Darcque 1998). Cette tude mavait alors laiss songeur parce que dune
manire gnrale elle niait - sur la base dun comparatisme sommaire et dune
critique violente - les crits de plusieurs minents scientifiques, pour la plupart non
seulement des matres penser mais encore des amis - des vidences. Evidences
que ces dernires annes de recherches (sajoutant au bon sens) non seulement
dans les Balkans mais dans lensemble du continent eurasiatique nont fait que
conforter.
Rappelons que ce bucrane surmodel en terre crue (Fig.1) fut dcouvert
en 1995 (Treuil 1996) sur le sol (secteur V/Ouest) dune habitation dtruite par
le feu du niveau 2 (niveau rcent de Dikili Tash I, groupe du Strymon/Struma
(M. Sfriads), facis nolithique moyen du complexe culturel Vinca, 5450-5000
B.C.), sur la pente sud de la toumba (tell) de Dikili Tash au Sud-Est de la plaine de
Drama.
Sur ce sol brl du Nolithique Moyen (priodisation de J. Deshayes) furent
galement mis au jour des fragments de mur , de parois de four , deux
meules dormantes , un amas de lentilles carbonises , de nombreuses
esquilles brles de cheville osseuse de bovid , une figurine anthropomorphe
*

CNRS, Universit Rennes 1, Rennes 2 et Nantes, Ministre de la Culture, Laboratoire d'Anthropologie,

Universit de Rennes 1, Campus de Beaulieu. e-mail: michel.seferiades22@wanadoo.fr.

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incomplte et cinq vases. Notons que larchozoologue D. Helmer na pu

dterminer le sexe correspondant aux fragments osseux de bovid (taureau ?).

Fig.1 Le bucrane de Dikili Tash (clich Ph. Collet, EFA).

On ne sait rien (plan) de la construction ou de la pice brle. Pour avoir
longtemps fouill Dikili Tash sous la direction de Jean Deshayes, je nignore pas
les difficults rencontres ds quil sagit de reconnatre avec certitude un sol
vritable (dans lincertitude nous parlions de niveau), surtout sur une surface
limite. Les fouilles rcentes ne drogent pas cette imprcision ; par exemple
un sol en terre battue () sur environ 40 m2, mais dont les limites ne sont pas
encore parfaitement claires (Treuil et Darcque , Op. cit. : 2) ou encore on na
pas trouv jusquici le plan que lon esprait, avec des limites dhabitations bien
claires ce qui contredit les informations trs prcises sur le fonctionnement des
espaces (!) (Treuil 1997 : 21). En un mot, R. Treuil reconnat que du village
nolithique lui-mme, nous ne pouvons pas dire grand-chose tout en suggrant
paradoxalement lexistence dun axe nord-ouest/sud-est , avec des habitations
alignes en ranges parallles, offrant ainsi une prise minimale aux vents
dominants, qui soufflent prcisment du nord-ouest ( !) (Treuil, Op. cit. : 21 et
22). Quen tait-il des caprices dEole il y a sept mille ans
Gardons en mmoire que dans cette pice (dans un contexte la fois
favorable et dfavorable : incendie) se trouvaient rassembls (dans quelles
relations ?) le bovid (un ou plusieurs bucranes dont un seul est en partie
conserv), une figurine (il y a de fortes chances fminine), deux meules (mouture
de crales), le four (cuisson du pain), les lentilles (dans un silo) et cinq vases
dont un large bol contenant une dizaine doutils en pierre et en os , un pot
dcor (peinture et cannelures) contenant une demi-douzaine doutils en pierre
polie et taille ; prs du four se trouvaient un autre pot biconique contenant des
graines dorge, un plateau de 60 cm de diamtre ainsi qu une marmite
tripode (Tsirtsoni, I997).
A propos du grain, de la mouture et du pain, des rituels probables en rapport,
on se reportera aux tudes notamment de J. Makkay (Makkay 1978) et G.
Lazarovici (Lazarovici 2003). G. Lazarovici fait rfrence des modles de pain
de Grce du Nord, de laire Vinca et des rgions steppiques au Nord de la Mer
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Noire (culture nolithique ancien Dniepr-Donec). Tous ces modles sont gravs
(motifs gomtriques varis dont le sens nous chappe). Lhypothse de rites
agraires en rapport avec un culte de la fertilit ne peut aucunement tre carte
(les parallllismes avec les traditions populaires notamment en domaine balkanique
et nord-pontique tant encore en effet de nos jours particulirement
convaincants). An assemblage of miniature figurines was found on the floor of
one of the houses in the centre of the Csoshalom tell and a string of copper and
bone beads was recovered from a sacrificial pit near the house , notent les
fouilleurs du site pour qui Both finds no doubt had a symbolic , prestige value
and they are likely be linked to special ritual context (). An oven was found in a
house lying next to the building that yielded this assemblage. The plastered baking
plate of this oven (cf. le plateau de Dikili Tash) was divided by a clay ridge and
a great quantity of charred grain was found around it (). The finds would suggest
that grain was ground here, that loaves of bread has been baked in the oven and
also that the house was the setting for some ritual activity (Raczky, Meier-Arendt
et al. 2002).
Il est question pour les deux vases contenant des outils dits botes
outils ou vide-poches (sic) (Ibid., Martinez 1997) de bois de cervid, de
lames de silex, de lamelles de quartz hyalin et de lames de haches polies. Or des
lamelles en cristal de roche ont galement t trouves sur le sol de la mme
maison (Martinez, Op. cit. : 37). Les fouilles Jean Deshayes nont livr que deux
lamelles (dont une crte) tailles dans cette roche prcieuse, vritable travail
de bijouterie comme je lavais crit car ce matriau est considr comme tout fait
rebelle au dbitage laminaire, au percuteur comme par pression (Sfriads
1992 : 61). On sinterrogera donc sur la prsence exceptionnelle ici de ces
lamelles. Enfin le tranchant de deux des lames de haches polies tait fortement
mouss (Martinez, Op. cit. : 37).
Le four a ici son importance. Probablement existait-il aussi un foyer. La
prsence obligatoire de structures de ce type en des endroits consacrs aux
cultes nest plus dmontrer. Comme le note N. Ursulescu et F. A. Tencariu se
rfrant Bachelard et Eliade : Les foyers et les fours, en plus de leur rle
utilitaire, ont reprsent, pour les hommes de tous les temps, des zones dune
spciale attraction, grce la magie exerce sur la subconscience humaine par
le feu transformateur de la substance des choses. Cest pourquoi, les foyers, en
tant que lieu de ralisation du miracle sacr du feu, taient considrs comme
lendroit le plus important de la maison et de lunivers dune famille, un
vritable centre du monde (axis mundi) ; autour des foyers se dployaient les
principales activits quotidiennes et les crmonies de culte (Ursulescu et
Tencariu 2004). Cest le cas Dikili tash comme dans lensemble des Balkans et
dans la Grande Plaine hongroise, dans le Banat (Parta) comme lEst des
Carpates,, en Moldavie (Targu Frumos, Isaiia, Poduri). Cest galement bien ce
dont rendent compte (Cucuteni/Tripolye) la maquette de Popudnja et la
reconstitution de Sabatinovka avec pour cette dernire, derrire le four,
langle, un sige dos bucraniforme cependant que des cornes de
conscration se trouvaient prs du foyer et du four de la maison 7 dIsaiia
(Fig.2).
En mme temps noublions pas que dautres lments appartenant cet
ensemble ne se sont pas conservs (matires prissables (bois, peaux, plumes
tissus, vanneries etc.), destruction due au temps et/ou au feu).
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Fig.2 Cornes de conscration dIsaiia (Ursulescu et Tencariu 2004).

Le quartz donc. Or, note L. Mumford : Laffleurement qui rvle du quartz
peut aussi bien contenir de lor (). Lusage de lor, de lambre et du jade a
prcd ce qui est convenu dappeler lge des mtaux. Ils taient apprcis pour
leur raret, leurs qualits magiques, encore plus que pour leurs applications
pratiques (). Lhomme cherchait les pierres prcieuses comme il cultivait les
fleurs, parce que bien avant davoir invent le capitalisme et la production en
masse, il avait acquis plus dnergie quil nen avait besoin pour assurer sa
subsistance physique (Mumford 1950 : 68).
Lhypothse dun culte du bovid, de lexistence dun sanctuaire tout du moins
domestique accompagn de rituels, loin de faire sourire, mrite srieusement
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dtre pose : un bucrane prs dun four et de meules (voquant le feu/foyer et le

pain), de lorge dans un rcipient et des lentilles (offrandes), une figurine
(volontairement casse ? cf. : Chapman 2001), ces prtendus vases botes
outils ou vide-poches qui, soit contiennent l encore des offrandes, des
objets prcieux, soit (pourquoi pas ? On regrettera labsence danalyses des objets
ainsi rassembls), les amulettes dun shaman (bois de cervids, lames/lamelles en
silex et en cristal de roche, lames de haches/herminettes polies non fonctionnelles
au sens o on lentend habituellement). Egalement amulettes de shaman, les
quatre minuscule lames polies en jade/jadite dont une avec un dbut de
perforation (trou de suspension, pendeloque) des niveaux du Nolithique Moyen
des fouilles Jean Deshayes (Sfriads 1992 : 89).
La pense no/nolithique ( pense sauvage : cf. Lvi-Strauss 1962) ne
peut tre apprhende que dans le cadre de recherches comparatives tendues au
moins lensemble du continent eurasiatique, avec de manire implicite, la longue
ascension sur cet immense espace de lhomme palolithique dans ses
interrogations. Dj le campement palolithique rcent dAnetovka 2 sur un
affluent du Bug (Ukraine) (Stanko 1999 ; Sfriads et Stanko 2000) rend compte
de ce que fut le culte du bison au temps de la prhistoire, bien avant les cultes
nolithiques des anctres de Io , de la Grande Plaine hongroise (Alfld)
lAnatolie (Konya) :
- Sur la partie est de lhabitat, les fouilles ont rvl une couche de 30-40 cm
dossements recouvrant des structures circulaires ou en arc de cercle et
constitues de crnes et de mandibules colors locre rouge.
- En bordure orientale de ce secteur et en relation avec des crnes de bison, le
crne dune trs jeune femme enfoui dans une brche, peut-tre le tmoignage
dun culte et dun rituel complexe associant, dans une dialectique profonde, le
sacrifice humain la mort des grands bovids.

Fig.3 Reconstitution du sanctuaire 1 de Parta (G. Lazarovici, F. Drasovean

et Z. Maxim 2001).
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Toujours au Palolithique Rcent, mais bien plus lEst (Sibrie Iniss), A. P.

Okladnikov et V. I. Molodine ont mis au jour Venguerovo V, une grande fosse de
2,5 m de profondeur sur 1,5 m de diamtre qui contenait des ossements de bison
(dont un crne, une machoire et une cheville osseuse), un fragment de vertbre
de rhinocros, des os (ttes) et cailles de poissons (brochet, esturgeon) et des
outils de quartzite blanc ou rose ; une structure caractre rituel selon les
fouilleurs (Okladnikov et Molodine 1978 et 1983).
Dans, les Balkans, les deux constructions (Nolithique Ancien : Karanovo I-II)
fouilles dans le secteur de lhpital de Stara Zagora en Thrace bulgare ont livr
des cramiques, des outils et, prs dun foyer (comme cest aussi le cas des
autels appendices cornus Lengyel de Zalaszentbalazs), un bucrane (Dimitrov et
Radeva 1980 ; Banffy 1997 : 72). A Herpaly (groupe dHerpaly), des cornes
daurochs avaient t dposes sous le sol (rite de fondation) avant la construction
cependant que des bucranes styliss en argile avaient t appliqus aux murs
(Kalicz et Raczky 1984 et 1987 ; Banffy 1997 : 73) tout comme Gorzsa (culture
de la Tisza) (Horvath 1987) ainsi quaux quatre angles du toit des fours.
Respectivement lintrieur du site (espace ouvert entour par les constructions)
et lextrieur du foss de protection, deux fosses sacrificielles furent mises au
jour : la premire contenant des squelettes de chien et un pied de figurine, la
seconde (recouverte par des couches paisses dargile striles) des cornes
daurochs associes des vases et des instruments moudre (cf . Makkay 1978 et
1983). Encore en Hongrie, Veszto (cultures de Szakalhat/de la Tisza) (Hegedus
et Makkay 1987), la construction du niveau 4 associe un foyer un ensemble
particulirement riche dobjets cultuels : un personnage assis (intentionnellement
brise avant destruction par le feu de lendroit), un vase anthropomorphe, des
vases, des couvercles de vases, des autels (tous dcors inciss complexes par les
combinaisons de motifs gomtriques trs diffrents), une grande table
offrandes, des figurines casses etc. La liste de ces objets tous particuliers est
longue (silex et obsidienne taills, pierre polie, os et bois de cervid (cuillre,
peigne, lissoir , valve perfore de spondyle) ; pour ce qui nous intresse ici, on
retiendra la prsence dune paire de cornes de conscration, de deux autres paires
diamtralement oppose sur le bord dun grand rcipient cylindrique probablement
fix au sol. Un fragment de cornes de conscration provient de Hodmezovasarhely
(Gazdapusztai 1957 cit par K. Hegedus et J. Makkay pour qui les cornes de
conscration jouent clairement un rle important dans les cultes de la culture de la
Tisza ). Jadhre entirement aux hypothses de K. Hegedus et J. Makkay
lorsquils concluent que : The overwhelming majority of these finds can be
defined as cult equipment, paraphernalia, used in cult practices, while some were
votive offerings or objects of veneration () One possible interpretation is that this
building had some special function and had perhaps been the house of a special
personnage (a shaman or a priest), or that it has been a village shrine, or perhaps
both . Hypothses voisines sinon identiques que suscitent partout ailleurs, plus ou
moins suivant le degr de profusion des indices, bon nombre de documents
archologiques protohistoriques (cf galement Makkay 1963).
A Csoka (Coka) (Banner 1960), une tte de bovid en argile tait fixe sur le
pignon de la maison E de Tuzkoves (phase classique de la culture de la Tisza)
(Korek 1987 : 52) comme ctait peut-tre le cas du bucrane de Dikili Tash moins
que ce dernier nait t accroch lintrieur comme Kormadin (Jovanovic et
Glisic 1960), et Parta (Lazarovici, Drasovean et Maxim 2001 : galement
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lextrieur dans le cas du sanctuaire 2) (Fig.3 et 4). On ne peut rien dire des
bucranes de Vinca (Vasic 1936). Le toit dune maquette dargile de Ludvar prs de
Roszke (culture de Krs) montre bien que, comme Csoka et Tuzkoves le
bucrane se trouvait sur le pignon et ce ds le Nolithique Ancien (Trogmayer 1966)
(Fig.5). Puis encore lEnolithique (maquette cucutnienne de Cascioarele).
Notons toutefois, en provenance dOcsod (culture de la Tisza) que ce qui semble
bien tre un modle de sanctuaire (ici sans toit) montre des ttes
apparemment de bovids aux quatre angles des murs (Raczky 1987). Une
hypothse que bien dautres faits viennent renforcer : les bucranes suspendus
lextrieur et/ou lintrieur comme des enseignes, des oriflammes dsigneraient
la demeure du shaman

Fig.4 Reconstitution du sanctuaire 2 de Parta (G. Lazarovici, F. Drasovean et

Z. Maxim 2001).
Les quatre dernires pages de larticle de R. Treuil et P. Darcque qui se
voudraient la fois novatrices et difiantes ne sont quune accumulation de
contresens. Depuis Mellaart, en fait, crivent-ils, cest plutt le culte du taureau
qui fait partie de la panoplie du prhistorien, dfaut de faire partie coup sr de
celle du prhistorique. Toute la publication de Catal-Hyk, on le sait, na cess de
souligner limportance de ce culte, le nombre et la richesse des sanctuaires et
lomniprsence de la religion. Bien que quelque scepticisme devant cette inflation
ait t a et l exprim, le tableau compos par Mellaart, sajoutant dautres, tel
que celui autrefois construit par Evans pour la Crte minoenne, est pass tel quel
dans la pense archologique commune. Tous les objets resemblant de prs ou de
loin des bucranes ont donc t, conformment ces ides reues, considrs
comme cultuels et lon a par consquent parl de sanctuaires au bucrane o
lon clbrait un culte villageois du buf, quitte souligner le lien troit qui
unissait la vie quotidienne et la vie cultuelle . Suivent une srie de critiques
mettant en cause aprs Mellaart et Evans : Camps, Cauvin, Jovanovic, Stankovic,
Kalicz, Racky, Lazarovici, Makkay, Gimbutas, Meier-Arendt et enfin Otte. Critiques
qui ne sont pas sans rappeler celles adresses par dautres (curieusement au
mme moment) J. Clottes et D. Lewis-Williams aprs la parution de leur ouvrage
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Les chamanes de la prhistoire et que ces derniers avant dy rpondre mirent sur
le compte, avec juste raison, de ractions irrationnelles pleine de fureurs et de
bruits (Clottes et Lewis-Williams 1996 ; 2001 : suivi de Aprs les chamanes,
polmiques et rponses).

Fig.5 Toit de la maquette de Ludvar (bucrane sur pignon) ( O. Trogmayer 1966).

Les rponses ici sont du mme ordre encore que lon peut se demander, face
lignorance dlibre , aux sarcasmes et la virulence , aux caricatures ,
si elles sont vraiment ncessaires, si lon ne perd pas son temps.
Tout dabord, ce serait une arriration profonde que de nier lomniprsence
de la religion et paralllement le culte du taureau non seulement en Anatolie
mais dans la plus grande partie du continent eurasiatique. Les vidences se
chiffrent en milliers, ds le Palolithique et jusqu nos jours, depuis au moins les
bisons dAltamira et la vache de Lascaux jusquau taureau de Guernica et au
bucrane de Jean-Pierre Velly (huile sur bois, 1986) (fig. 6). Nier en mme temps
le lien troit qui unissait la vie quotidienne et la vie cultuelle est tout aussi
absurde quand on voit notamment ce qui se passe partout dans le monde encore
maintenant. Les spultures Baden 3 et 28 dAlsonmedi (dbut de lAge du Bronze,
au sens gen) contenaient respectivement un homme, une femme, une vache et
un veau (taurillon ?), un homme, une vache et un veau (Korek 1951 ; Whittle
1996 : 122) ainsi que, dans les deux cas, des offrandes (vases) ; la priode
hllenistique, dans le sanctuaire de Posidon Tnos, la trs grande quantit de
bovins sacrifis est lexception qui confirme la rgle tant donne la place que
tenait Posidon chez les insulaires, comme protecteur de la navigation
(Leguilloux 1999) ; aux sixime et cinquime sicles, sur l'acropole d'Athnes et
chaque anne au mois de juin, un taureau tait immol sur l'autel de Zeus aprs
qu'on lui eut donn manger un mlange consacr d'orge et de bl. Le
sacrificateur disparaissait ensuite en abandonnant sa hache. Celle-ci faisait l'objet
d'un jugement avec comme verdict qu'elle fut solennellement jete la mer. La
viande de l'animal abattu tait mange puis sa dpouille empaille tait
longtemps expose sur un pidestal (Sfriads et Stanko, Op. cit.) ; enfin ltude des
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Fig.6 Bucrane : huile sur bois de

Jean-Pierre Velly, 1986.
ossements danimaux brls Pylos ( palais de Nestor ) a rvl limportance
des sacrifices de bovids dans la religion grecque et ce dj au Mycnien (comme
lattestait lOdysse) (Isaadou, Halstead, Davis et Stocker 2002). Quant au culte
villageois du buf au Nolithique, sur lequel les auteurs de larticle du BCH
ironisent, il apparat sempiternel puisquon le rencontre dans les Balkans encore
aujourdhui : En Grce du Nord, Lesbos, un taureau blanc et noir originaire des
hauts pacages du Mont Tavros (taureau en grec), entrav et par d'une couronne
de feuilles et de fleurs traverse chaque anne le village d'Aghia Paraskevi
l'occasion de la fte en l'honneur de Saint Charalambos. L'animal sacrifi, sa viande
bouillie est consomme tout au long d'un banquet de quatre jours. On mange et
boit beaucoup durant ces bacchanales. On chante et danse jusqu' l'puisement.
Les plus lucides se sentent coupables et racontent en dsespoir de cause (censure
orthodoxe oblige) que, il y a de cela deux cents ans, un certain taureau sauva un
pauvre fermier du coin des balles meurtrires d'un triste bandit ! (Sfriads et
Stanko Op.cit.).
Il nexiste pas d objets ressemblant () de loin des bucranes de la mme
manire que, par la puret des formes, labstraction (bien que lartiste sen soit
dfendu) et le gnie, Maastra, Loiseau dans lespace de Brancusi (Fig.7) (
rapprocher selon moi de llance cucutnienne) (Sfriads 2005) sont des
oiseaux (trente-sept variantes du mme sujet). Le nier, cest avoir une grande
mconnaissance de lart, cest navoir rien compris prs dun sicle aprs le procs
tragi-comique du grand sculpteur aux Etats-Unis.

Fig.7 Oiseau dans lespace de Constantin Brancusi (Paris,

Atelier Brancusi, Centre Pompidou).
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Il sagissait pourtant l encore de bon sens. Bon sens dont sut faire preuve
le juge Waite dans son verdict au terme dun interminable jeu de plaidoiries,
donnant ainsi finalement raison Brancusi : Loiseau tait bien une
production professionnelle de sculpteur et non un article utilitaire ,
largumentation essentielle de la dfense du service des douanes amricain
tant que Loiseau dans lespace ne ressemblait pas suffisamment un
oiseau pour tre qualifi de sculpture ! (Lyotard : 45 52 in Tabart 2001).
Nous mettons bien laccent, dit le juge Waite, sur le fait de lappeler un
oiseau. Je ne vois pas lintrt de la question de savoir si on la appel un
oiseau , car il sagissait de trancher le litige mettant apparemment aux
prises une esthtique de limitation et une esthtique de la stylisation , ici
prsent dans cet article du BCH qui se rsume : je reconnais un bucrane, je
ne reconnais pas un bucrane. Quant ceux qui le sont, ils ont pu tre
nimporte quoi et notamment des jouets (sic) : cf. Treuil 1992.

Fig.8 Cornes de conscration de Zorlentu Mare (G. Lazarovici 2004).

Or les bucranes figuratifs sont rares, du moins dans les Balkans. On ne
comprend pas, alors on accuse disait Aragon. Il est impossible dexclure ces
objets parfois pourvus de quatre pieds et termins la partie suprieure par un
ensellement entre deux protubrances (R. Treuil et P. Darcque) (ce que nous
appelons presque toujours cornes de conscration ) de lensemble des
sculptures et de la statuaire inspir du taureau. Les cornes de conscration
reposant sur le sol de lensemble cultuel Tisza de Veszto sont brancusiennes ,
les formes sont la fois contenues et libres comme pour Le phoque dit encore
Le miracle de Brancusi. La tte de taureau stylise Krs de Mezokvesd
(Kalicz et Koos 1997) a des cornes longues perfores. Les cornes de conscration
Vinca B2/C de Zorlentu Mare (Fig.8) (Lazarovici 2004) portent grav sur laxe
vertical entre les deux cornes un homme (figuratif gomtrique) levant les bras : le
shaman sanimalisant ? Notons que ce type assez rare de reprsentation humaine
est attest par deux fois au moins Dikili Tash (fouilles Jean Deshayes, mme
priode), peint seul au graphite sur un vase et incis, accompagn au-dessus dun
M aux jambages prolongs par deux grandes spirales (plus une petite enclave audessus) galement incises, sur la paroi dun vase pidestal (Fig.9) (importation
Szakalhat ?) (Sfriads 1986).
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Fig.9 Shaman de Dikili Tash (fouilles J. Deshayes. M. Sfriads 1986).

L encore, il sagirait du shaman sanimalisant avec, ici reprsent par lincision
profonde au moyen dun instrument acr, avec ses hallucinations, comme
grimpant lors de la transition vers le stade 3 de la transe. Comme en fait tat la
neuropsychologie, On atteint le troisime stade par le biais dun tourbillon ou
dun tunnel. Le sujet se sent attir par le tourbillon, au bout duquel il voit une vive
lumire (). Dans le stade 3, on sent que lon peut voler et se transformer en
oiseau ou autre animal () (Clottes et Lewis-Williams 2001 : 16-19). Les spirales
(lhomme en touche une dune main) sur la paroi dargile allant en slargissant
vers le ciel reprsenteraient ce tourbillon. Notons que les fouilles de Vinca ont livr
des champignons en pierre verte polie ; toutefois la transe, lhallucination, lextase
ne ncessitent pas obligatoirement la consommation de drogues psychotropes
(Kharitidi 1996 ; Rytkhou 2001 et 2003). Le shaman devenu taureau (stade 3),
cest ainsi quil faut interprter, selon moi, les bucentaures (taureaux tte
humaine) en argile de Fzesabony-Gubakut en provenance de fosses du
Nolithique Ancien (Fig.10) (Domboroczki 1997) ou encore de Mezokvesd (Fig.11)
(culture Krs/AVK/groupe de Szatmar) (Kalicz et Koos 1997) : les zigzags sur les
corps sont caractristiques des trois tapes de la transe (Clotte et Lewis-Williams
Op. cit. : 16-19) (par exemple les zigzags sur le corps du bucentaure de
Mezokvesd ou sur le ventre dune figurine du Nolithique Moyen de Dikili Tash
(fouilles Jean Deshayes) (Fig.12).

Fig.10 Bucentaure de Fzesabony-Gubakut

Mocsolyas (L. Domboroczki 1997).

Fig.11 Bucentaure de Mezokvesd(N. Kalicz et J. Koos 1987).

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A propos du M et du W, attests ds le Nolithique Ancien (Starcevo/Krs/

Cris), G. Lazarovici, F. Drasovean et Z. Maxim (Op. cit. : 404) notent : On the
muzzle of the bullheadfrom Catal there is a zigzagged line representing the
doubled M or W . At Bucovat there are numerous situations when a semispiral starting from an M ends in a W. This chaining is similar to the night-day
connection crossed by the Cassiopeia constellation, which is M-shaped during the
night and from December to June and W-shaped in the morning and from July
until December .

Fig.12 Figurine fminine incomplte du Nolithique Moyen

de Dikili Tash (fouilles Jean Deshayes).
Rsumons: le taureau est reprsent dans la sculpture et la statuaire nolithique
des Balkans au sens large, soit de manire directement identifiable (figuratif)
(bucrane de Dikili Tash, Vinca, Kormadin, Plocnik, Gomolava etc.), soit dans un
dveloppement en mme temps quune simplification dordre artistique : cornes
de conscration (galement Besenova Veche, Parta, Guri Baciului, Porodin,
Tell Azmak, Jasa Tepe, Szajol-Felsofold, Szentpeterszeg et Isaiia : Lazarovici,
Drasovean et Maxim Op. cit. : 278, Fig.255, et 405), taureaux cornes
crescentiformes au milieu du dos (Fig.13) (de Szolnok-Szanda : Kalicz et

Fig.13 Taureau de Szolnok-Szanda (N. Kalicz et P. Raczky 1991).

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Raczky 1991 : 5-20), amulettes Starcevo/Krs de Donja Branjevinja

(Karmanski 1989), de Lepenski Vir (Srejovic 1981) ou de Knjepiste (Stankovic
1991). Quant la reprsentation du shaman, on la retrouve galement aux trois
angles des autels Vinca de Stragare (Stankovic 1988), en relief sur des vases
de Hodmezovasarhely, Tiszavasvari-Paptelekhat, Borsod-Derekegyhaza et de
Villanykvesd (respectivement Krs, AVK, Bkk et Lengyel). Cest probablement
un shaman dansant qui est peint sur le clbre tesson (bord de bol) Proto-Sesklo
dOtzaki. ou model (mme silhouette) Vinca (Gimbutas 1982 : 175, Fig.169).
Une scne sur un vase Vinca de Gomolava reprsente la danse/transe de shamans
(Fig.172). Il en est de mme de la male representation, peinte en rouge sur un
tesson Szakalhat de Szentes-Illonapart (Fig.14) ( Kalicz et Raczky 1987 : 13).
Les bucranes miniatures Starcevo/Krs/Cris (Fig.15 16) retiendront
galement un instant notre attention car, du moins eu Europe centrale et du SudEst, ils font tat de lvolution des croyances lie aux processus de nolithisation.
Selon S. Stankovic, je le pense aussi, The greatest difficulty in analyzing this type
of material is the absence of their find contexts and the lack of interest in the
scientific treatment of this type of sculpture . Il ajoute : , regardless of the fact
that bulls and oxen are not always distinguished, both kinds of animals symbolize
strength and abundance.

Fig.14 Shaman de Szentes-Ilonapart (N. Kalicz et P. Raczki 1987).

The image of the ox symbolize the first plowing, while its horns symbolize
invincible strength and prosperity. In Serbian folk customs the ox has the same
symbolism and also symbolizes grain for flour and even fertility. On the other hand
the symbol of the bull primarly reflects irresistable strength, violent passion,
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unlimited manliness, exceptional creative power, fertility etc. Often the bull is
shown alongside of or as a symbol of a supreme deity (Stankovic Op. cit. : 41).
Tuer un aurochs mle devait tre un exploit pour les Msolithiques et les
Nolithiques. Ctait le rsultat dune chasse difficile, dangereuse ncessitant une
aide, celle du shaman, travers la communion en mme temps que lemprise (cf.
notamment : Lot-Falck 1953).

Fig.15 Bucranes miniatures de Donja Branjevina (S. Karmanski 1989).

Toujour est-il que : des meules (grains moudre), un four (cuisson du
pain) et un bucrane ? Lassociation Dikili Tash - que, on la vu, dautres
associations du mme type un peu partout ailleurs corroborent - na rien de
fortuit.
Lexistence partout au Nolithique/Enolithique de sanctuaires ou dun
espace rserv au culte dans une habitation est une vidence comme en
tmoignent les fouilles, condition quelles soient suffisamment tendues, ainsi
que les nombreuses maquettes (Mantu-Lazarovici 2002: 47-67; Lazarovici et
Lazarovici 2003). Dans la pense no/nolithique, le bovid (taureau) est
omniprsent partir dun substrat o laurochs, la fois sauvage et
domestiqu, succde, la charnire du Plistocne et de lHolocne, au bison.
Il en est de mme du shamanisme ancr dans la pense et les comportements
depuis la nuit des temps. Nen dplaise aux fouilleurs qui ont succd Jean
Deshayes Dikili Tash, les indices sinon, il faut bien le dire, les preuves de tout
ceci dans une dmarche comparative raisonne sont galement prsentes sur
ce site (non seulement au Nolithique, mais aussi plus tard au Bronze Rcent :
Sfriads 1985). Les arguments , on la vu, ne manquent pas et les
simples affirmations ne sont, au contraire, quautant de questions et, par l
mme, de directions de recherche.
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Fig.16 Bucranes miniatures de Lepenski Vir (Srejovic 1981).

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SABIN ADIAN LUCA*

NEW DISCOVERIES OF THE NEOLITHIC AND

AENEOLITHIC FINE ARTS AT MIERCUREA SIBIULUIPETRI, TRTRIA AND LUMEA NOU1

Abstract: Acest articol prezint o serie de piese plastice descoperite n aezrile neo-eneolitice de la
Miercurea Sibiului-Petri, Trtria-Gura Luncii i Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou. Din aezarea de la Miercurea
Sibiului-Petri avem o singur pies, de la Trtria-Gura Luncii provin 6 statuete antropomorfe i un
fragment de altar, iar de la Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou provin 6 statuete antropomorfe. Din punct de vedere
cultural piesele aparin culturii Vina (piesa nr.1 de la Miercurea Sibiului-Petri, piesele nr. 1 i 2 de la
Trtria-Gura Luncii, piesele nr. 8, 9 i 10 de la Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou), culturii Petreti sau unei faze a
grupului cultural Lumea Nou (piesele nr.3, 4 i 6 de la Trtria-Gura Luncii), grupului cultural Lumea
nou sau Turda (piesele nr. 11, 12 i 13 de la Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou).
Keywords: neolithic, eneolithic, anthropomorfic figurines, altars.

The Description of the Neolithic Plastic Arts from Miercurea Sibiului-Petri

1. Fragment of statue (protoma ?) (Fig.1/1). The statue is fragmentary
and it represents, in all probability, a protoma placed on a vessel lid. It is brown
with semifine snady structure. The statue is degreased with chaff, too, and the
burning is very good. The stratigraphic disposal of this piece is very important. It
was discovered in dweling 14 wich was investigated in 2004. The dweling is part of
level IIb, at present being dated as Vina culture, phase A3-B1. Analogies of this
statue are frequent for this chronologic horizon (Blnescu 1979, 1982; Lazarovici
1977, 1979; Luca 1998).
I have dealt with this fragment of statue as an introduction to this article
because it is the best example as for as the plastic art is concerned for the
strong relationship of the beginning of the Middle Neolithic in Transylvania with
Vina culture, phase A. At the same time, the Vina pottery and plastic art from
Miercurea Sibiului-Petri is an evidence for the strong unity of the Vina culture on
widw areas, but it also has some peculiarities that will give birth, in a subsequent
phase, to the Lumea Nou culture and later to the Turda culture.
The prehistoric Settlements from Trtria-Gura Luncii and Alba Iulia-Lumea
Nou with Neolithic and Eneolithic levels, represent through the variety and quality of
the Archaeological materials discovered there, a difficult attempt for any researcher
preoccupied with the study of these periods in the History of Transylvania.
*

Facultatea de Istorie i Patrimoni, Universitatea Lucian Blaga, Sibiu. e-mail:

sabinadrianluca@hotmail.com.

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Being situated in agricultural areas that are intensely cultivated nowadays, the
materials of these two sites here, are and will still be rummaged and taken out
incidentally. For this reason, these two sites are the base of several valuable
private collections and have systematically been studied during several stages. The
results of the systematic investigations as well as those obtained from field trips
made these Settlements famous.
The Archaeological site from Trtria-Gura Luncii was known after a series of
accidentally discoveries made by M. Roska (Roska 1942: 21, nr. 77).
The prehistoric settlement from Gura Luncii was the first time systematically
investigated by Kurth Horedt during 1942-1943 (Horedt 1949: 44-57). Following
excavations were made by Nicolae Vlassa in 1961 (Vlassa 1962: 23-30; 1963: 485494; 1976: 28-43).
The last systematic investigations were made here in 1989 by Iuliu Paul2.
The Description of the Neolithic and Eneolithic Plastic Arts from Trtria-

Gura Luncii

1. Fragment of statue (Fig.2/3). Representing the head and the body from
the neck down. Judging by its main features, this fragment of statue is one of the
most recent of those belonging to the new series of incidentally discoveries made
at Trtria. The mask of the statue is a developed type and slightly pentagonal.
The eyes are made of two incisions, the right one being more oblique than the left
one. The nose is round, one of the nostrils being rendered by an impression in the
form of a tear. A very important feature for the Chronology of the statue is the fact
that the top of the head is drawn towards the back like at many other
representations from Banat and Transylvania belonging to this chronological and
cultural level.

Fig.1 Statue found in a Vina dwellind from Miercurea Sibiului-Petri. Fragmentary

statue. A protoma on a vessel lied (?), brown, semifine sandy structure, degreased
with chaff, too, very good burning.
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The statue is made of brown paste, sandy and for common use. The burning is
good. The part that remained represents the Upper side of a column idol which
evolved from those very characteristics of the Starevo-Cri Culture and mainly
found at the end of the Early phase of the Vina Culture.
2. Fragment of statue (Fig.2/4). Representing the head of the statue. The
work represents a triangular mask with a grate nose. A slight incision, interrupted
by the nose, separates the face into two parts. The top of the statue is blunted
and the look is pointed upwards. The slip, in days of yore, is totally gone. The
statue is brick-coloured, sandy structure and light burning, the paste being baked.
The statue may culturally and chronologically belong to an Early phase of the
Vina Culture, the Transylvanian alternative.
3. Head of statue (Fig.2/6). As it appears, the head of the statue does not
have a mask. The way in which the face is made points out the fact that the statue
was accomplished under the influence of an extra-Carpathian culture (Gumelnia,
Slcua, Precucuteni) that belongs to the Upper Eneolithic. Description: prominent
eyebrows, the eyes rendered by incisions, in a slight oblique position as compared
to the nose; the nose is represented in a realist manner, even the nostrils are
rendered by two intrusions, round mouth.
The fragment is brown and there are liftings of burning on. The statue is
cleansed with sand, chaff and has a very good burning. It is also polished and has
slip (on the outside).
This representation may be chronologically and culturally attributed to one of
the phases of the Petreti Culture or maybe to the Lumea Noua Culture.
4. Fragment of altar (Fig.3/3). The Piece of altar that was kept has two legs
as pedestal and a fragment from a small container. It is also kept an
anthropomorphic protoma with a round-pentagonal mask and the eyes situated
almost perpendicularly on the nose are rendered by incisions. The eyebrows are
well defined. The nose of the protoma is prominent and long.
The fragment is brick-coloured (and black on the inside), it has half-fine sandy
structure, spatula retouches and good burning (as it seems secondary burning
because of a fire).
The altar joins the other works which were found in the Eneolithic strata at
Trtria and taking into account its structure and manner in which it was made, it
probably belongs to the Petreti and Lumea Nou Cultures.
5. Fragment of statue representing the head (Fig.3/4). The fragment had
a pentagonal mask on its face whose inner part is not kept anymore, being broken
a long time ago. The eyes are represented by deep incisions and the nose follows
the model of a small protuberance. From under the nose another deep incision
goes downwards. It is not known on what distance this lays but not on a very long
one, anyway, as it certainly represents a nostril. The nape of the statue is blunted
and so are its breasts. This representation is yellow coloured, has fine sandy
structure, slip, and a very good burning.
All these features enable us to attribute this fragment of statue to the late
Eneolithic strata of this site.
6. Fragment of statue (Fig.3/6). Only the torso, it is one of the most
beautiful works of this lot of objects. The head, the arms from the shoulders
down and the legs from the thighs down were broken in days of yore. The
fragment that has been kept is a clear evidence of the special care of the Ancient
author, to render correctly the anatomical details of the representation (e.g. the
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number of the fingers). It appears that like many other statues of the Tisa I
Culture, this one too sat on a throne.
The statue is brown, with grey slip and very good burning (the core of the
structure is black) and cleansed with fine sand.
The features of the statue enable us to attribute it to the Petreti or Lumea
Nou strata of this site.
7. Head (?) made of a river rock (unilustrated). From Trtria, too, it
comes a round river-boulder on which one may distinguish the features of a
human face. There can be noticed the eyebrows and semicircular eyes. The
mouth, too, is semicircular and broad. The details that make up the face which are
in fact more grotesque than realistic and though schematic as the Neolithic art
usually is, make us think that we are witnessing in the best case a product of
the nature.
*

The prehistoric settlement from Trtria-Gura Luncii is one of the most

important Archaeological sites of Transylvania (Vlassa 1976: 28-31). Some of the
statues that were incidentally discovered there may be attributed, at least by their
typology, to the already known Stratigraphy of the Ancient villages of this area.
The first systematic excavations done by K. Horedt during 1942-1943 and
published (Horedt 1949), are according to the picture of the article (Horedt 1949:
Fig.1, 4-8), much more complex than those done by N. Vlassa in 1961 (Vlassa
1976: Fig.1-3). The latter added to the sections and A, C, D, E and B, F surface
areas, which had been investigated during 1942-1943, the H Section and G
surface, both having been done in 1961 Vlassa 1976: Fig.1. The most complex
excavations are those made in the G surface, which in fact checked the profiles of
the C surface, profiles that were analysed by the scientist from Sibiu.
After all these excavations, K. Horedt names the discovered levels (Trtria I
with mud-huts; Trtria II a, b and c with surface dwellings) (Vlassa 1976: 5354). It is also very important the parallel between Trtria II b and Boian A levels
on the account of a pottery importation (Precucuteni I or II? Vlassa 1976:).
As I was saying before, N. Vlassa's excavations were only meant to check the
already known Stratigraphy. I made use of N. Vlassa's conclusions in a quite recent
publication, in order to parallel the Stratigraphy of Trtria-Gura Luncii with that of
TurdaLunc (Luca 2001b: 147-151).
*

All these ideas, have been reminded to the reader for a better cultural and
chronological classification of, at least, several of the statues of the collection
dealt with. We speak about the statues mentioned at Fig.2/3-4, 6; 3/3-4, 6.
According to their typological and stylistic features, these statues could be
divided into, at least, two Groups, which would belong to two different
chronological moments.
The former group includes the statues from Fig.2/3-4 and 3/3-4. This series
could also be divided into subgroups because of the statue from Fig.2/3, on the
one side, and of the statues from Fig.2/4; Fig.3/4 on the other side, and finally
because of the altar from Fig.3/3.
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These subgroups would also have chronological valences, the subgroup no 1

being the earlier, by the presence of the statue from Fig.2/3. On the account on
Some similar statues, it was established the antiquity of the ritual complex
discovered by N. Vlassa at Trtria (Vlassa 1976: 31, 34, 125, Fig.6). This one
consists of 16 burned-clay statues, two Cycladic alabaster idols, a Spondylus-shell
bracelet and three slates (little plates) with incised marks, none of these having
been published before together with illustrations (the statues). Besides, there were
also, the scattered bones of a human being about 35-40 years old, several of them
burned and the others broken. N. Vlassa thought of a possible form of ritual
cannibalism (Vlassa 1976: 31).
Judging by the image of the anthropomorphic clay statues from the Vina area, of
the approached chronological moment, it comes out that the anthropomorphic ones
from Gornea (Blnescu 1979; Lazarovici 1977), Balta Srat (Blnescu 1979;
Lazarovici 1977) or Liubcova (level VIII Luca 1990; 1998) could be the typological
model for those of the Trtria group. But none of the approached statues are so
structurally compressed as the Transylvanian deposit. In my opinion, the
Archaeological context discovered by N. Vlassa is truly ritual and has nothing to do
with the Stratigraphy that has so far been known for this site, especially with Stratum
no 1. The holy statues were buried in, having no relation with the habitation strata
from Trtria. It rather belongs to an earlier phase, chronologically classified in a
previous stage. The people that buried the statues were either passing by, or they
were doing an initiation or devotion ritual. Its signification is still unknown to us, the
sacred place having been inhabited only after the signification of the devotion ritual
had been forgotten, or even the Neolithic population changed something in its specific
manner of relating to the divine. This modification appeared together with the Turda
culture as it is nowadays called.
Each time this complex of worship was investigated, it was very difficult that it
should also chronologically suit (adapt) to the Stratigraphy in this case, as the
typology of the statues urged their classification into an earlier phase, and the
pottery allowed this only in a compulsory way (Miloji 1965; Makkay 1990).
We think that our previous explanation is the solution to our problem regarding
the chronological classification of the ritual complex from Trtria, but also
regarding Some Ancient levels that have an already well-known Stratigraphy in
Transylvania. The conservatism of the earlier Vina communities mentioned
above can be noticed in the perpetuation of some archaic Vina features, in the
Turda pottery and especially in the statues found in these stations. The Turda
culture, at a chronological Vina B or C phase, still observed the common laws that
had already been imposed by the Vina inhabitants during the A phase of their
culture, while they had for a long time failed to observe them in their native
places. How else could it be explained the fact that the mask of the Transylvanian
statues is triangular or slightly pentagonal , plainly rendered throughout the
Late Neolithic, like in the Turda culture. This is characteristic only to the earlier
phases of the Vina culture in Yugoslavia and in the Southern area of Banat (type
a and b from Tasi 1973: 23, sl. II)? How could we explain the fact that all the
Vina and Turda statues in Transylvania have the eyes incised, according to the
plainest Vina pattern, but considerably complicated during the late phases of the
culture in the mother-areas (Tasi 1973: sl. I type a)? In order to give extra
information, I can only refer to the recent discoveries at Romos (Luca 1995-1996:
T. III) and Turda-Lunc (Luca 1997a; 2001b, p. 81, 88-91, Fig.6 and 7/7), and
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also bearing in mind the previous discoveries at Turda (Roska 1928, 1941, 1942)
and those at Trtria, dealt with by N. Vlassa.
It is also symbolic the fact that the mask of The Statue from Liubcova is
triangular and not pentagonal as required by the chronological and cultural phase
to which the statue is attributed (Luca, Dragomir 1987; 1989; Luca 1989 (1990);
1991). It is also eloquent the case of the tell type settlement, from Chiooda Veche
where the statues, which followed an Ancient pattern, with triangular mask, are
found in the same mud-huts together with those having pentagonal mask (Radu
1979: 67, pl. IIII). It comes out that the typology of the mask form does not
always submit to the common laws, which have so far been established as basic
rules, not even in the Vina culture.
The latter group includes the statues from Fig.II/6 and III/6. The manner in which
the face of the statue from Fig.II/6 is schematically created is almost similar to that
characteristic for the cultures in the South of the Carpathyans (Dumitrescu 1974:
Fig.243, 251/1, 259-261), even if the procedure still has certain local influences.
Regarding the statue from Fig.III/6, we are certainly dealing with a statue that
has its origins in the Eneolithic Petreti levels in this site. The bust has analogies in
the Vina culture (Tasi 1973: T. XLVII/179, LIII, LXI, LXVIII), being possible for
this statue to be related to those presented on a throne, in the Tisa I culture, too
(Korek 1987: 53-57, Fig.14-16; Raczky 1987: Fig.32-35, 37; HegedsMakkay
1987: Fig.7-10; * * * 1987: copert; Gumelnia culture - Dumitrescu 1974: Fig.
256-258).
Both types prove the spreading westwards and southwards of the Eneolithic
Transylvanian World, and the cultural and trade connections of the epoch why not?
These statues may come from a level, in which there is a synthesis between
the Turda elements, those of Lumea Nou and the Petreti culture.
The station from Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou has been known since 1942, when,
after the construction of Some buildings of public utility, it was discovered a
compact Stratum of burn traces and ceramics fragments. It was during the same
year that the first scientific determinations, historical and Archaeological,
concerning the site, were done. The proper researches took place in 1944, 1945
and 1947 (Berciu, Berciu 1949: 1-2). Further systematic excavations regarding this
site were done in 1961 (Berciu 1968: 54-55).
The description of the Neolithic and Eneolithic statues from Alba Iulia-

Lumea Nou

8. Fragment of statue representing only the head (Fig.2/1). The mask on

the face is pentagonal, bent. The eyes are rendered by short and oblique incisions as
related to the position of the nose. This one is represented in a realistic manner, linked
to the eyebrows and has a single nostril rendered by a round impression. The top of
the head is blunted and cross-vertically perforated, here and there.
The statue is brick-coloured, sandy, smooth and with very good burning. It may
belong to the earlier level from Lumea Nou, more specific to the Vina or Turda culture.
9. Fragment of statue representing the body (Fig.2/2). The statue is
modelled according to the requirements of the realistic manner popular in Neolithic
and Eneolithic. The pedestal of the bust represents the legs. On its base there are
two short, parallel and overlapped incisions. In its lower part the pedestal has a
round cell. The breasts, which demonstrate the female sex of the representation
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as well as the buttocks, firmly rendered are modelled in a realistic manner, even
the nipples being present. On the back of the statue one can see many incisions.
From the buttocks two incisions go up towards the shoulders forming a triangle
with its point headed downwards, and filled with a complicated series of short
incisions. The arms of this representation are wide open.
This fragment of statue suggests that sometimes the incisions made on the
Neolithic and Eneolithic statues may represent not only garments but also designs.
The statue is brick-coloured, sandy, half-fine and with very good burning. It
may be attributed to the earlier levels of the site from Lumea Nou, more specific
to the Vina and Turda culture.

Fig.2 Plastic art from Lumea Nou and Trtria settlements. 1. Alba Iulia-Lumea
Nou. Fragment of statue. Head. Redish, fine sandy structure, very good burning.
2. Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou. Fragment of statue. Torso. Redish, semifine sandy
structure, good burning. 3. Trtria-Gura Luncii. Fragment of statue. Head and
something of the body. Brown, sandy, good burning. 4. Trtria-Gura Luncii.
Fragment of statue. Head, brick-coloured, sandy structure, weak burning, baked.
5. Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou. Fragment of statue. Head and some part of the body,
beown-grey, degreased with sand and chaff, weak burning, baked. 6. TrtriaGura Luncii. Head of statue. Brown with spots of burning, degreased with sand and
chaff, polished, slip very good burning.
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10. Fragment of statue representing the head and a part of the body
(Fig.2/5). This statue represents one of the most realistically modelled from Lumea
Nou. The mask covering its face is triangular. The features of the face are more
realistically rendered, similar to a portrait. The top of the statue is blunted and crossvertically perforated, here and there. Moreover, on its extreme-lateral sides there are
two perforated tabs. The statue has also the right breast blunted, as well as the
right shoulder, on which one can Notice several creases, and, by us, represent the
manner of rendering the clothes for the Upper part of the body. The statue is brickcoloured, cleansed with sand and chaff, very weak burning, rather backed. This
representation may belong to the level named as the settlement from where the
group of statues comes.

Fig.3 Plastic art from Lumea Nou and Trtria settlements: 1. Alba Iulia-Lumea
Nou. Fragment of statue. Some part of the body. Black, semifine sandy structure,
good burning. 2. Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou. Fragment of statue. Some part of the
body. Black, semifine sandy structure, good burning. 3. Trtria-Gura Luncii.
Fragment of altar. Brick-coloured outside (black inside), semifine sandy structure,
traces with spatula, good burning (secondary). 4. Trtria-Gura Luncii. Fragment
of statue. Head, yellowish, fine sandy structure, slip, very good burning. 5. Alba
Iulia-Lumea Nou. Fragment of statue (protoma ?). Brick-coloured, semifine sandy
structure, very good burning. 6. Trtria-Gura Luncii. Fragment of statue. Brown,
grey slip, very good burning (black at the core).
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11. Fragment of statue representing a part from a torso (Fig.3/1). What

remained of the statue has sexual female features, namely the breasts which are
rendered by two pointed nipples and the buttocks prominently modelled. The
buttocks of this representation are separated by a deep incision. On its back one
can see the extremity of an oblique incision (could it be part of the incisions
representing the hair?).
The statue is black, half-fine, sandy, very good burning.
Judging by its structure and its basic features, the statue may be attributed to
the levels of the Lumea Nou culture, or probably of the Turda culture.
12. Fragment of statue representing part of a torso from the neck
down up to the first quarter of the thighs (Fig.3/2). The statue is decorated
with incisions. On the chest there is an incised triangle with its point headed
downwards. Inside it, there are incisions parallel to one of the sides of the triangle.
The back of the statue is decorated with three angular parallel incisions, which
from the buttocks go up point headed. From the shoulders other angular incisions
go down conversely arranged. These incisions may stand for a garment (probably
a shirt). Something new is the fact that there is a modelled swelling on the lower
part of the torso and there are no buttocks rendered. These details classify a male
statue, one of the few examples of this kind throughout the Neolithic and
Eneolithic.
The arms are lateral facing and perforated.
The statue is black, half-fine, cleansed with sand, good burning.
This representation may be considered to belong to the Lumea Nou culture or
probably to the Turda culture.
13. Fragment of statue (protoma?) (Fig.3/5). Its adjustment to a pot led
to the very schematic representation of its essential features. The look rendered by
the incised eyes is orientated upwards, its nose is long and the nostrils are in fact
two round impressions. The incisions on the chest and on the back of the protoma
suggest its wrapping like that of a mummy.
The representation is brick-coloured, half-fine, sandy, very good burning.
According to its structure and its main features the statue may come from the
Lumea Nou strata or, probably from those of the Turda culture.
*

The Stratigraphy of the prehistoric settlement from Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou has
already been dealt with in two articles (Berciu, Berciu 1949: 1-18; Berciu 1968: 5360). According to the former paper, the settlement has a Stratigraphy whose depth
varies from 0,70 to 2 m. This Stratum is divided into three sub-levels more on the
account of the typology of the pottery than on the difference in colours, in
structure or architectural of the discovered levels (Berciu, Berciu 1949: 4).
These observations are complemented with those of the I. Bercius article,
which for a long time have been ignored. On this occasion we find out more
complex and correct information, about the Stratigraphy of the site (Berciu 1968:
55-56).
These observations of vertical Stratigraphy, and complemented with the ones
obtained from the Comparison of the different areas where excavations had been
done at Lumea Nou, determined the author of this work to draw conclusions valid
at present, too (Berciu 1968: 56-58).
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The first observation points (Berciu 1968: 56) out the participation of the Tisa
culture to the genesis of the Petreti culture, even if the author claims that this
influence is not necessary fundamental.
The second observation (Berciu 1968: 56-57) refers to the birth of the VinaTurda culture (read about the earlier A and B phases of the Vina culture, and
about the Turda culture formed on Vina elements during the late Vina B2
phase). We do not talk about the old Vina-Turda culture earlier Vina in our
places that is A and B phases and as it has also been said in Some articles and
books recently published, I totally agree with observation (Luca 1995-1996; 1997:
71-76; 1999: 7-14; 2000: 96-104; 2001b: 95-143, 147-152; Luca, Pinter 2001:
34-40, 81-90) concerning the relative dating of this civilisation. But it is about
another phase of the ex Vina-Turda background Early Vina which developed

under new circumstances, created by the Middle Neolithic of the central

Transylvania. This couldnt be more valid, as it also can be noticed certainly, on a
different scale and with other arguments throughout my latest works (Luca,
Ciugudean, Roman, Dragot 2000, 2000a).
The statues dealt with in this article entirely represent moments of the late
Chronology of the Middle Eneolithic probably of the Lower Eneolithic of the site
Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou.
Notes
1.
2.

The pieces of Trtria and Lumea Nou belong to Gheorghe Alungulesei (Alba Iulia).
Excavation team: I. Paul, Al. Aldea, H. Ciugudean, Fl. Draovean and S. A. Luca.

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Caransebe 1: 33-41.
Blnescu, D. 1982. Plastica antropomorf n aezarea eneolitic de la CaransebeBalta Srat. Studii i Comunicri Caransebe 4: 113-120.
Berciu, D., Berciu, I. 1949. Spturi i cercetri arheologice n anii 1944-1947.
Apulum III: 1-43.
Berciu, I. 1968. Importana complexului neolitic Lumea Nou n lumina noilor
spturi (19611963). Apulum VII (1): 53-60.
Ciugudean, H. 2000. Eneoliticul final n Transilvania i Banat: cultura Coofeni,
Timioara.
Draovean, Fl. 1996. Cultura Vina trzie (faza C) n Banat, Timioara
Dumitrescu, Vl. 1974. Arta preistoric n Romnia, Bucureti.
Hegeds, K., Makkay, J. 1987. VstMgor. The Late Neolithic of the Tisza
Region, Budapesta-Szolnok:. 85-104.
Horedt, K. 1949. Spturi privitoare la epoca neo-eneolitic. Apulum III: 44-69.
Kalicz, N., Rczky, P. 1987. Berettjoujfalu - Herply, a setllement of the Herply
culture. The Late Neolithic of the Tisza Region, Budapest-Szolnok: 105-125.
Korek, J. 1987. SzegvrTzkves. The Late Neolithic of the Tisza Region,
Budapesta-Szolnok: 47-60.
Lazarovici, Gh. 1970. Cultura Vina A n Banat. Acta Musei Napocensis 7: 473-488.
Lazarovici, Gh. 1975. Tipologia i cronologia materialului vincian de la Balta Srat
Caransebe (Campania din 1963). Acta Musei Napocensis 12: 13-34.
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Lazarovici, Gh. 1977. GorneaPreistorie, Reia.

Lazarovici, Gh. 1979. Neoliticul Banatului, Cluj Napoca.
Lazarovici, Gh., Dumitrescu, H. 1985-1986. Cercetrile arheologice de la TualaDeva (partea a II-a). Acta Musei Napocensis 22-23: 3-40.
Luca, S. A., Dragomir, I. 1987. Date cu privire la o statuet inedit de la LiubcovaOrnia (jud. Cara-Severin). Banatica 9: 31-42.
Luca, S. A., Dragomir, I. 1989. Die Statuette von Liubcova-Ornia. Dacia N.S. 33:
229-234.
Luca, S. A. 1989(1990). Precizri asupra ncadrrii cronologice i culturale a
Statuetei de la Liubcova. Apulum XXVI: 49-54.
Luca, S. A. 1990. Contribuii la istoria artei neolitice plastica aezrii de la
Liubcova-Ornia (judeul Cara-Severin). Banatica 10: 6-44.
Luca, S. A. 1991. Festlegungen zur chronologischen und kulturgeschichtlichen
Eingliederung der Statuette von Liubcova (Bezirk Cara-Severin). Le
palolithique et le nolithique de la Roumanie. Iai: 266-271.
Luca, S. A. 1995-1996. Die Vina-Siedlung aus Rume. Die A- Phase der VinaKultur in Siebenbrgen. Sargetia 26 (1): 45-62.
Luca, S. A. 1997. Aezri neolitice pe valea Mureului (I). Habitatul turdean de la
Ortie-Dealul Pemilor (punct X2), Alba Iulia.
Luca, S. A. 1997a. Un complex ritual de la Turda-Lunc (jud. Hunedoara). Apulum
XXXIV: 37-42.
Luca, S. A. 1998. Liubcova-Ornia. Monografie arheologic, Trgovite.
Luca, S. A. 1999. Aspecte ale neoliticului i eneoliticului din sudul i sud-vestul
Transilvaniei. Apulum XXXVI: 5-33.
Luca Luca, S. A., Ilie, C., Bulzan, S. 2000. Noi cercetri arheologice la
Oradea-Salca. Studia UniversitatisBabe-Bolyai Theologiae Varradiensis
45 (1): 109-163.
Luca, S. A. 2000. Aspekten des Neolithikums und des neolithikums aus dem SdWesten Siebenbrgens. Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica 7: 90-120.
Luca, S. A., Ciugudean, H.,Roman, C., Dragot, A. 2000. Die frhphase der VinaKultur in Siebenbrgen. Anhaltspunkte des chronologischen und
ethnokulturellen horizontes. Apulum XXXVI (1): 1-50.
Luca, S. A., Ciugudean, H., Roman, C., Dragot, A. 2000a. Faza timpurie a culturii
Vina n Transilvania. Repere ale orizontului cronologic i etnocultural. Angustia
5: 37-72.
Luca, S. A., Pinter, Z. K. 2001. Der Bhmerberg bei Broos / Ortie. Eine
archologische monographie. Sibiu.
Luca, S. A. 2001. Cercetri arheologice la Oradea-Salca i cteva probleme legate
de cultura Salca-Herply. Apulum XXXVIII (1): 27-54.
Luca, S. A. 2001a. Archologische untersuchungen bei Grosswardein-Salcaund
einige Probleme bezglich der Salca-Herply- Kultur. Festschrift fr Gheorghe
Lazarovici, Timioara: 123-191.
Luca, S. A. 2001b. Aezri neolitice pe valea Mureului (II). Noi cercetri
arheologice la Turda-Lunc. I. Campaniile anilor 1992-1995. Alba Iulia.
Makkay, J. 1990. A tartariai leletek, Budapesta.
Miloji, Vl. 1965. Germania 43: 261-273.
Paul, I. 1992. Cultura Petreti, Bucureti.
Raczky, P. 1987. voci n The Late Neolithic of the Tisza Region, Budapesta-Szolnok:
61-84.
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Radu, O. 1979. Plastica neolitic de la Chioda-Veche i cteva probleme ale

neoliticului din nordul Banatului. Tibiscus 5: 67-76.
Roska, M. 1928. Staiunea neolitic de la Turda. Publicaiile Muzeului Judeului
Hunedoara-Deva 3-4: 3-27.
Roska, M. 1941. Die Sammlung Zsfia von Torma, Cluj.
Roska, M. 1942. rdly rgszeti repertorium, Cluj.
Tasi, N. 1973. Neolitska Plastika, Belgrad.
Vlassa, N. 1962. Probleme ale cronologiei neoliticului Transilvaniei n lumina
stratigrafiei aezrii de la Trtria. Studia Universitatis Babe-Bolyai 2: 23-30.
Vlassa, N. 1963. Chronology of the Neolithic of Transylania, in the light of the
Trtria settlements stratigrphy. Dacia N.S. 7: 485-494.
Vlassa, N. 1976.Neoliticul Transilvaniei, Cluj Napoca.
* * * 1987. The Late Neolithic of the Tisza Region, Budapest-Szolnok.

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EVGHENIA NAIDENOVA

CHARACTERISTICS AND ANALOGIES IN VDASTRA

POTTERY FOUND SOUTH OF THE DANUBE
Abstract: Prezentul articol reprezint un studiu dedicat ceramicii aparinnd culturii Vdastra.
Sunt analizate piesele descoperite n sud-vestul Romniei i nord-vestul Bulgariei. Ceramica din
lotul analizat, provine din siturile de la Borovo Magaritsata, Borovo Chakmak tepe, Brenitsa,
Novgrad, Bistrentsi, Altimir, Iasen, Todorovo, Ripiti, Baniska, Hotnitsa Orlovka, Hotnitsa Kaya
bunar and Hotnitsa Kashlata (Bulgaria), Slatina Criana II, Frcau de Sus, Vdastra, Hotrani
La turn, Cruov, Rast, Piatra Sat Nucet. Ceramica aparinnd fazei timpurii a culturii Vdastra a
fost mprit n 3 grupe tehnologice (A, B i C), n funcie de past, maniera de tratare a
suprafeei vaselor i tehnicile de decor. n faza trzie a culturii Vdastra se mai ntlnesc doar
dou din grupele tehnologice din prima faz (B i C). Descoperirea n aezrile de la Altimir i
Brenitsa (nord-vestul Bulgariei) a ceramicii Vdastra n asociere cu ceramic Boian-Giuleti
demonstreaz interferenele culturale existente ntre populaiile de la sudul i nordul Dunrii, dar
i sincronismul cronologic dintre cele dou fenomene culturale.
Keywords: neolithic, Vdastra culture, Bulgaria, Romania, poterry, forms, decoration technique.

According the archeological studies the area of spreading of Vdastra culture

includes the Valley of Olt River (Oltenia region, Romania) and separate zones in
Northern Bulgaria. There were two timing periods suggested for this culture in the
scientific literature. The first one is based on the stratigraphic observations in the
eponym settlement and includes 2 phases (Mateescu 1959: 2; Morintz,
Cantacuzino 1963: 3). The second divides the evolution of Vdastra societies in 4
phases (Berciu 1961: 51; Nica 1971: 5-33), where the last two are testified in
Hotrani La turn i Piatra Sat "Nucet.
So far no distinguished lodging layers were found in the cultural
stratifications, which would reflect the separate phases of evolution in the
studied settlements in Bulgaria. Because of this, according the characteristics,
the established analogies and the cultural context in which its found, we split
in two main chronological groups the Vdastra pottery discovered on Bulgarian
territory.
The first one called early Vdastra unites the materials from 12
settlements (Fig.1). Five of them Borovo Magaritsata, Borovo Chakmak
tepe 1 , Novgrad, Bistrentsi and Baniska2 the real settling of Vdastra societies
to the South of Danube. In the settlement near Koprivets (North-East
Bulgaria), Hotnitsa Orlovka , Hotnitsa Kaya bunar and Hotnitsa Kashlata
(Central North Bulgaria, Yantra River) the pottery of Vdastra type appears in
the context of Hotnitsa culture (Katchitsa culture according Stanev 1996: 56).
Similar materials are known from the Devetashka cave, Suhindol Kalinkata
and Ostrov (Fig.1).

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Fig.1 Map of the settlements with early Vdastra ceramics.

There are archeological excavations made in Borovo Magaritsata (1992),
Koprivets (1990) and Devetashka cave (1952, 1999). The cultural stratum at
Borovo Magaritsata is one-layered and almost destroyed by terrain tilling (Popov
1996: 37).There were pottery materials with decoration of Vdastra type found in
a lodging, burned to the ground, from the 3-rd stratigraphic layer Hotnitsa phase
II (Popov, Mateva 1993: 23-24). In Devetashka cave they descend from lateneolithic stratum (Mikov, Djambazov 1960: 47-49; Gergov, Hristov 2001: 15).There
are only a few fragments known from this settlement and there is still no material
published about the pottery from the new studies (1999).

Fig.2 Map of the settlements with late Vdastra ceramics.

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According outer surface cultivation and decoration technique, we divide the

early Vdastra pottery in 3 technological groups A, B and C.
Group A represents roughly polished surface or covered with barbotine,
sometimes decorated with embossed strips. It was evidenced in the pottery
materials from Borovo Magaritsata. The rough utensils from this settlement are
baked in a reduction-oxidation atmosphere there is dark middle in the profile,
outer and inner oxidized layer. They are made from a paste with vegetal
ingredients (Popov 1996: 48).
Group B unites pottery with incised decoration. Here we delimit two subgroups
- 1 and 2. Pottery from 1 subgroup has polished or smoothed surface, covered
with a fine coat of blunged clay. It often appears near Borovo Magaritsata,
Borovo Chakmak tepe and Devetashka cave. The utensils with incised decoration
from Borovo Magaritsata are similar with the rough utensils by the paste
ingredients and way of baking (Popov 1996: 48). Those from Borovo Chakmak
tepe contain vegetal ingredients (chaff) and sand and have red-brown color
(Mikov 1932-1933: 364; Gaul 1948: 213-214). To subgroup B2 we can assign some
pottery fragments found in Ostrov. They are distinguished by their smoothed
surface with out a fine coat of blunged clay, with tile-red or grey-brown color. In
the paste ingredients chaff or send can be found (Naidenova 2000: 28-31).
Group C includes fine pottery with polished surface with flutings. The dominant
color is grey-black (Ostrov, Borovo Magaritsata).
The chaff and the sand are main ingredients in the paste of Vdastra I, II from
Oltenia (Vdastra, Frcau de Sus, Hotrani La turn) (Mateescu 1962: 188-189;
Nica 1971: 9-10). For utensils with rough surface the main color is tile-red, while
for the fine pottery it is grey or grey-black (Hotrani) (Nica 1971: 9-10). The data
for pottery decorated with incision are scarce.
Amongst Borovo Magaritsata and Novgrad pottery we found utensils with the
following forms: conical with profiled outside orifice (Fig.3/1), conical with rounded
sides (Fig.3/2), semispherical with straight orifice (Fig.3/3-6), bi-conical with
shorter upper part and profiled orifice (Fig.3/8-10), cylindrico-conical with or
without protruding arm (Fig.3/7, 11), spherical with short neck (Fig.3/15-16),
utensils with rounded (Fig.3/12) or strongly bulged body (Fig.3/13-14) and
depository utensils with high cylindrical or conical neck.
Some of the presented forms conical, semispherical (Fig.4/1-2), cylindricalconical with profiled arm and utensils with bulged body (Fig.4/4) are also met in
the ceramic complex from the settlement from Hotnitsa culture at Koprivets. There
are other forms (Fig.4/3, 5), with analogies in Vdastra I, I-II pottery from Oltenia
(Fig.5/5-6), which are met at Koprivets, fact which proves the simultaneousness of
Hotnitsa and Vdastra societies.
For decoration of early Vdastra pottery are used basically seven techniques
barbotine, relief, surface incision, deep and wide incision, excision, printed
(concaved) flutings.
Very typical for this culture are incised and excised ornaments, as well as the
white incrustation. By using surface incision are realized mainly steps-like, zig-zag
like and spiral patterns (Ostrov, Borovo Magaritsata) (Fig.6/1-3). Deep and wide
incision is often used, where the dominating are patterns with outlined bands, in
combination with an incised net or background, filled with incised oblique lines. In
the decoration of the pottery from Borovo Magaritsata and Borovo Chakmak
tepe the bands are positioned step-like (Fig.6/4), zig-zag like (Fig.6/6) or they are
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broken (Fig.6/7-8). Pottery fragments with motifs from step-like bands, combined
with incised net were founed at the settlement Hotnitsa Kaya Bunar of the
Hotnitsa culture (Katchitsa) (Fig.6/5). Common for the pottery from settlements
Novgrad and Hotnitsa Orlovka are patterns with bands, forming right angles at
some places and interconnected (Fig.6/9-11). Typical for Early Vdastra motifs are
the spiral patterns (Fig.6/12-15) and patterns with rows of squares and rectangles,
combined sometimes with a net (Borovo Magaritsata, Chakmak tepe,
Devetashka cave) (Fig.6/16-17).

Fig.3 Ceramics type early Vdastra found to the south of the Danube. Forms:
1, 3-16. Borovo Magaritsata, 2. Novgrad (after Popov and Krau).

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Fig.4 Ceramics from the settlement of the Hotnitsa culture near Koprivets
(after Popov and Mateva).
In a lot of cases together with the deep incision is used the technique of
excision. After realizing the excised grooves rows of rhombs and jagged bands
from preserved surface are formed (Fig.7/1-8). Similar type of decoration is
established in most of the examined settlements, both from North-East and Central
North Bulgaria. For one of the pottery fragments coming from Novgrad a wide
jagged band can be seen, in the center of which are small excised rhombs
(Fig.7/9). Spiral and meander as if patterns are also met (Novgrad) (Fig.7/9, 13);
rectangled with jagged sides (Borovo Magaritsata) (Fig.7/11) and patterns with
excised background and rows of squares and rectangles (Borovo Magaritsata,
Novgrad) (Fig.7/10, 14). On the orifice part of most of the utensils can be seen
availability of red paint (Novgrad) (Krau 2003).

Fig.5 Vdastra I and II ceramics from Oltenia (Rumania).

Forms. Vdastra I: 1-2 Vdastra, Frcau de Sus, Hotrani La turn;
Vdastra I-II: Hotrani La turn (after Berciu and Nica).
The fine pottery is decorated with oblique, horizontal and spiral fluttings
(Borovo Magaritsata) (Fig.7/15-17). For some utensils under the orifice and the
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line of maximum diameter are laid rows of circular or oval printouts (concaves)
(Fig.7/18).
The comparison analysis shows that regarding decoration, dominant are
similarities with the pottery from the phases Vdastra I and Vdastra I-II,
according M. Nica timing (Hotrani La turn, Slatina Crian, Frcau de Sus). In
percentage proportion, following are the materials from Vdastra II phase (C.
Mateescu and M. Nica) (Vdastra, Cruovu, Hotrani La turn) (Fig.8). From the
common decorational patterns we mention the step-like and the ones forming right
angles and the incised spirals, combined with a net (Fig.8/1-6), rows outlined with
incised squares and rectangles (Fig.8/7-8), jagged bands and rows of rhombs,
made through excision (Fig.8/9-12). White incrustation and red paint are also
present in the decoration of pottery from Oltenia (Mateescu 1959: 68; 1961: 59).

Fig.6 Ceramics type early Vdastra found to the south of the Danube. Decorative
designs. 1 Ostorv; 2-4, 6-7, 15-16 Borovo Magaritsata; 5 - Hotnitsa Kaya
bunar; 9-10 Novgrad; 12-13 -Borovo Chakmak tepe; 11, 14 - Hotnitsa
Orlovka; 17 Devetashka cave
(after Popov, Krau, Mikov, Ilceva and Naidenova).
Pottery fragments with similar incised and excised decoration are founed
together with pottery of type Hotnitsa II and Bolintineanu at Koprivets settlement
(Fig.4/2, 6) (Popov 1996: 91, 264). Among the pottery materials from Borovo
Chakmak tepe published by J. Gaul we can notice a fragment with deciration
typical for Boian-Giuleti/Greaca societies (Gaul 1948: Fig.LXV/11).
From the presented data and analogies we can admit the following
synchronous links: early Vdastra South of Danube Hotnitsa II (Katchitsa B

according P. Stanev) (North east and Central North Bulgaria) Vdastra I and II
Bolintineanu and Boian-Giuleti/Greaca (Romania).
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Fig.7 Ceramics type early Vdastra found to the south of the Danube. Decorative
designs. 1, 4, 6, 8, 10-11, 15-18 Borovo Magaritsata; 2, 9, 13-14 Novgrad; 3,
5 Borovo Chakmak tepe; 7 Hotnitsa Orlovka (after Popov, Krau, Mikov,
and Elenski).
In the second defined by us chronological group, called late Vdastra we include
pottery material from 11 settlements, located West of Yantra River: Krushuna, Pleven,
Yasen Beliya Bryag, Krushovitsa, Tarnene, Todorovo, Petarnitsa, Ruptsi (Central North
Bulgaria, basins of Osam and Vit Rivers), Brenitsa, Altimir (North West Bulgaria, basins of
Iskar and Skat Rivers) and Ostrov (at Danubes shore) (Fig.2). The archeological
excavations were made in Pleven, Yasen, Brenitsa and Altimir. In the first 3 settlements
Vdastra pottery can be found under stratums of Gradeshnitsa culture, where only for
Brenitsa settlement is established that it can be dated to the phase Gradeshnitsa I. In
Brenitsa and Altimir the pottery materials of type late Vdastra are appearing together
with pottery of type Boian-Giuleti/Aldeni.

Fig.8 Vdastra I and II ceramics from Oltenia (Rumania). Decorative designs.

Vdastra I: 1 Slatina Criana II; 2-4 Frcau de Sus; 6-8 Vdastra. Vdastra I
II: 5, 11, 12 Hotrani La turn. Vdastra II: 9 - Hotrani La turn; 10 Cruov (after Christescu, Mateescu and Nica).
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The pottery from these settlements is completely different from early Vdastra
pottery. We distinguish only two technological groups B and C, in the bounds of
which can be established subgroups. We dont have information about the rough
pottery with uneven surface or covered with barbotine found in the settlements of
Central North Bulgaria. From the materials descending from Brenitsa and Altimir
we include in the analysis only those, who carry the typical for Vdastra culture
decoration.

Fig.9 Ceramics type late Vdastra found to the south of the Danube. Forms. 1, 16
Ostrov; 2, 12 Iasen; 3, 9 Tarnene; 4, 6, 10-11, 13-15 Krushovitsa; 5, 7-8 Brenitsa (after Ghergov).

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Fig.10 Ceramics type late Vdastra found to the south of the Danube. Forms. 1,
11-12 Krushovitsa; 2, 5-6 Ostrov; 3-4 Altimir; 9 Iasen; 10 - Brenitsa (after
Ghergov and Nikolov).

Group B is presented by pottery with smoothed or polished surface, decorated

with excision technique or with pinning; with wall thickness between 10 and 15
cm. In the clay paste are added send, chamotte, limestone particles and chaff in
different quantities and combinations. According the extent of surface cultivation
and the decoration, the following subgroups are distinguished: B1 pottery with
smoothed surface and excised decoration; B2 with smoothed surface, but
without decoration or decorated with incised patterns and pinning; B3 polished
pottery with incised ornaments or without decoration and B4 with polished
surfaced and excised decoration.

Fig.11 Ceramics from the settlement near Brenitsa.

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From group C are the fine utensilswith wall thickness between 6 and 9 cm.
They are manufactured of well refined paste, which contains in a lot of cases fine
grinded chaff and chamotte. The fine pottery, which is not decorated or has
flutings decoration is divided in two subgroups: C1 with polished surface and C2
with smoothed surface.
Comparing the pottery materials Vdastra with those from Boian-Giuleti,
found in Brenitsa, we establish obvious similarities. Both types have covered with a
fine coat of blunged clay, polished surface. The color is varying between brown,
gray and gray-black. The same ingredients are used for the clay paste. These
observations raise the problem for the connections between the societies Vdastra
and Boian and their cultural proximity. Brenitsa population has united in a unique
way the cultural elements, typical for the societies, living to the North of Danube.
Vdastra and Vdastra V pottery from Oltenia (Hotrani La turn, Piatra
Sat Nucet) contains send and rarely chaff. Chamotte is also missing (Nica 1971:
8-18).
Typical forms for late Vdastra are the conical utensils with straight or upprofiled orifice and walls bias from 35o to 70o (Ostrov, Tarnene, Yasen,
Krushovitsa, Brenitsa) (Fig.9/1-8), semispherical (Fig.9-10) and different types of
bi-conical utensils (Krushovitsa, Tarnene, Ostrov) (Fig.9/9-16), spherical utensils
with diameter of the orifice between 9 and 12 cm and some with diameter of 20
cm (Krushovitsa, Altimir) (Fig.10/1-4), utensils with high legs, which are often with
rectangular form (Ostrov, Ruptsi) (Fig.10/5-8), big utensils with conical upper part
and bent out orifice (Yasen, Krushovitsa, Brenitsa) (Fig.10/9-12). Analogies for
most of the cited forms are found in Vdastra III and Vdastra IV pottery from the
settlements Piatra Sat Nucet and Hotrani La turn, Romania (Fig.13/1-7). There
are missing correspondences for the semispherical and bi-conical forms, but we
emphasize that these conclusions are preliminary and are based only on the
published in the Romanian literature information.

Fig.12 Ceramics from Slatino (1-3) and Hotnitsa Kaya Bunar (4-5) (after Elenski
and ohadjiev).
The big utensils with profiled outside orifice and conical upper part have
analogies in the pottery from Rast (Fig.14/1-6). A number of forms from the fine
ceramics of Brenitsa (Fig.11/5-12), which is typical for the settlement, are also met
in the Rast materials (Fig.14/7-10), as well as in the eneolithic ceramics Vincha 1
from Banat (Borias, Sanandrei, Hodoni) (Fig.14/11-15). From another side, some
forms registered at Brenitsa can be defined as Neolithic (Fig.11/1-4), having
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correspondences in Slatino (Western Bulgaria) (Fig.12/1-3), Hotnitsa Kaya bunar

and Hotnitsa Kashlata(Fig.12/4-5). It supports our opinion, that lower cultural
stratums of Brenitsa settlement are presenting a transitional period to the
eneolithic epoch are the beginning of the eneolithic epoch itself with some
preserved Neolithic traditions.

Fig.13 Ceramics Vdastra III and IV from Oltenia (Romania). Forms. Vdastra III:
1, 5 Piatra Sat Nucet; 6 Hotrani La turn. Vdastra IV: 2-4, 7 - Hotrani La
turn (after Nica).
Decoration of late Vdastra pottery is embossed, incised, excised, pinned and
flutings. Surface incision and the net typical for early Vdastra pottery are entirely
missing. Embossed decoration is with lowest persantage. For some utensils with
well smoothed surface is registered smooth embossed band (Krushovitsa). The
technique of deep incision is usually combined with pinning. Incised circles and
bands can be met, filled with pinned dots (Pleven, Todorovo, Ostrov, Tarnene,
Petarnitsa). The excised decoration is dominant. In a lot of cases it is combined
with white incrustation. Jagged and excised, differently laid bands are typical
(Fig.10/2-4). As main motifs for the pottery from all settlements we can indicate
horizontal jagged bands under the orifice and jagged bands, organized in straight
angles or forming a meander. In the decoration of the utensils from Krushina,
Ostrov and Krushovitsa are emphasized the spiral patterns, realized by excised
bands. In Krushovitsa and Brenitsa are found ceramics fragments, decorated with
parallel and oblique laid out excised bands. We draw your attention on swastika
motif from Altimir, as well as on the painting of the orifices of some utensils from
Brenitsa with red paint.
The flutings for the thin-wall pottery are fine, wide about 2 mm, laid out
oblique (Yasen, Ostrov, Krushovitsa). It is typical for the pottery materials from
Brenitsa are the barely visible, very fine flutings, which cover the upper half of the
utensils.
The established analogies with Vdastra III and Vdastra IV pottery from
Oltenia (according M. Nicas timing) prove the later dating of the materials, found
at the basins of the rivers Osam, Vit, Iskar and Skat. According to our data, the
similarities with Vdastra IV are dominant. From the comparison analysis, we can
conclude that to the east of river Iskar the influences of Vdastra are stronger and
we can admit a real presence of this societies here.
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Fig.14 Ceramics from Rast (1-10) and type Vinca C1 from Banat (11-15)
(after Dumitrescu and Draovean).
The appearance of late Vdastra pottery, together with that of type BoianGiuleti/Aldeni at Brenitsa and Altimir from one side reflects a complex process of
cultural interferention, and from other side testifies for partial synchrony between
these two phenomenons. More observations and discoveries are necessary in order
to answer convincingly to the question is there a mixing and cultural unity of the
societies Vdastra and Boian-Giuleti at some point of their evolution. We mention
the hypothesis of E. Coma, according which at the beginning of Giuleti phase;
Boian societies are penetrating in South-Eastern Oltenia, creating a local variant of
Boian culture, called Vdastra culture (Coma 1998-2000: 302).
In the decoration of Gradeshnitsa pottery from Brenitsa, we also notice the
availability of the jagges bands of type Vdastra. This fact lets us admit, that the
upper bound of the appearances of late Vdastra in Bulgaria could dated to the
chronological level early halcolith, synchronous with the first phase of Gradeshnitsa
culture. Vdastra materials from later period are not found on Bulgaria territory.
At the contemporary stage of the researches we suggest the following
synchronizations: Brenitsa I (lower levels) Boian-Giuleti/Aldeni late stage,

Vdastra III and partially Vdastra IV Vincha B2 final and beginning of Vincha
C1; Brenitsa II (upper levels) Gradeshnitsa I Rast Vincha C1 Vdastra IV
late stage.
B. Nikolov and V. Gergov admit that materials, similar to Vdastra from
settlements at Brenitsa, Yasen and Krushovitsa are dated before Gradeshnitsa I
(Nikolov 1992: 20-21; Ghergov 2000: 397-400). Unfortunately, Gradeshnitsa and
Yasen pottery are not published. It is possible that some settlements with late
Vdastra pottery like those at Ostrov, Krushuna and Krushovitsa to have more
prolonged evolution, synchronous with the phase Gradeshnitsa I.
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The appearance of Vdastra type pottery on the territory of Northern Bulgaria

testifies for intensive cultural contacts between the prehistoric societies from both
sides of Danube in a prolonged period of time.
Notes
1.
2.

After performed terrain searching in 2000, R. Krau assumes that V. Mikov has marked his
studies wrongly - countryside near Borovo with the name Chakmak tepe (Mikov 1932-1933:
363). In his opinion it is a settlement from the countryside Magaritsata (Krau 2003).
The settlements at Bistrantsi and Baniska are mentioned by V. Popov, but the materials found
there were not published.

References
Berciu, D. 1939. Arheologia preistoric a Olteniei. Arhivele Olteniei XVIII: 37-49.
Berciu, D. 1961. Contribuii la problemele neoliticului n Romnia n lumina noilor
cercetri, Bucureti.
Christescu, V. 1927-1932. Les stations prhistoriques de Vdastra. Dacia N.S. IIIIV: 167-225.
ohadjiev, S. 1997. , .
Draovean, Fl. 1996. Cultura Vina trzie (faza C) n Banat, Timioara.
Dumitrescu, Vl. 1980. The Neolithic Settlement at Rast. BAR International Serias
72, London.
Djambazov, N., ikov, N. 1962. .
2: 49-53.
Gaul, J 1948. The neolithic Period in Bulgaria. Bulletin of the American School of
Prehistoric Research 16:64-78.
Ghergov, V. 2000. .
. ,
: 397-409.
Gergov, V., Hristov, M. 2001.
1999 ., 1999-2000, XL
, .
Elenski, N. 1998. ,

. , .
: 53-65.
Ilceva, V. 2002. Hotnia, vol.I, Sofia.
Krau, R. 2003. Die prhistorische Besiedlung am Unterlauf der Iantra, Dissertation

in Berlin.
Mateescu, C. 1957. Spturile arheologice de la Cruovu. Materiale i Cercetri
Arheologice III, p.103-114.
Mateescu, C. 1959. Spturi arheologice la Vdastra. Materiale i Cercetri
Arheologice V: 61-73.
Mateescu, C. 1961. Spturi arheologice la Vdastra. Materiale i Cercetri
Arheologice VII: 57-62.
Mateescu, C. 1962. Spturi arheologice la Vdastra. Materiale i Cercetri
Arheologice VIII: 187-192.
Mikov, V. 1932-1933. .
. . V:
363-364.
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Mikov, V., Djambazov, N. 1960. , .

Morintz, S., Cantacuzino, G. 1963. Die Yungsteinzeitlihen Funde in Cernica. Dacia
N.S. VII: 27-53.
Naidenova, E. 2000. Cteva date despre aezarea culturii Vdastra de la
Ostrov, punctul Grloto, jud. Vraa, (Bulgaria). Oltenia. Studii i
comunicri XII: 28-31.
Nica, M. 1970. Asupra originii i dezvoltrii culturii Vdastra de la Frcaele (jud.
Olt). Historica I: 31-51.
Nica, M. 1971. Evoluia culturii Vdastra pe baza descoperirilor de la Hotrani
Frcaele (jud. Olt). Historica II: 5-33.
Nica, M. 1991. La culture Vina en Oltnie. Simpozionul internaional Cultura Vina
rolul i legturile sale, Reia Bile Herculane- Timioar, 12-17 mai 1991:
305-322.
Nica, M. 1997. Unitate i diversitate n culturile neolitice de la Dunrea de Jos.
Pontica XXX:105-116.
Nikolov, B. 1986. , .
4: 5-17.
Nikolov, B. 1992.
. 18: 11-21.
Popov, V. 1996.
. , .
Popov, V., Mateva, B. 1993. .. XIX: 21-25.
Stanev, P. 1996. , ,
, .
. : 41-86.

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RADIAN ROMUS ANDREESCU*

VALEA TELEORMANULUI. MEDIUL I

COMUNITILE UMANE N MILENIUL V A.CHR.

Abstract: This paper reports on the importance of natural environment evolution, especially the river
valley environment and its impact on the evolution of human communities in the Neolithic Age.
Researches were carried out in the Teleorman Valley, Lceni-Mgura area, within Southern Romania
Archaeological Project. Geomorphologic analysis revealed the existence of old terraces separated by
palaeochannels. Remainings of these terraces consist of sand and gravel islands and banks, a bit higher
than the rest of the floodplain. Archaeological sites belonging to the Neolithic Age, the Iron Age and to
the IV-th century AD were discovered on these islands. The results of archaeological and
interdisciplinary researches lead to scenarios regarding the natural environment and human
communities from the V-th millennium BC. In the first half of the V-th millennium BC the environment
of the Teleorman valley was probably unstable, not conducive for living and long term activities. The
sites belonging to the Boian culture (first half of the V-th millennium BC), discovered in Lceni area, are
of short-lasting time. In the second half of the V-th millennium the environment seems stable, so
favourable for living and long term activities. This stability is proved by the emergence of tell
settlements, characteristic for Gumelnia culture, for example Mgura-Bran, Vitneti, Alexandria,
Lceni. Some of them are placed in the floodplain near the terrace.
Proves of floods were discovered in other areas of the Southern Romania leading in some cases even to
the settlements abandon by the half of the V-th millennium. At Cscioarele, the Boian settlement is
covered by an alluvium layer, as well as at Vidra settlement on the Sabar Valley. All these data seem to
confirm that by the half of the V-th millennium there was an increase of the alluvial activity. After this it
seems that the river-activity settled down (even though some certain episodes of increase of the alluvial
activity are not excluded), proved out by the emergence of tell settlements.

Keywords: eneolithic, Teleorman Valley, Boian culture, Gumelnia culture, tells, landscape.

Este unanim recunoscut faptul c vile rurilor au constituit nc din Preistorie

locuri prielnice pentru evoluia comunitilor umane. Pe lng indispensabilele
resurse de ap, aceste medii ofereau i alte oportuniti, de la resurse de hran
(pete, vnat) i materii prime (lut, piatr), pn la locuri prielnice pentru
agricultur i creterea animalelor. O alt oportunitate important o constituia
posibilitatea comunicrii, tiut fiind faptul c vile rurilor s-au identificat n general
cu principalele rute de transport, att pentru materiale ct i pentru informaii.
Pentru epoca neolitic (i nu numai) relaia dintre agricultur, amplasamentul
aezrilor i mediu era foarte important, geomorfologia vilor rurilor i dinamica
inundaiilor fiind aspecte eseniale n viaa comunitilor umane.
n acest sens, A. Sheratt sugereaz pentru neolitic un model n care, n
neoliticul timpuriu, erau exploatate zonele joase, mltinoase. Cultivarea se fcea
pe spaii mici, cu efort minim, iar inundaiile periodice fertilizau solul. Aezrile erau
mici i rare. n urmtoarele etape cultivarea era extensiv, n zone uscate plasate
*

Muzeul Naional de Istorie a Romniei, Bucureti. e-mail: radian_romus@yahoo.com.

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mai departe de cursurile de ap, recoltele fiind dependente de regimul ploilor.

Munca era intensiv, se practicau despduririle, iar noi specii de cereale (grul de
toamn i ovzul) asigurau o relativ stabilitate a resurselor de hran (la aceasta
adugndu-se intensa exploatare a eptelului, n special cornute). Acest model este
condiionat de specificul diverselor regiuni, de tipurile de sol i de existena
surselor de ap (Sheratt 1980).
Pentru Europa central i de sud-vest P. Halstead face deosebirea ntre o zon
nordic temperat i una sudic mediteranean, diferenele fiind fcute de clim,
regimul precipitaiilor, vegetaie, tip de economie. Astfel, zona nordic este
caracterizat prin mobilitate, aezrile umane temporare erau disparate n teritoriu,
cele de tip tell aprnd aici n mil. V a.Chr. Spre deosebire de zona de nord, n sud,
stabilitatea mediului favorizeaz un mod de via mai puin mobil, materializat prin
apariia aezrilor de tip tell nc de la mijlocul mil. VII a.Chr. (Halstead 1989).
Dup cum se observ din exemplele de mai sus, cercetrile privind mediul
natural au nceput s capete o important din ce n ce mai mare n reconstituirea
evoluiei comunitilor umane din neolitic. Aceste cercetri sunt deosebit de
complexe i privesc diverse aspecte ale evoluiei mediului.
n ultimii ani, studiul vilor rurilor a cunoscut o puternic dezvoltare i o
constant specializare, materializat n ceea ce numim arheologie aluvial.
La modul general, arheologia aluvial reprezint o abordare pluri- i
interdisciplinar a istoriei i dinamicii locuirii umane din vile rurilor. Principalele
obiective se concentreaz asupra modului n care oamenii au reacionat la
schimbrile mediului precum i la impactul pe care activitile umane (deliberate
sau nu) le-au avut asupra acestuia. Un alt obiectiv este identificarea factorilor care
au influenat asupra pstrrii i conservrii vestigiilor arheologice n vile rurilor
(Macklin 1999). Gradul de conservare a siturilor i artefactelor a fost puternic
influenat de secvenele de intensificare a activitii aluviale, siturile putnd fi
ngropate sub aluviuni, erodate de ape, iar artefactele mutate (rulate) din poziia
lor primar. n acest sens, cunoaterea proceselor geomorfologice, n particular
eroziunea i sedimentarea aluvionar, capt o importan deosebit n
completarea cadrului evolutiv al comunitilor umane n mediul lor natural
(Howard, Macklin 1999).
O serie de cercetri, fcute n special n nordul Europei, au subliniat rolul
important al geomorfologiei n cercetarea arheologic (Howard et al. 2004, vezi
bibliografia).
Cercetrile desfurate n ultimii ani n sudul Romniei, pe valea
Teleormanului, au inclus, ca o premier pentru arheologia romneasc, i studii
geomorfologice. n anul 1998 a debutat proiectul romno-britanic de studiere a
locuirii neo-eneolitice de pe valea Teleormanului1 (Southern Romania
Archaeological Project). Proiectul, cu un complex caracter pluridisciplinar, i
propune n principal s studieze evoluia comunitilor umane, a mediului natural,
precum i a interaciunilor dintre activitile antropice i mediu (Bailey et al. 1999;
2001; Andreescu et al. 2002).
n cadrul acestui proiect de o atenie deosebit s-au bucurat cercetrile
geomorfologice de pe valea Teleormanului, n zona Lceni-Mgura (Fig.1).
Harta geomorfologic a zonei a fost realizat in sistemul Global Positioning
System cu ajutorul unui aparat GPS Garmin 12 (Fig.2). Observaii geomorfologice
au putut fi fcute n reeaua de canale ce strbate lunca (canale de desecare
spate n anii 80) precum i n sondajele fcute cu mijloace mecanice pe vile
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Teleormanului i ale afluentului acestuia, Clnia. Au fost prelevate probe de os i

crbune pentru analize C14.

Fig.1 Valea Teleormanului, zona Lceni-Mgura. Vedere dinspre sud-vest.

Valea Teleormanului are n aceast zon o lime de pn la 2 km, iar actualul
curs al rului, cu o adncime de cca. 5m, uor sinuos, se afl n partea central a
vii.
n afara unei zone de circa 50 m lime care cuprinde cursul rului, au fost
identificate urmele a cinci vechi terase asociate cu un sistem de paleocanale.
Aceste elemente sunt conservate mai bine n partea estic a vii, cea vestic fiind
deranjat de lucrri agricole. Cele mai vechi elemente sunt dou terase, aflate n
partea vestic, identificate sub forma unor insule i bancuri de pietri i nisip, mai
ridicate cu circa 1-2 m fa de nivelul luncii. Acestea sunt separate de o serie de
paleocanale late de 150-200 m. O prob C14 prelevat dintr-un astfel de canal
arat o vrst estimat la 12.800BP (Beta 158851). Pe aceste insule au fost
descoperite urme de locuire i materiale arheologice aparinnd neoliticului,
civilizaiei geto-dace, precum i o necropol din sec IV p. Chr.
Este posibil ca alte materiale s fie acoperite de sedimentele aduse de ru. n
partea estic a vii au fost descoperite alte trei terase, mai recente, separate de
paleocanale, cu un traseu sinuos, cu o lime de circa 50 m (Howard, Macklin
2001; Howard et al. 2003, 2004).
Studiul depozitelor aluviale coroborate cu datele C14 indic schimbri n
activitatea aluvial i accelerri ale sedimentrii n jurul anilor 4900-4800BP, 40003800 BP, 3300-2800 BP, 1000 BP i n ultimii 200 de ani. Toate aceste schimbri
pot fi corelate cu episoade de rcire a climei, ploi abundente, creterea activitii
aluviale asociat cu creterea frecvenei inundaiilor, nregistrate n alte zone din
centrul, vestul i nordul Europei (Howard et al. 2004).
Cercetrile din zona Lceni-Mgura au permis conturarea unor ipoteze
referitoare la mediu natural pentru prima jumtate a mileniului V a.Chr., cnd se
nregistreaz mai multe locuiri aparinnd culturii Boian.

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Fig.2 Valea Teleormanului. Zona Lceni-Mgura (dup Bailey et al. 2002).

Astfel, ntr-o prim ipotez, rul avea un singur canal, static. Valea era un
mediu stabil, predictibil, cu resurse bogate, potrivit pentru o locuire i activiti pe
termen lung. ntr-o a doua ipotez, rul curgea printr-un singur canal care ns
migreaz de-a lungul vii. Un astfel de curs ar fi creat o instabilitate a mediului i lar fi fcut mai puin propice locuirii i activitilor pe termen lung. ntr-o a treia
ipotez, rul ar fi avut mai multe canale statice ceea ce ar fi dus la stabilitatea i
predictibilitatea mediului. Mediul, poate mltinos, era bogat n resurse i permitea
ocuparea pe termen lung. ntr-o ultim ipotez, rul ar fi avut mai multe canale
mobile. Mediul este bogat n resurse, dar mobilitatea canalelor l face impredictibil
i deci mai puin potrivit pentru o ocupare de lung durat (Bailey et al. 2002).
Cum pot fi coroborate aceste date cu cele furnizate de cercetrile arheologice?
Aa cum aminteam mai sus, n zona studiat au fost descoperite, pe resturile
vechilor terase, materializate n insule i bancuri de nisip i pietri, mai multe situri
aparinnd culturii Boian (Teleor 001, 008, 009, 010) (Fig.1,2). n toate cele patru
situri este prezent faza Spanov a culturii Boian. n situl Teleor 008 a fost
descoperit i un nivel Boian-Giuleti. n acest ultim caz nivelurile succesive de
locuire sunt separate de niveluri siltice carbonatice acumulate n perioada unor
inundaii i evolueaz pedogenetic n perioadele de locuire (Hait 2002: 54).
Locuirea este complex i se materializeaz n mai multe secvene ocupaionale
distribuite pe orizontal: prima, Boian-Giuleti, probabil cu dou faze, urmat de o
alt secven ocupaional, BoianSpanov (au fost descoperite i cteva
fragmente ceramice gumelniene i trei morminte din sec IV p.Chr.) n situl Teleor
001 a fost descoperit o locuin de suprafa din chirpici nears, nivelul BoianSpantov fiind destul de subire. n situl Teleor 009 nivelul de cultur, foarte subire,
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se concentreaz pe o zon restrns, unde se pare c a existat o groap, poate un

bordei. n acest caz locuirea Boian-Spanov era plasat direct pe un strat de nisip.
n Teleor 010 au fost descoperite doar materiale ceramice Boian-Spanov izolate,
aici neexistnd practic un nivel cultural. n aceste condiii se poate vorbi de
existena unor locuirii diferite n funcie de factorul temporal. Astfel Teleor 001 i
008 par a reprezenta locuiri pe termen relativ lung n comparaie cu Teleor 009 i
mai ales Teleor 010 care reprezint locuiri de scurt durat, sezoniere. (Andreescu
et al. 2002).
Date
Date calibrate 2 , BC/AD
convenionale
(BP)
Beta-147288
1050 60
AD 880-1050 / AD 1100-1140
Beta-147289
3360 70
BC 1870-1840 / BC 1780-1500
Beta-147290
190 60
AD 1530-1550 / AD 1630-1950
Beta-147291
3800 60
BC 2450-2040
Beta-147292
4980 80
BC 3960-3640
Beta-147293
4820 60
BC 3700-3510; 3420-3390
Beta-158850
4000 80
BC 2860-2810; 2750-2720; 2700-2290
Beta-158851
12,880 130
BC 13850-13310; 12630-12520
Beta-158852
2,380 120
BC 800-180
AA-38910 (GU-8997)
3100 45
BC 1488-1223
AA-38911 (GU-8998)
3125 40
BC 1494-1265
AA-38912 (GU-8999)
3075 70
BC 1500-1128
Beta-161049
2930 40
BC 1270-1000
Beta-161050
2810 40
BC 1040-850
Date radiocarbon din Valea Teleormanului, zona Lceni-Mgura (Southern Romania
Archaeological Project).
Cod laborator

O posibil explicaie pentru acest fapt ar putea rezulta din caracteristicile

mediului natural n timpul locuirii Boian, din prima jumtate a mileniului V a. Chr.
Mediul natural era probabil relativ instabil, potrivit pentru o locuire i activiti
temporare. Nisipul grosier, pietriurile i absena sedimentului fin din depozitele
aluvionare ar sugera c rul i canalele migrau relativ frecvent de-a lungul vii
(Bailey et al. 2002). n aceste condiii locuirile sunt de scurt durat, probabil
pentru exploatarea resurselor bogate presupuse pentru acest tip de mediu. Durata
lor era condiionat de intensitatea activitii aluviale, concretizat n unele cazuri
prin inundaii care au dus la abandonarea aezrilor.
Pornind de la rezultatele acestor cercetri, se poate imagina un posibil model al
evoluiei mediului natural i al comunitilor umane n valea Teleormanului, extins
pentru ntreg mileniul V a.Chr. n acest model sunt inserate i aezrile de tip tell
din zon, cum sunt cele de la Vitneti, Mgura-Bran, Lceni i Alexandria, aezri
care apar spre mijlocul perioadei amintite.
Cheia acestui model o reprezint schimbarea fundamental care pare a se fi
petrecut, pe la mijlocul mileniului V a.Chr, de la aezrile de scurt durat, ce pot fi
asociate cu un mod de via semi-mobil, la aezrile de tip tell, asociate cu o
locuire stabil pe termen lung (Bailey et al. 2000). Primele aparin culturii Boian, n
timp ce aezrile de tip tell sunt specifice culturii Gumelnia.
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Apariia aezrilor de tip tell este un proces complex i, n opinia noastr, la

baza lui a stat un ntreg complex de factori, naturali, economici, sociali pe care
cercetrile arheologice, puin numeroase i restrnse ca suprafa, nu le-au putut
nc lmuri.
n modelul propus pentru aceast schimbare, factori naturali joac un rol
important, fiind asociai cu cei economici. Cercetrile complexe din valea
Teleormanului par a indica pentru cultura Boian, i poate pentru nceputul culturii
Gumelnia, o perioad de oarecare instabilitate a mediului. Desigur, nu este
posibil o reconstituire precis a acestui mediu, n sensul c nu putem ti dac era
un singur canal care migra de-a lungul vii sau un curs cu mai multe canale care i
schimbau frecvent traseul. Mediul, probabil mltinos, era bogat n resurse, dar
instabilitatea lui nu permitea o locuire de lung durat. n aceste condiii investiia
n munc era relativ redus, cultivarea fcndu-se pe scar mic. Locuirile din
aceast perioad sunt plasate pe micile insule i bancuri dintre canale, iar locaia
lor se schimba des, funcie de intensitatea activitii aluviale. Pentru a doua
jumtate a mil. V a.Chr. situaia pare a se schimba. Apar aezrile de tip tell
plasate n lunca inundabil, n apropierea terasei sau chiar pe prelungiri ale
acesteia n lunc. Mediul devine predictibil prin stabilizarea activitii aluviale.
Teleormanul curgea printr-unul sau mai multe canale, stabile de data aceasta.
Aceste condiii sunt propice unei locuiri pe termen lung, concretizat n existena
aezrile de tip tell, asociat cu o agricultur pe scar larg (Bailey et al. 2000,
2002).
Cercetrile din aezarea de tip tell de la Vitneti par a susine acest model.
Analizele geomorfologice indic c aezarea a fost plasat pe un banc de pietri
(posibil o prelungire a unei paleoterase) la baza terasei de nord-est a vii
Teleormanului. (Newmann, Hait 1999; Hait 2002). Aezarea pare a fi avut dou
faze de locuire. O prim faz este plasat sub nivelul luncii actuale i cuprinde
dou niveluri de locuire, separate de unul natural, indicnd o posibil perioada de
abandon. Aceast prim faz este acoperit de un nivel gros de sedimente
naturale, sugernd faptul c aezarea a fost din nou abandonat. Aceste
evenimente ar corespunde fazei Gumelnia A1, deci undeva n al doilea sfert al
mileniului V a.Chr., cnd mediul era relativ instabil. A doua perioad de locuire,
corespunztoare fazelor Gumelnia A2 i B1, este materializat printr-un nivel
cultural substanial, de circa 4 m grosime (Andreescu et al. 2003). Acest fapt indic
o locuire de lung durat n a doua jumtate a mil. V a.Chr, n condiiile unui
mediu relativ stabil.
Informaiile despre mediu sunt completate de cteva interesante observaii
fcute asupra materialului osteologic din aezare. Astfel, au fost descoperite oase
de peti aparinnd unor exemplare de mari dimensiuni, cum este spre exemplu
somnul (Siluris glanis), a cror greutate atingea i 55 kg. Acest fapt sugereaz c
n valea Teleormanului exista o reea de lacuri avnd legtur stabil cu rul, iar
debitul acestuia era destul de mare pentru a permite existena acestor peti. De
asemenea, n ceea ce privete analiza resturilor osteologice de psri se constat
dominaia speciilor acvatice, rae (Anas platyrhynchos), strc cenuiu (Ardea
cinerea) i lebda (Cygnus sp). n sfrit, aceste date sunt completate de cele
referitoare la resturile de mamifere slbatice descoperite n aezare. Ecologia
numeroaselor specii descoperite la Vitneti ntre care castorul (Castor fiber),
cerbul (Cervus elaphus), ursul (Ursus actor), mistreul (Sus scrofa), bourul) (Bos
primigenius), cprior (Capreolus capreolus), iepure (Lepus europaeus), cal (Equus
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caballus), lup (Canis lupus), vulpe (Vulpes vulpes), bursuc (Meles meles), jderul
(Martes martes), pisica slbatic (Felis sylvestris) sugereaz existena unui mediu

bogat n lacuri, bli, terenuri mltinoase, pduri, printre care se gseau spaii
deschise (Blescu, Radu 2003). Datele sunt valabile pentru ultimul nivel de
locuire, Gumelnia B1 plasat la sfritul mileniului V a.Chr. Este de reinut faptul c
n zon trebuie s fi existat mult ap i resurse bogate, cel puin pentru
vntoare, fapt n concordan cu posibila existen a unui sistem de ru cu mai
multe canale, relativ stabile.
Cercetri ntreprinse n alte aezri de tip tell din zon aduc cteva interesante
observaii. Astfel, aezarea de la Mgura-Bran de pe valea Clniei, un afluent al
Teleormanului, este plasat pe o prelungire a terasei de est n lunca inundabil,
nceputurile ei fiind plasate, cel mai devreme, n faza Gumelnia A1 (Andreescu et
al. 2002). O situaie asemntoare se ntlnete i n aezarea de tip tell de la
Alexandria-Gorgan, plasat pe o prelungire a terasei n lunca rului Vedea
(Andreescu, Bailey 2003a).
Toate aceste elemente par a contura ipoteza, conform creia, mileniul
V a.Chr. este caracterizat prin schimbri semnificative, att n evoluia mediului
ct i a comunitilor umane. Prima jumtate a mileniului se poate caracteriza
printr-un mediu relativ instabil, care permite o locuire i activiti pe termen scurt2.
A doua jumtate pare a fi favorabil locuirii i activitilor pe termen lung,
caracterizat prin existena aezrilor de tip tell, ntr-un mediu predictibil i stabil.
Desigur acesta este un posibil scenariu, n fapt cele dou perioade nefiind att
de bine demarcate, n interiorul lor ar fi putut exista perioade de
stabilitate/instabilitate, greu de decelat la o asemenea scar a cercetrilor.
Reconstituirea ct mai precis a unei asemenea evoluii implic cercetri pe o scar
mult mai mare dect au fost ele practicate n valea Teleormanului.
Anumite observaii interesante pot fi gsite n rezultatele unor cercetri mai
vechi din aezrile de tip tell, plasate n alte zone din sudul Romniei. Astfel, la
Vidra, pe valea Sabarului, D.V. Rosetti remarca c deasupra nivelului Boian A n
cuprinsul ntregii movile, se ntinde o ptur neutr de ml verzui-negricios
provenit de pe urma unei inundaii. Deasupra acestuia se afl al doilea strat
cultural alctuit ca i precedentul din drmturile caselor arse, vetre de foc i
rmite din inventarul casnic (Rosetti 1934: 7). Acest al doilea nivel aparinea
fazei Gumelnia A1. La Blejeti, pe valea Glavaciocului, D. Berciu nota: stratul II
(Gumelnia I) se afla sub un nivel foarte subire de pmnt de culoare neagr, de
natur vegetal, provenind de la o inundaie. Dup retragerea apelor s-au aezat
oamenii culturii Gumelnia II. Desprirea ntre stratul Gumelnia I i Gumelnia II
este clar fcut prin acest strat neutru de culoare neagr, gros de 2,50-3 cm.
Rarele cioburi Boian apar sub elementele de cultur material Gumelnia (Berciu
1956: 544). Straturile Gumelnia I i II corespund fazelor Gumelnia A1 i A2.
O situaie foarte interesant a fost descoperit n aezarea de tip tell de pe
Ostrovelul lacului Ctlui, Cscioarele (Dumitrescu 1965). Cercetrile au relevat faptul
c aici au avut loc mai multe episoade de cretere a activitii aluviale, concretizate n
dovezi ale unor inundaii. Vl Dumitrescu, responsabilul cercetrilor, constata c de cele
mai multe ori fiile de arsur alternau cu fii verzui, depuse de apele inundaiilor care
i-au silit pe locuitorii Ostrovelului s prseasc grabnic aezarea..... (Dumitrescu
1984: 76). Un prim episod de acest fel are loc la nivelul fazei Spanov a culturii Boian,
cnd resturile incendiate ale aezrii sunt acoperite de un strat de ml provenind de la
o inundaie. Ostrovelul este abandonat i apoi reocupat la nivelul fazei Gumelnia A2
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(prima faz a acestei culturi, Gumelnia A1, este atestat pe o teras din apropierea, n
punctul Daia Parte). i n cazul acestei locuiri exist dovezi care sugereaz faptul c
apele au inundat suprafaa Ostrovelului, n episoade de cretere brusc a activitii
aluviale (Dumitrescu 1984).
Cercetri relativ recente au dus la descoperirea unei situaii interesante n
aezarea de la Bucani, pe valea Neajlovului. Aezarea de tip tell, plasat pe un
grind n lunca inundabil, a suferit de pe urma inundaiilor, ntr-un prim episod la
nceputurile sale care par a se plasa la debutul fazei A2 a culturii Gumelnia. Dup
o lung perioad de abandon, ea este reocupat la nivelul fazei Gumelnia B1, dar
locuirea este ntrerupt la un moment dat o nou depunere aluvial (Bem et al.
2002; Hait 2002a).
Toate aceste descoperiri par a ntri i nuana ipoteza existenei unui
interval temporal, plasat undeva la jumtatea mileniului V a.Chr., caracterizat
printr-o activitate aluvial intens, concretizat n creterea nivelului
hidrostatic, ceea ce duce la inundarea i abandonarea aezrilor (uneori pe
termen lung ca n cazul Ostrovelului de la Cscioarele). Ulterior, n a doua
jumtate a mileniului, mediul stabil permite ocuparea aezrilor pe termen
lung, concretizat n depuneri antropice groase, relativ continue, chiar dac
anumite episoade de cretere a activitii aluviale sunt prezente din nou, cum
este cazul la Cscioarele i Bucani.
Activitatea aluvial poate fi unul din factorii care au contribuit la apariia
aezrilor de tip tell, n sensul c diminuarea ei a dus la o stabilitate a mediului
care a permis o locuire pe termen lung. Dar suntem convini c ea reprezint doar
un aspect n complexul proces de genez al acestui tip de aezare, caracteristic
sudului Romniei, ncepnd cu al doilea sfert al mileniului V a.Chr.
Rezultatele obinute au o anumit doz de relativitate, dat fiind puinele
aezri de tip tell cercetate, ca s nu mai amintim de lipsa analizelor
interdisciplinare.
Subliniem faptul c un aspect important l constituie potenialul hidrografic al
diverselor zone, potenial care variaz de la o regiune la alta, cu implicaii directe
asupra locuirii umane. n acest sens, rezultatele din valea Teleormanului, zona
Lceni-Mgura, pot reprezenta un caz particular ale crui concluzii vor trebui
validate de cercetri ntreprinse i n alte zone ale Romniei.
Note

1.
2.

La acest proiect particip Universitatea din Cardiff, UK, Muzeul Naional de Istorie a
Romniei i Muzeul Judeean Teleorman.
ntr-un recent articol V. Boronean public cteva interesante date despre resturile unei
pduri ngropate din bazinul Argeului inferior. Rezultatele arat existena a trei
episoade diluviale dintre care unul la nivelul epocii neolitice (5507 30BP; 4344 BC).
Pe baza analogiilor culturale autorul presupune existena acestui episod n timpul
evoluiei culturii Vdastra (Boian) (Boronean 2005).

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Archaeological Project). Studii de Preistorie 1: 33-46.
Andreescu, R., Mirea, P., Apope, t. 2003. Cultura Gumelnia n vestul Munteniei.
Aezarea de la Vitneti, jud. Teleorman. Cercetri Arheologice XII: 71-87.
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Andreescu, R., Bailey, D.W., 2003a, Southern Romanian Archaeological Project.

Cronica cercetrilor arheologice din Romnia. Campania 2002: 37-38, 189190, 350.
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temperate Balkan Neolithic: transition to tells. Antiquity 76: 349-355.
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la Vitneti: nivelul Gumelnia B1. Cercetri Arheologice XII: 363-388.
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Boronean, V. 2005. Consideraii privind pdurea ngropat din bazinul Argeului inferior.
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din aezarea neolitic trzie de la Cscioarele. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie
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Dumitrescu, Vl. 1986. Stratigrafia aezrii-tell de pe Ostrovelul de la Cscioarele.
Cultur i Civilizaie la Dunrea de Jos 2: 73-81.
Hait, C. 2002. Studiu sedimentologic preliminar asupra locuirii neo-eneolitice din
valea Teleormanului, zona Lceni-Vitneti, Southern Romania Archaeological
Project, campania 2000. Studii de Preistorie 1: p. 47-58.
Hait, C. 2002a. Preliminary considerations on a sedimentary sondaje performed
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farming in southeast and central Europe. In Milles, A., Williams, D. and
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archaeological potential of the Teleorman Valley: report of the 2000 season. In
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CONSTANTIN HAIT*

PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS OF THE

SEDIMENTOLOGICAL SONDAGES PERFORMED AT
THE NEO-ENEOLITHIC TELL BORDUANI POPIN

Abstract: Acest studiu prezint cteva date ale analizei sedimentologice realizate asupra succesiunilor

sedimentare observate n cadrul a trei sondaje realizate n campania anului 1998 n scopul nelegerii
relaiilor stratigrafice dintre nivelurile culturale din alctuirea tell-ului i depunerile naturale din baza
acestuia. Principalul scop al acestui studiu este reconstituirea cadrului geografic din prima faz de
locuire, ca i a condiiilor de mediu din timpul locuirii. Principalele rezultate ale acestui studiu, aa cum
au rezultat n urma corelrii stratigrafice a succesiunilor sedimentare studiate n cele trei sondaje, sunt:
1.Tell-ul Borduani Popin este format pe un martor de eroziune al terasei de vrst holocen inferioar,
constituit din depozite de tipul loess-ului; 2. Fragmentele ceramice descoperite n primul nivel de
locuire observat n Sondajul 1, realizat la limita nivelurilor culturale din tell-ul mare au fost atribuite
culturii Boian, faza Giuleti. Corelarea altitudinii relative la care apare acest nivel cu depunerile cercetate
n Sondajul 2, realizat n zona dintre cele dou tell-uri, sugereaz faptul c locuirea aparinnd culturii
Boian se situeaz pe ntreaga suprafa a celor dou popine, ambele de origine natural. Pe suprafaa
tell-ului mic locuirea se limiteaz probabil la faza cultural menionat, pentru ca ulterior s se extind
pe suprafaa zonei mai nalte, ce constituie n prezent tell-ul mare; 3. Prezena nivelurilor de acumulare
aluvial ce includ frecveni constitueni antropici, n Sondajul 2, sugereaz c cele dou popine erau
separate de o zon mai joas periodic inundat, rezultat al unui canal aluvial sau al aciunii antropice,
fapt ce va fi evideniat prin cercetrile sedimentologice viitoare; 4. n Sondajul 3, efectuat la baza
popinei, n extremitatea nord-estic a sa, a fost observat un nivel de paleosol ce suprapune o secven
sedimentar ce nu include constitueni antropici. Acest nivel de sol este suprapus de acumulri de
origine aluvial ce includ frecveni constitueni antropici, atribuite stratigrafic perioadei de locuire neoeneolitic. La partea superioar a acestor acumulri a fost observat un nivel granular cu frecvente
fragmente de chirpici ars remaniate i rulate, atribuite unui moment de inundaie mai important,
interpretat, ipotetic, ca fiind cauza abandonului aezrii n perioada eneolitic; 5. Dup nivelul atribuit
momentului de abandon al aezrii, n acelai sondaj au fost observate acumulri de origine aluvial
fr constitueni antropici, dar cu cochilii de bivalve, suprapuse de un nivel de paleosol i de aluviunile
acumulate pn n prezent.

Keywords: neo-eneolithic, Boian culture, Giuleti phase, Gumelnia culture, tell, sedimentology.

1. General Background.
The Neo-Eneolithic tell Borduani Popin is situated in Balta Ialomiei, a large
island within the Danube floodplain, periodically flooded, bordered to the west by
the Borcea channel of the Danube (Fig.1) and to the east by Danube itself. This
area provides an important geomorphologic complexity consisting of a series of
alluvial bars, lakes and temporary channels (Bandrabur, Patrulius 1967: 8).
The site Borduani Popin has a double tell morphology: the main (bigger) one
is oval in shape (dia. 180 x70 m and height 15,40 m ); the second is almost
*

National Museum of Romanian History, National Center of Pluridisciplinary Researches, Bucureti. email: sedimentologie@mnir.ro.

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circular (dia. 30x20 m and height 8 m (Marinescu-Blcu 1997: 36-37). The

anthropogenic deposits forming the tell are attributed to Gumelnia A2 phase and
are overlapped by the La Tne levels of the Iron Age occupation (Marinescu-Blcu
et al. 1997: 64).
The archaeological deposits of the tell are represented mainly by fine layers of
yellow, yellowish-brown or greyish silts (often preserving fine vegetal prints and
fragments) micro-stratified with layers of compact silts (without anthropogenic
constituents), lens of ashes and charcoal, fine layers with frequent organic
constituents (mammal and fish bones, shells and wood), complex anthropogenic
accumulations, levels of destruction (with burned daub, charcoal and ashes) and
layers of brown silt with organic matrix (Hait 1997: 85). During the 1998
campaign of archaeological researches, three sedimentological sondages were dug
into the tell, in order to study the stratigraphic relations between the cultural
layers forming the tell and the natural deposits that had accumulated before and
after the occupation.
The main goal of this study was to reconstruct both the geographical
background present at the time of the first phase of occupation and the related
environment conditions (from the sedimentological point of view) that occurred
during the Neo-Eneolithic occupation until the abandonment of the settlement.

Fig.1 The position of the tell Borduani Popin on the geological map,
scale 1:200000 (Modified from Liteanu, Chiriac 1967).
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The first sondage (Sondage 1), located in the northeastern extremity of the
site, on the tell slope, consisted of two steps, each about 1 m height (Fig.2) which
were located very close to the limit of the cultural layers, at the edge of the
occupied area. This sondage was done on the interval -7,15 : -9,37 m from the
reference point (z=0), located at the top of the tell (Fig.3).
The second sondage (Sondage 2) is located in the edge of the small tell, on
the northern side of an ice-preserving pit, on the depth interval -13,81 : -15,56 m
from the reference point (Fig.3).
The third sondage (Sondage 3) is located at the base of the tell, in the
northeastern zone, in the same area as the first one, on the depth interval -14,14 :
-16,56 m from the reference point (Fig.3).
2. Preliminary results of the sedimentological sondages
Performed at the macroscopic level, the preliminary study of the stratigraphic
sequences from the three sedimentological sondages documents the following
aspects:
1. In the northeastern zone of the tell the limit between the cultural layers and
the natural deposits at the base of the site is observed at the depth of 8,70 m
(from the top of the tell) (tab. 1). In the southern area of the tell, at the base of
Sondage 2 (at a depth of 15,56 m), reworked cultural material was observed
within alluvial deposits (tab. 2). This fact suggests that at the moment of the first
occupation phase, the mound that formed the base of the tell had an asymmetrical
profile running North-South (Fig.3). The presence of anthropic inclusions almost
throughout the succession studied in Sondage 2 indicates that the occupation was
situated close to the edge of the tell; almost all the surface was occupied at this
stage. Later on, as the profile of the tell suggests, occupation was concentrated on
the higher, northern, zone of the tell.
2. The sedimentary sequence observed in Sondage 2 is represented by
yellowish and greenish-brown silt and fine sand, including fine fragments of
pottery, mammal and fish bones and grains of charcoal, alternating with silty and
fine sandy micro-stratified layers without or with very few anthropic inclusions, the
last ones resulting from the natural accumulation during the main flood events.
The layers including anthropic constituents are accumulated both by colluviation
and water reshuffling, probably in the area near by the edge of the settlement.
These observations direct us to the conclusion that the period of NeoEneolithic occupation was characterised by frequent flooding events.
3. In Sondage 3 (as in Sondage 2) were recorded silty and fine sandy microstratified layers that had resulted from the natural accumulation during floods (tab.
3). At the top of the sequence studied in this sondage it was a layer with granular
structure, including fine anthropic constituents, presenting signatures of water
reworking (i.e., good sorting, alluvial matrix).
These observations are interpreted as an argument for the conclusion that the
period before the occupation, as well as during the occupation (at least in the first
phases) was characterized by frequent flooding events.
4. In Sondage 1 were recorded the floors and successive fitting-out units
corresponding to two dwelling-type structures. The layering of these floors and the
fitting-out of the space (as well as those studied in the excavated area - from the
cultural layers of Gumelnia A2 phase) can be related to the internal area of the
houses (Fig.2). These structures are fired. In the corresponding levels were
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identified fragments of pottery attributed to the Boian culture (Giuleti phase)1.

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Fig. 2 West profile of Sondage 1, at the limit between the anthropic deposits of tell
and the remnant of the terrace. See layers description in table 1.
5. As it could be observed on the west profile of Sondage 1, two small ditches
(or trenches), dug in both cases from the stratigraphic level of the destruction
layer, cut the floor units of both dwelling structures. The ditches are 0,75 m and
0,70 m deep with a narrower and deeper zone in the centre and with the top
widening in the southern direction, up to 1,10 m and respectively 0,90 (Fig.2). The
fill of these structures consists of greyish-brown and yellowish-brown,
homogeneous, loose silt, including rare and fine anthropic constituents which
probably originated in the (none-fire) destruction of the anthropic structures.

Fig.3 South-North section of the tell, as resulting from the stratigraphic correlation
of the sedimentological sondages. A - remnant of the terrace; B - anthropic
deposits of the tell; C - area of archaeological researches; D - actual surface; S1,
S2, S3 - location of sedimentological sondages.
3. Preliminary considerations on forming and development of the tell
Borduani Popin
The stratigraphic correlation of the three sedimentological sondages allows a
hypothetical reconstruction of the Borduani Popin tell (Fig.3) and allows us to
make some preliminary conclusions about the formation and evolution of this site.
The general stratigraphy suggests that the Neo-Eneolithic occupation is
located on an erosional remnant of the terrace, approximately 5,40 m
high to the northern side of the site. This geomorphologic element is
attributed to the lower Holocene terrace of the Danube, as described on
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the geological map (Brandabur, Patrulius 1967: 19) and consists of silty
and fine sandy loess-like deposits.
The presence of the alluvial deposits that include cultural material and
which accumulated at the base of the tell slope in Sondage 2 suggests
that during its evolution, the main (bigger) tell was separated from the
second (smaller) one by a periodically flooded lower area, 20-25 m wide,
located 15,50 m from the top of the tell. The presence of the naturally
accumulated layers and the general morphology of the site suggest that
this erosional remnant continued at the base of the small tell: the
extension of the anthropic deposits in a N-S direction in this area of
occupation was no more than 25 m. In this case, an alluvial channel that
would have been filled up during the final occupation phases of the main
area, cut the erosional remnant before the occupation. However, it is still
possible that this separation be of anthropogenic origin. This area must
be studied in the future from the sedimentological point of view.
Considering the fact that the pottery discovered in Sondage 1 was
attributed to the Boian culture (Giuleti phase), it could be assumed that
the Neolithic occupation was developed on the entire area of this mound.
If the small tell was occupied, the Neolithic occupation in this area was
probably restricted to the Boian Giuleti phase. In a later phase, the
occupation was concentrated in the northern area of the mound, forming
the main (bigger) tell.
In order to reconstruct the geomorphologic background of the vicinity of
the tell before and after the Neo-Eneolithic occupation, it is important to
consider the alluvial deposits accumulated during the settlement and
after the abandonment. As can be observed from the sedimentary
sequence studied in Sondage 3, the first soil unit is observed at the
depth of about 15 m from the reference point. Considering the fact that
the alluvium under this soil horizon does not include any anthropic
constituents, this soil can be attributed to the period before the NeoEneolithic occupation.
The sedimentary succession covering this soil consists of alluvial units
preserving the original structure alternating with alluvial units slightly
pedologically transformed. These units include anthropic constituents and
are attributed to the Eneolithic occupation period.
The level corresponding to the abandonment was situated at -14,47 m
from the reference point, at this level being observed the alluvial
accumulation with frequent anthropic constituents, intensively reworked
by water, with mm-cm dimensions, forming a micro-conglomerate
constituted essentially from burned daub. This accumulation corresponds
to a more intense flooding event of longer duration that could be
assumed to have been one of the possible cause of the abandonment of
this settlement in the Eneolithic period. The presence of frequent
fragments of burned daub in the alluvial matrix also indicates that the
marginal area of the site was flooded (i.e., one or more waste deposits
accumulated on slope, including burnt daub from fired structures, being
eroded by water).
After the abandonment of the settlement, alluvial units of silt and silty
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sand (including rare fragments of shells) continued to accumulate. These

units are superposed, on the interval -14,19 : -14,39 m by a soil horizon,
without anthropic constituents, that could correspond to the
abandonment of the site and possibly to the Iron Age occupation. After
this layer, other layers of alluvium were deposited and this continued
until the present. In the vicinity of the tell, colluvium accumulated on the
tell slope are covering these deposits.
Acknowledgements
Dr. Silvia Marinescu Blcu conducted the 1998 archaeological researches and
we are very grateful for invaluable help and support. Mr. Dragomir Popovici,
coordinator of the pluridisciplinary researches team provided fruitful discussions
and suggestions and we address many thanks. We like to thank sincerely to our
colleagues Drago Moise, Valentin Parnic, Mihai Tomescu and Radu Coman for
help to record the topographic and stratigraphic information. Dr. Douglass Bailey is
thanked for comments and suggestions on a draft of this paper.
Notes
1.

Information kindly offered by Mr. Florin Vlad (Museum of Ialomia County) and we are very
gratefully.

References
Brandabur, T., Patrulius, D. 1967. Harta geologic, scara 1:200.000, Not
explicativ, foaia Clrai, Bucureti.
Hait, C. 1997. Micromorphological study. In Marinescu-Blcu S. et al.
Archaeological Researches at Borduani Popin (Ialomia county). Preliminary
report 1993-1994. Cercetri Arheologice X: 85-92.
Liteanu, E., Chiriac, M. (eds.) 1967. Harta geologic, scara 1:200.000, foaia
Clrai, Institutul Geologic al Romniei, Bucureti.
Marinescu-Blcu, S. 1997. Historical background. In Marinescu-Blcu S. et al.
Archaeological Researches at Borduani Popin (Ialomia county). Preliminary
report 1993-1994. Cercetri Arheologice X: 35-38.
Marinescu-Blcu, S., Popovici, D., Bem, C., Vlad, F., Voinea, V. 1997. Eneolithic
occupation. Gumelnia levels. In Marinescu Blcu S. et al. Archaeological
Researches at Borduani-Popin (Ialomia county). Preliminary report 19931994. Cercetri Arheologice X: 64-69.

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Layer
no
(see
fig.2)
1

7,09-7,20

7,20-7,25

7,25-7,30

7,30-7,52

7,39-7,65

7,52-7,57

Silty, dark greyish brown daub, loose and

heterogeneous, granular structure.

7,57-7,65

7,65-7,69

7,69-8,09

10

7,61-8,05

11

7,65-7,89

12

7,89-8,07

13

8,08-8,18

14

8,18-8,94

15

8,19-8,55

16

8,51-8,73

17

8,73-8,86
8,55-8,71

18

8,78-9,05

19

9,05-9,37

Silty, yellowish brown layer, compact, microstratified, with very fine anthropic
constituents.
Silty fine unit, heterogeneous, of loose ashes
with frequent fragments of burned daub, and
fine charcoal.
Silty yellowish brown layer, homogeneous,
moderately compact, without anthropic
constituents.
Greyish brown silt, granular structure,
homogeneous, loose, with rare anthropic
constituents.
Greenish brown very heterogeneous loose
silt, granular structure, with frequent shells,
fish bones, ash and charcoal.
Greenish brown heterogeneous silt, granular
structure, with fine fragments of shells and
charcoal.
Greyish brown heterogeneous loose silt,
granular structure, with fine anthropic
constituents.
Greyish brown silt, granular structure,
homogeneous, loose, with rare and fine
anthropic constituents.
Medium brown silt, granular structure,
heterogeneous, compact, with frequent
fragments of burned and unburned daub and
charcoal.
Greenish brown silt, granular structure,
compact, with abundant fragments of burned
and unburned daub.
Silty yellowish brown micro-stratified layer,
compact, with very fine anthropic
constituents.
Yellowish light brown silt, granular structure,
slightly heterogeneous, compact, including
few fragments of shells.
Yellowish brown silt, homogeneous, compact,
without anthropic constituents.

Depth
from
z=0 (m)

Profile

Description

Interpretation

Brown heterogeneous loose silt, with

frequent fragments of burned daub, shells
and pottery fragments.
Yellowish brown silt, homogeneous, without
anthropic constituents.

Colluvium.

Reddish brown loose silt, heterogeneous,

granular structure, with frequents fragments
of burned daub.
Greyish brown loose silt, very
heterogeneous, with granular structure with
very frequent fragments of pottery, shells,
ash and charcoal.
Light brown loose silt, granular structure,
homogeneous, few anthropic constituents.

Destruction.

Natural, probably
aeolian, accumulation.

Domestic wastes.

Occupation in the
external area of the
structures.
Destruction by firing.
Floors and fitting out
units inside a dwelling
structure.
Domestic wastes.

Destruction without
firing.
Filling of a pit.

Domestic wastes.

Occupation in the
external area of the
structures.
Occupation in the
external area of the
structures.
Filling of a pit.

Destruction by firing.

Destruction by firing.

Floors and fitting out

units inside a dwelling
structure.
Paleosol on loess-like
deposits.
Natural accumulation
(remnant of terrace).

Table 1 Description o the sedimentary succession studied on west profile of Sondage 1.

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Layer
no
1

Depth
from
z=0 (m)
13,8113,91

13,9113,93

13,9314,01

14,0114,25

14,2514,38

14,3814,47

14,4714,57

14,5714,61

14,6114,85

10

14,8515,22

11

15,2215,38

12

15,3815,41

13

15,4115,51

14
15

Profile

Description

Interpretation

Yellowish brown homogeneous silt with rare

and fine fragments of bones, shells, burned
daub and pottery, inter-stratified with 1-2cm
thick, micro-laminated units, with vegetable
fragments, shells, bones and charcoal.
Yellowish silt, granular structure, with
frequent fragments of burned daub, charcoal,
pottery and bones.
Yellowish silt, homogeneous, with
ferruginous stains and fine carbonatic
concretions.

Alluvial accumulation.
Fine anthropic
material reworked.

Greenish yellow and yellowish brown

homogeneous silt without anthropic
constituents, inter-stratified with fine units, 12cm thick, micro-laminated structure, with
frequent fish bones and shells and rare
charcoal.
Yellowish brown and greyish brown silt,
granular structure, with frequent fish bones
and shells and rare fragments of charcoal
and burned daub.
Yellowish brown micro-stratified silt without
anthropic constituents and fine sandy units,
granular structure, with frequent fragments
of burned daub and shells and rare
fragments of fish bones and charcoal.
Yellowish brown silt, granular structure, with
frequent fragments of fish bones, shells and
fine charcoal and rare fragments of burned
daub.
Yellowish silt, granular structure and microconglomerate texture with frequent
fragments of burned daub, shells, fish bones,
charcoal and carbonates.
Greyish-yellowish brown silt, granular
structure, with frequent and fine anthropic
constituents: fish bones, shells, charcoal and
burned daub.
Yellowish brown homogeneous silt and fine
sand with rare and fine fragments of fish
bones, shells, burned daub and charcoal interstratified with fine units, 2-4cm thick, microlaminated structure, with rare fragments of
shells, burned daub and charcoal.
Greyish brown silt, homogeneous, with very
rare fragments of burned daub, in the central
part including a fine micro-laminated unit
with few charcoals.
Greyish brown silt, micro-laminated, with
very rare anthropic constituents.

Accumulation and
reworked of anthropic
constituents.
Accumulation and
pedological
transformation of a
destruction unit.
Alluvial accumulation.
Frequent fine
anthropic material
reworked.

Accumulation of the
reworked anthropic
constituents.
Alluvial accumulation.
Frequent fine
anthropic material
reworked.
Accumulation of the
reworked anthropic
constituents.
Accumulation of the
reworked anthropic
constituents.
Accumulation of the
reworked anthropic
constituents.
Alluvial accumulation.
Fine anthropic
material reworked.

Alluvial accumulation.
Anthropic material
from a destruction
unit reworked.
Alluvial accumulation.
Alluvial accumulation.
Fine anthropic
material reworked.

15,5115,53

Greyish brown coarse sand, granular

structure, with fine fragments of burned
daub and shells, inter-stratified with greenish
grey coarse sand, micro-laminated structure,
without anthropic constituents.
Greenish grey silt, micro-laminated, with silty
fragments and rare bones.

15,5315,56

Yellowish brown silt, homogeneous, with very

rare anthropic constituents.

Alluvial accumulation.

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Alluvial accumulation.

Table 2 Description o the sedimentary succession studied on west profile of Sondage 2.

Layer
no
1
2

Depth
from
z=0 (m)
14,1414,19
14,1914,39

Profile

Description

Interpretation

Yellowish silt, homogeneous, compact,

without anthropic constituents.
Greyish yellowish silt, aggregated structure of
faunal bioturbation, homogeneous, without
anthropic constituents.
Greyish brown coarse sand, granular
structure, with frequent fine fragments of
shells and burned daub.

Alluvial accumulation.

14,3914,47

14,4714,64

Yellowish silt, micro-laminated structure,

without anthropic constituents.

14,6414,68

Yellowish loose silt, homogeneous, with

structures of faunal bioturbation and rare
fragments of burned daub.

14,6814,72

Yellowish silt, homogeneous, without

anthropic constituents.

14,7215,00

Light brown loose silt, aggregate structure of

faunal bioturbation, rare and fine fragments
of burned daub and shells.

15,0015,03

Yellowish silt, homogeneous, without

anthropic constituents.

15,0315,05

Light brown loose silt, aggregated structure

of faunal bioturbation, with rare and fine
burned daub and shells.

10

15,0516,10

11

16,1016,19

12

16,1916,55

Yellowish and light brown silt and fine sand,

homogeneous, micro-stratified, without
anthropic constituents.
Yellowish silt and fine sand, homogeneous,
with fine structures of bioturbation, without
anthropic constituents.
Yellowish brown and yellowish silt and fine
sand, homogeneous, without anthropic
constituents.

Pedological
transformation of
alluvium.
Alluvial accumulation.
Reworking of
anthropic
constituents.
Alluvial accumulation.
Pedological
transformation of
alluvium and
reworking of
anthropic
constituents.
Alluvial accumulation.
Pedological
transformation of
alluvium and
reworking of
anthropic
constituents.
Alluvial accumulation.
Pedological
transformation of
alluvium and
reworking of
anthropic
constituents.
Alluvial accumulation.

Pedological
transformation of
alluvium.
Alluvial accumulation.

Table 3 Description o the sedimentary succession studied on north profile of

Sondage 3.

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VLADIMIR SLAVCHEV*

ABOUT THE BEGINNING OF GUMELNIA CULTURE

IN NORTH-EAST OF BALKAN PENINSULA

Abstract: Articolul de fa reprezint o abordare nou a unui subiect complex i discutat intens n
literatura de specialitate: nceputul culturii Gumelnia. Sunt prezentate ipotezele despre geneza, evoluia
i sincronismele civilizaiei gumelniene, insistndu-se asupra variantelor regionale i aspectelor locale,
n special asupra aspectul cultural Stoicani-Aldeni. Studiul se concentreaz asupra descoperirilor din
republica Moldova i din sudul Ucrainei. Este aboradat problema importurilor gumelniene descoperite
n aezrile Precucuteni III final de la Rusetii Noi I i Holercani I (Fig.1). Vasele gumelniene
descoperite la Holercani I, sugereaz contacte pe termen lung ntre cele dou culturi. Sincronismul
dintre Gumelnia A1 i prima jumtate a fazei Precucuteni III este demonstrat de figurinele
antropomorfe de lut i vasele tipic gumelniene, descoperite n aezarea de la Aleksandrovka. Plecnd
de la aceste importuri se discut posibilitatea unor contacte anterioare ntre cele dou zone culturale. n
opinia noastr, la acest moment ipoteza lui Eugen Coma, conform creia cultura Gumelnia evolueaz
exclusiv din cultura Boian este greu de acceptat. Este clar c apariia complexului cultural
KodjadermenGumelniaKaranovo VI este consecina unui semnificativ proces de integrare cultural,
care are loc n peninsula Balcanic i n zone adiacente acesteia. La actualul stadiu al cercetrilor, este
foarte clar c geneza culturii Gumelnia reprezint un proces lung i complex, originile acesteia trebuind
cutate cu precauie n toate fenomenele culturale anterioare. Studiul de fa sugeraz doar o alt zon
n care pot fi cutate originile acestei culturi.
Keywords: eneolithic, KodjadermenGumelniaKaranovo VI, Stoicani-Aldeni aspect, Precucuteni
culture, Tripolie culture, pottery.

The periodization of the initial stages of Gumelnia culture in the northeast part
of Balkan Peninsula along the right bank of the river Prut and the areas of
Danube lakes on the territory of modern Southwest Ukraine and Southern Moldova
is widely discussed problem. On the right bank of the river Prut there is a group
of settlements dated to the beginning of the late Eneolithic1 which is known under
different names: cultural aspect Aldeni II (tefan 1944: 78), "Gumelnia-Ariud"
(Dumitrescu 1964: 53-66), "Stoicani-Aldeni" (Dragomir 1983). E. Comas opinion,
that it is necessary to allocate them as an independent culture, has been heavily
criticized and currently is not accepted ( 1983: 6-7). All the researchers
agree that is a local variant of an early stage of the Gumelnia culture Dumitrescu
1964: 63; 1962: 27; 1965: 6; Dragomir 1983: 915).
The discovery of the Gumelnia type monuments on the left bank of the river
Prut and in the area of the lakes Kagul, Kugurlui, Ialpug and Katlabukh has caused
a heated debate. According to E. Coma, they belong to cultural aspect Aldeni II
(Coma 1963: 8). I. T. Dragomir (1977: 482486; 1983) and V. Bejlekchi (1978:
1516) have the same opinion. E. Chernysh unites them in Bolgrad-Aldeni culture
*

Archaeological Musuem of Varna, Bulgaria. e-mail: vladosl@yahoo.com.

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( 1982: 253356). In S. Bibikov's opinion it is possible to allocate these

monuments into an independent variant of Gumelnia culture (ii 1971: 213).
The identification of such variant called Bolgrad, is proved by L. Subbotin
( 1978: 3641; 1983; 1992: 1921). The opinion of the later scholar is
maintained by the author of the present article as the only example of completely
and scientifically argued hypothesis supported by concrete archaeological material,
which is profoundly and effectively analyzed. H. Todorova holds a different
position. She claims that the settlements of this area belong to the independent
Bolgrad culture representing a northern variant of the Varna culture (
1979: 3233, 70; 1986: 122). However, it is clear that the carriers of this
phenomenon appear in the steppe areas North from the Danube delta and East
from the river Prut as a separate cultural entity with quite developed material
culture, with domesticated animals and cultural plants (see . 135138;
1983: . 119129). According to V. Bejlekchi ( 1978: 135) and
H. Todorova ( 1979: 3233, 70; 1986: 122 ) they come here from the
South, and in L. Subbotins opinion it is possible to trace two streams of migrants
from the right bank of the Prut river (Western) and from the northwest Dobrudja
(Southern) ( 1983: 120122).
There were some attempts of periodization of the settlements belonging to
Alden and Bolgrad variant of Gumelnia culture (Coma 1963; 1978;
1983; Dragomir 1983). If we examine them, I.T. Dragomirs division is
unsuccessful, since in the monograph dedicated to cultural aspect StoicaniAldeni, he illustrates its development by numerous finds from Vulcneti II and
Lopica settlements, belonging to Bolgrad variant but at the same time the
characteristics of the Aldeni variant are unclearified. According to him, on Ozernoe,
Vulcneti II and Bolgrad settlements it is possible to track three stages of their
development (Dragomir 1983: 2223), and their researchers clearly documented
only two building horizons, precisely emphasizing the uniformity of the material
( 1978: 2787; 1983: 120124). E. Coma has identified two
phases of development in Aldeni variant on the basis of the stratigraphy of Stoicani
settlement and the characteristics of the material from Aldeni, Brilia and
Drgneti-Tecuci settlements (Coma 1963: 7-26). L. Subbotins periodization of
Bolgrad variant is very well argued, it is based on the mutual occurrence of
different types of vessels in the settlements ( 1983: 119125). All
researchers agree that, Bolgrad variant, as well as Aldeni variant are short-term
phenomena which has disappeared quickly. Therefore, it is very difficult to define
clear sub-periods, having in mind that this is the time of the formation of
Gumelnia culture, when the processes are very intensive, the tendencies are still
beginning, and any suggestion for chronological sequence of the settlements in
such short interval of time would have number of disputable moments and risks.
Many works are devoted to the synchronization of Aldeni and Bolgrad
settlements with PrecucuteniEarly Tripolie settlements. This problem is a key
point in the identification of relations and chronological conformity of Gumelnia A1
and A2 stages with Precucuteni III and Cucuteni A. Although the problem seems
very well-studied, there are, however, some issues that were not fully clarified
(Berciu 1961: 67; Roman 1963: 4546; Dumitrescu 1964: 53, 63)2. A large number
of mutual imports, found on these settlements, repeatedly drew attention of the
scholarss and as a result of their research the synchronism of early stages of
Aldeni and Bolgrad variants with the end of the phase Precucucteni III can be
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accepted as firmly proved. Some fragments of Gumelnia pottery, found on

settlements of the final arly Tripolie (the end of Precucuteni III) Rusetii Noi I
(from the hut and the storage pit of the bottom horizon) and Holercani I are
shown on Fig.1. However, the occurrence of special Gumelnia forms (vessels that
are connected by the crosspiece) in Holercani I suggests longterm contacts
between the two cultures which would facilitate the production of such product
and its occurrence in early Tripolie environment the tradition of using of double
vessels starts exactly towars the end of Tripolie A 3. But many strong arguments
suggesting earlier contacts between Gumelnia culture and Precucucteni culture
can be achieved after the recent discoveries in Moldova and Romania.

Fig.1
For a long time it had been considered, that settlements Traian-Dealul
Fntnilor and Trpeti are the reference sites for the end of the Precucucteni
culture in Romania, and their difference from the settlements of the final early
Tripolie from the area East of Prut (Crbuna, Rusetii Noi I, Lenkovi, LukaVrublevetskaya, etc.) was explained by the earlier beginning of the Cucucteni
Tripolie culture to the west of this border (see Marinescu-Blcu 1981: 137138).
This position has been criticized by V. Zbenovich who considers, that there are
similar (and synchronous!) settlements are in Romania, but they are either poorly
investigated, or unpublished ( 1989: 135141). He points Bosanci as one
of these monuments ( 1989: 137).
During the last two decades many settlements were found between the East
Carpathian Mountains and the river Prut that contain pottery with the same
characteristics as the pottery found on the above marked territory of modern
Moldova and Ukraine. Unfortunately, most of them are unpublished4, but their
presence unequivocally testifies that the cultural development within the last phase
of the PrecucuteniTripolie A culture is similar and with equal pace that passes
through the same stages both to the East, and to the West of the river Prut. Even
more, in addition to the already discussed sites, the top Precucuteni level of the tell
Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru which V. Zbenovichs monograph synchronizes with Tirpeti
(Monah 20012002: 3) should be dated to the last phase, too. At such
synchronization it appears, that Precucuteni level of Tirpeti, as well as TraianDealul Fntnilor belong to the first half of the Precucuteni III phase, and
consequently also all repeatedly described and quoted in the literature Gumelnia
imports, found on these settlements.
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However, such heretic opinion is quite justified if it was to address the

ceramics found on the settlement Coernia I. In 1986, V. Markevich excavates
there a ground dwelling ( 1990: 2845). According to his opinion this
settlement belongs to an unknown type, which in the periodization of E. Chernysh
( 1982: 172174, 177190) stands at the beginning of the late stage of
the Early Tripolie or to the fourth or the fifth step ( 1990: 44). Only V.
Markevich's long-term experience would be sufficient to trust his dating of a
monument he took part and carried out independent excavations of early Tripolie
monuments since the 1950s. In addition, the detailed publication of the materials,
as well as my work with the material entirely5 confirms such conclusion it is
possible to think that Coernia I is a reference monument for the beginning of
Precucuteni III between Prut and Dnestr. A special attention deserve some
fragments of vessels found during the excavation of the settlement. They are
made according to the characteristics of PrecucuteniTripolie pottery tradition, but
their forms have no analogies both in earlier, and in later Precucuteni monuments,
and find further development in Gumelnia environment (Fig.2). Moreover, the find
of a vessel, which body shape reminds a body of a duck strongly testifies for the
relation of these products to the early Tripolie culture, rather than for the
considered so far link to Gumelnia traditions it is decorated with combination of
channeling and stamp prints typical for the Early Tripolie6.

Fig.2.
The synchronization of the first half of Precucuteni III with the beginning
Gumelnia A1 can explain, at last, the occurrence of the anthropomorphic clay
figurine ( et al. 1989: 22, .8/11) and a large amphora with handles
( 1981: 17, .3/3), typical for Gumelnia monuments on such
disputable settlement from chronological point of view, as Aleksandrovka which,
despite these finds, majority of authors date to the beginning, instead of the end
of the last phase of early Tripolie. Moreover, such opinion allows relevant
consideration of the seemingly improbable finds of Precucucteni II sherds in early
Gumelnia dwelling investigated at a settlement near Brila7.
Having in mind the considerable set of vessel forms common for the ceramic
assemblages of the last phase of Hamangia culture and the "pontic" (Berciu 1966:
41; Marinescu-Blcu 1972: 2938), the "Dobrudjean" (Pippidi, Berciu 1965: 4243)
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or the "pontic-dobrojean" (Berciu 1961: 75; 1966: 17) variant of the Gumelna
culture or Varna culture (Todorova 1978: 136-145), as well as the full continuity
between the Karanovo V and Karanovo VI cultures, it is possible to conclude that
the hypothesis that relates the origin of Gumelnia culture only with Boian culture
(Coma 1961: 58-62; 1974: 245-251) is unacceptable It is obvious, that the
addition of cultural complex KodjadermenGumelniaKaranovo VI is a
consequence of significant integration processes, which took place over the East
half of Balkan Peninsula and some parts of this big area have thier own specificities
about which D. Berciu wrote earlier (Berciu 1961: 75-79). Also it is clear, that the
genesis of this cultural phenomenon is long enough process and traces of it should
be sought very carefully in the areas of all previous cultures. Here we only have
marked one of the possible directions of this search which continuation would give
even more important and interesting results.
Notes
1.
2.

3.
4.
5.

6.
7.

Here the culture Gumelnia is named the Late Eneolithic phenomenon as it used accepted in
Bulgarian periodization of prehistory. In Romania it is named Neolithic, and in Moldova and in
Ukraine Early Eneolithic.
Also see the last review of a problem in . ,

- -
, : V. A. Dergaciov (red.), Vestigii arheologice din Moldova , Chiinu, 1997:

138154.
See . . , VII, :
1986 ., , 1990, . 51, . 6 56.
The number of the unpublished finds from the different places is displayed in the exhibition of
the Museum of History and Archaeology in Piatra-Neam.
I would like to thank Dr. habil. V.A. Dergaciov and V. Bikbaev for the possibility to work with
the finds found during the excavations of the settlement that are kept in the museum of the
Institute of Archaeology, Ancient History and Ethnography of the Academy of Science of
Republic of Moldova.
Later Gumelnia examples are ornamented by white and incised lines and by pricks with
round form.
The monument was noticed by S. Pandrea in October, 2004 on a symposium in Piatra-Neam,
devoted to the 120-anniversary of opening of Cucuteni culture.

References
, . . 1978. , .
Berciu, D. 1961. Contribuii la problemele neoliticului n Romnia n lumina noilor
cercetri, Bucureti.
Berciu, D. 1966. Cultura Hamangia. Noi contribuii, I, Bucureti.
ii, . M. 1971. ' on i . :
i , .
, E. . 1964. . .

1962 .

, E. . 1982. . : .
, . . (.). . 3, .
Coma, E. 1961.
. . Dacia N.S. V: 5862.
Coma, E. 1963. Unele probleme ale aspectului cultural Aldeni II. Studii i Cercetri
de Istorie Veche XIV (1): 7-32.
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Coma, E. 1974. Istoria comunitilor culturii Boian, Bucureti.

Dragomir, I. T. 1983. Eneoliticul din sud-estul Romniei. Aspectul cultural StoicaniAldeni, Bucureti.
Dragomir, I. T. 1977. Contribuii privrind ritul funerar i credinele magicoreligioase la comunitile aspectului cultural Stiocani-Aldeni. Studii i Cercetri
de Istorie Veche i Arheologie XXVIII (4): 477-508.
Dumitrescu, Vl. 1964. Consideration et donnes nouvelles sur le problme du
synchronisme des civilisations de Cucuteni et de Gumelnia. Dacia N.S. VIII: 5366.
, . . 1990. I.
1986 ., : 2845.
Marinescu-Blcu, S. 1972. Asupra unor aspecte ale raporturilor dintre culturile
Precucuteni i Hamangia, Pontica 5: 2938.
Marinescu-Blcu, S. 1981. Trpeti from prehistory to history in Eastern Romania,
BAR. International series, 107, Oxford.
, . . 1990.
VII, : 1986 ., .
Monah, D. 2001-2002. Tell-ul de la Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru. O lume regsit satul
cucutenian de la Poduri, Bucureti.
, . , , E. . 1965. .
100.
, . ., , . ., , .., , .. 1989.
- , .
Pippidi, D. M., Berciu, D. 1965. Din istoria Dobrogei, vol. I. Gei i greci la Dunrea
de Jos, Bucureti.
Roman, P. 1963. Ceramica precucutenian din aria culturilor BoianGumelnia i
semnificaia ei. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche XIV (1): 33-50.
, B. 1997. -
- . : Dergaciov, V.A.
(red.), Vestigii arheologice din Moldova, Chiinu: 138154.
, . . 1978.
. : -
, .
, . . 1983. - ,
.
, . . 1992. -
. : . . (.).
. , .
tefan, Gh. 1944. Raport asupra spturilor archeologice de la Bieti-Aldeni.
Raport al Muzeulul Naional de Antichitii, Bucureti.
Todorova, H. 1978. Das Sptneolithikum an der westichen Schwarzmeerkste.
Studia praehistorica 12: 136145.
, .1979. , .
, . 1986. - , .
, . . 1981.
. : -
, .
, . . 1989.
, .
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ADRIAN BLESCU*, DRAGO MOISE**, VALENTIN RADU*

THE PALAEOECONOMY OF GUMELNIA

COMMUNITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF ROMANIA

Abstract: Articolul reprezint o sintez realizat pe baza materialelor faunistice studiate din
staiunile Gumelnia. Cultura Gumelnia este relativ bine studiat prin prisma numrului de
aezri care au beneficiat de analize arheozoologice. Astfel de la cele 16 staiuni luate de noi
n consideraie (Borduani, Bucani, Carcaliu, Cscioarele, Chitila, Drgneti-Olt, Gumelnia,
Hrova- tell , nsurei, Luncavia, Mriua, Nvodari, einoiu, Tangru, Vitneti,
Vldiceasca) provin 24 de eantioane faunistice. Cantitatea mare de materiale
paleofaunistice, precum i numrul mare de aezri studiate relev strategii de exploatare ale
mediului animal extrem de variate i de diferite. O caracteristic a culturii Gumelnia este
faptul c ponderea vntorii crete la cote neateptate pentru eneoliticul dezvoltat. n cadrul
activitii de cretere a animalelor, bovinele sunt predominante n majoritatea aezrilor
preistorice. Locul secund este disputat de ctre ovicaprine i suine a cror pondere variaz n
limite destul de mari. Ponderea crescut a porcinelor sugereaz n perioada eneoliticului
dezvoltat existena unor comuniti sedentare, stabile, care exploateaz din punct de vedere
paleoeconomic un anumit teritoriu (regiune) dar care totui prezint strategii diferite ce
difer de la o zon la alta. Astfel, credem c se poate surprinde o evoluie la sfritul
perioadei eneolitice n sensul trecerii de la nite comuniti cu o oarecare mobilitate,
caracteristic surprins de Alexandra Bolomey (1983) nc de la primele sinteze
arheozoologice, la altele sedentare, marcate indubitabil de apariia tell -urilor.
Keywords: eneolithic, Gumelna culture, faunal materials, archaeozoological analyses, palaeoeconomy.

The Gumelnia culture belongs to the Late Eneolithic and dates between about
4,600/4,5003,800/3,700 BC according to the chronology presented by Mircea
Petrescu Dmbovia (2001: 154), which broadly corresponds with the one
proposed by Vladimir Dumitrescu (Dumitrescu et al. 1983; Dumitrescu, Vulpe
1988). This culture emerged on a background provided by the earlier cultures
Boian, Hamangia and Maria (Karanovo V). Geographically it was spread over a
wide area covering the southern and south-eastern regions of Romania (northeastern Oltenia, Muntenia, Dobrogea, southern Moldova), the neighbouring regions
of the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine, and the eastern part of Bulgaria, where it
is known as Kodjadermen and Karanovo VI (Map 1). Within this area diverse
regional variants can be found. Two main phases can be distinguished in the
evolution of the Gumelnia culture: phase A and phase B, each with two stages.
The second stage of the last phase (Gumelnia B2) is attested only in the hills of
Muntenia and is known as the Brteti aspect (Istoria Romnilor 2001: 156).
*

National Museum of Romanian History, National Center of Pluridisciplinary Researches, Bucureti. email: cncp@mnir.ro.
**
Department of Environmental Biology, School of Earth and Environmental Sciences, Faculty of
Sciences, University of Adelaide, North Tce. e-mail: dragos.moise@adelaide.edu.au.

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1. Material
In the following we present the Gumelnia sites where faunal studies have
been conducted allowing for characterization of this culture from a
zooarchaeological perspective (Map 2). Because in some of the sites more than
one Gumelnia cultural phase/stage were identified, the sites are arranged by
cultural affiliation and alphabetically order. In the case of settlements that
produced faunal materials from several archaeological levels, materials from all
levels are discussed where the settlement is presented based on the oldest level
occurring in it. Much of the archaeological research was carried on along many
campaigns, by different archaeologists, and sometimes with time lapses of tens of
years between them (e.g., Luncavia). Accordingly, the sampling methods and the
analysis of zooarchaeological material by different authors show differences that
hindered a holistic approach for some sites. In such cases the results of faunal
analyses of each author/authoring team are presented separately.

Map 1. The area covered by Gumelnia culture.

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1.1. Gumelnia A1
Luncavia (LuncG/Lunc)1, point Cetuie. Tell situated on a salient of the
Danube River terrace 4.5 km southeast of Luncavia (Tulcea county). Diameters at
base are 70x40 m and the height is 7-12 m.
Archaeological research has been undertaken by Eugen Coma in 1951 and
1959 (Coma 1952, 1953, 1962, 1971). Stratigraphically, the tell has six Gumelnia
A occupational levels totalling 3.5 m of thickness. Hallstattian pottery fragments
and five feudal graves dated to the 18th century were also discovered (Coma
1962). Coma (1962) attributed the lower levels (without specifying which) to the
A1 phase, and upper levels to the A2 phase. Starting in 1999 excavations were
resumed at Luncavia by Cristian Micu (Micu, Maille 2002).
An initial lot of faunal remains, unfortunately not detailed by cultural phases
(LuncG), has been studied by Sergiu Haimovici and Geanina Dardan (Haimovici,
Ghiorghiu 1969; Haimovici, Dardan 1970). Upon resuming of excavations by Micu,
the Gumelnia A2 faunal material (Lunc) was studied by Adrian Blescu and
Valentin Radu (Blescu 2003; Radu 2003a, 2003b) (table 1).
Vldiceasca (VlaG), point Gherglul Mare. Neo-Eneolithic tell situated in the
floodplain of Mostitea River, southwest of Vldiceasca (Valea Argovei, Clrai
county).
The archaeological research has been undertaken by George Trohani and Done
erbnescu between 1973-1984 (Trohani 1975; erbnescu, Trohani 1978).
Faunal material belonging to the Gumelnia culture (phases A1, A2, B1) has
been studied in a first stage by Mircea Udrescu and then by Drago Moise (Moise
2000a, 2000b; Udrescu and Moise unpublished data) (tables 1 and 2).
1.2. Gumelnia A2
Borduani (Bord), point Popina. Tell situated in Balta Ialomiei (a floodplain
island bordered by the Borcea channel and Danube River), about 2.5 km northeast
of Borduani (Ialomia county). The tell, of oval shape, is 180x70 m in diameter at
base and 15.4 m high, and was formed on an erosional remnant.
Archaeological excavations started in 1986 conducted by a team led by Silvia
Marinescu-Blcu, George Trohani and Gheorghe Matei. They continue at present,
conducted by a team led by Dragomir Popovici (Popovici et al. 2003), using a
method implemented for the first time at Hrova-tell (Randoin et al. 2000;
Popovici et al. 2002). At the base of the tell there are vestiges of Boian
occupation, followed by the Gumelnia A2 level, which has the greatest
stratigraphic thickness (Marinescu-Blcu 1997; Marinescu-Blcu et al. 1997).
Overlying the Gumelnia A2 level there are archaeological vestiges attributed to
the Cernavoda II, Hallstatt and La Tne periods, as well as a sarmatic grave
(Marinescu-Blcu 1997; Trohani 1997).
The faunal material from the Gumelnia A2 level (table 1) has been studied by
a team, as follows: mammals Drago Moise (Moise 1997, 2000a, 2000b) and
Adrian Blescu and collaborators (Blescu et al. 2003a); birds Eugen Kessler
and Erika Gl (Kessler, Gl 1997; Gl, Kessler 2002, 2003); reptiles Marton
Venczel (Venczel 1997); fish Valentin Radu (Radu 1997, 2003c and unpublished
data); molluscs Andrei Srkny-Kiss and Florina Bolo (unpublished data).
Carcaliu (Car), point Vadu Mare. The settlement is situated on a hilltop in the
immediate vicinity of the Danube River floodplain, 2.5 km southeast of Carcaliu
(Tulcea county).
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Map 2. Geographical distribution of the Gumelnia settlements (phases A1, A2, B1):
1. Drgneti-Olt, 2. Bucani, 3. Vitneti, 4. Chitila, 5. Mriua, 6. einoiu,
7. Tangru, 8. Cscioarele, 9. Gumelnia, 10. Vldiceasca, 11. nsurei,
12. Carcaliu, 13. Luncavia , 14. Hrova tell, 15. Borduani-Popin, 16. Nvodari.
Archaeological excavations conducted by Elena Lzurc between 1980-1985
identified only one cultural level, about 30-60 cm thick, dated toward the end of
phase A2 of the Gumelnia culture, and revealed that occupation lasted only for a
short period of time. Gumelnia B1 potsherds representing the only attestation of
this phase of the Gumelnia culture in Dobrogea were also uncovered by these
excavations (Lzurc 1984).
The Gumelnia A2 faunal material has been studied by Sergiu Haimovici
(Haimovici 1996) (table 1).
Chitila (Chi), point Ferm. The site lies on the right bank of Colentina River,
northwest of Chitila (Ilfov county).
In 2002 a section was reopened at the north edge of the tell, resuming the
rescue excavations conducted between 1982-1985 by Vasile Boronean (Boronean
1993). The cultural level investigated was dated as Gumelnia A2 and artefacts
belonging to the Boian and Tei cultures were discovered (Boronean 2000).
The faunal material of the Gumelnia A2 level (table 1) has been studied by
Adrian Blescu and collaborators (Blescu et al. 2003b).
Drgneti-Olt (DO GA/DO GB), point Corboaica. Tell located on the right
bank of Si Creek (Olt county).
The greatest part of archaeological deposits belong to the Gumelnia culture
(phases A and B); the last cultural level is attributed to the Slcua IV period (Nica
et al. 1995).
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The faunal material from the two Gumelnia phases (A2 and B1) has been
studied by Georgeta El Susi (El Susi 2002) (tables 1 and 2).
Gumelnia (GumA/GumB). The eponymous site of the Gumelnia culture is a
tell (Mgura Gumelnia) situated on a rounded hillock set apart from the high
terrace of Danube River, about 5 km east of Oltenia (Clrai county).
Archaeological research was undertaken by Vladimir Dumitrescu in 1925 and
1960. The tell has an area of about 2 ha and includes three Gumelnia A2 levels
with a total thickness of 3 m, overlain by a Gumelnia B1 level. The discovery of
some Boian potsherds may indicate that an older layer, belonging to this culture,
could exist in the unexplored portions of the tell (Enciclopedia arheologiei 1996:
207-208).
The Gumelnia A2 and B1 faunal material has been studied by Olga Necrasov
and Sergiu Haimovici (Necrasov, Haimovici 1966) (tables 1 and 2).
Hrova (HvaG). Neo-Eneolitic tell situated on the right bank of Danube
River, in the south-eastern outskirts of the town of Hrova (Constana county). It
is noteworthy that this is one of the largest tells in Europe, the archaeological
deposits measuring approximately 12 m of thickness. Formed on a rock basement,
the tell had diameters of about 200x150 m in the past the. Later, the Danube River
shifted its course to the north, eroding more than a half of the tell. Chronologically,
the stratigraphy is as follows: Boian-Vidra at the bottom, overlain by BoianSpanov with a strong Hamangia III presence, Gumelnia A1, Gumelnia A2 and
topped by a Cernavoda I layer (Galbenu 1962, 1966; Popovici et al. 1992, 2000;
Haotti 1989, 1997).
Ongoing archaeological research was started by Doina Galbenu (1961-1963,
1971, 1975, 1985), continued by a team led by Dragomir Popovici and Puiu Haotti
(between 1985-2000) and from 2001 up to present by a team led by Dragomir
Popovici. Starting in 1993, research is conducted under the auspices of a
Romanian-French archaeological cooperation programme (Popovici, Rialland 1996),
marking the beginning of complex interdisciplinary studies.
The Gumelnia A2 osteologic material belonging to mammals has been initially
studied by Alexandra Bolomey by Drago Moise between 1993-2000 (Moise 2000a,
2000b, 2000c) and by Adrian Blescu and Valentin Radu (unpublished data)
starting with 2001 (table 7). It is important to note that the zooarchaeological
material recovered from this settlement has benefited by specialised studies (tables
3-6) of malacology (Srkny-Kiss and Bolo unpublished data), ichthyology (DesseBerset, Radu 1996; Hait, Radu 2003; Radu 2000, 2003b) and ornithology (Gl,
Kessler 2002). The coprolites had also been subject of study (Tomescu 2000a;
Tomescu et al. 2003).
nsurei (Ins), point Popina I. Tell formed on an erosional remnant, in the
floodplain of Clmui Creek, 7 km north of nsurei (Brila county). The tell is
250 m long and 11 m high, and is divided into two zones (conventionally named
Popina IA and Popina IB) by a trench approximately 20 m wide and 3.5 m deep.
Archaeological research started in 1994 and is ongoing, conducted by Stnic
Pandrea, Valeriu Srbu and Marian Neagu. The tell harbours neo-eneolithic vestiges
belonging to the Boian culture, phase Giuleti, and Gumelnia culture, phase A2,
the latter being the best represented in terms of thickness of the archaeological
deposits. A sporadic getic occupation was also documented (Pandrea et al. 1997,
1999; Srbu et al. 1997).
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The Gumelnia A2 faunal material (table 1) has been studied by Drago Moise
(Moise 1999) and Valentin Radu (Radu 1999).
Nvodari (Nv). Eneolithic tell located on the La Ostrov islet, on Taaul lake
(Constana county). It has an ellipsoidal form, with diameters of 250x120 m at
base and a height of about 4.6 m.
Archaeological research started in 1999, conducted by a team led by Valentina
Voinea and Silvia Marinescu-Blcu. The cultural level investigated was dated to the
Gumelnia A2 period (Marinescu-Blcu et al. 2001).
The Gumelnia A2 faunal material (table 1) has been studied by Drago Moise
(Moise 2001a) and Valentin Radu (Radu 2001)
einoiu (Sei). Eneolithic settlement situated on the high terrace of Mostitea
River, 6 km south of Tmdaul Mare (Clrai county). The settlement is surrounded
by steep slopes on three sides and an old riverbed lies in immediate vicinity.
Archaeological excavations were undertaken by Mihai imon between 19811984 and two Gumelnia occupational levels (phases A2 and B1) were identified
(Parnic et al. 2002).
The Gumelnia A2 faunal material (table 1) has been studied by Drago Moise
(Moise 2000a, 2000b).
Tangru (TanG), point Mgura. Eneolitic tell formed on an erosional remnant
in the floodplain of Clnitea Creek, northeast of Tangru (Giurgiu county). It is
likely that Clnitea Creek flowed right at the base of the tell in the past,
surrounding it from three sides. Presently the creek flows about 500-600 m south
of the tell which has diameters of 90x50 m at base and a height of 9-10 m.
Archaeological research was conducted by Dumitru Berciu between 1933-1957.
The 21 archaeological levels identified have a total thickness of 4 m and provided
the framework for the initial subdivision of the Boian and Gumelnia cultures.
Sparse material dated as Gumelnia IV, Cernavoda I and early Bronze Age was
also discovered (Berciu 1935, 1959a, 1959b).
The faunal material of the Gumelnia levels (table 1) has been studied by Olga
Necrasov and Sergiu Haimovici (Necrasov, Haimovici 1959). Those authors also
performed a comparative analysis of zooarchaeological material representing the
Boian and Gumelnia cultures. Unfortunately, species frequencies of wild mammals
are not given by cultures, so that except for a horse phalange 1 reported from the
Gumelnia II b level we do not know which of the species identified were found in
the Gumelnia material.
Vitneti (Vit), point Mgurice. Eneolithic tell situated in the floodplain of
Teleorman River, in a marshy area, near Vitneti (Teleorman county). The
diameter is about 40-45 m at base and the height is 5.5 m.
Archaeological research started in 1993, conducted by a collective led by Silvia
Marinescu-Blcu, and after 1996 led by Radian Andreescu. Excavations ascertained
that the archaeological deposits belong to the Gumelnia culture, phases A1, A2
and B1 (Andreescu et al. 2001, 2003).
Only Gumelnia A2 (Moise, Blescu, Radu, unpublished data) and Gumelnia
B1 (Blescu, Radu 2003; Kessler, Gl unpublished data) faunal material was
studied (tables 1 and 2).
1.3. Gumelnia B1
Bucani (BucG), point La Pod. Tell situated in the floodplain of Neajlov River,
between the riverbed (at about 75 m of current bed) and the left terrace, 300 m south
of the Bucani village outskirts (Giurgiu county). The tell was formed on a sand bank,
has diameters of 67x56 m at the base, and a stratigraphic thickness of 2.80 m.
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Rescue archaeological excavations were conducted since 1998 by Ctlin Bem,

in the area where a bridge over Neajlov River is planned. The settlement was
dated Gumelnia B1 and also includes a short post-Gumelnia occupation dating to
the Bronze Age (Marinescu-Blcu et al. 1998; Bem et al. 2002; Hait 2002).
The faunal material of the Gumelnia B1 layer (table 2) comes from the
cultural level and from four dwellings, and has been studied by Adrian Blescu
(Blescu 1998) and Valentin Radu (unpublished data).
Cscioarele (CasG). Tell located on an islet (Ostrovelul), in a gulf of the
former Ctlui lake, in the vicinity of Cscioarele (Clrai county). The tell has
57x103 m in diameter at base and consists of neo-eneolithic cultural layers with a
cumulated thickness of 5 m.
At the base there is a Boian-Spanov level, followed by Gumelnia levels
attributed to phases A2 and B1 (Dumitrescu 1986). Archaeological research was
conducted by Gheorghe tefan in 1925 and Vladimir and Hortensia Dumitrescu
between 1962-1969.
The Gumelnia faunal material has been studied by Alexandra Bolomey (Bolomey
1964, 1968, and unpublished data). However, these published studies only introduce
general considerations and present preliminary results on the material, without
detailing the number of remains or the minimal number of individuals for the identified
species (tables 1 and 2). For this reason here we are presenting only Bolomeys
unpublished data on the Gumelnia B1 material, which include species frequencies,
detailing both NR and MNI (tables 8 and 10). The presence of bivalves, fish and
tortoises is mentioned without specification of numbers. Only the total number of
remains (1129) is given for the Gumelnia A2 material.
Mriua (Mr). Eneolithic settlement situated 250 m northeast of Mriua
(Clrai county), on a salient of the Mostitea River terrace.
Excavations conducted here by Mihai imon between 1984-1991 revealed the two
archaeological levels, Gumelnia A and B (imon, Pavele 2000). In 2000 excavations
were resumed by Valentin Parnic, Dumitru Chiriac and Eugen Pavelet, and the upper
(Gumelnia B1) level was investigated (Parnic, Chiriac 2001; Parnic et al. 2002).
The faunal material from Gumelnia B1 level (table 2) has been studied by
Drago Moise (Moise 2001b).
***
As one can see from the above, the Gumelnia culture is relatively well studied
from a zooarchaeological perspective. A total of 16 sites (Borduani, Bucani,
Carcaliu, Cscioarele, Chitila, Drgneti-Olt, Gumelnia, Hrova, nsurei,
Luncavia, Mriua, Nvodari, einoiu, Tangru, Vitneti and Vldiceasca) have
produced 24 faunal lots. The disparity of these numbers results from the fact that
many of the archaeological sites are pluri-stratified (tell-type), containing more
than one phase/stage of Gumelnia occupation, and the faunal lots consist of
material belonging to only one Gumelnia stages/phase each. Settlements that
provided more than one faunal lot are: Cscioarele (A2 and B1), Drgneti-Olt
(A2 and B1), Gumelnia (A2 and B1), Vldiceasca (A1, A2 and B1) and Vitneti
(A2 and B1). Some of the settlements, like Borduani and Luncavia, have hosted
several zooarchaeological analyses, done by different workers, in time.
The distribution of the faunal lots by Gumelnia cultural phases is rather
uneven. For Gumelnia A1 only one faunal lot has been studied: that of
Vldiceasca, comprising 483 remains. Gumelnia A1 levels are also present at
Luncavia, but rather that being analysed separately by cultural phases, the
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material was pooled together (phases A1 and A2) at this site (Haimovici,
Gheorghiu 1969; Haimovici, Dardan 1970). Availability of only one studied faunal
lot for Gumelnia A1 precludes discussion of the animal economy of this period.
By contrast, the Gumelnia A2 phase can be characterized based on 15 faunal
lots. Quantitatively these lots vary widely, from some tens of remains at einoiu
(NR=97), to more than two hundred thousand at Hrova (NR=283,492). The
most complete Gumelnia A2 faunal lots are those of Borduani (Moise 1997,
2000a, 2000b; Radu 1997, 2003; Blescu et al. 2003; Kessler, Gl 1997; Gl,
Kessler 2002, 2003; Venczel 1997, Srkny-Kiss and Bolos unpublished data),
Hrova (Moise 2000a, 2000b, 2000c; Radu 2000, 2003; Desse Berset, Radu 1996;
Gl, Kessler 2002; Hait, Radu 2003; Srkny-Kiss and Bolos unpublished data),
Luncavia (Blescu 2003; Radu 2003a) and Nvodari (Moise 2001a; Radu 2001).
These lots allow for complex and detailed studies of the main economic activities
of the Gumelnia communities. A broad spectrum of animals has been documented
at these sites: bivalves and gastropods, crustaceans, fish, reptiles, birds and
mammals. Collection of remains representing very small animal species was made
possible by sieving of the archaeological sediment which served diverse research
purposes, including seasonality studies (Radu 2000; Tomescu et al. 2003).
A total of seven faunal lots have been studied to date for the Gumelnia B1
period. Exception for the Bucani settlement, where some of the material was
sieved, all other material was obtained by direct collection during excavations.
Because of that, particular aspects of the palaeoeconomy (e.g., fishing) cannot be
assessed in detail. These lots nevertheless provide valuable data on mammal
husbandry and hunting.
Comparison of the Gumelnia A2 and B1 faunal material, both well represented
quantitatively, shows that differences in the representation of the different classes
of animals directly reflect differences in sampling methods. The totality of the
Gumelnia A2 material considered comprises over 350,000 remains, of which
77,2% represent fish, followed by mammals, molluscs and other classes (Fig.1). It
is noteworthy that almost 79,6% (283,492 remains) of the Gumelnia A2 material
comes from the excavations at Hrova. By comparison, the Gumelnia B1 material
comprises only 17,000 remains, in which mammals are predominant (88,4%),
followed by molluscs, fish and other classes (Fig.2).

Mammalia
15,5%

Other
classes
0,6%

Mollusca
6,7%

Pisces
77,2%

Fig.1 Faunal spectrum (percentages) of the Gumelnia A2 material by animal

classes for (NR=356,010). Other classes: Scaphopoda, Crustacea, Amphibia,
Reptilia and Aves.
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The marked quantitative and qualitative differences between the Gumelnia A2

and B1 faunal material are explained by the fact that the four most complete
faunal lots representing the Gumelnia A2 phase come from settlements situated in
the vicinity of large bodies of water (three are near the Danube River Borduani,
Hrova and Luncavia and one near the Black Sea, on a lagoon islet
Nvodari), which are also the sites where the archaeological sediment was
extensively sieved. This resulted in the collection of a great number of fragments
of small dimensions representing especially fish and molluscs. By contrast,
sediment was sieved in only one station of the Gumelnia B1 phase, at Bucani.
Interestingly, although this settlement is located near a comparatively small river,
sediment sieving resulted in higher frequency of fish remains.
Other classesMollusca Pisces
5,2%
1,7%
4,7%

Mammalia
88,4%

Fig.2 Faunal spectrum (percentages) of the Gumelnia B1 material by animal

classes for (NR=17,740). Other classes: Scaphopoda, Amphibia, Reptilia and Aves.
2. Aspects of the animal economy
2.1. The gathering of molluscs for consumption was an activity present
along the entire time extent of Gumelnia culture, as demonstrated by the
frequency of shells in many settlements (tables 3 and 4). Depending on the
method of collection of animal remains during excavation, detailed information on
the use of molluscs is available only for a few of the settlements Borduani,
Hrova and Luncavia. Freshwater shellfish, especially genus Unio, are the best
represented, their remains being found by the tens of thousands in the middens of
Hrova-tell. Here, biometric analysis of these remains was undertaken, together
with a detailed study of the characteristics and seasonal patterns of harvesting of
these animals (Radu 2003b; Blescu, Radu 2004). The impressive accumulations
of shells (of up to half a tonne) discovered at Hrova-tell (Blescu et al. 2004)
are undoubtedly the result of intensive gathering. The shells were sought after
especially by the communities living near the Danube Rivers or other big rivers,
where they were abundant. These animals represented an important alternative
food source in the warm season, when other sources (such as the domestic stock)
had to be spared for more difficult times. Unio shells were also used for
manufacturing adornments, such as beads, pendants etc.
A remarkable finding is the discovery, at Borduani and Hrova, of perforated
valves of a marine shell, Cardium (Cerastoderma) edule, coming from the Black Sea
(Moise 2000a). In these two sites and at Vitneti (Moise 2000a; Blescu, Radu
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2003) Dentalium shells have been also found, most of them processed. These
probably came from the Mediterranean rather than from the Black Sea. Such
vestiges are very likely proofs of trade with other communities, or may indicate the
ancestry of the communities inhabiting these settlements.
Gastropods have a much lower representation. Many of these have been
brought accidentally in the settlements, and only two species: Helix pomatia, of
the terrestrial snails, and Viviparus acerosus, of the aquatic snails, seem to have
been consumed (Srkny-Kiss and Bolo unpublished data).
2.2. Fishing. Although the studied materials (table 6) do not allow for indepth assessment of the importance of fishing for many of the settlements, the
complex archaeo-ichthyological analyses conducted at some of them (Borduani,
Bucani, Hrova, Luncavia, Nvodari) reveal the importance of this activity. The
Gumelnia communities captured fish living in the nearby rivers, lakes and lagoons.
The greatest taxonomic variety (19 species) is documented at Hrova-tell. The
dimensions of the fish captured are generally large and very large. Overfishing was
not detected, the fish populations being able to renew from one year to another.
Fishing tools and the methods of capture they involved seem to diversify in
this period. Even if many of the tools are difficult to reconstruct because of poor
preservation of the materials from which they were made (generally of vegetal
origin), it was deducted that, beside harpoons and line hooks, fishing nets were
also used (Radu 2003b). The use of fishing nets seems to intensify towards the
end of the Eneolithic. This evolution is logical, since nets are the most efficient
fishing tools in a context of growing demand. The phenomenon is related
especially to the increasing sedentarity of human communities and to demographic
growth. The demand for food, and implicitly for fish, being high, fishing tools and
methods that led to quantitatively important captures were used intensively, the
quality (i.e., size of captured individuals) becoming less important. We do not
know if fishing hooks of modern shape were used at that time, because of lack of
evidence. However, we believe that a tool with similar function but with different
shape was used for line hook fishing.
For individual sites the captured fish generally reflect resources available in the
vicinity of the settlements and taxonomic fish spectra are therefore specific for
each settlement: fishing of sturgeons (Acipenseridae), cyprinids (Cyprinidae) and
catfish (Silurus glanis) in the Danube, of pike (Esox lucius), cyprinids (Cyprinidae)
and perch (Perca fluviatilis) in smaller rivers, or of cyprinids (Cyprinidae), zander
(Stizostedion lucioperca) and gilthead seabream (Sparus aurata) in the littoral
lagoons of the Black Sea.
The information produced by archaeo-ichthyological studies contributed to the
discovery of new aspects of the economic relations within or between
communities. Combined with the results of zooarchaeological studies it reveals
some subtle aspects of the economy otherwise difficult, if not impossible, to detect
only from the study of artefacts. An example for this is the situation revealed by
analysis of fish bones at Luncavia, a settlement located 5 km from the Danube
River, where fish bones, many representing species characteristic exclusively of the
Danube, were discovered in large quantities. Fishing with such results could have
been performed only by groups of fishermen established, perhaps temporarily, on
the Danube banks during the warm season, and therefore the fish could have
reached the settlement as a result of trade or exchanges with other community.
We believe that only exhaustive collection in the field and concerted, in-depth
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analysis of faunal materials are capable of producing a maximum of information

from the archaeological structures studied and allow for uncovering of such
concealed aspects of the economy at other settlements currently studied.
2.3. Hunting. The mammal bones present in large numbers in the studied
settlements illustrate two important occupations of the Gumelnia communities: animal
husbandry and hunting (tables 7-10). Considerable variability is conspicuous in the
distribution of mammal remains by domestic and wild species. The frequency of
domestic mammals varies between 31.7 % of the total NR2 at Vitneti and 97.3%NR at
Tangru in the Gumelnia A2 phase (Fig.3), where in phase B1 it varies between
15.9%NR at Cscioarele and 96.2%NR at Vldiceasca (Fig.4).
VitA2 NR=9089
VlGA2 NR=3518
VlGA1 NR=475
TanG NR=256
Nv NR=425
Lunc NR=924
Ins NR=581
Hva G NR=5310
GumA NR=1886
DO GA NR=719
Chi NR=481
Car NR=481
Bord NR=9317
0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

domestic

70%

80%

90% 100%

wild

Fig.3 Domestic/wild mammal ratios (%NR) in Gumelnia A settlements.

VlGB NR=1013
VitB NR=3662
Mr NR=526
GumB NR=476
DO GB NR=1515
CsG NR=2829
BucG NR=808
0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

domestic

60%

70%

80%

90% 100%

wild

Fig.4 Domestic/wild mammal ratios (%NR) in Gumelnia B1 settlements.

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Domestic/wild mammal ratios expressed as % of the total MNI broadly mirror

those reflected by the % of the total NR. The participation of domestic mammals in
faunal spectra varies between 45.2%MNI at Carcaliu and 96.4%MNI at Tangru in
the Gumelnia A2 phase (Fig.5), and in phase B1 between 28.4%MNI at
Cscioarele and 83.3%MNI at Vldiceasca (Fig.6). An MNI was not computed for
Hrova and the Gumelnia A2 level at Vitneti as excavations are ongoing in
these settlements and the numbers are likely to change in the future.
TanG MNI=196
LuncG MNI=151
VlGA2 MNI=185
VlGA1 MNI=43
Nv MNI=43
Lunc MNI=104
Ins MNI=102
GumA MNI=238
DO GA MNI=128
Car MNI=84
Bord MNI=361
0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

domestic

60%

70%

80%

90% 100%

wild

Fig.5 Domestic/wild mammal ratios (%MNI) in Gumelnia A settlements.

VlGB MNI=60
VitB MNI=256
Mr MNI=61
GumB MNI=67
DO GB MNI=220
CasG MNI=169
0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

domestic

60%

70%

80%

90% 100%

wild

Fig.6 Domestic/wild mammal ratios (%MNI) in Gumelnia B1 settlements.

The hunting is attested by the bones of wild animals present in archaeological
deposits. The proportion of wild mammals varies from one site to another, with a
maximum attained at Cscioarele (B1 level): 84.1%NR. At the opposite pole, the
settlement at Tangru features only 2.7%NR wild mammals. Other sites where
wild mammals are present in high numbers are Vitneti A2 (68.3%NR) and B1
(48%NR), Carcaliu (57.2%NR), Luncavia A2 (52.8%NR) and nsurei (48.4%NR).
These numbers seem to indicate that hunting played an important role in the
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animal economy of some Gumelnia communities, a fact that becomes more

obvious if one compares the faunal spectra of Gumelnia settlements with those of
the Hamangia and Boian settlements, two cultures that precede the Gumelnia
culture in much of its geographic area.
39

26
%
13

0
Bord

Car

Chi

DO GA

Carnivores

GumA

Sus scrofa

HvaG

Ins

Cervids

Lunc

Nav

VitA2

Bos primigenius

VlaGA1 VlaGA2

other sp.

Fig.7 Species frequencies (%NR) of wild mammals in Gumelnia A settlements.

Carnivores: Canis lupus, Vulpes vulpes, Lynx lynx, Felis silvestris, Meles meles,
Martes martes, Mustela putorius, Mustela nivalis, Lutra lutra, Ursus arctos; Cervids:
Cervus elaphus, Capreolus capreolus, Alces alces, Dama dama; Other species:

Castor fiber, Lepus europaeus, Equus ferus.

Compared with the Gumelnia sites in Romania, the Karanovo VI settlements in

Bulgaria generally show lower percentages of game remains. These do not exceed
45 %NR in any of the Bulgarian sites (Durankulak, Goljamo Delevo, Ovarovo,
Drama, Trgovite, Ezero), and vary between 7.3 %NR at Drama and 44.5 %NR at
Goljamo Delevo (Manhart 1998).
Overall, the red deer (Cervus elaphus) is the species best represented as NR in
most of the Gumelnia stations. At Borduani, Gumelnia and Hrova red deer are
outnumbered by the wild boar (Sus scrofa attila), and by the aurochs (Bos
primigenius) at Vldiceasca (A1 and A2 levels) and nsurei. The situation is
broadly similar to that reflected by the MNI (Fig.7-10).
48

32
%

16

0
BucG

Carnivores

CsB

DO GB

Sus scrofa

GumB

Cervids

Mr

VitB

Bos primigenius

VlaGB

other sp.

Fig.8 Species frequencies (%NR) of wild mammals in Gumelnia B1 settlements.

Carnivores: Canis lupus, Vulpes vulpes, Lynx lynx, Felis silvestris, Meles meles,
Martes martes, Mustela putorius, Mustela nivalis, Lutra lutra, Ursus arctos; Cervids:
Cervus elaphus, Capreolus capreolus,; Other species: Castor fiber, Lepus

europaeus, Equus ferus.

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27

18
%
9

0
Bord

Car

Carnivores

DO GA

GumA

HvaG

Sus scrofa

Ins

Lunc

Cervids

Nv

Bos primigenius

VlGA2 VlGA1

other sp.

Fig.9 Species frequencies (%MNI) of wild mammals in Gumelnia A settlements.

Carnivores: Canis lupus, Vulpes vulpes, Lynx lynx, Felis silvestris, Meles meles,
Martes martes, Mustela putorius, Mustela nivalis, Lutra lutra, Ursus arctos; Cervids:
Cervus elaphus, Capreolus capreolus, Dama dama; Other species: Castor fiber,

Lepus europaeus, Equus ferus.

The numerous complete metapodials and calcanei of red deer allowed for
estimation of shoulder height (Chaix, Mniel 1996; Wilkens 2002). The average
shoulder height, based on metapodials (Godinicky index), is 133.1 cm (n=3,
range 128.1-139.7 cm), and 130 cm (n=62, range 113.6-141.6 cm), if using
calcanei (Wilkens index). A considerable amount of biometric data for the postcranial skeleton was also obtained. Biometric values obtained for red deer in
the Gumelnia sites generally fall within the dimensional range available for
the Romanian Neolithic (Necrasov, Haimovici 1963). The species exhibits wide
dimensional variability due to sexual dimorphism, indicated by the bimodal
39

26
%
13

0
CsB

Carnivores

DO GB

GumB

Sus scrofa

Mr

Cervids

VitB

Bos primigenius

VlGB

other sp.

Fig.10. Species frequencies (%MNI) of wild mammals in Gumelnia B1 settlements.

Carnivores: Canis lupus, Vulpes vulpes, Lynx lynx, Felis silvestris, Meles meles,
Martes martes, Mustela putorius, Mustela nivalis, Lutra lutra, Ursus arctos; Cervids:
Cervus elaphus, Capreolus capreolus; Other species: Castor fiber, Lepus

europaeus, Equus ferus.

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distributions conspicuous in histograms of some measurements (Fig.11 a-b). It is

worth noting that most such histograms show males slightly outnumbering
females, which could indicate selective hunting because of larger size (greater
amounts of meat) and for the antlers used to manufacture numerous tools and
weapons.
a - Scapula (GLP)

8
6

N 4
2
0
59- 60- 61- 62- 63- 64- 65- 66- 67- 68- 69- 70- 71- 72- 73- 74- 75- mm
b - Humerus (BT)
9
f

6
N
3
0
48- 49- 50- 51-

52- 53- 54- 55-

56- 57- 58- 59- 60-

61- 62- 63-

64 mm

Fig.11 a-b. Dimensional variability of red deer as reflected by different anatomical

elements (m-male; f-female).
The wild boar (Sus scrofa) is also a well represented species. Numerous
complete bones of this species (radiuses, ulnae, astragali, calcanei and
metapodials) allowed for estimation of shoulder height applying the Teichert index
(Udrescu et al. 1999). The average shoulder height is of 99.5 cm (n=247, range
88.1-112.9 cm), almost identical with that obtained for the Boian culture (99.4 cm;
n=14, range 91.3-105.3 cm). The size of wild boars shows very similar values
among the different Gumelnia stations, the slight differences being probably due
to the size of faunal lots and to sexual dimorphism.
The aurochs (Bos primigenius) was identified in all Gumelnia settlements.
Some complete bones discovered allowed for estimation of shoulder height. At
Vitneti, a metacarpal belonging to a male yielded a shoulder height value of
158.5 cm, and a female metatarsal 156.2 cm (the Matolcsi index was used in both
cases; Chaix, Mniel 1996). To these two values we add the shoulder height of the
male aurochs ritually buried at Bucani3, 143.7 cm (n=12 : 2 humeruses, 2
radiuses, 2 metacarpals, 2 femurs, 2 tibias, 2 metatarsals; range 137.0-149.2 cm).
This last value is rather modest, compared with the size of other male aurochs
documented in the Romanian Neo-Eneolithic (Blescu et al. 2004).
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The wild horse (Equus ferus) is present in all Gumelnia settlements, which
contrasts with the settlements of the preceding Hamangia and Boian cultures.
Generally, the frequencies of this species (as expressed by NR) within the mammal
assemblages do not exceed 3- 4%, yet this value is exceeded in five stations:
Vitneti A2 (8.5%) and B1 (6.0%) levels, Cscioarele B1 level (8.7%), nsurei
(12.9%) and einoiu (9,3%). The average shoulder height of horses (Kiesewalter
index) at Vldiceasca and Vitneti is 130.1 cm (n=5, range 124.4-136.8 cm),
which corresponds to a small size on the Brauner scale (Bibikova 1970), close to
that of the tarpan (Equus ferus gmelini). The broad dimensional range
demonstrates the presence of gracile, semi-robust and robust individuals (Brauner
and Cerski scales; Udrescu et al. 1999).
In all the studied settlements the carnivores do not exceed 5%NR in the
mammal assemblages. Perhaps some of these animals (small carnivores) were only
occasionally hunted, mainly for the fur, while others (large carnivores) were killed
to reduce their predation on the livestock.
The taxonomic diversity of wild mammals (20 species) reveals that Gumelnia
populations hunted in diverse environments surrounding the settlements. The
habitat preferences of most of the hunted species (red deer, wild boar, marten,
wild cat, lynx, bear) indicate the presence of forests near the settlements. Hunting
was performed all year round, as proved by the cervid skull remains bearing
antlers, found at Hrova, Mriua, Vitneti and Luncavia, which also suggest
permanent occupation of the tells.
A comparison of the wild mammal spectra between Gumelnia B and A phases
does not show important differences. Cervids are generally predominant in both
periods, the wild boar slightly decreases from B to A, whereas the wild horse
slightly increases and the aurochs remains at about the same level (Fig.12).
Others species
Bos primigenius
Cervids
Sus scrofa
Equids
Carnivores
0

10

20

NR_Gum A

30

40

50 %

NR_Gum B

Fig.12 Comparison of the wild mammal spectra (%NR) between Gumelnia A and B.
***
Other animals used for food by the Gumelnia communities were crayfish,
tortoises and birds (Blescu et al. 2004). However, the discontinuous presence
and reduced frequencies of these animals (tables 4 and 6) suggest that they were
captured only accidentally or occasionally during fishing (water tortoise, Prummel
1994) or hunting campaigns (small birds). Others, such as crayfish and larger
birds, may have been sought for actively.
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2.4. Animal husbandry is attested by the numerous bones of domestic

animals found in the archaeological excavations. In the majority of Gumelnia
settlements the cattle (Bos taurus) remains are most abundant. The lowest
presence of these animals by NR is 7.1%NR, recorded at Cscioarele (Gumelnia
B1), the highest being of 62.6%NR at Gumelnia (A2 level) (Fig.13-14). Cattle also
predominate by MNI, with less distanced extreme values than for NR: 8.9%MNI at
Cscioarele and 42.9%MNI at Gumelnia (per total A2 level) (Fig.15-16).
65
52
39
%
26
13
0
Bord

Car

Chi

DO GA GumA HvaG

Bos taurus

Ins

Ovis/Capra

Lunc

Nav

Sus domesticus

Tang

VitA2 VlaA2 VlaA1

Canis familiaris

Fig.13 Species frequencies (%NR) of domestic mammals in Gumelnia A

settlements.
The slaughtering ages of cattle as reported in different zooarchaeological
studies are widely variable. At Borduani (Blescu et al. 2003a) juveniles are
preponderant, suggesting an exploitation related to a possible food shortage
(Fig.17). At nsurei (Moise 1999), Vitneti (Blescu, Radu 2003) and
Luncavia (Blescu 2003) the best represented are sexually mature animals, kept
mainly for their secondary products (milk) and reproduction (Fig.17). At Nvodari
(Moise 2001a) a mixed exploitation of the bovines was documented.
65
52
39
%
26
13
0
BucG

CsB

Bos taurus

DO GB

GumB

Ovis/Capra

Mr

Sus domesticus

VitB

VlGB

Canis familiaris

Fig.14 Species frequencies (%NR) of domestic mammals in Gumelnia B1 settlements.

The domestic bovines in Gumelnia settlements are of medium to small size.
The average shoulder height (Matolcsi index) of these animals for the Gumelnia
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culture is 118.6 cm (n=18, range 109.7-131.6 cm), lower than that reported for
the Boian culture (Blescu, Radu 2004). This documents a decrease in size and
gracilisation of domestic bovines during the Gumelnia period. Discussing this
progressive gracilisation Alexandra Bolomey proposed that it could represent a
result of the use of animals for traction starting at an early age (Bolomey 1983).
45

30
%
15

0
Bord

Car

DO GA

GumA

Bos taurus

Ins

Lunc

Ovis/Capra

Nav

TanG

VlaGA2 VlaGA1

Sus domesticus

LuncG

Canis familiaris

Fig.15 Species frequencies (%MNI) of domestic mammals in Gumelnia A

settlements.
To this we argue that one cannot talk about the use of bovines for traction
during the Neo-Eneolithic, as no clear related pathological signs (e.g., Bartosiewicz
et al. 1997; De Cupere et al. 2000) were observed. We are inclined to believe that
during this period bovines were only occasionally, if at all, used for such purposes
(Blescu et al. in press). However, at this stage of research there is no clear
explanation for the gracilisation of domestic bovines in the Gumelnia period, and
other undetected factors, such as poor management, could be invoked as well.
39

26
%
13

0
CsB

Bos taurus

DO GB

GumB

Ovis/Capra

Mr

Sus domesticus

VitB

VlGB

Canis familiaris

Fig.16 Species frequencies (%MNI) of domestic mammals in Gumelnia B1

settlements.
The ovicaprinae are documented by numerous remains, among which sheep
(Ovis aries) is better represented than goat (Capra hircus). The ovicaprinae
dominate domestic stocks only in three settlements: nsurei, Nvodari and
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Hrova (Moise 1999, 2000a, 2001a). The presence of this group varies between
1%NR at Cscioarele (B1 level) and 39.6%NR at Nvodari.
55
44
%

33
22
11
0
inf

Bord

juv

sad

Lunc

ad

Nv

adm

Vit

Fig.17 Slaughtering ages for domestic cattle (%MNI) in Gumelnia settlements

(inf-infans, juv-juvenile, sad-subadult, ad-adult, adm-mature adult).
Slaughtering ages of sheep and goats indicate different uses of these animals,
reflecting different priorities (Fig.18). At Borduani it was observed an exploitation
was likely directed mainly toward securing the meat supply (Blescu et al.
2003a), whereas at Luncavia and Vitneti animals seem to have been kept
mainly for their secondary products (milk, wool), and for reproduction (Blescu
2003; Blescu, Radu 2003).
The average shoulder height of the Gumelnia sheep (Teichert index) is 58.8
cm (n=89, range 50.0-76.4 cm), close to that obtained for the Boian (58.2 cm,
n=34, range 52.1-69.5 cm) and Hamangia cultures (58.9 cm, n=13, range 55.364.6 cm) (Blescu, Radu 2004). Except for the Durankulak settlement (Manhart
1998), the shoulder height of sheep from Karanovo VI stations in Bulgaria is lower
than that of the Gumelnia stations in Romania.
Although numerous sheep horncores have been found in Gumelnia
settlements, only a few have been analyzed morphologically and biometrically
because of advanced fragmentarity (Haimovici 1996; Moise 1999; Blescu et al.
2003a). Several skull fragments belonging to unhorned females were also found
(Moise 2001a; Blescu et al. 2003a). The unhorned sheep, representing an
advanced stage of domestication, is attested in Southeastern and Central Europe
since the early Neolithic (Bkny 1973). Noteworthy is the discovery of bones that
could have belonged to wethers (castrated males) at nsurei and Nvodari
(Moise 1999, 2001a).
The average shoulder height of goats (Schramm index) in the Gumelnia
culture is 58.8 cm (n=16, range 52.0-64.4 cm). This value is slightly lower for the
Boian culture: 57.5 cm (n=12, range 50.5-62.6 cm). The shoulder height of goats
from Karanovo VI stations in Bulgaria (Trgovite, Ovarovo and Durankulak;
Manhart 1998) is slightly higher than that of Gumelnia stations in Romania.
The goat horncores found in Gumelnia settlements belong to both the
aegagrus and prisca types (Moise 1997; Blescu 2003; Blescu et al.
2003a, 2004).
Domestic swines (Sus domesticus) are predominant by NR within the domestic
stock in two Gumelnia A2 stations: Borduani (Blescu et al. 2003a) and
Vitneti (Blescu, Radu 2003). Their representation varies between 2% of the
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total NR at Cscioarele (B1 level) and 24.9%NR at Borduani, and between 3% of

the total MNI at Cscioarele (B1 level) and 31.7%MNI at Vldiceasca (A2 level)
(Fig.13-16).
55
44
33
%
22
11
0
juv

sad

ad

Bord

Lunc

adm

Vit

Fig.18 Slaughtering ages of ovicaprinae (%MNI) in Gumelnia settlements

(juv-juvenile, sad-subadult, ad-adult, adm-mature adult).
Most of the domestic swines were slaughtered at ages that span between 10
and 18 months (Blescu 2003; Blescu, Radu 2003). Adult individuals of up to
three years, possibly kept for reproductive purposes, are poorly represented
(Haimovici 1996; Moise 2001a; Blescu et al. 2003a). Overall, the slaughtering
ages do not revealed any pattern of exploitation of these animals, which were
probably killed according to the food demand of the moment.
The domestic swines found in Gumelnia settlements represent a primitive type
of medium size exhibiting wide dimensional variability. The average shoulder
height (Teichert index) is 75.5 cm (n=79, range 64.9-85.3 cm), close to that
calculated for the Boian culture, and higher than that documented for the
Starevo-Cri and Vina cultures (Blescu et al. 2004).
These animals seemingly roamed free near the settlements, and crossbreeding with wild boars was probably frequent. Such hybrids are suspected to be
present in the zooarchaeological material from Borduani, Hrova and Vitneti
(Moise 2000b; Blescu, Radu 2003; Blescu et al. 2004).
The presence of the dog (Canis familiaris) varies between 1%NR at einoiu
and 16.9%NR at Hrova, and between 2%MNI at Tangru and 18%MNI at
Borduani (Fig.13-16). In the majority of Gumelnia settlements the frequencies
(%NR) of this species do not exceed 5% of the mammal assemblages. It is
worth noting that the dog is the best represented (%MNI) domestic mammal at
Cscioarele (B1 level, Bolomey unpublished data) and Borduani (Blescu et
al. 2003).
The numerous dog remains found in Gumelnia settlements allowed for
detailed osteometric analysis of the species. In this period the dogs were submedium to medium-built (Udrescu 1990a, 1990b), exhibiting wide dimensional
variability. The basal cranial length has an average of 131.9 mm (n=92, range
98-179 mm; Dahr index), and of 131.4 mm (n=57, range 110.1-155 mm;
Brinkman index), lower than those obtained for the Boian culture (Blescu,
Radu 2004). The average shoulder height (Koudelka index) is 40.2 cm (n=39,
range 33.4-46.8 cm).
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Interestingly, incisions present on bones from some settlements (Hrova-tell,

Borduani-Popin, Mriua and Vitneti) provide strong evidence that the flesh of
these animals was eaten (Moise 1997, 2000b, 2001b; Blescu et al. 2003a;
Blescu, Radu 2003).
75
60
45
%
30
15
0
HvaBS

HvaG

Bos taurus

HvaC

DO GA

Ovis/Capra

DO GB

GumA

Gum B

VlaBV

Sus domesticus

VlaGA1 VlaGA2

Canis familiaris

VlaGB

VitA2

VitB1

wild mammals

Fig.19 Mammalian faunal spectra in tell-type settlements of the lower Danube

River basin.
The evolution of the animal economy can be documented mostly in tell-type
settlements that include several cultural levels, such as Hrova (Boian-Spanov,
Gumelnia A2 and Cernavoda I levels), Cscioarele, Drgneti-Olt, Gumelnia,
Vitneti (Gumelnia A2 and B1 levels) and Vldiceasca (Boian-Vidra, Gumelnia
A1, A2 and B1 levels). At Hrova-tell (Fig.19) the proportions of domestic
mammals increase from the Boian-Spanov level (HvaBS) to the Gumelnia (HvaG)
level, but then decline dramatically in the Cernavoda I level (HvaC), where wild
mammals predominate (Bolomey unpublished data). At Cscioarele, a dramatic
overturn in the animal economy during the B1 phase leads to predominance of the
hunted wild mammals (Bolomey 1968). At Drgneti-Olt, an increase of game
from 29.3 % of the total NR in Gumelnia A2 to 41.1%NR in Gumelnia B1 is
documented together with a decrease of ovicaprinae from 23.6%NR to 10.3%NR
(El Susi 2002). At Gumelnia the A2 and B1 levels are not significantly different
(Necrasov, Haimovici 1966). At Vitneti, wild mammals decrease from 68.3%NR
in Gumelnia A2 to 48%NR in Gumelnia B1, while cattle and domestic swines
increase in NR (from 11.6% to 23.0%, and from 13.1% to 22.1% respectively)
(Blescu, Radu 2003). At Vldiceasca (Fig.19) the presence of wild mammals
increases from the Boian Vidra level (VlBV) - to the Gumelnia A1 level (VlGA1),
to decrease dramatically in the Gumelnia A2 level (VlGA2) and slightly more in
the Gumelnia B1 level (VlGB1). Changes can be observed in the proportions of
domestic mammals as well. Bovines decrease dramatically from 70.7%NR in VlBS
to 48.6%NR in VlGA1, remain constant (49.3%NR) in VlGA2, and rise again
(61%NR) in VlGB1. The ovicaprinae are characterized by a lower presence of
about 10%NR in VlBS and VlGA1, increase to 24%NR in VlGA2, and decrease
slightly to 19.3%NR in VlGB1. Swines increase from 2.8%NR in VlBS to 7.6%NR
in VlGA1, to 13.7%NR in VlGA2, and then stay constant (13.6%NR) in VlGB1
(Blescu, Udrescu 2005; Moise 2000b).
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3. Conclusions
Compared with the other prehistoric cultures present on the territory of
Romania, the Gumelnia culture is well documented from a zooarchaeological
perspective. The important quantities of faunal material uncovered in various
settlements reveal diverse strategies in the exploitation of animal resources. A
noticeable characteristic of this culture is that the importance of hunting rises to
levels unparalleled in the Upper Eneolithic. The number of settlements in which the
game remains total 50%NR and over is relatively high: 6 settlements that is more
than one third of the total studied. To this we have to add the fact that in the
majority of Gumelnia settlements the wild mammals exceed 15% of the mammal
remains. Thus, hunting played an important role in the animal palaeoeconomy of
Gumelnia communities, a fact that becomes more evident when compared with
the situation documented in the preceding Hamangia, Boian and Stoicani-Aldeni
cultures. In many respects the animal economy in the Gumelnia culture is similar
to that of the contemporaneous Slcua culture southwest Romania (Blescu et
al. 2004). This intensification of hunting in the Late Eneolithic is difficult to explain.
In the following we present a scenario that possibly accounts for the
recrudescence of hunting in the Gumelnia and Slcua cultures.
One cause that might have led to the increase of wild mammal proportions is
represented by climatic changes that could have dramatically influenced the
vegetation, altering animal habitats. According to data presented by Mihai
Tomescu (Tomescu 2000b), the time interval between 6,450-6,000 cal B.P. was
characterized by summers with high rainfall, which could have determined the
extension of forested areas. From a climatic point of view, the end of the
Gumelnia period is marked by the beginning of a period of frequent long and
droughty summers. All these climatic changes undoubtedly affected the economy
of human communities. However, the climatic factor did not have the same effect
on all communities. For instance, in settlements of the Danube Valley characterized
by similar geographic and environmental conditions, the proportion of wild
mammals varies considerably. While at Cscioarele the game totalizes over 80% of
the total NR, at Carcaliu and Luncavia it represents a little over 50%NR, and at
Hrova and Borduani wild mammals account for only a quarter of the total
mammal remains. The same situation is observed along the Danube tributaries
where there are settlements in which hunting played an important role in the
economy (Vitneti and nsurei), but also settlements in which hunting is poorly
represented (Vldiceasca, Gumelnia, Mriua and Tangru).
These quantitative differences reflect different economic strategies. Hunting
involves a great deal of effort, skill in hunting techniques and a good knowledge of
animal behaviour. At Vitneti, where hunting played an important role, preliminary
study of the lithic material revealed a predominance of hunting weapons, especially
arrowheads (Radian Andreescu, pers. comm.), suggesting that a specialization of
certain individuals in hunting existed in this settlement. The same situation could have
been present in other settlements as well and just needs to be documented by
concerted studies of the animal remains and hunting weapons.
For the majority of Gumelnia communities animal husbandry was probably the
most important component of the animal economy. As in the case of hunting,
different strategies can be observed with respect to animal husbandry. Different
groups of domestic animals were exploited at different intensities from one
settlement to another, and this was probably largely determined by geographic
and environmental conditions. Thus, the community at Bucani was oriented
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toward bovines, the one at Hrova toward ovicaprinae, and the Borduani
community toward swines, as documented by the abundance of remains belonging
to these animals uncovered in each of the three stations.
As a general trend, Gumelnia communities were oriented toward the
exploitation of cattle, whereas ovicaprinae and swines occupied secondary roles in
their animal husbandry. The same trend has been observed in contemporaneous
Karanovo VI settlements in Bulgaria (Manhart 1998). Compared with the preceding
Hamangia and Boian cultures, the exploitation of domestic swines increases in the
Gumelnia period, as observed particularly in tell-type settlements. This increase,
documented at Hrova, Vitneti, Vldiceasca and Drgneti-Olt, indicates an
advanced state of sedentarity.
Elements that characterize complex and well-organized societies (Tchernov
1993) become significant alongside sedentarization. The exploitation of limited
geographic areals results in different strategies of management of the local
resources. Hunting and fishing intensify in the good years and seasons.
Management of the livestock becomes oriented both towards the meat and the
secondary products, according to necessities. The exploitation of swines intensifies
now, and the dog becomes part of the diet for some communities. The transition
from communities with certain mobility to sedentary settlements during the NeoEneolithic is obvious, as noted by Alexandra Bolomey as early as the first
zooarchaeological synthesis (Bolomey 1983).
The factors and mechanisms that determined the sedentarization of
populations (also marked by the apparition of tell-type settlements), are complex
and not very well understood, the more so as contrasting aspects have been noted
in the animal economy of some of the Gumelnia communities. On one hand we
can invoke here the climatic changes. The increase in rainfall probably indirectly
led to more intense exploitation of natural resources that became more profitable
than animal husbandry, in some communities. On the other hand, it is possible
that the agricultural system adopted by Neo-Eneolithic communities became
deficient in some places, and consequently the survival strategies followed
different trends, as those identified in some of the Gumelnia settlements. The
latter illustrate a diverse and complex animal economy, influenced by different
factors among which the most important was the surrounding environment. The
characteristics of the animal economy suggest stable and well-organized
communities and relatively were well consolidated interactions with the
environment, as reflected by the efficient exploitation of local resources.
Certainly, several additional aspects (for instance, the importance of animals in
the spiritual life and beliefs of communities) will have to be detailed or even
discovered in order to achieve a deeper understanding of the man-animal
interactions of Gumelnia populations. We are confident that future research will
lead to better characterization of various aspects, leading to broader and deeper
insights into the life of Gumelnia communities.
Notes
1.
2.
3.

The site name is followed by the abbreviation used on maps, in parentheses.

The values are percents of total NR or MNI for mammals.
The aurochs from Bucani is the subject of another article in this volume (Bem and
Blescu).

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195

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www.cimec.ro

13

267

Aves

0,003
0,04
33,37
0,03
0,79
0,81
43,07

Scaphopoda

Crustacea

Pisces

Amphibia

Reptilia

Aves

Mammalia

1129

1129

Cas GA

2026

1766

249

Chi

771

766

DO GA

2190

1909

30

228

16

GumA

1551

11

212

10

Ins

283492 1791

6323

179

206

13

260478

724

17

13588

1964

HvaG

603

555

39

LuncG

3678

1761

39

1853

16

Lunc

1819

445

53

1278

14

16

Nv

97

97

Sein

256

256

TangG

21097

20602

85

107

56

39

208

VitA2

483

475

Vl GA1

100

90,24

0,75

7,69

1,31

100

100,00

0,15

100

87,17

0,05

0,20

0,15

12,29

100

99,35

0,65

0,73

100

87,17

0,18

0,14

1,37

10,41

100

2,23

0,06

0,07

0,005

91,88

0,26

0,01

4,79

0,69

100

86,60

0,39

0,61

11,84

0,56

100

92,04

0,50

0,17

6,47

0,83

100

47,88

0,19

1,06

50,38

0,03

0,44

0,03

100

100

24,46 100,00

2,91

0,44

0,22

70,26

0,05

0,77

0,88

100

100,00

100

97,65

0,4

0,51

0,27

0,18

0,99

100

98,34

1,04

0,41

0,21

Table 1. Absolute and relative frequencies of faunal remains by classes in the Gumelnia A1 and A2 settlements studied.

100

1,58
20,30

Bivalvia

Total NR%

533

481

41

Car

3638

3518

31

84

Vl GA2

100

96,70

0,11

0,03

0,85

2,31

Bord% Car% Cas GA% Chi% DO GA% GumA% HvaG% Ins% LuncG% Lunc% Nv% Sei% TangG% VitA2% Vl GA1% Vl GA2%

32893

Gastropoda

Taxa

Total NR

14168

260

Reptilia

Mammalia

10

Amphibia

10976

Crustacea

Pisces

Scaphopoda

6677

Bivalvia

Bord
521

Taxa

Gastropoda

Taxa

BucG

Gastropoda

22

Bivalvia

477

CasG
+

DO GB
35

GumB

Vit B1

Vl B1

Mar

32

25

326

Scaphopoda

Crustacea
Pisces

759

Amphibia

29

Reptilia

61

Aves

28

Mammalia

58

108

72

878

3092

1725

482

529

7968

1013

Total NR

2254

3092

1760

519

532

8566

1017

Taxa

BucG%

Gastropoda

0,98

Bivalvia

21,16

CasG% DO GB% GumB%

1,99

Mar%

Vit B1% Vl B1%

0,77

0,37

0,20

4,82

3,81

0,20

Scaphopoda

0,02

Crustacea
Pisces

33,67

Amphibia

1,29

Reptilia

2,71

Aves

1,24

Mammalia

38,95

100,00

100

100

Total NR%

1,35

0,19

0,68

0,19

1,26

0,19

0,19

0,84

98,01

92,87

99,44

93,02

99,61

100

100

100

100

100

Table 2. Absolute and relative frequencies of faunal remains by classes in

the Gumelnia B1 settlements studied. (+ = present but not quantified).

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Gastropoda total

Viviparus danubialis
Viviparus acerosus
Viviparus contectus
Valvata piscinalis
Valvata pulchella
Lithoglyphus naticoides
Bithynia leachi
Bithynia tentaculata
Esperiana esperi
Esperiana acicularis
Radix peregra
Radix ovata
Planorbarius corneus
Planorbis planorbis
Theodoxus danubialis
Theodoxus fluviatilis
Oxychilus inopinatus
Euomphalia strigella
Lindholmiola
corcryensis
Lithoglyphus naticoides
Campilea balcanica
Campilea faustina
Cepaea vindobonensis
Condrula tridens
Helix pomatia
Helicella obvia

Taxa

521

44

63

10

10

+
16

1964

19

173

21

132

15

10

119

18

10

12

33

4
20

1415

10

306

16

208

84

82

Bord Car Chi DO GA GumA HvaG Ins Lunc Nv Vit A2 Vla

GA2
+

Gumelnia A2

22

20

32

16

16

Buc Cs G DO GB GumB Mr Vit B1 Vl B1

Gumelnia B1

Table 3. Distribution of gastropod remains in the Gumelnia settlements studied.

Gumelnia
A1
LuncG Vl
GA1

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5

10

16

13

13

13
13

Scaphopoda total

Astacus fluviatilis

Crustacea total

17

724

724

17

1
1
1
1

39

31

31

477

206

260

Buc

Gumelnia B1

35

35

25

Cs DO GB GumB Mr
G

Table 4. Distribution of mollusc and crayfish remains in the Gumelnia settlements studied.

1
1

Dentalium sp.

228 13588 10

28

824

900

3264

1
5

199

14

6677 7 249

4614

3756

Bivalvia total

Cerastoderma (Cardium) edule

242

Mytilus galoprovincialis

42

Dreissena polymorpha

Spondylus gaederopus

Sphaerium solidum

Sphaerium lacustre

Pseudanodonta complanata
1

20

Anodonta anatina

Anodonta sp.

35

4283

Anodonta cygnaea

131

Unio crassus

Unio sp.

789
1375
5

Gumelnia A2
Bord Car Chi DO GA GumA HvaG Ins Lunc Nv Vit A2 Vla
GA2

Unio pictorum

Vl
GA1

Gumelnia A1
LuncG

Unio tumidus

Taxa

326

70

184

45

27

Vit Vl B1
B1

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Anas crecca

Cygnus olor
Cygnus cygnus
Cygnus sp.
Anser albifrons
Anser anser
Branta cf. leucopsis
Anas cf. penelope
Anas platyrhynchos
Anas acuta
Anas clypeata
Anas querquedula

Ardeiformes indet.

Podiceps cristatus
Phalacrocorax carbo
Phalacrocorax pygmaeus
Pelecanus cf. onocrotalus
Nycticorax nycticorax
Botaurus sttelaris
Egretta alba
Ardea cinerea
Ardea purpurea
Ciconia ciconia
Ciconia nigra/ciconia
Platalea leucorodia

Ophidia
Sauria
Reptilia total

4
1

1
43
4

33

2
26

9
15
4

1
9
1

260

259
1

Emys orbicularis
Testudo graeca ibera

1
41
2

6
30

1
1
1
5
6
3
2

10

199
3
2
2
206

13

11

11

39

39

107

Gumelnia A2
Bord Car Chi DO GA GumA HvaG Ins Lunc Nv Vit A2 Vla GA2
4
6
13
4

10

Gumelnia A1
LuncG Vl GA1

Amphibia total

Rana esculenta
(Rana sp. )
Bufo sp.
Pelobates sp.

Taxa

25

2
4
61

55

23
3
3
29

108

106
2

Gumelnia B1
Buc Cs G DO GB GumB Mr Vit B1 Vl B1

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Aves IND
Aves total

Anas sp.
Aythya nyroca
Aythya marila/ferina
Pernis apivorus
Haliaeetus albicilla
Gypaetus barbatus
Aquila heliaca
Aquila pomarina
Aquila clanga
Pandion haliaetus
Accipiter gentilis
Buteo buteo
Falco tinnunculus
Strix aluco
Hieraetus pennatus
Tetrao urogallus
Tetrao tetrix
Perdix perdix
Fulica atra
Grus grus
Otis tarda
Columba palumbus
Upupa epops
Garrulus glandarius
Pica pica
Corvus
frugilegus/corone
Corvus monedula
Corvus corone
Corvus frugilegus
Corvus sp.

Taxa

50
267

18

3
2
12
1
1

4
4

1
1

3
4

31
179

4
8
4

1
1

7
7

7
7

39
53

85

3
28

1
1

4
54
72

Buc Cs DO GB GumB Mr Vit B1 Vl

G
B1

Bord Car Chi DO GA Gum HvaG Ins Lunc Nv Vit A2 Vla

A
GA2
6
1
2
1
1
5
5
1
1
1
2
1
1
1
3
1
1

Gumelnia B1

Gumelnia A2

Table 5. Distribution of amphibian, reptile and bird remains in the Gumelnia settlements studied.

3
3

Gumelnia
A1
LuncG Vl
GA1

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Taxa

Pisces IND
Pisces total

Sparus aurata

Percidae IND

Silurus glanis
Gymnocephalus (Acerina) sp.
Perca fluviatilis
Stizostedion lucioperca

Cyprinidae IND

Huso huso
Acipenser stellatus
Acipenser guldenstaedti
Acipenser ruthenus
Alosa pontica
Esox lucius
Aspius aspius
Abramis brama
Alburnus alburnus
Barbus barbus
Blicca bjoerkna
Carassius carassius
Cyprinus carpio
Leuciscus idus
Leucisus cephalus
Leuciscus sp.
Pelecus cultratus
Rutilus rutilus
Scardinius erythrophthalmus
Tinca tinca
Vimba vimba carinata

Acipenseridae IND

30

35

31

16

2
38

127
248

4
1
6

212
1

106
2
7

95
81

133
12

46

114

18
141974 120 1098 774
260478 212 1853 1278

77843
6888
1447
1350
9305
467

166
1680
421
47

491
2
6448
78

3
2
9001
102
1868
14

15

866

56

Vla
GA2

183
759

47

2
415
1

28

10
6

1
1

65

58

56

Gumelnia B1
Buc Cs G DO GB GumB Mr Vit B1 Vl
B1

Table 6. Distribution of fish remains in the Gumelnia settlements studied

4836
10976 41

1
1

15
39

29
267

21

11
1
3

1827
2

698
13
32

140
4
5
1

Gumelnia A2
Bord Car Chi DO GA GumA HvaG Ins Lunc Nv Vit A2

1542
1556

Gumelnia A1
LuncG Vl
GA1

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0,7

17
0,8

3,5

0,2

26

68

0,4

1,7

5,4

14,1

40

32

55

66

78

0,8

0,6

1,0

1,2

1,5

481

1221
1766

6323

560

203

250

651

65

48,4

0,5

0,2

13,1

0,3

2,8

9,5

7,1

1761

660

54

48

75

488

12

23

291

131

436

21

122

58

100,0

52,8

0,3

0,2

1,3

2,5

31,5

14,2

0,4

0,1

0,1

0,6

0,3

0,1

0,4

0,6

47,2

2,3

13,2

6,3

1,0

0,9

23,6

555

548

206

142

50

342

16

48

97

10

166

NR

100,0

37,6

0,7

0,2

1,1

25,9

9,1

0,2

0,4

62,4

2,9

8,8

17,7

0,9

1,8

30,3

LuncG

445

12

425

96

19

15

19

13

12

329

27

53

119

19

30

81

NR

100,0

22,6

0,2

4,5

1,6

3,5

4,5

3,1

1,4

0,9

2,8

77,4

6,4

12,5

28,0

4,5

7,1

19,1

Nv

97

97

19

78

59

NR

100,0

19,6

6,2

1,0

3,1

9,3

80,4

1,0

8,2

6,2

1,0

3,1

60,8

Sein

256

256

249

45

80

120

NR

100,0

2,7

97,3

1,6

17,6

31,3

46,9

TanG

Table 7. Absolute and relative frequencies of mammal remains (NR) in the Gumelnia A1 and A2 settlements studied.

3230
14168

91

Canis familiaris/Vulpes vulpes

Total mammals

27

722

Sus domesticus/Sus scrofa

Undeterminables

8
29

606

14

Ovicaprine/Capreolus capreolus 188

Bos taurus/Bos primigenius

Bos primigenius/Cervus
elaphus

281

76

16

55

41

12,9

0,3

0,9

0,9

51,6

3,4

10,3

14,5

9317 100,0 481 100,0 481 100,0 5310 100,0 581 100,0 924

66

Lepus europaeus

1,0

0,8

1,0

36,2

16,8

75

300

20

60

84

2,1

2,9

NR
218

Total

97

Castor fiber

0,01

174

890

0,4

0,04

0,02

0,2

0,3

0,4

0,1

0,3

0,5

16,9

19,0

22,3

12

17

%
18,4

Lunc

2054 22,0 275 57,2 156 32,4 1273 24,0

75

Bos primigenius

5,8
1,7

9,4

4,8
1,5

NR
107

Ins

Total wild

Dama dama

160

45

20

540

15,0

0,2

Capreolus capreolus

72

Cervus elaphus

8,1

0,4

757

0,4

Sus scrofa

0,2

1,0

35

Equus ferus

0,4

0,02

0,03

Mustela putorius

15

20

Martes martes

0,2

0,5

14

26

896

38

16

Meles meles

0,1

1,7

Lutra lutra

49

Felis silvestris

0,7
1,5

1009

Mustela nivalis

Vulpes vulpes

Lynx lynx

64
143

Canis lupus

2,7

5,0

1182

77

255

7263 78,0 206 42,8 325 67,6 4037 76,0

13

24

14,3

1,2

0,2

Total domestics

14,4

12,7

69

1343

61

1,7

0,4

0,8

Canis familiaris

24,9

2320

14,1

0,8

2,4

Sus domesticus

%
11,6

1312

NR
618

Ovicaprine

%
45,1

73

NR
217

219

%
24,5

Capra hircus

NR
118

Hva G

Ovis aries

%
21,4

Chi

1996

NR

Car

Bos taurus

Taxa

Bord

www.cimec.ro

1,86

15
519

Total domestics

0,11
71

878

3092

196

67
2

529

100

13,5

1,14

0,95

5,7

3,23

1,9

0,57

86,5

2,47

14,8

18,3

2,66

5,32

43

766

42

719

211

156

34

508

14

124

170

200

100

29,3

0,3

0,1

1,0

21,7

4,7

1,3

0,1

0,1

70,7

1,9

17,2

23,6

27,8

DO GA
NR

2,31

18,6

10,3

27,7

62

176

226

1180

3,3

9,3

12,0

62,6

GumA
NR

14

49

43

284

2,94

10,3

9,03

59,7

GumB
NR

0,07

0,33

0,99

0,4

29,7

7,59

1,65

0,07

0,2

0,13

242

19

12

62

111

31

1725

160

40

1909

23

1515 100 1886

623 41,1

15

450

115

25

86

28

34

18,1

0,21

1,68

0,84

5,88

7,14

1,26

0,21

0,42

0,42

482

100 476 100

12,8

0,1

1,0

0,6

3,3

5,9

1,6

0,1

0,2

0,1

892 58,9 1644 87,2 390 81,9

35

282

156

419

DO GB
NR

28
1

0,01

2,46

22,1

2,1

0,74

1,56

23

10

115

515

18

595

0,27

3,14

14,1

0,49

16,2

5,71

0,05
209

6,01
2

0,03

0,05

0,9

0,05

220

33

0,49
0,52

68,3 1759 48

1,0

4,0

15,1

18
19

144

69

27

13

17

331

18

36

43

231

20221

11132

7968

4062

53

25

166

475

100

30,3

1,1

14,5

1,5

5,7

2,7

3,6

0,4

0,8

69,7

3,8

7,6

9,1

0,4

0,2

48,6

Vl GA1
NR

9089 100,0 3662 100 475

6211

89

363

1368

1,6
0,04

19,1

14,6

8,5

0,2

0,12

0,01

148

1732

1326

773

21

11

2,29

0,31

0,09

0,79
0,67

208

90

809

77

27

57

843

VitB1
NR

31,7 1903 52

2,8

13,1

2,9

0,3

0,9

11,6

61

72

2878

252

1190

268

30

83

1055

VitA2
NR

3518

3518

329

16

190

21

36

16

25

15

3189

127

483

776

36

34

1733

61

2,27

13,6

16,8

0,69

1,88

38

13

3,75

0,3

1,28

0,49

0,89

0,1

0,49

0,2

975 96,2

23

138

170

19

618

Vl GB1
NR

1013

100 1013 100

9,4

0,5

5,4

0,6

1,0

0,5

0,7

0,1

0,1

0,4

0,1

90,6

3,6

13,7

22,1

1,0

1,0

49,3

Vl GA2
NR

Table 8. Absolute and relative frequencies of mammal remains (NR) in the Gumelnia A1, A2 and B1 settlements studied.

Undeterminables
Total mammals

0,57

8,45

4,28

100 2829 100 526

0,37

16

239

121

30

17

10

808

2,6

21

19,4

8,66

0,04

0,04

1193 42,2

0,14

0,04

0,04

0,11

35,8 2378 84,1

6,31

51

13

78

96

14

28

226

289

2,23

4,08

33

18

550

1,24

10

2,72

0,12

13,5

0,25

22

245

0,12

0,37
1,24

3
1

109

5,87

2,01

0,25

0,11

0,6

7,1

Mr
NR

451 15,9 455

0,62

64,2

166

57

17

201

Cas G
NR

10

Bos taurus/Bos prim.

Bos/Cervus
49
Ovicaprine/Capreolus
4
Sus domesticus/Sus scrofa 17
Canis/Vulpes

Total wild
Total

Canis lupus
Vulpes vulpes
Lynx lynx
Felis silvestris
Meles meles
Martes martes
Mustela putorius
Mustela nivalis
Lutra lutra
Mustelidae ?
Ursus arctos
Equus ferus
Equus sp.
Sus scrofa
Cervus elaphus
Capreolus capreolus
Alces alces
Bos primigenius
Castor fiber
Lepus europaeus

20,2

163

Sus domesticus
Canis familiaris

0,5
6,93

0,74

6
4

34

275

56

Buc

Ovicaprine

NR

Bos taurus
Ovis aries
Capra hircus

Taxa

www.cimec.ro
361

MNI
55
28
10
25
72
65
255
5
10
2
6
3
2
2
6
3
25
14
8
1
3
9
7
106
361

Bord
%
15,24
7,76
2,77
6,93
19,94
18,01
70,64
1,39
2,77
0,55
1,66
0,83
0,55
0,55
1,66
0,83
6,93
3,88
2,22
0,28
0,83
2,49
1,94
29,36
100,00

84

46
84

1
15
19
2
1
6
2

4
14
3
38

MNI
17

54,76
100,00

1,19
17,86
22,62
2,38
1,19
7,14
2,38

4,76
16,67
3,57
45,24

%
20,24

Car

102

6,86
6,86
6,86
7,84
1,96
9,80
0,98
2,94
50,00
100,00

1,96

7
7
7
8
2
10
1
3
51
102

12,75
6,86
50,00
1,96
1,96

%
15,69
8,82
5,88

Ins

13
7
51
2
2

MNI
16
9
6

1,92
1,92
1,92
52,88
100,00

2
2
2
55
104

104

0,96
0,96
10,58
20,19
5,77

21,15
4,81
47,12
0,96
1,92
0,96
1,92
1,92
0,96

Lunc
%
15,38
3,85
1,92

1
1
11
21
6

22
5
49
1
2
1
2
2
1

MNI
16
4
2

1,32
35,10
100,00

2
53
151
3
154

0,66

10,60
17,88
2,65
1

16
27
4

LuncG
MNI
%
38
25,17
6
3,97
3
1,99
27
17,88
16
10,60
8
5,30
98
64,90
2
1,32
1
0,66

2
45

14
43

1
1

2
3
2
1

7
4
29
1
1

MNI
8
5
5

32,56
100,00

2,33
2,33

4,65
6,98
4,65
2,33

4,65

16,28
9,30
67,44
2,33
2,33

%
18,60
11,63
11,63

Nv

196

7
196

66
42
4
189

MNI
77

3,57
100,00

33,67
21,43
2,04
96,43

TanG
%
39,29

Table 9. Absolute and relative frequencies of mammal remains (MNI) in the Gumelnia A1 and A2 settlements studied.

Total mammals

Sus domesticus/ Sus

scrofa

Total wild
Total

Canis lupus
Vulpes vulpes
Lynx lynx
Felis silvestris
Meles meles
Martes martes
Mustela putorius
Lutra lutra
Equus ferus
Sus scrofa
Cervus elaphus
Capreolus capreolus
Dama dama
Bos primigenius
Castor fiber
Lepus europaeus

Total domestics

Sus domesticus
Canis familiaris

Ovicaprine

Bos taurus
Ovis aries
Capra hircus

Taxa

www.cimec.ro

2,96
13,02

5
22
48 28,40 46 75,41 124 48,44

Total domestics

Canis lupus
Vulpes vulpes
Felis silvestris
Meles meles
Martes martes
Mustelidae ?
Ursus arctos
Equus ferus
Equus sp.
Sus scrofa
Cervus elaphus
Capreolus capreolus
Dama dama
Bos primigenius
Castor fiber
Lepus europaeus

11,36
4,09

23,64

34
14

33
5,88

13,87

14,29

42,86

0,84

0,42

2,94

2,10

4,62

7,98

2,94

0,42

0,84

256

128

220

245

69

100,0

29,85

1,49

2,99

2,99

7,46

7,46

2,99

1,49

1,49

1,49

70,15

7,46

14,93

11,94

35,82

6,98

16,28

2,33

2,33

27,91

18

59

10

60

9,73

31,89

3,78

5,41

32,43

Vl GA2

MNI

4,65

9,30

6,98

4,65

4,65

6,98

2,33

4,65

0,54

16,76

1,62

4,86

1,62

1,62

1,62

1,62

1,08

0,54

1,62

185

43 100,0 185 100,0

19 44,19 31

24 55,81 154 83,24

12

Vl GA1

MNI

60

60

10

50

19

21

100,0

16,67

1,67

3,33

3,33

3,33

1,67

1,67

1,67

83,33

5,00

31,67

5,00

6,67

35,00

Vl GB1

MNI

Table 10. Absolute and relative frequencies of mammal remains (MNI) in the Gumelnia A1, A2 and B1 settlements studied.

61

180

55

11

19

Total mammals

39,09

0,45

0,91

1,36

1,36

21,82

8,64

2,27

0,45

0,91

0,91

67

86

48

19

47

10

24

11

30,47

1,56

0,78

1,56

15,63

7,03

2,34

0,78

0,78

69,53 134 60,91 183 76,89

2,34

25
52

102

169 100,0 61 100,0 256 100,0 128 100,0 220 100,0 238 100,0

39

20

89

21,88
21,09

21,82

GumB

MNI

Sus domesticus/Sus scrofa

1,95

5,47

5,47

1,95

11,33

28
27

48

GumA

MNI

20

14

14

29

8,20

0,78

21

6,64

0,39

0,39

3,91

0,78

1,95

2,34

5,86

21,48

17

10

15

55

24,22

DO GB

MNI

23,11

0,59

1,64

3,28

6,56

8,20

1,64

3,28

4,92

24,59

121 71,60 15 24,59 132 51,56

15

31

DO GA

MNI

Total wild
Total

5,92
1,78

5,92

10

31,36

53

10

17,16

29

4,14

0,59

1,78

0,59

0,59

0,59
0,59

1,18

2,73

3,91

10

Sus domesticus
Canis familiaris

6,56

9,84

Ovicaprine

14,45

0,59

37

1,78

29,51

VitB1

MNI

8,88

15

18

Mr

MNI

Cas G

MNI

Bos taurus
Ovis aries
Capra hircus

Taxa

ALEXANDRU MIHAIL FLORIAN TOMESCU*

PROBING THE SEASONALITY SIGNAL IN POLLEN

SPECTRA OF ENEOLITHIC COPROLITES (HROVATELL, CONSTANA COUNTY, SOUTHEAST ROMANIA)

Abstract: Samples from seven stratigraphic units of a midden complex in the Eneolithic (Gumelnia A2)
levels at Hrova-tell (Constana County, southeast Romania) were analyzed to test for seasonality
signals in coprolite pollen spectra. The very short interval of pollen rain recorded in coprolites makes
them particularly attractive as potential bearers of seasonal signals resulting from the pollination
phenology of different plant species. The analyzed midden represents 1-1.5 years of deposition and its
stratigraphy is constrained at high spatial and temporal resolution, providing an excellent framework for
the test. Coprolite pollen spectra are highly polarized and reveal poor pollen preservation and selective
pollen destruction. Pollen taxa resistant to destruction and easily identifiable in degraded state
(Chenopodiaceae, Artemisia, Poaceae) are present in high amounts often masking signals borne by
seasonality-informative taxa, and therefore are not taken into consideration in interpretations of
seasonality. Some of the coprolite pollen spectra indicate relatively clear-cut seasonality assignments
that coincide with independent inferences based on fish bones and the stratigraphic distribution of
coprolite concentration. Other pollen spectra yield equivocal data that cannot be used independently to
assign their stratigraphic units to a particular season. Results of this pilot study suggests that short
intervals of pollen rain recorded in coprolites, compounded with the vagaries of behavior of individual
animals that produced the coprolites, lead to an uneven reflection of the pollen rain in coprolite pollen
spectra. Consequently, the power of resolution of these spectra in terms of seasonality varies over a
broad range. Although somewhat conflicting, the results of the study suggest that coprolite palynology
can potentially be developed as a tool to resolve seasonality, given a better preservation of
palynomorphs and if coprolite samples are compounded for each stratigraphic level to minimize the
effects of individual behavior of the coprolite producers.
Keywords: pollen, coprolites, seasonality, Eneolithic, Gumelnia culture, Romania.

Pollen and spore spectra of coprolites represent veritable snapshots in terms of

the temporal significance attached to the information they store. Due to the
characteristics of animal physiology, the palynological content of a coprolite
consists of pollen and spores ingested with food and water over a very short period
of time, often less than a day. Correlated with the phenologic variety of flowering
seasons or spore-release periods of different plant species, this characteristic
should make coprolite pollen and spore spectra particularly good indicators of the
season when the coprolites were produced.
Coprolites have been relatively widely used as sources of palynological material
to infer Quaternary vegetation history and climate (e.g., Martin and Sharrock 1964;
Leroi-Gourhan 1966; Crciumaru 1973; Moe 1983; Scott 1987; Vivent 1989;
Carrion et al. 2001; Gonzalez-Samperiz et al. 2003; Scott et al. 2005).
*

Department of Biological
mitomescu@hotmail.com

Sciences,

Humboldt

State

207

www.cimec.ro

University,

California,

USA.

e-mail:

Furthermore, several of those authors have pointed out that coprolites potentially
enclose valuable information on the seasonal aspects of sediments that include
them.
However, this hypothesized usefulness of coprolites as seasonality
indicators has not been tested empirically and remains a theoretical statement to
date. This is most often due to insurmountable difficulties in establishing a
stratigraphic framework at high temporal resolution (i.e., sub-annual) in most
coprolite-containing deposits.
Midden deposits consisting of finely stratified domestic waste are preserved in
proto-urban settlements of the Romanian Eneolithic and have been shown to offer
the preservational conditions for stratigraphic studies at very high temporal
resolution (Popovici et al. 2000). Particularly, concerted stratigraphic and
archeozoological studies have allowed for constraining the time of deposition of a
midden complex (C521) in the Eneolithic layers (Gumelnia A2) at Hrova-tell
(southeast Romania) to an interval of 1-1.5 years. The results of these studies
show that deposition of the complex started some time in the spring and ended in
the summer of the next year (Popovici et al. 2000; Radu 2000). Coprolites are
preserved in large amounts in the same complex, and analysis of their quantitative
stratigraphic distribution has revealed significant correlation with the distribution of
fish bones, interpreted as reflecting seasonality (Tomescu et al. 2003).
Additionally, coprolites represent one of the few types of material that preserve
pollen and spores in quantities that allow for statistical treatment of data at
Hrova-tell (in most sediments of the settlement palynomorphs are too rare and
poorly preserved).
All of these characteristics of the midden complex C521 at Hrova-tell provide
a good foundation for a direct test of the potential and reliability of seasonality
signals borne by coprolite pollen and spore spectra: 1) high stratigraphic
resolution; 2) a temporal framework well constrained from the point of view of
seasonality (Radu 2000; Tomescu et al. 2003); 3) rich coprolite content sampled at
the same high stratigraphic resolution. Here I present the results of pilot
palynological analyses of eight coprolite samples, and discuss their significance in
terms of seasonality.
The Hrova-tell settlement and midden complex C521
Hrova-tell (Constana County, 4441' N / 2758' E) is one of the most
important proto-urban, tell-type settlements of the Romanian Neo-Eneolithic.
Located on the right bank of Danube River (see Tomescu et al. 2003, for a map),
the settlement comprises principally Neolithic (Boian culture, ca. 5350-4600 BC)
and Eneolithic (Gumelnia culture, ca. 4600-4000 BC) layers, but also includes a
thin Cernavoda I component (fourth millennium BC). Multidisciplinary excavations
in this settlement have opened wide perspectives onto the life, economy and
dynamics of the Gumelnia populations (e.g., Popovici et al. 2000). Several
middens have been excavated in the Gumelnia layers and they are characterized
by the presence of shells and fish bones in large amounts, together with mammal
bones, ash, charcoal, fragments of building material (daub) and a fair amount of
coprolites.
The midden complex C521 comprises over 650 stratigraphic units (SU), out of
which 257 contained coprolites. The stratigraphic units have been grouped in 118
208

www.cimec.ro

stratigraphic sequences (SS) that insure high stratigraphic resolution and reflect
accurately the stratigraphic relationships within the complex, while providing a
simpler stratigraphic framework for straightforward representation and correlation
of information on the distribution of the different types of material recovered from
the complex. A detailed discussion of the stratigraphic work and of theoretical
underpinnings of the grouping into stratigraphic sequences can be found in
Tomescu et al. (2003).
Material and methods
The stratigraphic sequences totaled 4832.1 dm3 of sediment and yielded 3.37
g of coprolites, unevenly distributed between 48 of the 118 sequences (Fig.1).
Coprolites were recovered by wet sieving of the sediment of each SU separately,
dried, picked by hand, and stored in paper bags by stratigraphic units. It is
important to mention that coprolites recovered using this method represent
exclusively cohesive coprolites containing bones fragmented to various degrees
(mainly fish bones) included in a yellowish to brown matrix. When present as
fragments, coprolites were recognized based on the match of their texture, color
and content with those of complete coprolites exhibiting characteristic shapes.
Based on the bone content, coprolites in this category could be attributed to
carnivores or omnivores and they most probably have a canine origin (Tomescu et
al. 2003). Field observations allowed for recognition of a second category of
coprolites in the excavation. These are low cohesion coprolites of sandy to dusty
texture, found as thin patch-forming crusts. Due to their low cohesion these
coprolites did not withstand wet screening being disintegrated in the process.
Seven coprolite samples from seven stratigraphic units representing six
stratigraphic sequences were chosen for this study. Stratigraphic sequences were
chosen to cover all the inferred seasons (Radu 2000; Tomescu et al. 2003) for
which coprolites were available (Fig.1; Tab. 1). The same numbering of
stratigraphic sequences used by Tomescu et al. (2003) has been maintained in the
present paper. Because the coprolite material was generally fragmented, none of
the samples was comprised of only one coprolite. Instead, several coprolite
fragments from the same SU were pooled together for each sample in order to
achieve weights in excess of 20 g. Sample processing included treatments with
hydrochloric acid (40%) and hydrofluoric acid (40%), potassium hydroxide (10%,
10 minutes at 100C), heavy liquid floatation (1.9 g/cm3), sieving (0.16 mm),
fuchsine staining, organic fraction volume measuring (using micropipettes), and
mounting in glycerol. Palynomorph concentrations per gram of dry coprolite were
extrapolated from counts on one or two slides for each sample, and calculated
based on the ratio between the total volume of the organic fraction of that sample
and the known volume examined on the slides where palynomorphs were counted.
Pollen and spores were identified at x250-400 magnification using the reference
collection of the National History Museum of Romania, as well as a number of
identification keys and atlases (Faegri, Iversen 1975; Tarnavschi et al. 1981, 1987,
1990; Moore, Webb 1983; Reille 1992; Serbnescu-Jitariu et al. 1994; Northwest
European Pollen Flora, Vol. 1-7). Microscope slides are deposited at the National
History Museum of Romania, Bucharest.
209

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Fig.1 Hrova tell. Gumelnia A2. C521. Coprolite distribution by stratigrphic

sequences, and stratigraphic units (SU) sampled in this study. Intervals numbered
1-3 represent season inferred based on fish bones and coprolite concentrations
(Radu 2000; Tomescu et al. 2003): 1.= (spring?) summer first part of fall; 2.=
fall winter first part of spring; 3.= spring (summer?).
210

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The flowering period of each identified taxon was assessed using the Flora of
Romania (Ciocrlan 1988, 1990). In multi-species taxa (genera, groups of genera,
families) the flowering period was assessed based only on those species whose
area of distribution included our site of interest (cultivated and introduced species
excluded). For most of the multi-specific taxa the resulting flowering periods were
too wide to be of any help in assessing the seasonality of coprolites. In the case of
Poaceae the flowering period covers the entire year. Two steps were taken in order
to elude this situation. (1) For each multi-specific taxon a peak flowering period
was defined as the period where most of the species in that taxon (> 30%) are
flowering. The peak flowering period of a taxon represents the period of the year
where the pollen of that taxon is most likely to be encountered in the pollen rain.
(2) Taxa were retained as seasonal indicators only if they had flowering/peak
flowering periods shorter than or equal to three months. Among taxa with longer
flowering periods only Artemisia was retained (peak flowering period 4 months) for
being the only taxon to cover the month of October.
Results
Total palynomorph concentrations vary widely between the samples, from 30
palynomorphs/gram of dry coprolite (p/gdc) in SU 5259 to 171732 p/gdc is SU
5209 (Tab.1). Variability of total palynomorph concentrations is present within
stratigraphic sequences (30 p/gdc in SU 5259 and 145 p/gdc in SU 5113, both
included in SS 71), as well as within stratigraphic units (two samples analyzed
separately in SU 5356 but subsequently pooled together yielded 13300 and 1856
p/gdc respectively). The low palynomorph concentrations are generally reflected in
low numbers of palynomorphs counted and identified.
Percentages of unidentifiable palynomorphs also vary within a broad range
(25-68%) and exceed 40% of the total counted in all but one of the samples (SU
5259). In terms of types of deterioration, unidentifiable palynomorphs are most
often corroded or degraded (sensu Diot, 1991), and more rarely broken. These
high proportions of unidentifiables indicate poor palynomorph preservation despite
the fact that coprolites are considered to provide some of the best conditions for
pollen preservation at Hrova. Even among identified palynomorphs the
percentages of those that are not very well preserved (deteriorated: corroded,
degraded) are very high (42-95%). Given these characteristics of the palynomorph
spectra, some of them reflect unexpectedly high taxonomic diversity (Tab. 2).
However, some of the stratigraphic units exhibit medium to low taxonomic
diversity (e.g., SU 5392, 5113).
Palynomorph spectra of all samples are highly polarized, in that one or very
few taxa account for great proportions of each spectrum (Tab.1, 2). In three of the
stratigraphic units studied (SU 5356, 5315 and 5209) the dominant taxon
represents more than 50% of the total identified palynomorphs. In three other
stratigraphic units (SU 5392, 5259 and 5113) the two most frequent taxa account
for over 50% of the spectra, and in SU 5207 more than half of the identified
palynomorphs belong to one of the three most frequent taxa. The dominant taxa
in the different stratigraphic units are the Poaceae (grass family), Chenopodiaceae
(goosefoot family), Salix (willow), Potamogeton (pondweed) and Artemisia
(sagebrush). Abies (fir), Picea (spruce), Pinus (pine) and Betula (birch) pollen (very
likely representing long-distance transport), and fern spores were considered
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irrelevant in assessing seasonality and were excluded from the totals used to
calculate percentages.
The selection of flowering/peak flowering periods shorter than or equal to
three months (except for Artemisia; see Material and Methods) produced a list of
17 taxa (Tab.3) considered potentially useful in detecting seasonality signals in the
coprolite pollen spectra. These seasonality-informative taxa cover the period of
February through October. Although the number of taxa retained for each
sequence as a result of this selection varies between 4 (SS 7) and 13 (SS 11 and
18), all six stratigraphic sequences show a wide coverage of seasons by the
flowering phenology of these taxa (Tab.3). Even for SS 7 where only four taxa
were retained, their phenology covers a wide interval that includes March-May and
July-October.
Discussion
The high proportions of unidentifiable palynomorphs and the high frequencies
of deteriorated palynomorphs among identifiables, that characterize all samples
(Tab.1), convey a general image of poor palynomorph preservation. Poor
preservation of pollen and spores is the norm in most types of material analyzed at
Hrova-tell (Tomescu 2000a). In this context, even with such high values of
unidentifiable and deteriorated palynomorphs, coprolites represent one of the few
resources for palynological data, as shown by the generally high pollen
concentrations of the analyzed coprolites (except for SUs 5259 and 5113).
Considered in the context of these high percentages of unidentifiable and
deteriorated palynomorphs, the dominance of Chenopodiaceae, Poaceae and
Artemisia pollen in five of the seven spectra is indicative of selective pollen
destruction (discussed by Tomescu 2000a, 2005). Conditions related to the
lithology of the archeological deposits that contain the coprolites at Hrova (high
pH and high porosity) have been shown to be unfavorable to palynomorph
preservation and to promote selective pollen destruction (Havinga 1964, 1967;
Gruger 1976; Bottema 1975; Bottema, Ottaway 1982). Additionally, the technique
of repeatedly humidifying the surface of the excavation while digging (to enhance
contrast and allow for better understanding of stratigraphic relationships),
undoubtedly plays a part in the destruction of pollen. Experimental studies
conducted by Holloway (1989) and Campbell and Campbell (1994) have shown
that moisture conditions alternating form wet to dry (as those produced by the
above-mentioned technique) rapidly lead to the alteration of palynomorphs and
loss of pollen from sediments. Because of the relatively low speed of excavation
and frequent humidification of sediment, each coprolite in the midden was exposed
to several wet-dry cycles prior to removal from the excavation and wet sieving
(which added yet another wet-dry alternation).
Although it biases pollen spectra strengthening the relative participation of
degradation-resistant palynomorphs, at least in theory selective pollen destruction
should not completely obliterate the seasonal signals borne by the analyzed
spectra. Physico-chemical conditions were similar in the soil around all coprolites,
and all samples underwent the same coprolite separation and pollen extraction
treatments. The selective destruction bias should have acted therefore in the same
direction for all samples. Even if differences between spectra due to less resistant
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pollen are eliminated, the spectra should still reflect those differences (potentially
due to phenology seasonality) due to pollen taxa more resistant to deterioration.
Another aspect that needs to be discussed is the potentially different
pollination phenology of plant species due to differences between the climate of
the Gumelnia period and present-day climate. This is complicated by the fact that
the Gumelnia period (ca. 4600-4000 cal. BC) probably witnessed variations of the
climate. The end of the period was marked by an increase in the frequency of
warmer and longer summers (starting around 4100 cal. BC), and such conditions
probably existed between 4450-4350 cal. BC as well. Also, the beginning and end
dates of the Gumelnia period closely bracket an interval (4500-4050 cal. BC)
characterized by higher occurrences of humid summers (Tomescu 2000b). These
reflect a rather complex climatic evolution that very likely determined changes in
plant phenology during the Gumelnia period. Experimental studies (Peuelas et al.
2004; Llorens, Peuelas 2005) have shown that plant phenology changes under
changing climatic factors, but that the patterns of change are complex and difficult
to quantify at the scale of whole plant communities. Additionally, available data do
not allow for exact temporal placement of the midden C521 within the Gumelnia
period, so we do not know how different or similar was the climate during
deposition of C521 to the present-day climate of the region. However, we know
that the midden represents 1-1.5 years of sedimentation, and therefore its content
should reflect the succession of seasons and corresponding plant phenologic
phases, irrespective of how different or similar these were to present-day seasons.
The very high variability of palynomorph concentrations (spanning four orders
of magnitude) among all samples, and particularly between samples thought to
represent the same season (e.g., SS 7 and 11, or SU 70 and 71), suggests that the
time interval represented by the palynomorph content of a coprolite is too short to
reflect the average pollen rain and therefore to allow for repeatability of samples.
Additionally, the vagaries of individual behavior, such as the different locations
visited and different food ingurgitated by individual animals during the same time
interval, certainly entail differences in coprolite contents in terms of palynomorph
types and quantities. In this context, the compounding of several coprolites from
the same stratigraphic unit in order to reach a minimum sample weight required
for palynological analyses may be therefore beneficial, in that it leads to a better
averaging, and hence to a more reliable image, of the pollen rain corresponding to
the time of deposition of the unit. This is corroborated by the spectra of two
samples analyzed in SU 5356, both of which are dominated by Potamogeton (with
51 and 67% of total identified palynomorphs; results from the two samples not
shown separately, but pooled together in Tabs.1-3). In the same line of thought,
the two spectra obtained for SS 71 from SU 5113 and 5259 are both dominated by
Chenopodiaceae followed by Poaceae with similar percentages (40 and 33%
Chenopodiaceae, respectively 27 and 30% Poaceae). All of these indicate that
pollen spectra obtained from the same SU or same SS are comparable, at least in
terms of the dominant taxa, for samples consisting of several coprolites each.
Stratigraphic sequence 7 is dominated by Artemisia and Chenopodiaceae
totaling over 50% of the total identified palynomorphs, and indicating that the
sequence was deposited in the second half of the year, which is not in
contradiction with the gross seasonal assignment of this sequence to the Summer
season (Tab.1). However, it is important to note that the pollen of Artemisia and
Chenopodiaceae is among the most resistant to corrosion and will tend to be over
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represented as a result of selective pollen destruction (Tomescu 2000a and

references therein). Also, both these groups include numerous ruderal species
which were very likely abundant in the strongly anthropogenic environment of the
Gumelnia settlement. These suggest that Artemisia and Chenopodiaceae pollen
has potentially very high persistence in the sediment, in the particular context of
the Gumelnia deposits at Hrova. This hypothesis is corroborated by the
presence of this pollen, along with Poaceae pollen (another pollen type resistant to
degradation), in all analyzed samples, often in high proportions. If we consider the
fact the these three pollen types are at the same time some of the most easily
identifiable even in advanced stages of deterioration, it becomes clear that the
pollen of Artemisia, Chenopodiaceae and Poaceae very likely represents a
background presence, often quantitatively important, in the palynomorph spectra
at Hrova throughout the year. This background noise will tend to be
overrepresented particularly in samples characterized by poor palynomorph
preservation and low taxonomic diversity, such as SS 7. These are strong enough
reasons to ignore Artemisia and Chenopodiaceae pollen when assessing the
seasonality signals of the coprolite pollen spectra at Hrova (Poaceae have been
already taken out of the equation as seasonality-uninformative).
In this improved perspective, the high percentages of Quercus (oak) and Salix
(the only other seasonality-informative taxa) in SS 7 add some more resolution to
previous seasonal interpretations, indicating that the sequence was deposited
sometime during the Spring season. The spectrum of SS 11, strongly dominated by
Potamogeton pollen (59%), is in agreement with the stratigraphic position of this
sequence overlying SS 7, as well as with the initial assignment of SS 11, based on
fish bones and coprolite distribution (Radu 2000; Tomescu et al. 2003), to the
Summer season.
The spectrum of SS 18 is characterized by an overwhelming dominance of
seasonality-uninformative taxa. Poaceae represent over half of the identified
pollen, and together with the Chenopodiaceae and Artemisia account for 61% of
the spectrum. The rest of the spectrum presents a relatively even distribution
between other seasonality-uninformative taxa and taxa that bear conflicting
seasonality signals. The next most frequent taxon, Salix (5.61% of identified
palynomorphs) would indicate the Spring season, which is in contradiction with
deposition after SS 11 and placement of SS 18 in the Summer season.
Stratigraphic sequence 48 yielded a spectrum highly similar to SS 18 (Poaceae,
followed by Artemisia and Chenopodiaceae totaling 58%, and Salix following with
6.41%), despite its initial assignment to a different season (Fig.1). Interestingly,
along with SS 71, SS 48 has the highest participation of Corylus (hazel), Alnus
(alder) and Ulmus (elm) (totaling 5.61% in SS 48 and 6.56% in SS 71), taxa that
indicate the end of Winter-beginning of Spring, an interval not in disagreement
with the gross seasonal assignment of SS 48, but neither in total agreement with
the finer stratigraphic placement of the sequence.
The strong participation of Salix in SS 70 (61%, the highest percentage of any
taxon in the studied samples) is indicative of the Spring season, as suggested for
this stratigraphic sequence by the study of fish bones and coprolite distribution.
However, SS 70 is directly overlain by SS 71, where Salix is completely absent and
which is characterized by the highest amounts of somewhat earlier Spring taxa,
Corylus, Alnus and Ulmus. This apparent stratigraphic inversion may be the result
of limitations of stratigraphic resolution brought by the fact that some of the
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stratigraphic units were thinner than the thickness of coprolites, which introduced
a certain degree of uncertainty in the assignment of the latter to a particular unit.
Conclusions
This pilot study shows that in the context of selective pollen destruction
existing at Hrova the pollen taxa resistant to degradation, persisting in the
sediment for longer periods and more easily recognizable in advanced states of
degradation, form a seasonality-uninformative background noise even in spectra
that represent snapshots of the pollen rain, such as coprolites. This noise often
reaches levels that mask signals borne by less abundant seasonality-informative
taxa and therefore has to be subtracted when assessing seasonality based on
pollen spectra. Even after subtraction of these taxa, the very short time interval of
pollen rain recorded by coprolites, and the vagaries of the behavior of individual
animals that produced the coprolites, are compounded leading to an uneven
reflection of the pollen rain in coprolite pollen spectra. As a direct result, the power
of resolution of these spectra in terms of seasonality varies over a broad range. In
some (fortunate) instances (e.g., SS 7, 11, 70), ingestion by the coproliteproducing individual of high pollen quantities of taxa with strong seasonal
significance, led to results consistent with the seasonal assignment provided by
independent methods (fish bones, the stratigraphic distribution of coprolite
concentration). In other instances (e.g., SS 18, 48, 71) the spectra show relatively
even distribution of percentages between all taxa, some of which are seasonalityuninformative, while others indicate different and often conflicting seasons,
conveying equivocal signals.
Although somewhat conflicting, the results produced by this study suggest that
the palynology of coprolites can potentially be developed as a tool to resolve the
seasonality of deposits where the stratigraphy is well constrained at high temporal
resolution. The quality and significance of such analyses would be undoubtedly
improved by better preservation of palynomorphs.
Compounding of many
coprolites for each of the stratigraphic intervals analyzed is recommended to
minimize the effects of the individual behavior of coprolite producers. This would
very likely ensure a better averaging of the pollen rain of the moment for each
interval, improving the internal consistency of results within a given stratigraphic
succession. The spectra obtained from coprolites also should be tested against
palynomorph spectra of the sediments containing the coprolites, although these
are more prone to contamination with recent material. More studies of this type,
based on larger amounts of material and combining independent methods for
assessing seasonality will undoubtedly lead to a better characterization of the
potential of coprolite palynology and eventually to calibration of the method.
Crucial in this context will be the experimentation with different data processing
methods to identify the statistics that best emphasize seasonality signals borne by
coprolite pollen spectra.
Acknowledgments
This work is dedicated to Silvia Marinescu-Blcu on the occasion of her 70th
anniversary. The many stimulating discussions we had over the years, on
archeology and a variety of other subjects, are as many treasured memories.
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Dragomir Popovici (National History Museum of Romania), co-director of the

excavations at Hrova-tell, supported this project from its inception and provided
insightful comments. This study was made possible through the outstanding
excavation of the midden complex C521 by Ctlin Bem (National History Museum
of Romania), and the work of students from the universities of Constana and
Trgovite (Romania) who helped with sorting of the coprolites in the field. Ovidiu
Dragastan (Department of Geology and Geophysics, University of Bucharest) kindly
hosted the author in his palynology lab where the samples were processed. My
Inter colleagues, Adrian Blescu, Drago Moise, Valentin Radu and Iulia
Tomescu, are warmly thanked for the help provided in the field and for fruitful
discussions.
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71
70
48
18
11
7

Spring

Spring

Fall/Winter

Summer

Summer

Summer

Stratigraphic
unit
5392

5356

5315

5207

5209

5259

5113

Palynomorph
concentration
(per g dry coprolite)
570.40

3643.64

2887.77

541.84

17732.46

29.75

145.24

Identified
palynomorphs
(per g dry coprolite)
181.91

1244.57

1699.48

320.65

8899.07

22.19

46.35

Counted
palynomorphs
185

1335

1079

681

540

63

47

Unidentifiable
palynomorphs
(% of total counted)
68.11

65.84

41.15

40.82

49.81

25.40

68.09

94.92

69.15

42.05

49.50

84.87

51.06

86.67

Deteriorated
palynomorphs
(% of total identified)

Artemisia (30.51)

Potamogeton (59.16)

Poaceae (50.48)

Poaceae (36.41)

Salix (61.25)

Chenopodiaceae (32.61)

Chenopodiaceae (40.00)

Table 1. Hrova-tell. Gumelnia A2. C 521. Synopsis of palynomorph content of selected coprolite samples;
season assignment based on Radu (2000), Tomescu et al. (2003).

71

Stratigraphic
sequence

Spring

Season

Most frequent taxon

(% of total identified)

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6
12
1
5
3
-

10.17
20.34
1.69
8.47
5.08
-

2
1
9
4
3
10
2
2
2
18
1
14
2
9
4
10
1

1.99
0.88
0.66
2.21
0.44
0.44
0.44
3.97
0.22
3.09
0.44
1.99
0.88
2.21
0.22

SU 5356

SU 5392

SS 11

6
2
2
1
9
3
8
3
4
8
8
1
10
34
9
6
23
1
5
1
27
35
2

N
0.32
0.32
0.16
1.44
0.48
1.28
0.64
1.28
1.28
0.16
1.60
5.45
1.44
0.96
3.69
0.16
0.80
0.16
4.33
5.61
0.32

SU 5315

SS 18

1
3
2
1
3
4
3
3
3
18
5
10
1
2
42
15
1
26
25
-

N
0.26
0.77
1.03
0.77
0.77
0.77
4.62
1.28
2.56
0.26
0.51
10.77
3.85
0.26
6.67
6.41
-

SU 5207

SS 48

1
8
1
6
1
7
166
-

N
0.37
2.95
0.37
2.21
0.37
2.58
61.25
-

SU 5209

SS 70

1
1
1
2
1
15
2
1
-

N
2.17
2.17
4.35
2.17
32.61
4.35
2.17
-

SU 5259

SS 71

6
1
-

40.00
6.67
-

SU 5113

SS 71

Table 2. Hrova-tell. Gumelnia A2. C 521. Palynomorph spectra of selected coprolite samples; taxa in shaded cells (representing long distance
transport or with inconclusive spore-release periods) not included in the sums on which percentages are based.

Salix
Tilia

Brassicaceaae

Hypericum

Apiaceae

Vitis

Rosaceae
Fabaceae
Rhamnaceae

Rumex

Caryophyllaceae
Chenopodiaceae

Ulmus
Cannabis
Urtica
Quercus
Betula
Alnus
Corylus
Carpinus
Juglans

Ranunculaceae

Abies
Picea
Abies/Picea
Pinus
Aristolochia
Nymphaea

Taxa

SS 7

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Total

Monolete spores
Trilete spores

Acorus calamus
Calla palustris
Pteridium

Poaceae

Sparganium type
Typha latifolia type

Cyperaceae

Allium
Muscari/Asparagus/Leucojum

Liliaceae

Artemisia
Sagittaria
Potamogeton

Solanaceae
Asteraceae asteroideae
Asteraceae cichorioideae

Callitriche

Other Malvaceae
Gentiana/Blackstonia
Lithospermum/Cerinthe
Other Boraginaceae
Lamiaceae

Malva/Althaea

Taxa

59

1
6
18
7
100

1.69
10.17
30.51
11.86
456

1
1
4
6
2
2
5
5
12
1
268
1
1
7
7
39
100

0.22
0.22
0.88
1.32
0.44
0.44
1.10
1.10
2.65
0.22
59.16
0.22
0.22
1.55
1.55
8.61
-

SU 5356

SS 11

SU 5392

SS 7

100

0.16
0.64
3.04
4.01
5.13
0.48
0.32
1.44
1.60
0.16
50.48
0.16
0.16
-

403

2
21
6
42
1
1
1
1
2
7
2
142
1
2
4

100

0.51
5.38
1.53
10.77
0.26
0.26
0.26
0.26
0.51
1.79
0.51
36.41
-

SU 5207

SS 48

Table 2 (continued).

635

1
4
19
25
32
3
2
9
10
1
315
1
1
2
-

SU 5315

SS 18

271

1
1
2
1
39
36
1
-

100

0.37
0.37
0.74
0.37
14.39
13.28
0.37
-

SU 5209

SS 70

47

1
1
7
14
-

100

2.17
2.17
15.22
30.43
-

SU 5259

SS 71

15

2
2
4
-

100

13.33
13.33
26.67
-

SU 5113

SS 71

www.cimec.ro

I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I

Alnus

Ulmus

Salix

Carpinus

Quercus

Juglans

Lithospermum/Cerinthe

Vitis

Tilia

Potamogeton

Sparganium type

Rumex

Cannabis

Chenopodiaceae

Malva/Althaea

Artemisia

March
I

April
I

May
I

June
I

July
X

September
X

30.51

20.34

10.17

5.08

SS 7

2.65

0.22

3.97

0.88

1.55

59.16

0.22

1.99

0.88

2.21

2.21

0.44

0.44

SS 11

5.13

5.45

1.44

1.60

0.48

0.32

0.16

1.28

1.28

5.61

1.44

0.64

1.28

SS 18

10.77

10.77

0.77

1.79

0.26

0.26

4.62

6.41

1.77

1.28

2.56

SS 48

0.37

0.37

0.37

13.28

2.95

61.25

0.37

SS 70

% of total identified palynomorphs (from Table 2)

Table 3. Hrova-tell. Gumelnia A2. C 521. Flowering/peak flowering periods of taxa used as indicators of seasonality and
their participation in the palynomorph spectra of selected coprolite samples.

February

Corylus

Taxon
August

Flowering/peak flowering period

October

14.75

34.43

1.64

1.64

3.28

1.64

SS 71

222

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CRISTIAN MICU*, MICHEL MAILLE**, FLORIAN MIHAIL*

OUTILS ET PIECES EN PIERRE PORTANT DES TRACES DE

FAONNAGE ET/OU DUTILISATION DECOUVERTS A
LUNCAVITA (DEP. DE TULCEA)

Abstract: Scopul articolului de fa este de a prezenta un lot de piese litice descoperite n primul nivel
de locuire de la Luncavia tell, jud. Tulcea, punctul Cetuia. Analiza materialului litic s-a realizat pe

criterii funcionale i tipologice. Cum pn la ora actual pentru aezrile gumelniene din nordul
Dobrogei, nu s-a realizat o tipologie complet, am preferat o descriere detaliat a tuturor tipurilor i
variantelor de piese. n cazurile n care nu am avut toate elementele necesare pentru definirea
acestora, am preferat s indicm caracteristicile ipotetice. O atenie deosebit s-a acordat contextelor n
care au fost descoperite piesele respective. De asemenea, identificarea surselor de materii prime a
constituit un alt element tratat n cadrul prezentului studiu. Lotul analizat este compus din 135 de piese.
Se remarc numrul mare de topoare (43) reprezentate n acest lot. Acestea reprezint 31,85% din
materialul analizat. Materialul litic descoperit n aezarea de tip tell de la Luncavia, precum i cele
provenite din locuirea exterioar aezrii (identificat pe teras, n apropierea tell-ului), pstreaz
caracteristicile acestei categorii de piese, specifice culturii Gumelnia.

Keywords: eneolithic, Gumelnia culture, lithic industries, tools, sourcing of the raw materials.

Dans cet article on prsentera un lot de pices lithiques mises au jour dans le
premier niveau dhabitation de ltablissement-tell de Luncavia (dep. de Tulcea),
lieu-dit Cetuia, et dans les points dhabitations identifis dans le voisinage de
celui-ci1.
Lanalyse du matriel dcouvert, a tout dabord pris en considration le critre
fonctionnel afin dtablir les principales catgories typologiques. Dans une seconde
phase on a dtermin les types et les variantes possibles par rapport aux
caractristiques de chaque pice analyse. Etant donn que pour les
tablissements du nord de la Dobroudja attribus la culture Gumelnia aucune
typologie complte de linventaire lithique na encore t dfinie, nous avons
prfr une description dtaille des types et variantes des artefacts. Dans le cas
o nous navions pas tous les lments ncessaires pour une dfinition correcte de
ceux-ci nous avons indiqu leur caractre hypothtique.
Une attention tout fait spciale a t accorde au contexte de la dcouverte
et ltat de conservation des pices du lot analys. Dans un mme temps la
matire premire a t dtermine pour chaque exemplaire2. Nous avons
galement indiqu les zones possibles dexploitation de ces roches, les futures
tudes pourraient permettre de dterminer plus prcisment lorigine des gtes
ayant fourni les matires premires utilises.
*

Institut de recherche co musographique de Tulcea. e-mail: cristianleonard@yahoo.com

**
Association pour la Sauvegarde du Patrimoine Archologique Aveyronnais. e-mail: maille.michel@wanadoo.fr

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On doit prciser que la liste des types et variantes dfinies dans le cadre de
chaque catgorie ne peut avoir quun caractre provisoire, celles-ci pouvant tre
modifie lavenir. Par consquent on na pas exclu la possibilit de lenrichir ou de
la rorganiser en fonction de la dcouverte de pices qui prsenteraient des
caractristiques tout a fait diffrentes ou combines des attributs dj prciss.
Le lot analys dans cet article comprend 135 pices (Tableau 1), nombre assez
grand par rapport aux autres tablissements nolithiques du nord de la
Dobroudja. De ce point de vue on peut faire une comparaison en termes relatifs
avec ltablissement contemporain de Carcaliu (dep. de Tulcea). Pour celui-ci il a
t dtermin (Lzurc 1986) que sur une surface denviron 1 ha les exemplaires
taills ou polis sont peu nombreux3.
I. Ciseaux (Tableaux 1-3). Jusqu prsent on a enregistr 16 exemplaires, ce
qui reprsente 11,85% du matriel notre disposition.
On a identifi les types suivants:
I.1. exemplaires trapzodaux, avec talon droite (variante I.1.1) ou arrondie
(variante I.1.2), le tranchant lgrement arqu, la section transversale
rectangulaire ou ovale (Fig.1/1, 2; 5/1, 2). Ils ont t dcouverts dans la couche
vgtale et dans la zone dhabitation identifie dans le voisinage du tell louest
de celui-ci.
Les traces dusure ou accidentelles ont affect le plus souvent le talon, le
tranchant et les surfaces latrales. La longueur varie entre 6,7 et 6,9 cm,
lpaisseur entre 1,5 et 1,6 cm. La valeur du rapport paisseur/largeur est quasi
similaire pour toutes les pices analyses, sinscrivant dans lintervalle 0,27-0,28. Il
est intressant de remarquer que les deux pices incluses dans ce type ont
galement un rapport largeur/longueur identique 0,85.
Les pices ont t tailles dans un calcaire fin, brun. Il est prciser que cette
matire premire possde les meilleures qualits technologiques du groupe de
calcaires (Prvu et al. 1977: 13). Les plus proches sources possibles dexploitation
se trouvent dans lunit des Montagnes Mcin, sur le sommet Priopcea-Piatra
Cernei et la colline de Bujoarele (calcaire palozoques), ou dans lunit des collines
de Niculiel, prs de Tichileti;
I.2. exemplaires dune forme et section transversale ressemblants au premier
type, mais un peu plus troits et avec des dimensions plus rduites (Fig.1/3, 4;
5/3, 4). Ils ont t dcouverts lintrieur des habitations (L3) ou dans la zone
daccumulation des dchets mnagers (C2). Les traces dusure ou accidentelles ont
affect le plus souvent le talon, le tranchant et les surfaces latrales.
La longueur peut atteindre 4,2 cm, lpaisseur ne parait pas dpasser 1,1 cm
et la largeur 3,2 cm. Les donnes concernant le rapport paisseur/largeur et
largeur/longueur ne sont pas suffisants pour formuler une conclusion. Les rsultats
partiels paraissent indiquer des valeurs diffrentes pour les pices analyses.
Les matires premires utilises sont le calcaire trs fin ou les roches
granulaires (probablement le schiste cristallin)4;
I.3. des pices approximativement rectangulaires, avec talon oblique, le tranchant
lgrement arqu et section transversale rectangulaire (Fig.1/5, 6). Elles ont t
dcouvertes tant lintrieur des habitations (L1) qu lextrieur de celles-ci (L2).
Les traces dusure ou accidentelles ont affect le plus souvent le talon et le
tranchant. La longueur varie entre 4,5 et 6,4 cm, lpaisseur entre 1,1 et 1,2 cm.
Les rsultats du rapport paisseur/largeur et largeur/longueur sont peu diffrents.
Il semble que le calcaire fin ait t prfr comme matire premire;
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Fig.1 Luncavia, point Cetuia. Outils en pierre. Ciseaux.

I.4. pices approximativement trapzodales, talon oblique, le tranchant
lgrement arqu, la section transversale rectangulaire (Fig.1/7). Les pices ont
t enregistres lintrieur des habitations (L2) et dans leur proximit.
Les traces dusure ou accidentelles ont affect le plus souvent le talon et le
tranchant.
Un seul exemplaire a t prserv quasi entier, ses dimensions5 tant : L.
8,2 cm; E. 1,9 cm.
Les ciseaux dtermins ont t taills dans un calcaire fin, brun ou ocre
brun;
I.5. type dune forme semblable, talon probablement droit et tranchant
oblique (Fig.1/8; 5/5), reprsent par un seul exemplaire dcouvert a lextrieur de
lhabitation L1, vers le sud.
Les traces dusure ou accidentelles ont affect les artes latrales.
A la diffrence de la variante antrieure les dimensions de celle-ci sont
beaucoup plus rduites: L. 4,2 cm; l.max. 2,2 cm; E.max. 0,9 cm.
Le ciseau a t taill dans un calcaire fin, crme, homogne;
I.6. pices dune forme approximativement rectangulaire, talons et tranchants
droits, section transversale rectangulaire (Fig.1/9; 5/6). Les ciseaux ont t
dcouverts dans la couche vgtale et sur la surface actuelle du sol, dans
ltablisement-tell.
Les traces dusure ou accidentelles ont affect le plus souvent le talon et les
surfaces latrales, moins le tranchant. La longueur varie entre 3,2 et 3,9 cm,
lpaisseur entre 1 et 1,2 cm et la largeur entre 2,4 et 2,6 cm. On remarque les
valeurs presque similaires du rapport paisseur/largeur 0,45-0,46.
La matire premire utilise pour les ciseaux de ce type est le calcaire fin,
homogne, brun clair ou jauntre;
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I.7. probablement un type de ciseau dune forme rectangulaire talon droit

(Fig.1/10). Jusqu prsent il a t dcouvert un seul exemplaire, dans la couche
vgtale, taill dans un calcaire crme, trs fin, inter stratifi avec de la chaille.
Dimensions: L 5,8 cm; E. 1,4 cm;
I.8. probablement un type de ciseau dune forme triangulaire, avec talon
arrondi (Fig.1/11). Compos dune pice, taille en schiste vert, dcouvert
lintrieur de lhabitation no. 2.
Il faut prciser que les schistes verts se comportent dune manire diffrente
aux actions physico mcaniques (Prvu et al. 1977). Leur prsence a t
remarque dans les formations gologiques prdominant sur le sommet principal
des Montagnes Mcin (Cote 1973: 341), elles ont t enregistres ces derniers
annes proximit du tell, dans lunit des collines de Niculiel;
I.9. probablement un autre type de ciseau (Fig.1/12). Ltat de conservation
du seul exemplaire enregistr ne permet pas de prciser la forme (rectangulaire ?)
et les dimensions. La pice a t dcouverte sur la surface du tell;
Si on prend en considration les valeurs enregistres pour le rapport
paisseur/largeur on peut tablir lexistence deux catgories des ciseaux:
a. minces, les catgories I.1. - I.6;
b. paisses, la catgorie I.7.
Comme on peut lobserver dans les annexes de cet article, les ciseaux sont
bien reprsents dans le cadre du lot de Luncavia. Jusqu prsent on peut tablir
un rapport de 1 pour 2,5 avec les haches6.
Il este facile dobserver le grand nombre de variantes, ralit considre
comme peu surprenante puisque les outils ont t dcouverts sur une grande
surface et dans des contextes archologiques diffrents. Il est noter la proportion
leve de ciseaux dcouverts sur le tell.
Bien que dans quelques cas on remarque une tendance respecter un rapport
similaire entre paisseur et largeur, il est prmatur de lancer une discussion sur
lexistence de rgles et/ou normes utilises pour la ralisation des ciseaux.
Le calcaire fin, de nuances diffrentes, a t choisi comme matire premire
dans une proportion dominante, ce qui peut conduire lide de lexistence dun
lien direct entre le type de pice et/ou sa fonctionnalit et la roche utilise comme
matire premire7.
II. Haches (Tableaux 1, 4-6). Jusqu prsent on a enregistr 43 exemplaires
(ce qui reprsente 31,85% du matriel analys), on peut mentionner galement un
dchet de perforation dune hache marteau. On a identifi les types et les
variantes suivantes:
II.1. haches non perfores. On a dtermin avec certitude 22 exemplaires, ce
qui reprsente approximativement 51,16% du nombre des haches enregistres8. Il
faut remarquer que celles-ci sont galement distribues entre letablisement-tell et
les autres points dhabitation identifis au lieu Cetuia9. Dans ltat actuel de la
recherche il est prmatur de formuler quelques conclusions en prenant pour point
de dpart cette constatation.
II.1.1 pices dune forme trapzodale talon lgrement arrondi, le
tranchant arqu et la section longitudinale biconvexe (Fig.2/1-3; 6/1-3). La
variante peut tre retrouve tant dans ltablissement-tell que dans le voisinage de
celui-ci. Presque tous les exemplaires analyss ont t fortement dtriors. Une
seule pice complte permet de prciser la longueur 11,4 cm.
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La matire premire utilise est diverse, avec une faible prdominance des
roches cristallines;
II.1.2. variante qui sindividualise par un tranchant fortement arqu (Fig.2/45; 6/4, 5). Les exemplaires enregistrs ont t dcouverts prs de lhabitation no.
2, dans la zone daccumulation des dchets mnagers et dans la zone dhabitation
identifie en dehors du tell. Il est intressant de remarquer que toutes les pices
ont la partie proximale (talon) entirement dtruite, dans ces conditions il est
impossible dindiquer des valeurs correctes pour les dimensions. En gnral les
surfaces ont t soigneusement polies.
Les roches holocristallines, siliceuses et schiste ont principalement t utiliss
comme matire premire.
II.1.3. variante reprsente par des haches massives, dune forme
approximativement rectangulaire, le tranchant arqu et la section longitudinale
probablement plane convexe (Fig.2/6; 6/6). Les trois pices enregistres jusqu
prsent ont t dcouvertes dans la zone dhabitation identifie en dehors de
letablissement-tell. En gnral la partie active, tranchant a t dtriore.
Le schiste vert constitue la matire premire de ce type.
II.1.4. des haches dune forme trapzodale, le talon droit, le tranchant
lgrement arqu ou droit (Fig.2/7, 8; 7/1, 2). Leur longueur peut varier entre 7,9
et 8,6 cm et lpaisseur entre 2,6 et 3,5 cm. Elles ont t dcouvertes dans les
habitations no. 1 et no. 6.
Pour un exemplaire on a pu dterminer la matire premire probablement du
gabbro. Cette est bien connu pour la forte rsistance la compression aprs avoir
t expose au gel mais aussi pour son beau coloris. Sur le territoire de la
Roumanie on la retrouve dans la rgion de Banat, les Montagnes de Perinari et en
Dobroudja du Nord. Dans la dernire rgion les plus proches gisements par rapport
letablissement-tell se trouvent sur le massif de Greci, la colline de Ramancula et
les collines de Niculiel;
II.1.5. des haches dune forme rectangulaire, le talon lgrement arqu
(Fig.2/9, 10; 7/3, 4). Les deux pices enregistres jusqu prsent nont pas t
dcouvertes dans un bon tat de conservation, par consquent on ne peut pas
indiquer la forme et les dimensions. En revanche on peut mentionner que ces
haches ont la moiti proximale abme.
Ces exemplaires ont t dcouverts sur la surface actuelle du sol, tant dans
letablissement-tell que dans la zone dhabitation avoisinante.
La matire premire na pas t dtermine;
II.1.6. variante reprsente par un hache dune forme trapzodale, le talon
lgrement arqu, le tranchant droit, section longitudinale biconvexe, dcouverte
sur la surface actuelle du sol, prs de ltablissement-tell.
Dimensions: L. 7,5 cm; l.max. 7 cm; E.max. 2 cm;
II.1.7. variante reprsente par un seul exemplaire, dune forme triangulaire,
talon pointu, section transversale ovale, dcouverte lintrieur de lhabitation no.
1 (Fig.2/11; 7/5).
La matire premire utilise est le schiste granulation moyenne, dans la
structure de la roche on peut observer des phnocristaux de quartz.
La partie active de la hache a t dtruite;
II.1.8. variante reprsente par un hache de petites dimensions (l. 3,8 cm;
E. 3,1 cm), dune forme approximativement trapzodale, le talon lgrement
oblique, section transversale ovale (Fig.2/12; 7/6).
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Fig.2 Luncavia, point Cetuia. Outils en pierre. Hache.

La partie active, le tranchant, a t dtruite.
En labsence de valeurs plausibles pour les dimensions des haches qui ne sont
pas perfores on ne peut pas faire de commentaire sur les rapports
paisseur/largeur et largeur/longueur. Par consquent il est impossible dutiliser les
critres ci-dessus mentionns pour la classification des exemplaires analyss.
II.2. dans ce type on a inclus les haches perfores ou en cours de perforation.
Leur nombre 12 exemplaires et un dchet de perforation sont levs par
rapport aux exemplaires dcouverts dans les autres tablissements de la culture
Gumelnia du nord de la Dobroudja10. A la diffrence des haches du premier type
celles-ci on t dcouvertes en grande nombre dans ltablissement-tell.
Si on prend en considration leur forme on peut prciser les variantes
suivantes:
II.2.1. le talon largi, lgrement arrondi, la zone proximale est longue
avec des bords arqus. (Fig.3/1; 8/1). Jusqu prsent on a dcouvert un seul
exemplaire, sur la surface de ltablissement-tell. La pice a t dtruite
pendant la perforation. Le diamtre de la perforation ne dpasse pas 1,5 cm,
dans une zone de la pice ou la valeur de la largeur a approximativement 5 cm.
Le polissage des surfaces na probablement pas t fini. Dans cette variante on
pourrait inclure avec beaucoup de rserves une pice qui na pas t finie,
travaille en schiste vert, dcouverte dans la zone dhabitation identifie en
dehors du tell (Fig.3/2; 8/2).
On doit prciser que jusqu prsent on na pas dcouvert de pice semblable
dans les autres tablissements de la culture Gumelnia du nord de la Dobroudja;
II.2.2. le talon largi, droit, la partie proximale courte avec des bords presque
droits (Fig.3/3; 8/3). Le seul exemplaire analys a t dcouvert dans la zone
daccumulation des dchets mnagers. Le diamtre de la perforation ne dpasse
pas 2 cm, dans une zone ou la largeur de la hache 2 cm.
La matire premire est un schiste vert;
II.2.3. variante possible, semblable celles ci-dessus mentionnes (Fig.8/4).
A cause de son mauvais tat de conservation on ne peut pas prsenter la forme du
seul exemplaire enregistr. Le talon est droit, la partie proximale courte avec des
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bords droits. La pice, dcouverte sur la surface SI de ltablissement-tell, a t

dtruite pendant la perforation.
Dimensions: l.max. 4,9 cm; E.max. 3,2 cm.
La matire premire est un schiste vert;

Fig.3 Luncavia, point Cetuia. Outils en pierre. Hache.

II.2.4. variante avec talon droit, la partie proximale courte et les bords
lgrement arrondis (Fig.3/4, 5; 8/5, 6). Les surfaces sont soigneusement polies.
Les pices ont t enregistres sur une grande surface qui comprend
ltablissement-tell et la zone dhabitation avoisinante. A cause de ltat de
fragmentation on ne peut quvaluer le diamtre de la perforation, celui-ci ne
dpassant pas 2 cm dans une zone ou la largeur des haches 4-5 cm.
La matire premire est un schiste vert.
Il faut prciser que des exemplaires semblables se retrouvent galement dans
un niveau de la phase A1 de la culture Gumelnia Trestenic (Lzurc 1995: 12,
Pl. IX/5);
II.2.5. variante reprsente par un seul exemplaire, dcouvert en dehors de
letablissement-tell, dtruit pendant la perforation. Le talon aiguis, les bords
droits (Fig.3/6; 8/7). Le diamtre de la perforation a 1,5 cm, dans une zone de la
pice ou la largeur a 4 cm.
La matire premire est un schiste vert.
Des exemplaires semblables se retrouvent aussi dans quelque tablissements
de la culture Cucuteni (Dumitrescu et al. 1954, Pl. 21/2-4);
II.2.6. variante possible, reprsente par un exemplaire de petite dimension
dtruit pendant lutilisation (Fig.3/7; 8/8). Dans la deuxime phase le talon a t
poli avec tentative de raliser une autre perforation, opration abandonne
probablement tout de suite11. Le diamtre de la seconde perforation avait 1,5 cm,
dans une zone ou la largeur de la pice a 3,2 cm. Les surfaces ont t
soigneusement polies.
La hache a t dcouverte dans la couche vgtale au-dessus de lhabitation
no. 1.
On na pas dtermin la matire premire.
Comme observation gnrale en ce qui concerne les haches de type perfores
dcouverts Luncavia il faut mentionner que la perforation na pas
systmatiquement t ralise dans la zone de largeur maximum. Si on prend en
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considration les dimensions de la perforation on peut partager les exemplaires

analyss dans deux groupes:
a.
diamtre de 1,5-1,6 cm;
b.
diamtre de 2-2,2 cm
A cause du mauvais tat de conservation des pices analyses on ne peut
prciser le rapport diamtre/largeur de la perforation sur que pour deux haches, ce
qui ne permet pas, dans ltat actuel de la recherche, davancer dhypothses sur
ce sujet. Il sera intressant de vrifier lavenir si les valeurs obtenues sinscrivent
dans lintervalle 0,46-0,47 comme paraissent lindiquer les rsultats disponibles.
En revenant la situation gnrale des haches dcouvertes dans les zones
dhabitation identifies au lieu dit Cetuia, on remarque la prdominance des
exemplaires non perfors, cependant il faut prciser que la proportion des pices
incompltes et/ou indterminables est relativement leve. Par contre on a
enregistr une concentration de haches perfores sur la surface suprieure de
letablissement-tell.
En observant la variante haches perfores on remarque que la plupart des
exemplaires ont t taills en schiste vert12. Cependant lexistence dun rapport
troit entre la variante de hache et la matire premire utilis devra tre ralise
sur un inventaire plus exhaustif. On ne peut pas faire de commentaire similaire sur
les haches qui ne sont pas perfores tant donn que le nombre dexemplaires
pour lesquels on a identifi la matire premire est faible13.
III. Meules (Tableaux 1, 7). Les meules sont bien reprsentes dans le lot
analys, cest dire 14,08% du matriel lithique enregistr Luncavia14, dans un
rapport de 1 pour 1,4 avec les broyeurs.
On a identifi les types suivants:
III.1. exemplaires dune forme ovale allonge (Fig.4/1-3). La partie active est
lgrement incurve. La partie infrieure est toujours ngligemment taille. Les
pices ont t enregistres tant dans letablissement-tell que dans la zone
dhabitation extrieure. On les retrouve lintrieur des habitations (L2). Quelques
exemplaires, dtruits, ont t utiliss la fondation de lhabitation no. 2. Pour
seulement deux pices on a dtermin la matire premire - schiste cristallin,
respectivement granite. Ce dernier se trouve dans des gisements identifis au
voisinage du tell15. On sait qu cause de la duret et de la rsistance des lments
dont il est compos, le granite non altr, est une roche dure trs rsistante;
III.2. exemplaires dune forme plutt trapzodale. La partie active est
lgrement incurve (Fig.4/4). Sur la partie infrieure on peut remarquer la
technique suprieure de prparation. Les pices ont t dcouvertes lintrieur
de lhabitation no. 1 et sur la surface du tell. Une meule a t travaille dans un
schiste cristallin, lautre, probablement, en granite;
III.3. type plutt hypothtique reprsent seulement par une pice
dcouverte dans la couche vgtale. Celle ci sindividualise dans la srie de
Luncavia par sa forme plate (Fig.9/1). La matire premire utilise est un grs
carbonat16.
Il est remarquer que la proportion des meules dcouvertes en dehors dun
contexte archologique bien dfini est assez leve. Si les pices des types III.2.
et III.3. se retrouvent jusqu prsent seulement sur la surface du tell, le type
III.1. parait avoir une surface de dispersion beaucoup plus grande qui comprend
aussi la zone dhabitation extrieure. Mme si le nombre des pices analyses est
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relativement rduit on peut retenir comme observation prliminaire une prfrence

pour les roches dures, choix normal vu la destination des meules.

Fig.4 Luncavia, point Cetuia. Outils en pierre. Meules.

IV. Broyeurs (Tableaux 1, 8). A Luncavia on a enregistr un nombre
relativement important de pices, reprsentant 20% du matriel analys.
On a tabli les types et les variantes suivantes:
IV.1. plates
IV.1.1. variante dune forme irrgulire ou approximativement (Fig.9/2-4). La
technique de travail de la matire premire est rudimentaire. Presque tous les
exemplaires ont des traces dutilisation sur une seule des surfaces17. Les pices ont
t dcouvertes lintrieur de lhabitation no. 2 et dans la zone daccumulation de
dchets mnagers.
On na pas identifi la matire premire;
IV.1.2. variante dune forme circulaire (Fig.9/5). Les pices ont des traces
dutilisation sur les deux surfaces. La technique damnagement est suprieure par
rapport la variante antrieure. Quelques exemplaires ont t utiliss aussi
comme percuteurs.
Comme matire premire on a identifis des roches diverses quartzite blanc,
grs verdtre et chaille verdtre clair. Le quartzite blanc peut tre retrouves
abondamment prs de Luncavia18. La roche est reconnue pour sa duret,
laccessibilit et la facilit dexploitation dans les gisements de la Dobroudja du
Nord (Bacalu 1978: 84). Les chailles ont t identifies dans lunit des collines de
Tulcea (Punescu 1999: 40, n. 70, 73);
IV.1.3. variante possible reprsente par un seul exemplaire dune forme
irrgulire, avec des bords droits et les extrmits arques, trouve dans la zone de
la section E. Coma A. On a identifi des traces dutilisation sur les deux surfaces
(Fig.9/6).
Dimensions: L. 11,8 cm; l. 6,4 cm; E. 2,5 cm.
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La matire premire identifie est un quartzite cristallis, gris clair. La roche

peut tre retrouve dans la zone du nord de la Dobroudja (Punescu 1999: 40) ;
IV.2. des exemplaires sphriques ayant une ou plusieurs surfaces amnages
pour le frottement. Ils ont pu tre utiliss aussi comme percuteurs. (Fig.10). Cest
un type doutils19 les mieux distribus quon peut retrouver dans les habitations (L1
et L2), la zone daccumulation des dchets mnagers et la couche vgtale. La
mme diversit a aussi t remarque pour la matire premire utilise: le schiste
vert, le granite, la diorite, la granodiorite et le silicolite vert clair. Les plus proches
point dexploitation des diorites se trouvent sur le sommet principal des Montagnes
Mcin, ou apparaissent en banc des filons facilement exploitables20. La roche est
considre parmi les formations gologiques prdominantes dans la zone ci-dessus
mentionne (Cote 1973: 341);

Fig.5 Luncavia, point Cetuia. Outils en pierre. Ciseaux.

IV.3. type hypothtique reprsent par un galet utilis probablement comme
broyeur. La surface active est assez dlimite. La pice a t ralise dans une
roche siliceuse, fine cristalline.
Jusqu prsent les broyeurs ont seulement t enregistrs sur la surface de
letablissement-tell. Il est, on croit, intressant de noter leur absence dans la zone
de lhabitation extrieure. Tel que prcis antrieurement quelques exemplaires
ont eu des utilisations multiples.
Except le critre typologique on peut partager les broyeurs daprs les
dimensions de la surface active:
1. avec une grande surface active dans laquelle on inclut les pices
appartenant au type IV.1;
2. avec une surface active rduite dans laquelle on peut inclure les pices
appartenant au type IV.2.
Bien quen apparence on remarque une diversit des types de roches utilises
pour les broyeurs21 en ralit les matriaux durs ont t prfrs;
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Fig.6 Luncavia, point Cetuia. Outils en pierre. Haches.

V. Percuteurs (Tableaux 1, 9). Leur nombre est rduit, reprsentant 7,41% du total.
On a identifi les variantes suivantes:
V.1. exemplaires dune forme sphrique semblable aux broyeurs inclus dans la
variante IV.2. (Fig.11/1-4). Les pices ont des dimensions rduites. Sur leurs
surfaces on remarque des traces dutilisation. Ils ont aussi bien t dcouverts
lintrieur de lhabitation no. 1, dans la zone daccumulation des dchets mnagers
que dans la zone dhabitation au voisinage du tell.

Fig.7 Luncavia, point Cetuia.

Outils en pierre. Haches.

Fig.8 Luncavia, point Cetuia.

Outils en pierre. Haches.
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La matire premire utilise est les schistes verts ou schistes cristallins;

V.2. un seul exemplaire de grands dimensions, ralis en schiste vert
(Fig.11/5). De forme irrgulire, a t dcouvert dans la zone dhabitation
identifie prs du tell;
V.3. variante hypothtique, il semble quun un galet en schiste vert a t
utilis sans mise en forme pralable.
VI. Marteau de mineur. La pice, dcouverte dans le niveau de
destruction de lhabitation no. 3, a une des surfaces plate et lautre convexe. Dans
la zone mdiane on peut observer la gorge amnage pour la fixation du bras de
bois (Fig.11/7).
Jusqu prsent aucun exemplaire similaire na t dcouvert dans la zone nord
de la Dobroudja22.

Fig.9 Luncavia, point Cetuia. Outils en pierre. 1 meule; 2-6 broyeurs.

Conclusions
Tout dabord on peut mettre en vidence le nombre relativement lev doutils
en pierre dcouverts au lieu dit Cetuia, tant dans letablissement-tell que dans la
zone prs de celui-ci. Cette observation est valable aussi bien dans le cas des
pices avec traces de prparation et/ou dutilisation que pour celles dont on na
pas pu indiquer la destination.
Par leurs caractristiques, les catgories, les types et les variantes tablis ne
sont pas beaucoup diffrents par rapport aux dcouvertes similaires ralises dans
l'aire de diffusion des communauts Gumelnia.
Dans le lot analys, on peut remarquer le grand nombre de haches identifies.
La diversit typologique enregistre dans le cas de quelques outils en pierre
(spcialement des ciseaux et des haches) parait suggrer une diversit des
activits ralises dans ltablissement.
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Sur le tell la prsence des pices a t signale lintrieur des habitations et

dans la zone de leur voisinage, dans les zones mnagres et moins dans le reste
de la surface habite.

Fig.10 Luncavia, point Cetuia. Outils en pierre. Broyeurs.

Bien que ltat de conservation des niveaux dhabitation de la partie suprieure
du tell soit assez mauvais, dans quelque cas on a pu dfinir assez clairement le
contexte de dcouverte. Il faut prciser dans ce sens les points de concentration
du matriel lithique et la composition de celui-ci23:
la surface du carre A1, partie de la zone daccumulation des dchets mnagers
o on a enregistr dans la zone suprieure du complexe un percuteur, un
broyeur et une pice destination incertaine. Il faut rappeler que dans le
mme contexte on a dcouvert de nombreux bois de cerf, avec ou sans traces
de dbitage, et des herminettes confectionnes de la mme matire premire.
Une hypothse est: est-ce que cette association pourrait tre mise en relation
avec une possible zone de dbitage du bois de cerf ?
cest toujours dans la zone daccumulation de dchets mnagers, sur la
surface du carr B2, dans la partie suprieure du complexe, quon a
dcouvert deux haches, deux broyeurs et un ciseau. La prsence des outils
dans ce contexte, associe avec leur tat prcaire de conservation, nous
dtermine croire quils ont t jets aprs leur priode dutilisation;
la zone extrieure de lhabitation no. 1, vers le sud, ou on a dcouvert trois
ciseaux, deux meules, un broyeur et une pice pour laquelle on na pas
dtermin la destination. On ne peut pas dire si cette association indique
un type dactivit ralise en dehors du complexe ci-dessus mentionn,
puisque les pices ont t enregistres dans des dpts rsultant
dactivits tout a fait diffrentes;
la limite du sud de lhabitation no. 2, o on a enregistr un ciseau, deux
haches, cinq broyeurs et une pice qui na pas t dtermine du point de
vue typologique. Leur prsence dans la zone mentionne pourrait tre
mise en relation avec des activits ralises lintrieur de ce complexe
dhabitation;
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la limite nord de lhabitation no. 1 o on a dcouvert un ciseau, un hache, une

meule, un broyeur et un percuteur. La prsence des pices pourrait galement
tre mise en relation avec des activits ralises lintrieur du complexe;
la surface des carres F1-F2, dans la couche vgtale, au-dessus de
lhabitation no. 6 et lextrieur de ce complexe, o on a dcouvert deux
haches, un nombre similaire de broyeurs et un percuteur, associs avec
des fragments de cramiques de grande dimension. Le contexte de la
dcouverte, tout a fait diffrent pour les pices mentionnes, nous
empche dmettre une hypothse quelconque.

Fig.10 Luncavia, point Cetuia. Outils en pierre.

1-6 percuteurs; 7 marteau de mineur.
Bien que dans le voisinage des habitations on a enregistr un nombre
important de roches avec des traces dutilisation et/ou prparation, on na pas
identifi dendroit rserv la mise en forme de la matire premire. On nexclue
pas dans ce contexte la possibilit que quelques pices pouvaient tre ralises
prs des sources de matire premire ou sont arrives Luncavia la suite
dchanges avec dautres communauts contemporaines.
Dans la zone dhabitation identifie sur la terrasse de loess prs du tell on na
pas enregistr, jusqu prsent, de concentration de pices en pierre.
Bien que dans le cadre des recherches ralises au lieu dit Cetuia quelque
types doutils aient t enregistrs exclusivement dans letablissement-tell ou dans
la zone dhabitation extrieure celui-ci, on ne peut prendre en considration cette
observation que comme le rsultat du stade actuel de la recherche24.
Il est noter que sans tenir compte du contexte de la dcouverte un
nombre important de pices est dans un tat avanc de fragmentation. Ceci
pourrait tre mis en relation tant avec ltat gnral de prservation de la couche
vgtale que le degr dusure des outils.
Dans ltat actuel de la recherche on peut souligner la prfrence des
membres de la communaut pour les matires premires dont les gisements se
trouvent prs de ltablissement. Ceux-ci ont probablement exploit tant les
gisements de lunit des Montagnes Mcin que ceux de la zone des collines de
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Niculiel (tout aussi prs de ltablissement), en particulier ceux qui se trouvent

dans une rayon de 10 km par rapport aux points dhabitation de la zone Cetuia25.
Dans quelques cas (haches, meules, broyeurs, percuteurs) on peut remarquer une
liaison entre le type de pice et la matire premire utilise.
Notes
1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.
8.

9.

Le dernier niveau dhabitation de ltablissement-tell appartient la phase A2 de la culture

Gumelnia (Micu, Maille 2002; 2003). Dans le voisinage du tell, vers louest et sud, sur une grande
surface, on a identifi des traces dhabitation similaires parmi lesquelles un riche inventaire
lithique. Il faut aussi rappeler quau kilomtre 3,4 de la route dpartementale Luncavia-Nifon, sur
la rive gauche de la valle de Luncavia, E. Coma a dcouvert, dans la coupe dune colline, des
fragments de cramiques Gumelnia (E. Coma 1953: 753). Dans ce dernier point, bien que nous
ayons fait un petit sondage (Micu, Maille 2002; 2003), on na pas identifi de niveau dhabitation
nolithique. Par contre, dans la couche vgtale, cot dun riche inventaire dpoque romaine,
on a trouv un fragment de hache en pierre qui a t intgre dans cette analyse.
La dtermination de la matire premire pour chaque pice dcouverte Luncavia a t faite
par monsieur Constantin Hait, chercheur au Muse National dHistoire de la Roumanie, que
nous remercions aussi a cette occasion. On doit prciser que les anciennes tudes
comprennent aussi des dterminations des outils dcouverts dans ltablissement-tell de
Luncavia. Parce que beaucoup de donnes concernant le contexte de la dcouverte y sont
confus nous avons prfr de ne les inclure pas dans cette analyse. Nous nous sommes
seulement contents de souligner quelques dtails. Ainsi E. Coma (1952: 41) remarquait
dans le rapport de la premire campagne de fouilles la dcouverte de nombreux outils en
pierre, beaucoup de ceux-ci labors dans un granite provenant des Montagnes Mcin. Dans
le mme contexte on a prcis quune des deux haches plates dcouvertes a t taille elle
aussi dans du granite, lautre dans un grs. Beaucoup plus riche sont les donnes prsentes
dans une tude publie plus tard par El. Lzurc (1984a), dans lequel sont aussi inclus les
rsultats des analyses macro et microscopique des quelques outils en pierre dcouverts au
lieu-dit Cetuia et dans les autres possibles points dhabitation nolithiques identifis aux
alentours du village de Luncavia. Les haches enregistres Cetuia ont t travailles en
microgabbro, schiste amphibolite, dolrite, un broyeur en dolrite et un percuteur en mtatuf.
On doit mentionner que pour ltablissement de Carcaliu il ny a pas un inventaire complet
des pices dcouvertes dans la couche archologique. Le nombre des exemplaires enregistrs
dans la collection du Muse dHistoire et dArchologie de Tulcea ne correspond pas avec
celui mentionn dans les rapports de fouille.
Le terme de schistes cristallins comprend un groupe entier de roches cristallines avec des
caractristiques diffrentes (Pascu 1928: 10). Les plus proches sources de matires premires
pour le tell de Luncavia se trouvent lest des Montagnes Mcin, sur les sommets de
Boclugea et Colugea, en passant lest du point uuiatul, jusqu la colline de Bugeac
(Mutihac 1982: 57; Drago 1982: 223).
Pour les dimensions on t utilises les abrviations: L longueur; l. largeur; E.
paisseur; l.max. largeur maximum; E.max. paisseur maximum; D.p. diamtre de la
perforation; D - diamtre.Une situation tout fait diffrente pourrait tre remarque Carcaliu
o le rapport ci-dessus mentionne est 1pour 1.
En ce qui concerne les lots analyss dans les autres tablissement de la culture Gumelnia de
Dobroudja on a dmontr que les ciseaux et les herminettes sont moins reprsentes que les
haches. Le nombre rduit des pices enregistres et limpossibilit de raliser une analyse qui
pourrait englober les exemplaires dcouverts dans les tablissements ainsi que dans les
ncropoles ont empch de dterminer le rapport quantitatif entre les haches et ciseaux
(Haotti 1997: 92-93).
Dans une analyse sur les ciseaux dcouverts dans les tablissements de la culture Gumelnia
de Dobroudja on a mentionn que ceux-ci ont t tailles en roches dures: basalte, granite,
marnes (Haotti 1997: 92).
Dans ce cas on doit prendre en considration le nombre important des exemplaires six
pices, cest a dire 19,3% du nombre des haches enregistres jusqu prsent qui ne sont
pas inclus dans un type ou variante connues cause de ltat de fragmentation. Le
pourcentage des haches qui ne sont pas perfores peut augmenter sensiblement si on prend
en considration les dcouvertes faites auparavant au lieu-dit Cetuia.
On a enregistr srement neuf exemplaires dans letablissement-tell et 13 en dehors de celui-ci.

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10. Dans letablissement de Trestenic (phase Gumelnia A1), sur une petite surface, on a
decouvert cinq exemplaires perforees (Lzurc 1995: 12-13, Pl. IX/1, 4-7). Par contre,
Carcaliu on a signale seulement un exemplaire (Lzurc 1986).
11. La rutilisation des haches perfores a aussi t signale Trestenic et Carcaliu, dans ce dernier
tablissement loutil tant utilis comme percuteur ou broyeur (Lzurc 1986; 1995: 13).
12. A Trestenic on retrouve une situation en quelque sorte diffrente, les cinq exemplaires
enregistrs dans cet tablissement ont t taills en rhyolite, grs et basalte (Lzurc 1995: 12).
13. Si on prend galement en considration les exemplaires dcouverts dans les campagnes des
fouilles passes on peut constater une diversit des options en ce qui concerne lutilisation
des matires premires.
14. Une proportion en quelque sorte diffrente a t, probablement, enregistre Carcaliu o on a
dcouvert 2-3 meules dans chaque habitation (Lzurc 1986). On rappelle que dans cet
tablissement ont t dcouvertes huit habitations.
15. Dans la littrature de spcialit le granite est mentionn dans une zone qui a comme limite nord le
village de Vcreni, en passant par le massif de Pricopan lest de la ville de Mcin, et le massif
Megina-Romancula situe 10 km au sud du premier (Savul, Barbu 1961: 257-259; Oncescu 1965:
64-65; Lzurc 1991: 284). Sur des petites surfaces on le retrouve au sud de la valle de Cerna.
Pendant une recherche de surface ralise aux alentours du tell on a identifi un gisement 1,5
km au nord-est de ltablissement nolithique dans la zone des collines de Niculiel.
16. Les gres se retrouvent dans lunite des Montagnes Mcin (Popescu 1982: 753; Drago 1982:
236; Mutihac 1982: 57, 59).
17. Des exemplaires semblables se retrouvent, dans une faible proportion, Carcaliu. A la
diffrence de Luncavia, ici ont t enregistr aussi de grands broyeurs, discodaux, avec des
surfaces soigneusement amnages.
18. Dans lunit des Montagnes Mcin, les gisements de quartzite forment le sommet des collines
et sont visibles de grandes distances. Entre les localits Cerna et Mcin on les retrouvent
sur les collines de Chervant, Cerna, Piatra Rioas, Vielaru, Orliga-Srrie (Bacalu 1978: 8384; Drago 1982: 229). Les plus proches gisements par rapport letablissement-tell sont a 3
km de village de Luncavia (Lzurc 1991: 285).
19. Des exemplaires semblables ont t dcouverts Carcaliu dans une proportion assez leve.
20. R. Pascu (1928: 30) prcisait que la diorite, sans faire lobjet dune importante exploitation
dans la priode moderne, a t extraite par les habitants du voisinage des gisement
notamment cause de la position favorable dans laquelle elles apparaissent.
21. La mme observation a t faite pour lhabitation de Carcaliu ou les broyeurs ont t
travaills dans un grs siliceux dune couleur blanc - jauntre et mme en roches plus dures
ou galets (pierres qui se trouvent au voisinage ou dans la rivire) (Lzurc 1986).
22. Les outils de cette catgorie sont assez rares mme sur le territoire de la Roumanie. Une
discussion sur ce sujet, accompagne de la bibliographie correspondante, on peut la
retrouver a I. Mare (2002: 59-60, 63).
23. On fait cette prcision en partant de lide que lassociation et la frquence des diverses
catgories et types de pices pourraient reflter, dans un contexte archologique bien dfini,
certains types dactivits anthropique (Nlbitoru 2003: 35).
24. Des conclusions pertinentes ou mme des hypothses de travail pourront tre formules
aprs avoir analys des sries plus nombreuses et plus riches doutils appartenant aux
catgories et types dfinis.
25. Bien que les donnes que nous avons disposition, ce stade de la recherche, ne soit pas
suffisantes on peut remarquer que les membres des communauts de la culture Gumelnita du
nord de la Dobroudja ont exploit en gnral les gisement situs prs des tablissements
(Lzurc 1984a: 25; 1984b: 283; 1995: 11), situation normale si on prend en considration
labondance des matires premiers. Il est difficile dlargir cet observation au niveau de toute
la rgion de Dobroudja puisque on ne retrouve pas des donnes suffisantes dans les tudes
publies jusqu prsent. Dans ltablissement-tell de Hrova il a t mentionn dans une
premire phase que les sources des matires premires pour certains outils en pierre se
trouvent a des distances comprises entre 20 et 80 km (Popovici, Rialland 1996: 52). Dans un
tude ultrieure il a t mentionn que les zones possibles dexploitation des matires
premires se trouvaient des distances variant, par rapport au site archologique, entre 2-3
km et 60-70 km (Haotti 1997: 92).

Bibliographie
Bacalu, V. 1978. Bogiile miniere ale Dobrogei de Nord descoperite n 30 de ani de
la eliberarea patriei (1944-1974). Peuce 5. Studii i comunicri de geografie i
geologie: 69-97.
238

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Coma, E. 1952. Raport preliminar asupra sondajului de lng Luncavia, raionul Mcin,
dans antierul Garvn (Dinogeia). Studii i cercetri de istorie veche III: 413-416.
Cote, P. 1973. Geomorfologia Romniei, Bucureti.
Drago, V. 1982. Geologie general i stratigrafic, Bucureti.
Dumitrescu, Vl., Dumitrescu, H., Petrescu-Dmbovia, M.P., Gostar, N. 1954.
Hbeti. Monografie arheologic, Bucureti.
Haotti, P. 1997. Epoca neolitic n Dobrogea, Constana.
Lzurc, El. 1984a Cercetri arheologice n staiunea neolitic de la Carcaliu (jud.
Tulcea). Peuce IX: 23-30.
Lzurc, El. 1984b. Noi date obinute n urma analizelor de laborator asupra uneltelor
i armelor litice din colecia Muzeului din Tulcea. Peuce IX: 281-291, 649-658.
Lzurc, El. 1986. Raport final asupra cercetrilor arheologice efectuate n
aezarea neolitic de la Carcaliu. Rapport prsente la Session Nationale des
Rapports Archologiques de Deva.
Lzurc, El. 1991. Noi date obinute n urma analizelor de laborator asupra
uneltelor i armelor litice din coleciile Muzeului din Tulcea. Peuce IX: 281-291.
Lzurc, El. 1995. Trestenic o nou aezare neolitic pe teritoriul judeului
Tulcea. Peuce XI: 7-48
Mare, I. 2002. Metalurgia aramei n neo-eneoliticul Romniei, Suceava.
Micu, C., Maille, M. 2002. Recherches archeologiques dans le cadre de letablissementtell de Luncavia, (dep. de Tulcea). Studii de Preistorie 1: 115-129.
Micu, C., Maille, M. 2003. Opration de coopration archologique entre lAveyron
et le departement de Tulcea sur le tell de Luncavia en Roumanie. Vivre en
Rouergue. Cahiers dArcheologie Aveyronnaise 16: 229-233.
Mutihac, V. 1982. Unitile geologice structurale i distribuia substanelor minerale
utile n Romnia, Bucureti.
Nlbitoru, I. A. 2003. Remarks on Gumelnia lithic tools discovered at Borduani. In
Popovici D. (eds.) Archaeological Pluridisciplinary Researches at BorduaniPopin, Trgovite.
Oncescu, N. 1965. Geologia Romniei, Ediia a III-a, Bucureti.
Pascu, R. 1928. Carierele i apele minerale din Dobrogea. Carierele i apele
minerale din Romnia. Studii Tehnice i Economice VI, fasc. 1.
Punescu, Al. 1999. Paleoliticul i mezoliticul de pe teritoriul Dobrogei II, Bucureti.
Prvu, G. et al. 1977. Roci utile din Romnia, Bucureti.
Popescu, N. 1982. Judeul Tulcea. Geologia. Enciclopedia geografic a Romniei,
Bucureti: 753.
Popovici, D., Rialland, Y. 1996. Viaa pe malul Dunrii acum 6500 ani, Bucureti.
Savul, M., Barbu, Al. 1961. Cercetri de analiz structural petrologic asupra
masivului eruptiv Pricopan. Studii i Cercetri de Geologie VI (2): 257-285.
Nombre des
%
exemplaires
Ciseau
16
11,85
Hache
43
31,85
Dchets de perforation
1
0,74
Meule
19
14,08
Broyeur
27
20
Percuteur
10
7,41
Marteau de mineur
1
0,74
Varia
18
13,33
Total
135
100
Tableau 1. Luncavia, point Cetuia
Pice

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www.cimec.ro

I.4.

I.3.

I.2. ?

I.2.

I.1.

Type

SI; C8; L2; US

1009

SI; E1; US 1039

34/2001

142/2000

SI; B9; US 1100

mdiocre

bon

bon

dtrior

SI; D2; L1; US

1034

41/1998

31/2001

dtrior

SI; B2; C2; US

1005

bon

bon

bon

Etat de
conservation

44/2000

SIII; Son. 1; L3

SI ; E1; US 1000

33/2001

26/2000

Passim; en dehors de
ltablissement-tell

Contexte de la
dcouverte

21/1998

Numro
didentification

E. 1,7 cm

calcaire trs fin,

ocre brun, fin
stratifi

calcaire fin, brun

calcaire, fin, brun,

homogne

indtermin

L. 4,5 cm;
l.max. 3,7 cm;
E.max. 1,1 cm
L. 6,4 cm;
l.max. 4,8 cm;
E.max 1,2 cm
L. 8,2 cm;
l.max. 4,7 cm;
E.max. 1,9 cm

calcaire trs fin,

ocre, homogne

roche granulaire
fine, brune
rougetre.
Probablement
schiste cristallin

calcaire fin, brun;

brl

indtermin

Matire premire

L. 4,2 cm;
E.max. 1 cm

l.max. 3,2 cm;

E. max. 1,1 cm

L. 6,9 cm;
l.max. 5,5 cm;
E.max. 1,5 cm
L. 6,7 cm;
l.max. 5,7 cm;
E.max. 1,6 cm

Dimensions

la plupart de la pice a t
dtruite

le talon a t abm

le talon et le tranchant ont

t lgrement abms

le talon le tranchant et les

surfaces latrales ont t
lgrement abmes
le talon le tranchant et une
des parties latrales ont t
en particulirement
abmes

le talon a t abm

le talon, le tranchant et les

surfaces latrales ont t
lgrement abmes
le talon et une des surfaces
latrales ont t en
particulirement abms

Observations

www.cimec.ro

135/2000

181/2000

24/1999

53/2000

I.7.

I.8.

I.9.

I.

65/2002

2/2001

dtrior

Passim; dans
ltablissement-tell
-

E. 1,5 cm

l.max 2,2 cm ;
E.max. 1,5 cm

L. 4,2 cm;
l.max. 2,2 cm;
E.max. 0,9 cm
L. 3,9 cm;
l.max. 2,6 cm;
Gr.max. 1,2 cm
L. 3,3 cm;
l.max. 2,4 cm;
E.max. 1,1 cm
L. 3,5 cm;
l.max. 2,9 cm;
E.max. 1,1 cm

Dimensions

le talon et une des parties

latrales ont t abms

calcaire fin,
jauntre,
homogne
calcaire trs fin,
gris fonce,
homogne
calcaire crme, trs
fin, inter stratifi
avec de chaille
schiste vert; texture
siltique argileuse,
vert fonce
indtermin

le talon et le tranchant ont

t lgrement abms

calcaire brun clair,

fin, homogne

la plupart de la pice a t
abme
pice difficile introduire
dans un des types cause
de ltat avance de
fragmentation

la partie proximale a t
dtruite

la partie distale a t
dtruite

lune des surfaces a t

abme

les parties latrales ont t

lgrement abmes

Observations

calcaire fin, brun,

homogne

Matire premire

schiste vert fonce,

texture fine
dtrior
(siltique-argileuse),
homogne
Tableau 2. Luncavia, point Cetuia. Ciseaux

mdiocre

SI; C7; L2; US

1013

SIII; Son. 1;
US 1000

relativemen
t bon

mdiocre

bon

bon

relativemen
t bon

Etat de
conservation

SI; C7; US 1000

SI; E5; L1;

US 1011; - 1,77 m

ltablissement-tell

Passim; dans

SI; Sct. 7; US 1007

140/2000

I.6.

SI; E1; US 1037

10/2002

I.5.

Contexte de la
dcouverte

Numro
didentification

Type

Type

I.1.

I.2.
I.2. ?

Numro
didentification
21/1998

Passim; en dehors de
ltablissement-tell

33/2001

SI; E1; US 1000

26/2000

SIII; Son. 1; L3

44/2000

SI; C2; B2; US

1005
SI; D2; L1; US
1034

41/1998
I.3.

Contexte de la
dcouverte

31/2001

SI; B9; US 1100

34/2001

SI; E1; US 1039

142/2000
10/2002

SI; C8; L2; US

1009
SI; E1; US 1037

140/2000

SI; Sct. 7; US 1007

I.4.

I.5.
I.6.

Dimensions
L 6,9 cm;
l.max. 5,5 cm;
E.max. 1,5 cm
L 6,7 cm;
l.max. 5,7 cm;
E.max. 1,6 cm
l.max. 3,2 cm;
E.max. 1,1 cm
L. 4,2 cm;
E.max. 1 cm
L 4,5 cm;
l.max. 3,7 cm;
E.max. 1,1 cm
L. 6,4 cm;
l.max. 4,8 cm;
E.max. 1,2 cm
L 8,2 cm;
l.max. 4,7 cm;
E.max. 1,9 cm
E. 1,7 cm
L. 4,2 cm;
l.max. 2,2 cm;
E.max. 0,9 cm;
L. 3,9 cm;
l.max. 2,6 cm;
E.max. 1,2 cm

www.cimec.ro

E./l.

l./L.

0,27

0,85

0,28

0,85

0,34

0,29

0,82

0,25

0,75

0,40

0,57

0,40

0,50

0,46

0,66

Type

I.7.
I.8.
I.9.
I.

Numro
didentification
2/2001

Contexte de la
dcouverte

Passim; dans
letablissement-tell

65/2002

SI; E5; L1; US

1011; -1,77 m

135/2000

SI; C7; US 1000

181/2000

Dimensions
L 3,3 cm;
l.max. 2,4 cm;
E.max. 1,1 cm
L. 3,5 cm;
l.max. 2,9 cm;
E.max. 1,1 cm
l.max 2,2 cm;
E.max. 1,5 cm
E. 1,5 cm

SI; C7; L2; US

1013
24/1999
Passim; dans
ltablissement-tell
53/2000
SIII; Son. 1;
US 1000
Tableau 3. Luncavia, point Cetuia. Ciseaux

www.cimec.ro

E./l.

l./L.

0,45

0,72

0,37

0,82

0,68

www.cimec.ro

II.1.2.

II.1.1.

Type/
variante

SIV; J1; US 1000

3/2001

de ltablissementde ltablissement-

48/2002

57/2002

mdiocre;
fragment
mdiocre;
fragment

SI; G1

Passim; dans
ltablissement-tell

38/2002

l. 5,8 cm;
E. 3,8 cm

l. 5,5 cm

mdiocre;
fragment

36/2001

mdiocre;
fragment

SI; B9; US 1100

l. 5,4 cm;
E. 3,2 cm

E. 3,4 cm

L. 11,4 cm;
l.max. 5,3 cm;
E.max. 3,1 cm

Dimensions

dtriore;
fragment

mdiocre;
fragment

mdiocre;
fragment

mdiocre;
fragment

bon

Etat de
conservation

185/2000

tell

tell
Passim; en dehors

tell
Passim; en dehors

Passim; en dehors
de ltablissement-

14/2001

tell

de ltablissement-

tell
Passim; en dehors

Passim; en dehors
de ltablissement-

Contexte de la
dcouverte

43/1999

42/1999

Numro
didentification

roche holocristalline,
mso granulaire,
verdtre fonce
schiste vert; texture
fine, vert fonce

indtermin

roche verdtre avec un

dpt carbonat
roche cristalline, mso
granulaire, verdtre.
Schiste, amphibolite ?
schiste vert;
texture arnitique fine,
vert fonce; homogne
roche fine cristallise,
verdtre; phnocristaux
millimtriques

indtermin

indtermin

Matire premire

partie proximale dtruite

partie proximale dtruite

la partie proximale
dtruite

la partie distale est

dtruite

la partie proximale est

dtruite

dtruit presque
entirement

le talon et les surfaces

latrales ont t
lgrement abms

Observations

www.cimec.ro

II.1.4.

II.1.3.

Type/
variante

Passim; en dehors
de ltablissement-

5/2002

bon

SI; E5; L1;

US 1010

SI; F1; L6;

US 1053

24/1998

25/1998

dtrior

dtrior

SI; E2; L1;

US 1034

dtriore;
fragment

mdiocre;
fragment

mdiocre

mdiocre;
fragment

Etat de
conservation

23/1998

tell

tell

Passim; en dehors
de ltablissement-

tell

de ltablissement-

Passim; en dehors

tell

de ltablissement-

Passim; en dehors

Contexte de la
dcouverte

186/2000

15/2000

52/2002

Numro
didentification

L. 8,9 cm;
l.max. 6,1 cm

l.max. 5,9 cm;

E. 3,5 cm
L. 8 cm;
l. max. 5,1
cm;
E.max. 2,6 cm

l. 6,1 cm;
E. 4,5 cm

l. 5,8 cm;
E. 4,2 cm

l.max. 6 cm

l. 5,4 cm;
E. 3,2 cm

Dimensions

roche dune texture

arnitique grossire,
vert fonce;
phnocristaux de quartz.
Probablement gabbro

indtermin

indtermin

roche siliceuse,
verdtre; phnocristaux
de quartz; texture
arnisation grossire.
Gabbro ?
schiste vert; texture
arnitique fine, vert
fonce; cristaux de quartz
millimtriques
roche siliceuse
microcristalline, vert
fonce. Probablement
schiste vert
schiste vert; texture
arnitique fine;
homogne

Matire premire

la pice a t sectionne
longitudinalement

le talon lgrement abm

la partie distale abme

la partie distale dtruite

la partie distale dtruite

le talon, le tranchant et
une des surfaces latrales
ont t abms

partie proximale dtruite

Observations

www.cimec.ro

76/2002

6/2002

II.1.8.

II.1.

II.2.1.

43/2001

II.1.7.

50/2002

12/2001

13/2001

61/2002

26/1998

Numro
didentification

II.1.6.

II.1.5.

Type/
variante

tell

de letablissement-

Passim; en dehors

ltablissement-tell

Passim; dans

Passim; au sud de
ltablissement-tell

tell

dtriore;
fragment

mdiocre;
fragment

dtrior

mdiocre

Passim; en dehors
de ltablissement-

E. 3 cm

E. 4,4 cm;
D.p. 1,5 cm

l. 5,1 cm;
E. 3,7 cm

l. 3,8 cm;
E. 3,1 cm

l. 5,1 cm;
E. 3 cm

mdiocre;
fragment

SI; E2; L1;

US 1034

tell

L. 7,5 cm;
l.max. 7 cm;
E. max. 2 cm

relativemen
t bon

de ltablissement-

E.max. 4,5 cm

Dimensions

L. 4,6 cm;
E. 1 cm

dtrior

Etat de
conservation

dtrior

tell
Passim; en dehors

ltablissement-tell
Passim ; en dehors
de ltablissement-

Passim ; dans

Contexte de la
dcouverte

la pice pourrait tre

inclue avec des rserves
dans cette variante a
cause de ltat avance de
fragmentation

dtruit pendant la
perforation

hache difficile inclure

dans une des variantes
proposes cause de
ltat avanc de
fragmentation
schiste vert; texture
arnitique fine;
homogne
schiste vert; texture
arnitique moyenne;
vert fonce
schiste vert ;
texturearnitique
grossire, avec des
quartz, vert fonc.
Gabbro ?

la partie distale dtruite

la partie distale dtruite

le talon et le tranchant
ont t lgrement
abms

la moitie proximale a t
abme

la moitie proximale a t
abme

Observations

indtermin

roche siliceuse, gris

verte; homogne;
texture fine.
schiste dune
granulation moyenne;
phnocristaux de quartz

indtermin

indtermin

Matire premire

www.cimec.ro

126/2000

II.2.3.

49/2002

3/1998

II.2.6.

63/2000

II.2.5.

II.2.4.

177/2000

II.2.2.

22/1998

Numro
didentification

Type/
variante

SI; F2; US 1000

tell

Passim; en dehors
de ltablissement-

Passim; sur la
surface de
ltablissement-tell
SI; A3; US 1016

SI; B4; US 1007

SI; B1; C2;

US 1005

Contexte de la
dcouverte

dtrior

L. 6,9 cm;
E.max. 2,3
cm;
D.p. 1,5 cm

E. 2,4 cm;
D.p. 1,6 cm

E.max. 4,3 cm

dtriore;
fragment
dtriore;
fragment

E. 4,4 cm;
D.p. 2 cm

l.max. 4,9 cm;

E.max. 3,2 cm

E. 2,6 cm;
D.p. 2 cm;

Dimensions

dtrior;
fragment

dtrior;
fragment

mdiocre;
fragment

Etat de
conservation

indtermin

schiste vert fonce;

texture arnitique fine
schiste vert; texture
arnitique grossire,
avec des quartz, vert
fonc

indtermin

schiste vert; texture

arnitique moyenne grossire, vert fonc;
homogne; avec des
granules de feldspath
millimtriques
roche dune texture
arnitique fine,
verdtre, homogne,
compacte. Probablement
schiste vert

Matire premire

la pice reprsente un
outil rutilis

la pice a t dtruite
pendant la perforation

la partie distale dtruite

la partie proximale
abme

la partie distale dtruite

la partie proximale
dtruite

Observations

www.cimec.ro

74/2002

11/2002

32/2001

41/2001

II.2.

II.2.

II.

II.

165/2000

II.2.

40/2001

5/1998

II.2.

II.2.

Numro
didentification

Type/
variante
Dimensions

dtrior;
fragment
dtrior;
fragment

SIV; L1; US 1000

SI ; D5; L1;
US 1011

l. 6,2 cm;
E. 4,4 cm

relativemen
t bon

Passim; dans
ltablissement-tell

E. 3,1 cm

E. 3 cm

D.p. 2,2 cm

dtriore

dtrior;
fragment

dtrior

dtrior

Etat de
conservation

SI; D7; US 1051

Passim

SI; A1; US 1016

SI; B2; US 1000

Contexte de la
dcouverte

roche moyenne
cristalline, verdtre

schiste vert, texture

fine, vert fonc
schiste vert; texture
fine, vert fonc;
homogne

indtermin

schiste vert; texture

arnitique fine, vert
fonce; homogne

probablement schiste
vert; doucement
rougetre; texture
arnitique fine

indtermin

Matire premire

fragment de hache
difficile inclure dans un
des types proposs

dchet de perforation

hache perfore, difficile

dinclure dans une des
variantes proposes
cause de ltat avanc de
dtrioration
hache perfore, difficile
dinclure dans une des
variantes proposes
cause de ltat avanc de
dtrioration
hache perfore, difficile
dinclure dans une des
variantes proposes
cause de ltat avance de
dtrioration
fragment de hache
probablement perfore

Observations

www.cimec.ro

70/2002

71/2002

75/2002

II.

II.

53/2002

II.

II.

51/2002

II.

69/2002

38/2002

II.

II.

Numro
didentification

Type/
variante

SI; US 1035

E. 4,1 cm

l. 5,3 cm ;
E. 5,1 cm

dtrior;
fragment
dtrior;
fragment

E. 2,4 cm

Dimensions

dtrior;
fragment

dtrior;
fragment

dtrior;
fragment

dtrior;
fragment

dtrior

Etat de
conservation

fragment de hache
difficile inclure dans un
des types proposs

fragment de hache
difficile inclure dans un
des types proposs

roche fine cristallise,

verte; phnocristaux
millimtriques ;
probablement
diorite/granodiorite
schiste vert; texture fine

clat dtache dune hache

fragment de hache
difficile inclure dans un
des types proposs
fragment de hache
difficile inclure dans un
des types proposs

fragment de hache
difficile inclure dans un
des types proposs

fragment de hache
difficile inclure dans un
des types proposs

Observations

indtermin

calcaire gris

schiste vert; texture

arnitique fine, vert
fonce
schiste vert; texture
arnitique grossire,
avec de quartz, vert
fonce. Gabbro?
schiste vert fonce;
texture arnitique
moyenne; homogne

Matire premire

Tableau 4. Luncavia, point Cetuia. Haches

200 m N de
ltablissement-tell

tell

Passim; en dehors
de ltablissement-

SI; C8

tell

Passim; en dehors
de ltablissement-

tell

Passim; en dehors
de ltablissement-

SI; B4; L4 ;
US 1024

Contexte de la
dcouverte

Numro
Type/
didentificavariante
tion
42/1999
43/1999
II.1.1.

3/2001
14/2001
48/2002
57/2002
185/2000
36/2001

II.1.2

38/2002
52/2002
15/2000

II.1.3

186/2000
5/2002

II.1.4.

23/1998

Contexte de la
dcouverte

Passim; en dehors de
ltablissement-tell
Passim; en dehors de
ltablissement-tell
SIV; J1; US 1000
Passim; en dehors de
ltablissement-tell
Passim; en dehors de
ltablissement-tell
Passim; en dehors de
ltablissement-tell
SI ; B9; US 1100
SI; G1
Passim; dans
ltablissement-tell
Passim; en dehors de
ltablissement-tell
Passim; en dehors de
ltablissement-tell
Passim; en dehors de
letablissement-tell
Passim; en dehors de
ltablissement-tell
SI; E2; L1;
US 1034

Dimensions

E./l.

l./L.

L. 11,4 cm;
l.max. 5,3 cm;
E.max. 3,1 cm

0,58

0,46

E. 3,4 cm

l. 5,8 cm;
E. 3,8 cm
l. 5,4 cm;
E. 3,2 cm
l.max. 6 cm

0,65

0,59

0,72

0,73

E. 3,2 cm

l. - 5,8 cm;
E. 4,2 cm
l. 6,1 cm;
E. 4,5 cm
E. 3,5 cm

www.cimec.ro

Numro
Type/
didentificavariante
tion
24/1998
25/1998
II.1.5.

26/1998
61/2002

II.1.6.

13/2001

II.1.7.

43/2001

II.1.8.

76/2002

II.1.

6/2002

Contexte de la
dcouverte
SI; E5; L1;
US 1010
SI; F1; L6;
US 1053
Passim; dans
ltablissement-tell
Passim; en dehors de
ltablissement-tell

Dimensions
L. 8 cm;
l. max. 5,1 cm;
E.max. 2,6 cm
L. 8,9 cm;
l.max. 6,1 cm
E.max. 4,5 cm

L. 4,6 cm ;
E. 1 cm
L. 7,5 cm;
Passim; en dehors de
l.max. 7 cm;
ltablissement-tell
E. max. 2 cm
SI; E2; L1;
l. 5,1 cm;
US 1034
E. 3 cm
Passim; en dehors de
l. 3,8 cm;
ltablissement-tell
E. 3,1 cm
l. 5,1 cm ;
Passim; au sud de
E. 3,7 cm
ltablissement-tell
Tableau 5. Luncavia, point Cetuia. Haches

www.cimec.ro

E./l.
0,50
-

l./L.
0,63
0,68
-

0,28

0,93

0,58

0,81

0,72

Numro
Type/
didentificavariante
tion
II.2.1.

12/2001
50/2002

Contexte de la
dcouverte

Passim; dans
ltablissement-tell
Passim; en dehors de
ltablissement-tell

II.2.2.

177/2000

SI B1; C2

II.2.3.

126/2000

SI; B4; US 1007

22/1998

Passim; sur la surface de

ltablissement-tell

63/2000

SI; A3; US 1016

Passim; en dehors de
ltablissement-tell

II.2.4.
II.2.5.

49/2002

II.2.6.

3/1998

II.2.
II.2.

5/1998
165/2000

II.2.

SI; F2; US 1000

Dimensions

D.p./l.

E. 4,4 cm;
D.p. 1,5 cm

E. 3 cm

E. 2,6 cm;
D.p. 2 cm;
l. 4,2 cm
l.max. 4,9 cm;
E.max. 3,2 cm;
D.p. 2,1 cm
E. 4,4 cm;
D.p. 2 cm
E.max. 4,3 cm
E. 2,4 cm;
D.p. 1,6 cm
L. 6,9 cm;
E.max. 2,3 cm;
D.p. 1,5 cm;
l. 3,2 cm
D.p. 2,2 cm
E. 3 cm

SI; B2; US 1000

SI; A1; US 1016
Passim; dans
11/2002
letablissement-tell
Tableau 6. Luncavia, point Cetuia. Haches

www.cimec.ro

0,47
0,42
0,46
-

www.cimec.ro

III.2.

III.1.

Type

58/2002

29/1998

77/2002

62/2002

59/2002

94/2000

39/2000

38/2001

28/1998

27/1998

Numro
didentificati
on

mdiocre
bon

Passim
SI; E5; L1;
US 1010
ltablissement-tell

mdiocre

mdiocre;
fragment
mdiocre;
fragment

Passim; dans
ltablissement-tell
SI; sct 7; niveau
occupationnel

Passim; dans

dtriore

grs quartzique; texture

moyenne - grossire,
jauntre - rougetre;
homogne

indtermin

indtermin

indtermin

roche quartz-pheldspatique,
rougetre, cristallise.
Probablement granite

Matire premire

indtermin
schiste cristallin

L. 26 cm;
l. 17 cm;
E. 6,8 cm

grs gris - jauntre; texture

moyenne fine, carbonat

L. 29,7 cm;
l.max. 16 cm;
E.max. 4 cm
-

indtermin

E. 4,5 cm

l.max. 13,5 cm;

schiste cristallin
E. 6,1 cm

E. 3,7 cm

E. 3,2 cm

mdiocre;
fragment
mdiocre;
fragment

E. 5,2 cm

Dimensions

mdiocre;
fragment

mdiocre;
fragment

Etat de
conservati
on

SI; A10; US 1000

SI; C7; L2;

US 1013

tell

Passim; dans
letablissement-tell
Passim; en dehors
de letablissement-

SI; C2; US 1000

Contexte de la
dcouverte

la surface de la pice a
t abme par les
interventions
anthropiques modernes

seulement une moitie de

la pice a t prserve

Observations

www.cimec.ro

95/2000

1/1999

30/2001

37/2002

41/2002

46/2002

67/2002

73/2002

III.

III.

III.

III.

III.

III.

III.

60/2002

Numro
didentificati
on

III.3.

Type

dtrior;
fragment
dtrior;
fragment
dtrior;
fragment
dtrior;
fragment

SI; A5; L4;

US 1024
SI; D7; US 1051;
- 1,80 m
SI; D1; US 1045;
- 1,20 m

grs siliceux ferrugineux,

fins, rougetres

grs fins; ciment calcareux;

quartzeux; vert fonc.
Probablement schiste

grs fins quartzeux,

ferrugineux

grs carboniques; texture

moyenne, jauntre; homogne

roche cristallise. Amphibolite?

indtermin

roche quartz - feldspathique

holocristallin; texture fine.
Probablement granitode
grs carboniques fins,
jauntres

Matire premire

dtrior;
fragment
-

roche cristalline, quartz feldspath, granulation

moyenne. Granitode
Tableau 7. Luncavia, point Cetuia. Meules

SI; E1; US 1039;

- 1,39 m

SI; US 1035

E. 6,1 cm

dtrior;
fragment

SI; E7; US 1035

-

E. 5,2 cm

dtrior;
fragment

SI; E3; L1;

US 1032

E. 1,6 cm

L. 25,5 cm;
l.max. 16 cm

Dimensions

dtrior;
fragment

mdiocre

Etat de
conservati
on

SI; A 11; US
1000

letablissement-tell

Passim; dans

Contexte de la
dcouverte

tat de fragmentation
avanc
ltat de fragmentation ne
permet pas de linclure
dans un des types tablis
ltat de fragmentation ne
permet pas de linclure
dans un des types tablis
probablement fragment
de meule
il est difficile dtablir si ce
fragment appartient une
meule
ltat de fragmentation ne
permet pas de linclure
dans un des types tablis
ltat de fragmentation ne
permet pas de linclure
dans un des types tablis
ltat de fragmentation ne
permet pas de linclure
dans un des types tablis

Observations

www.cimec.ro

SI; D2; L1
SI; D4; L1;
US 1011
SI; B2; C2;
US 1005
SI; F1; L6;
US 1053
SI; B8; L2;
US 1006

31/1998

32/1998

42/2001

34/1998

IV.2.

dtrior
bon

SI; D1; US 1037

Passim; dans
ltablissement-tell

bon

Passim; dans
ltablissement-tell

IV.1.

relativement
bon

SI; F1; US 1039;

-1,32 m

64/2002

54/2002

dtriore

D. 6,9 5,7 cm

D. 7,1 5,9 cm;

E. 5,1 cm
L. 11,8 cm;
l. 6,4 cm;
E.max. 2,5 cm

D. 6,8 cm ;
E. 4,8 cm

D. 6,7 6,4 cm;

E.max. 3,8 cm
D. 8,8 8 cm;
E. 3 cm

relativement
bon
relativement
bon

SI ; B6 ; L2 ;
US 1003

E.max. 4,1 cm

L. 11,5 cm;
E.max. 4,6 cm
D. 9,6 9,3 cm;
E.max. 4,4 cm
D. 9,5 cm;
E. 4,5 cm

Dimensions

dtriore

mdiocre

144/2000

127/2000

33/1998

32/1999

mdiocre

SI; E2; L1;

US 1032

30/1998
relativement
bon

Etat de
conservatio
n

Contexte de la
dcouverte

Numro
didentificati
on

IV.1.3.

IV.1.2.

IV.1.1.

Type

indtermin

indtermin

quartzite moyen
cristallis, gris clair

roche siliceux verdtre

clair; texture fine

quartzite mso cristallin,

blanc, homogne

quartzite blanc, mso

cristallin, homogne
grs fins, gris - verdtre,
homogne

indtermin

indtermin

indtermin

indtermin

Matire premire

ltat de fragmentation ne
permet pas de linclure dans
un des variantes tablies

un des bords a t
superficiellement abme
les surfaces latrales ont
t assez abmes. La
pice a aussi t utilise
comme percuteur

une moiti de la pice a

t dtruite

travail rudimentaire

Observations

www.cimec.ro

Type

relativement
bon

SI; C7; L2;

US 1006
SIV ; O1 ;
anul nr. 1;
US 1000
dtrior
dtrior
trs bon

SI ; G1
SI; E2; L1;
US 1034
SI; E2; L1;
US 1034

44/2001

45/2001

dtrior

37/2001

30/2001

155/2000

mdiocre

SI; B7; L2; US 1006

146/2000

mdiocre

SI; B9; US 1000

137/2000

bon

mdiocre

bon

Etat de
conservatio
n

SI; B2; C2;

US 1005

Passim; dans
ltablissement-tell
SI; A1; US 1001

Contexte de la
dcouverte

45/2000

9/1998

35/1998

Numro
didentificati
on

D. 6,3 6 cm

D. 5,4 5,1 cm

D. 5,4 cm

D. 6,6 cm

D. 5,7 5,2 cm

D. 6,8 5 cm

D. 5,3 cm

D. 4,4 4,3 cm

D. 5,8 4,9 cm

D. 6,4 5,6 cm

Dimensions

schiste avec une

granulation moyenne;
phnocristaux de quartz
schiste avec une
granulation moyenne;
phnocristaux de quartz

indtermin

indtermin
schiste vert; texture
arnitique moyenne;
vert fonc; homogne
granite mso cristallin,
gris - verdtre
grs siliceux fins,
jauntres; homognes;
trs compacts
Granite granodiorite
gris clair; mso cristallin
roche moyenne
cristallise, verdtre,
avec un dpt carbonat

indtermin

Matire premire

les surfaces actives

lgrement abmes

approximativement la
moiti de la pice a t
dtruite

une des surfaces est

assez abme

travail de qualit
suprieure

Observations

www.cimec.ro

IV.3.

Type

145/2000

mdiocre

D. 6,7 5,4 cm

D. 6,1 5,3 cm

D. 5,6 4,5 cm

D. 5,7 cm

D. 7,9 cm

Dimensions

quartzite fin, gris clair

roche holocristalline,
fine cristallise, quartz feldspath (gris verdtre). Diorite ?
roche siliceuse verdtre
clair, fin cristallis
roche quartz - feldspath,
holocristalline, fin
granulaire, gris.
Diorite/granodiorite
quartzite moyen
cristallise, gris clair

Matire premire

SI; B7; L2;

US 1006

L. 7,6 cm;
l. max. 5 cm;
E. max. 2,9 cm

roche siliceuse, fin

cristalline, gris claire,
bon
verdtre; phnocristaux
feldspathiques
Tableau 8. Luncavia, point Cetuia. Broyeurs

SI ; C8 ; L2

72/2002

trs bon

bon

SI; B6; L2;

US 1014

36/2002
SI ; E5 ; L1 ;
US 1011 ; -1,84 m

dtrior

SI; D2; L1;

US 1034

13/2002

63/2002

mdiocre

SI; F8; US 1051

47/2002

Etat de
conservatio
n

Contexte de la
dcouverte

Numro
didentificati
on

des traces dutilisation sur

toute la surface

Observations

www.cimec.ro

66/2002

9/1998

V.3.

V.

37/1998

55/2002

4/2002

surface de
ltablissement-tell

Passim; sur la

SI; A1; US 1001

SI; F1; US 1039;

-1,34 m

tell

Passim; en dehors
de ltablissement-

tell

de letalissement-

Passim; en dehors

tell

Passim; en dehors
de ltablissement-

mdiocre;
fragment

D. 10,9 8,3 cm

D. 6 5,6 cm

D. 6,6 4,9 cm

D. 6,8 5,8 cm

mdiocre;
fragment

Dimensions
D. 8 6,6 cm

dtriore

mdiocre

relativement
bon

relativement
bon

bon

SI ; C1; C2;
US 1017

157/2000

4/2002

relativement
bon

Etat de
conservation

SI; D5; L1;

US 1011

Contexte de la
dcouverte

36/1998

Numro
didentification

V.2.

V.1.

Type

indtermin

indtermin

schiste vert, fin,

homogne

roche quartz feldspathique. Schiste

cristallin; texture
arnitique grossire;
verdtre
schiste vert fonce;
arnitique moyenne;
homogne

indtermin

schiste vert; texture

arnite moyenne;
homogne; vert fonce

indtermin

Matire premire

la pice a t dtruite sur

presque la moitie de la
surface
ltat de fragmentation ne
permet pas de linclure
srement dans la
catgorie des percuteurs
ltat de fragmentation ne
permet pas de linclure
srement dans la
catgorie des percuteurs

qualit suprieure de
lusinage

Observations

www.cimec.ro

VI.

Type

Type

143/2000

Numro
didentificati
on

SIII; Son. 1; a1

59/2000

dtrior;
fragment

dtrior;
fragment

Etat de
conservation

Dimensions

quartzite gris clair,

moyen cristallis

indtermin

Matire premire

Etat de
conservatio
Dimensions
Matire premire
n
SI; C6 L2;
dtrior ;
l. 12,5 cm ;
indtermin
US 1003
fragment
E. 5,2 cm
Tableau 10. Luncavia, point Cetuia. Marteau de mineur
Contexte de la
dcouverte

Tableau 9. Luncavia, point Cetuia. Percuteurs

SI; B9; US 1100

Contexte de la
dcouverte

185/2000

Numro
didentification

quasiment la moiti de la
pice dtruite

Observations

ltat de fragmentation ne
permet pas de linclure
srement dans la
catgorie des percuteurs
ltat de fragmentation ne
permet pas de linclure
srement dans la
catgorie des percuteurs

Observations

www.cimec.ro

Type

relativement bon

trs bon

bon
relativement bon

SI; B4; - 1,36 m

SIII; Son. 1

Passim; dans
ltablissement-tell
SIII; Son. 1; US
1000
SIII; Son. 1; a3;
US 3004
SIII; Son. 1

1998

38/1999

42/2000

71/2000

98/2000

115/2000

31/2001

1998

SI; D1; US 1052

SI; A1; C2;
US 1001
SI ; L1

1998

relativement bon

mdiocre; fragment

dtriore

dtriore

dtriore

trs bon

SI; C1; US 1001

4/1998

bon

Etat de
conservation

SI; C3; US 1001

Contexte de la
dcouverte

4/1998

Numro
didentificati
on

L. 10,5 cm;
E. 4 cm

E. 1,5 cm

L. 5,7 cm;
E. 1,4 cm

L. 3,8 cm;
E. 1,4 cm

L. 10 cm;
l. 4,3 cm;
E. 3,8 cm

E. 2 cm

L. 7,4 cm;
E.max. 2,6 cm
L. 6,9 cm;
E. 1,7 cm ;
-

Dimensions

indtermin

schiste vert, texture

arnitique
moyenne, vert
calcaire brun, fin;
imprgnations
ferrugineuses
bordeaux
schiste vert;
arnitique fine, vert
fonc; homogne
grs calcareux,
jauntre; texture
fine; homogne

indtermin

indtermin

indtermin

indtermin

indtermin

indtermin

Matire premire

roche taille

fragment outil

traces de polissage.
Polisseur ?

pourrait reprsenter une

pice en cours de
fabrication
traces de polissage.
Pourrait reprsenter un
ciseau en cours de
fabrication

fragment outil

fragment outil

fragment outil

on remarque des traces

dusinage (taille)
pice avec des traces de
polissage
fragment outil

Observations

www.cimec.ro

Type

68/2002

56/2001

35/2001

15/2001

111/2000

116/2000

Numro
didentificati
on
Dimensions

dtriore;
fragment

L. 13,6 cm ;
E. 1,7 cm

E. 4,1 cm

dtriore

bon

mdiocre

dtrior; fragment

dtrior; fragment

Etat de
conservation

Tableau 11. Luncavia, point Cetuia. Varia

SI; D8; US 1051

SI; E2; L1;

US 1034
SI; E6; L1;
US 1010

tell

de letablissement-

Passim ; en dehors

tell

Passim; en dehors
de ltablissement-

SI; B1; C2;

US 1005

Contexte de la
dcouverte

fragment outil
ltat avanc de
fragmentation ne permet
pas de linclure dans un des
types dfinis

schiste vert fonce;

texture arnitique
moyenne; homogne

roche taille

fragment outil

traces de taille. Polisseur ?

traces de taille

Observations

indtermin

grs calcareux fins,

jauntres
schiste vert; texture
siltique - argileuse,
vert fonce;
homogne
schiste vert; texture
arnitique
moyenne
calcaire, fin, brun gris

Matire premire

STNIC PANDREA, MIRELA VERNESCU

CTEVA OBSERVAII REFERITOARE LA

RAPORTURILE DINTRE CULTURA GUMELNIA I
CULTURA PRECUCUTENI

Abstract: Lapparition des matriaux cramiques du type Pr-Cucuteni III dans le milieu culturel
Gumelnitsa A1 est, sans doute, une ralit, des importations Precucuteni III tant dcouverts dans les
tablissements Gumelnia A1 de Kodadermen, Tangru, Vidra, Glina, Medgidia, Mgurele, Licoteanca
Mo Filon, Drgneti Tecuci, Stoicani Cetuia. Ce fait a permis aux beaucoup darchologues
de considrer que les deux phnomnes culturels ont t synchrones. Des vases et des tessons du type
Gumelnitsa ont t aussi dcouverts dans les tablissements Pr-Cucuteni de Trpeti (Marinescu-Blcu
1981: Fig. 89/7, 9-10), Trgu Frumos (Ursulescu et. al 2005), Poduri (Monah et al. 2003: 77, Isaiia
(Ursulescu et al. 2003), Berezovka, Sabatinovka. En 2004, par la suite des recherches ralises par
nous mme dans ltablissement Gumelnitsa A1 de nsurei Popina II, parmi les dbris dune
habitation il a t dcouvert, en association, des fragments des vases Gumelnitsa A1 (il sagit des
fragments des vases dcors par des motifs peintes en graphite ou en pte blanche) et des fragments
des vases Pr-Cucuteni III et mme Pr-Cucuteni II (il sagit des fragments des vases exciss typiques
pour la phase Pr-Cucuteni II). Les matriaux de type Pr-Cucuteni II dcouverts nsurei Popina
II ont des analogies dans les tablissements dIsaiia (Ursulescu et al. 2003), Trifeti (Iconomu 2000) et
Floreti (Passek 1961). Les dcouverts de nsurei vient denrichir limage des synchronismes entre les
cultures Pr-Cucuteni et Gumelnitsa, mais vont permettre aussi de remettre en discussion les rapports
entre les deux cultures ci-dessus mentionnes. Dans notre opinion, il devient claire le fait que le dbut
de la culture Gumelnitsa est contemporaine avec la fin de la phase Pr-Cucuteni II et le dbut de la
phase Pr-Cucuteni III. Nous considerons, aussi, que le debut de la phase Pr-Cucuteni III est
postrieur la phase Gumelnitsa A1, fait qui explique les fortes influences de la culture Gumelnitsa
dans le milieu culturel Pr-Cucuteni. Comme rsultat de cette ralit chrologique, on considre que
linfluence de la culture Gumelnia sur la culture Precucuteni a t plus importante que nous ayons
accepte jusqu ltat actuel de la recherche.
Keywords: eneolithic, Gumelnia culture, Precucuteni culture, pottery, imports.

Introducere
Existena importurilor Precucuteni III n aezri Gumelnia A1 este, astzi, o
realitate de necontestat. De asemenea, numeroase obiecte (inclusiv vase i
fragmente de vase) de tip Gumelnia A1 au fost descoperite n aezri Precucuteni
III. Datorit acestor realiti, n arheologia romneasc este acceptat ideea c
faza Precucuteni III a fost contemporan cu faza Gumelnia A1.
Nu ne propunem, cu aceast ocazie, s glosm pe tema sincronismelor dintre
cultura Gumelnia faza A1 i cultura Precucuteni faza III, dar considerm util s
reanalizm contextul arheologic i ncadrarea cultural a unora dintre descoperirile
mai vechi. Discuia noastr pornete de la recentele cercetri efectuate de noi

Muzeul Brilei. e-mail: arheologie@muzeulbrailei.ro.

Muzeul Brile. e-mail: mirelavernescu@yahoo.com.

263

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nine n aezarea Gumelnia A1 de la nsurei Popina II, care au permis

evidenierea unor importuri Precucuteni II III n mediul cultural gumelniean.
Pe de alt parte, datele referitoare la cronologia de contact pe care le
prezentm n acest articol sunt n msur s determine reconsiderarea raporturilor
dintre culturile Gumelnia i Precucuteni.
Importuri precucuteniene n mediul cultural Gumelnia A1

nsurei Popina II

Situl arheologic de la nsurei (Pandrea et al. 1999) este situat n lunca

inundabil a Clmuiului, aproape de vrsarea acestui ru n Dunre. Este format
din dou popine/doi martori de eroziune (Fig.1/1). n anul 2000, am nceput
cercetarea aezrii gumelniene de pe Popina II, situat foarte aproape de
aezarea Gumelnia A2 de pe Popina I, unde am executat spturi ncepnd cu
anul 1995 (Pandrea et al. 1999).

Fig.1 nsuraei - "Popina I" i "Popina II". 1. Planul sitului; 2-4. "Popina II" locuinele L1 i L2.
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Pe Popina II am cercetat parial dou locuine de suprafa, evideniate

datorit urmelor masive de perei prbuii i datorit unor zone acoperite cu
podin din lut bttorit (Fig.1/3). Printre urmele de perei prbuii am descoperit o
cantitate apreciabil de fragmente ceramice tipice fazei Gumelnia A1, dar i
numeroase fragmente de vase ce pot fi atribuite att fazei Precucuteni III ct i
fazei Precucuteni II (Fig.2-6).
Dintre fragmentele de vase tipice pentru faza Gumelnia A1 amintim cupele
bitronconice (Fig.2/2, 3/2, 5, 4/3-4, 5/3-4), acoperite cu angob lustruit de
culoare neagr - cenuie i decorate cu caneluri i incizii. De asemenea, evideniem
existena fragmentelor ceramice pictate cu grafit (Fig.3/4) ori cu past alb
(Fig.3/5, 6/1-2) pe fond negru lustruit, care sunt caracteristice fazei Gumelnia A1.
Alturi de fragmentele de vase caracteristice fazei Gumelnia A1 s-au gsit i
fragmente de vase decorate cu excizii i linii zgriate caracteristice fazei Boian
Spanov (Fig.2/3-4, 3/1, 4/5, 6/3). ns, cele mai interesante sunt fragmentele de
vase decorate cu incizii largi i adnci (Fig.2/1, 5/5-8) precum i cele cu excizii
(Fig.3/6-7, 6/4-5) caracteristice fazei Precucuteni II. Pentru aceste din urm
fragmente de vase am gsit bune analogii n ceramica descoperit n aezrile de
la Trifeti (Iconomu 2000: Fig.10-12), Floreti (Passek 1961: Fig.26), Ghigoeti
Trudeti (Marinescu-Blcu 1974: 175, Fig.52).

Fig.2 nsuraei - "Popina II". 1-4. Fragmente de vase descoperite n locuina L1.
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Ne aflm pentru prima dat n situaia clar a prezenei unui numr apreciabil
de fragmente de vase de tip Precucuteni II ntr-o aezare Gumelnia A1 i nu doar
n faa unor importuri.

Licoteanca Mo Filon

Pe Valea Clmuiului, la aprox. 7 km n amonte de nsurei se afl aezarea

pluristratificat de la Licoteanca Mo Filon, situat pe un pinten de teras.
Spturile ntreprinse aici de N. Haruche (1980: 325) au evideniat existena unor
fragmente ceramice Precucuteni III (Fig.7/3) alturi de ceramic excizat i pictat
(Fig.7/1-2) specifice nivelului de locuire Gumelnia A1 (Haruche, Bounegru 1997:
98, Fig.61/1; Pandrea 2002: 125, Fig.1).

Fig.3 nsuraei - "Popina II". 1-4. Fragmente de vase descoperite n locuina L1.
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Fig.4 nsuraei - "Popina II". 1-6. Fragmente de vase descoperite n locuina L2.

Tangru

n aezarea pluristratificat de la Tangru, n nivelul cultural Boian Vb - Vc au

fost descoperite dou fragmente de vase de tip Precucuteni (Berciu 1961: 66, 413414, Fig.256-257) (Fig.8/5-6). Nivelul cultural Boian V de la Tangru este
considerat de ctre D. Berciu (1961: 66) o faz final tranziional spre cultura
Gumelnia n care se rspndesc destul de numeroase forme noi, gumelniene.
Cu alt ocazie am artat c multe din aezrile considerate ca aparinnd aa
zisei faze de tranziie de la cultura Boian la cultura Gumelnia sunt de fapt aezri
Gumelnia A1 (Pandrea 2000: 41-42). Acum i aici, nu ne propunem s discutm
problema stratigrafiei de la Tangru, dar considerm necesar s notm, doar, c
este greu, chiar i ntr-o aezare pluristratificat, s delimitezi 12 niveluri de locuire
ntr-un strat cultural gros de 2,5 m (Berciu 1961: 367-368, pl.IV). n acord cu
doamna S. Marinescu Blcu (1974: 140), opinm c ntre nivelul cultural Boian V
i cel Gumelnia I de la Tangru nu exist diferene culturale, ambele fiind
ncadrabile n faza Gumelnia A1. ns, pentru demersul nostru, este mai important
faptul c la Tangru, printre fragmente de vase pictate de tip Gumelnia A1
(Fig.8/1-4), au fost descoperite fragmente de vase de tip Precucuteni (Fig.8/5-6),
pe care doamna S. Marinescu Blcu (1974: 135) le-a ncadrat la sfritul fazei
Precucuteni II nceputul fazei Precucuteni III.

Mgurele

Aezarea gumelniean de la Mgurele a intrat n circuitul tiinific, nainte de

toate, datorit prezenei fragmentelor ceramice Precucuteni III alturi de cele
pictate de tip Gumelnia A1 (Roman 1962: 267-269). Mai mult, autorul cercetrilor
considera c n cazul materialelor de la Mgurele nu mai este vorba de simple
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importuri care ajut la sincronizarea diferitelor faze culturale ci de o prelucrare

local i n stil local a materialelor ceramice de tip precucutenian. Pentru
discuia de fa este important s spunem c la Mgurele sunt documentate dou
situaii: a) au fost descoperite fragmente de vase pictate (Fig.9/5) alturi de
fragmente de vase de tip Precucuteni III (Fig.9/6); b) existena unor fragmente de
vase care mbin elemente de decor precucutenian cu elemente de decor
gumelniean (Roman 1962: 268). Discutnd situaia de la Mgurele , S. Marinescu
Blcu (1974: 136-137) observa, de asemenea, prezena unor materiale ceramice
tipice fazei Cucuteni A printre cele de tip gumelniean.

Fig.5 nsuraei - "Popina II". 1-8. Fragmente de vase descoperite n locuina L2.

Vidra

nc din 1934, o dat cu publicarea primelor rezultate ale cercetrilor din tell-ul
de la Vidra a devenit evident prezena importurilor Precucuteni III n mediul
cultural Gumelnia A1 (Rosetti 1934: 17, Fig.20-21, 25; Marinescu-Blcu 1974:
135). i n cazul aezrii de la Vidra dorim s evideniem asocierea dintre
fragmentele de vase de tip Precucuteni III i cele pictate de tip Gumelnia A1.

Stoicani

Rezultatele cercetrilor arheologice de la Stoicani au trezit numeroase

controverse n istoriografia romneasc. Nu dorim s discutm, cu aceast ocazie,
ncadrarea cultural a materialelor arheologice descoperite n tell-ul de la Stoicani
(Petrescu-Dmbovia 1953), dorim doar s afirmm, n acord cu Vl. Dumitrescu
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(1963: 62), c n aezarea de la Stoicani este dominant ceramica de tip

gumelniean n toate nivelurile de locuire.
Pentru demersul nostru, este important s afirmm c n nivelurile de locuire
inferioare (nivelul 6 i nivelul 5) de la Stoicani (Petrescu-Dmbovia 1953: 16-17,
23-26, Fig.16-17) au fost descoperite fragmente de vase pictate de tip Gumelnia
A1 (Fig.10/1-5), alturi de fragmente de vase de tip Precucuteni III (Fig.10/7) i de
fragmente de vase de tip Hamangia III (Fig.10/6).

Fig.6 nsuraei - "Popina II". 1-5. Fragmente de vase descoperite n locuina L2.

Drgneti Tecuci

Referitor la aezarea de la Drgneti Tecuci, E. Coma (1963: 17) meniona

gsirea n aceast aezare a unui ciob de castron cu decor similar celor de pe
vasele de tip Precucuteni III. Dei nu sunt prezentate alte detalii i nici imagini,
considerm c n aezarea de tip Gumelnia A1 de la Drgneti Tecuci a fost
descoperit un import Precucuteni III.

Vulcneti II i Lopica

V. S. Bejleki (1978: 15-16, 133-135), referindu-se la cercetrile din aezrile

de la Vulcneti II i Lopica, spune c n nivelurile de locuire Gumelnia A1 de aici
a descoperit din mai multe fragmente de vase importate din mediul cultural
Tripolie (= Precucuteni III).
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Medgidia
n tell-ul gumelniean de la Medgidia au fost descoperite importuri

precucuteniene n nivelul Gumelnia A1 (Berciu 1961: 414; Roman 1962: 268-269;

Roman 1963: 41, nota 2) pe care, din pcate, autorul spturii nu le-a prezentat n
studiul dedicat acestei aezri (Haruche, Bounegru 1997).

Fig.7 Vase i fragmente de vase descoperite n aezri Gumelnia A1. 1-3.

Licoteanca - "Mo Filon".
Analiza materialelor arheologice
n cele ce urmeaz, vom ncerca s discutm faptul c n numeroase aezri au
fost descoperite n asociere vase i fragmente de vase pictate de tip Gumelnia A1
cu cele excizate i incizate de tip Precucuteni (sfritul fazei II faza III), situaie
care a fost evideniat i cu alte ocazii (Marinescu-Blcu 1974: 138-139; Pandrea
2002: 125-126; Bem 2001: 43-44).
n primul rnd, dorim s afirmm c, n opinia noastr, materialele ceramice
specifice pentru aezrile Gumelnia A1 se caracterizeaz prin:
a) existena vaselor i fragmentelor de vase cu suprafee intens lustruite
pictate, fie cu grafit, fie cu past alb; de altfel, acest fapt este unul din
indiciile care atest manifestarea unui puternic impuls cultural sudic ce
contribuie la geneza culturii Gumelnia i, deci, inclusiv a fazei Gumelnia
A1 (Dumitrescu et al. 1983: 104);
b) existena vaselor cu forme bitronconice, de culoare neagr ori cenuie, cu
suprafee intens lustruite i decorate cu caneluri i cu benzi de linii pictate,
dispuse n spaiile dintre zonele canelate.
n al doilea rnd, considerm necesar s reafirmm faptul c perioada de timp,
nu foarte lung (Bem 2001: 39-43, Fig.7), cuprins ntre finalul culturilor Boian
Poljanica, Hamangia, Sava i manifestarea deplin a fazei Gumelnia A1 se
caracterizeaz prin prezena n numeroase aezri, a unei mixturi de materiale
eterogene n care apar vase i fragmente de vase excizate (de tip Boian final
Poljanica final), pictate (de tip Marica Karanovo V), canelate i incizate (de tip
Hamangia III-IV i Precucuteni III) (Marinescu-Blcu 1974: 138-139; Pandrea
2002: 125-126).
n opinia noastr, prezena n diferite medii culturale a vaselor i fragmentelor
de vase pictate de tip Gumelnia A1 este foarte important. La fel de important
este i faptul c aceste materiale arheologice, dei au fost descoperite n aezri
situate la mare distan ntre ele, sunt asemntoare.
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Pentru a susine opinia noastr referitoare la caracterul unitar al materialelor

ceramice pictate prezentm i cteva dintre vasele i fragmentele de vase pictate
descoperite n aezrile Gumelnia A1 de la Ruse Tell (Fig.9/1-4) i Licoteanca
Movila Olarului (Fig.11-12).

Fig.8 Fragmente de vase descoperite n aezri Gumelnia A1. 1-6. Tangru (dup
Berciu 1961).
n sprijinul argumentaiei noastre vine i descoperirea unor fragmente de vase
pictate n aezarea de tip Boian Giuleti evoluat de la Isaccea (Fig.13/2-3) (Micu
1999). Situaia ni se pare concludent pentru c aezarea de tip Boian Giuleti
evoluat de la Isaccea este trzie (Micu et al. 2000), realitate dovedit att de
prezena unei cantiti apreciabile de vase i fragmente de vase de tip Hamangia
III (Micu, Micu 1998), precum i de datele de cronologie absolut (4545 4350
B.C., cf. Micu 2004: 41, nota 1).
Toate acestea ne fac s considerm c apariia ceramicii pictate de tip
Gumelnia A1 este un fenomen eruptiv, care se rspndete rapid pe spaii largi
ceea ce explic prezena acestei categorii de obiecte arheologice n aezri
atribuite unor culturi arheologice diferite.
Considerm c aceast realitate arheologic nu poate fi explicat numai prin
intensificarea schimburilor de bunuri ntre diferite comuniti ci trebuie luat n
calcul i deplasarea unor grupuri umane dinspre sudul Dunrii spre teritoriile nord
dunrene (Pandrea 2002: 130-131).
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Fig.9 Fragmente de vase descoperite n aezri Gumelnia A1. 1-4. Ruse - "Tell" (dup
Popov 1996); 5-6. Mgurele (dup Roman 1962); 7-8. Vidra (dup Rosetti 1934).
n continuare vom discuta despre prezena unor materiale ceramice de tip
Gumelnia A1 n mediul cultural Precucuteni, dei, pn acum s-a vorbit destul de
puin despre aceast realitate arheologic (Bem 2001: 43).
Doamna S. Marinescu-Blcu este prima cercettoare care afirm cu claritate c
exist prezene gumelniene n mediul culturii Precucuteni III (Marinescu-Blcu 1974:
139) i consider c apariia unor motive pictate cu alb nainte de ardere pe unele vase
Precucuteni III se datoreaz unei influene venite dinspre cultura Gumelnia
(Marinescu-Blcu 1982: 36). n opinia noastr, unele dintre fragmentele de vase
decorate cu motive pictate descoperite n aezarea de la Trpeti (Marinescu-Blcu
1981: Fig.89/7, 9-11; 1982: 36, Fig.12/3) (Fig.14/1-3) sunt, foarte probabil, importuri
din mediul cultural Gumelnia A1 i au bune analogii n materialele descoperite la Ruse
Tell (Fig.9/1) i Stoicani (Fig.10/2-5).
Prezena unui model de locuin de tip gumelniean n nivelul Precucuteni III
clasic de la Poduri este un alt argument care atest existena unor relaii reciproce
ntre mediile culturale Precucuteni III i Gumelnia A1 (Monah, Monah 1997: 50,
110, Fig.14; Monah et al. 2003: 77).
Cercetrile arheologice ntreprinse n aezarea Precucuteni III de la Trgu
Frumos, de asemenea au evideniat existena unor influene Gumelnia A1
(Ursulescu et al. 2005: 227, 243).
Pentru demersul nostru este important s prezentm i unele fragmente de
vase descoperite n nivelul Precucuteni II de la Isaiia (Ursulescu et al. 2003) care
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nu sunt decorate cu motive pictate (Fig.14/4-9) i care au bune analogii cu

materialele descoperite la nsurei Popina II (Fig.3-5).

Fig.10 Fragmente de vase descoperite n aezri Gumelnia A1. 1-7. Stoicani (dup
Petrescu-Dmbovia 1953).
Opinii i interpretri
Prezena importurilor Precucuteni III n mediul cultural Gumelnia A1, precum
i a celor gumelniene n mediul cultural Precucuteni III, a permis arheologilor s
accepte sincronismul dintre faza Gumelnia A1 i faza Precucuteni III. Dar, relaiile
dintre cele dou arii culturale par s fie mult mai complexe.
Petre Roman (1962: 44-46) accept chiar o mbinare cultural ntre fazele
Gumelnia A1 i Precucuteni III, iar S. Marinescu-Blcu (1976: 352-353) consider
c se poate vorbi de prezene etnice precucuteniene n Muntenia.
O opinie aparte are I. T. Dragomir (1979, 1983, 1992) care, plecnd de la
ipoteza emis de M. Petrescu Dmbovia (1953), consider c la limita dintre
ariile culturale Gumelnia A1 i Precucuteni III - Protocucuteni a luat natere un
facies cultural de sintez, pe care l numete aspectul cultural Stoicani Aldeni.
O parte din arheologii care au acceptat existena faciesului cultural de sintez
Stoicani Aldeni cred c existena motivelor decorative pictate n mediul cultural
Gumelnia A1 s-ar datora influenelor ariudene ori protocucuteniene (Roman
1963: 44; Dragomir 1983: 57). Discutnd aceste opinii, doamna S. Marinescu-Blcu
afirma fr echivoc c pictura cu past alb i cu grafit sunt anterioare
complexului Ariud Cucuteni Tripolie, iar explicarea acestor tehnici decorative
prin exercitarea unei influene din mediul cultural Ariud Cucuteni nseamn nu
numai golirea de o parte din coninut a culturii Gumelnia, dar i inversarea
direciilor principale ale unor curente culturale (Marinescu-Blcu 1976: 352).
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Fig.11 Vase i fragmente de vase descoperite n aezri Gumelnia A1.

1-2. Licoteanca - "Movila Olarului".
La rndul nostru, ne raliem punctelor de vedere exprimate cu claritate de ctre
doamna S. Marinescu-Blcu (1976: 138-139) i, n acord cu domnia sa, considerm
c raporturile dintre cultura Gumelnia A1 i cultura Precucuteni s-au desfurat pe
parcursul mai multor etape. n continuare, prezentm opinia noastr, referitoare la
aceste raporturi i legturi:
1. Etapa I-a. Relaiile dintre cultura Gumelnia i cultura Precucuteni ncep la
nivelul fazei Gumelnia A1 i al fazei Precucuteni II. Importurile Precucuteni II de la
nsurei Popina II i prezena vaselor Gumelnia A1 pictate de la Trpeti ne
fac s considerm c locuitorii aezrilor Gumelnia A1 timpurii din nord estul
Munteniei intr n contact cu comunitile precucuteniene la sfritul fazei
Precucuteni II i nceputul fazei Precucuteni III. Credem c debutul acestor relaii
se produce ntr-un moment n care cele dou arii culturale sunt n expansiune.
2. Etapa a II-a. Pe parcursul fazei Precucuteni III, se intensific relaiile cu
faza Gumelnia A1, fapt dovedit de nmulirea dovezilor despre existena
importurilor precucuteniene n aria cultural Gumelnia A1. n aceast etap, apar
importurile precucuteniene i n zona Durankulak Varna (Marinescu-Blcu 1976:
138; Slavev 2003). Dac S. Marinescu Blcu (1976: 138) consider c suntem n
faa unor infiltraii precucuteniene, V. Slavev (2003: 154-157) crede c relaiile
dintre cultura Precucuteni faza III i cultura Hamangia faza IV sunt
intermediate de comunitile de tip Bolgrad Aldeni (de fapt comunitile
Gumelnia A1) din nordul Munteniei i sudul Moldovei.
n aceast etap se poate vorbi de manifestarea unor puternice influene
exercitate dinspre aria cultural Gumelnia A1 nspre aria cultural Precucuteni III.
Aceste influene ating inclusiv domeniul vieii spirituale aa cum o indic prezena
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modelelor de locuine n aezrile de la Poduri (Monah et al. 2003: 77) i de la

Berezovka (Ovinikov 1996; Tsvek 1996: 27-128). Tezaurul de la Crbuna
(Dergacev 1998) este, n opinia noastr, un alt exemplu al manifestrii influenelor
gumelniene, de data aceasta, n domeniul organizrii sociale.
* * *
n ncheiere, dorim s evideniem urmtoarele concluzii:
a) importurile precucuteniene din aezarea de la nsurei Popina II indic
faptul c n nordul Munteniei i sudul Moldovei, nceputul fazei Gumelnia A1 se
produce n momentul n care se face trecerea de la faza Precucuteni II la faza
Precucuteni III, ceea ce nseamn c nceputul fazei Precucuteni III este ulterioar
debutului fazei Gumelnia A1;

Fig.12 Vase i fragmente de vase descoperite n aezri Gumelnia A1.

1-2. Licoteanca - "Movila Olarului".
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Fig.13 Fragmente de tip Gumelnia A1. 1. Sarichioi; 2-3. Isaccea - "Suhat"

(dup Micu 1999).
b) influenele exercitate dinspre aria cultural Gumelnia A1 nspre aria
cultural precucutenian sunt mai puternice dect cele exercitate de faza
Precucuteni III asupra ariei culturale gumelniene; aceast influen sudic de tip
gumelniean pare s se exercite i asupra manifestrilor culturale
protocucuteniene;

Fig.14 Fragmente de vase de tip Gumelnia A1 descoperite n aezri Precucuteni.

1-3. Trpeti (dup Marinescu-Blcu 1981); 4-9. Isaiia (dup Ursulescu i colab. 2003).
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c) anterioritatea culturii Gumelnia fa de faza Precucuteni III i direcia de

exercitarea a influenelor culturale dinspre aria cultural gumelniean spre cea
precucutenian sunt fapte menite s determine o schimbare a imaginii noastre
despre raporturile dintre manifestrile culturale gumelniene i manifestrile
culturale Precucuteni III i Cucuteni A; n consecin, este necesar s se
reanalizeze i s se redefineasc mbinrile culturale Gumelnia
Precucuteni/Protocucuteni i, mai ales, aa zisul aspect cultural Stoicani Aldeni
(Bolgrad Aldeni).
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de IstorieVeche XIV (1): 7-31.
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Dragomir, I., T. 1979. Consideraii generale privind aspectul cultural Stoicani
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Dragomir, I., T. 1983. Eneoliticul din sud estul Romniei. Aspectul cultural
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Haruche, N. 1980. Preliminarii la repertoriul arheologic al judeului Brila. Istros 1.
Haruche, N., Bounegru, O. 1997. Spturile arheologice de salvare de la Medgidia,
jud. Constana. 1957 1958. Pontica XXX: 17-104.
Iconomu, C. 2000. Cercetri arheologice n aezarea precucutenian de la Trifeti
Iai. Arheologia Moldovei XXI: 5-27.
Marinescu-Blcu, S. 1974. Cultura Precucuteni pe teritoriul Romniei, Bucureti.
Marinescu-Blcu, S. 1976. Relaii ntre culturile Precucuteni i Boian-Gumelnia.
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Marinescu-Blcu, S. 1981. Trpeti. From Prehistory to History in Eastern Romania,
BAR, Oxford.
Marinescu-Blcu, S. 1982. Le dbut et les tapes de la culture Precucuteni ainsi que
ses rlations avec la culture de Tripolje. Thracia Praehistorica. Supplementum
Pulpudeva 3: 23-44.
Micu, C., L., Micu, S. 1998. Ceramica Hamangia din aezarea de la Isaccea Suhat
(campania1997). Pontica XXXI: 25-35.
Micu, C., L. 1999. Ceramica fazei Boian - Spanov din aezarea de la Isaccea
Suhat. Pontica XXXII: 235-242.
Micu, C., L., Micu, S., Blescu, A., Radu, V., Luca G., Hait, G. 2000. Aezarea
neolitic de la Isaccea, punctul Suhat, jud. Tulcea. Istro Pontica. Muzeul
tulcean la a 50-a aniversare, Tulcea.
Micu, C., L. 2004. Observaii privind industria materiilor dure animale n aezarea
neolitic de la Isaccea, punctul Suhat (jud. Tulcea). In Cndea, I., Srbu, V.,
Neagu, M. (eds.) Prinos lui Petre Diaconu la 80 de ani, Brila Clrai.
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Monah, D., Monah, F. 1997. The Last Great Chalcolithic civilization of Old Europe.
In Cucuteni The Last Great Civilization of Europe, Thessaloniki: 17-95.
Monah, D., Dumitroaia, Gh., Monah, F., Preoteasa, C., Munteanu, R., Nicola, D.
2003. Poduri Dealul Ghindaru. O Troie n Subcarpaii Moldovei, Piatra Neam.
Ovinikov, E. 1996. Ritual models of stoves. In Dumitroaia, Gh., Monah, D. (eds.)
Cucuteni aujourdhui, Piatra Neam: 115-119.
Pandrea, S., Srbu, V., Neagu, M. 1999. Cercetri arheologice n aezarea
gumelniean de la nsurei Popina I, jud. Brila. Campaniile 1995 1999.
Istros IX: 146-169.
Pandrea, S. 2000. Cteva observaii referitoare la periodizarea culturii Boian. Istros
X: 35-70.
Pandrea, S. 2002. Dbuts de la culture Goumelnitsa au nord est de la Plaine
Roumaine. Cultur i Civilizaie la Dunrea de Jos XIX: 122-146.
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Soobenija Instituta Arheologii 84: 69-82.
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poreieto ha r. Rusenski Lom, Ruse.
Petrescu-Dmbovia, M. 1953. Cetuia de la Stoicani. Materiale Arheologice privind
IstoriaVeche a R.P.R. I: 13-155.
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Veche XIII (2):259-269.
Roman, P. 1963. Ceramica precucutenian din aria culturilor Boian Gumelnia i
semnificaia ei. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche XIV (1): 33-49.
Rosetti, D., V. 1934. Spturile de la Vidra. Publicaiile Muzeului Municipiului
Bucureti I.
Slavev, V. 2003. Charakteristik der Keramik von Schicht VII aus dem Tell Die
Groe Insel beiDurankulak, Nordostbulgarien. Festschrift fr Prof. Dr. habil.
Henrieta Todorova. Dobruda 21, Dobri Silistra: 145-175.
Tsvek, E. 1996. Contacts between the Eneolithic tribes of Europe and Eastern
Tripolyan population. In Dumitroaia, Gh., Monah, D. (eds.) Cucuteni
aujourdhui, Piatra Neam: 121-130.
Ursulescu, N., Merlan, V., Tencariu, A. F., Vleanu, M., Chiril, L., Popa, M, Ionic,
D. 2003. Isaiia. Cronica Cercetrilor Arheologice din Romnia. Campania 2002:
158-160.
Ursulescu, N., Boghian, D., Cotiug, V. 2005. Problmes de la culture
Prcucuteni la lumire des recherches de Trgu Frumos (Dp. de Iai). In
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Miscellanea in honorem nonagenarii

Dmboviaoblata, Iai:217-260.

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magistri

Mircea

Petrescu

JOHN CHAPMAN*

CONTEXTUAL ARCHAEOLOGY AND BURNT HOUSE

ASSEMBLAGES: CATEGORICAL ANALYSIS OF
POTTERY FROM LATE NEOLITHIC CSCIOARELE,
ROMANIA

Abstract: The islet site of Cscioarele, in the lower Danube valley, Romania, provides a classic example

of deposition of unusual and unique finds, as well as good examples of pottery groups found inside
deliberately burnt houses. Analysis of these pottery groups, as well as the pottery phase assemblages
from the two Gumelnia horizons is attempted using categorical analysis. This method has been
successfully used in examining diachronic change in Bulgarian Neolithic and Chalcolithic pottery
assemblages and consists of an integrated analysis of both shape and decoration. One salient issue at
Cscioarele is the source of the ceramics in the burnt house groups whether the reflections of living
assemblages from the house itself or gifts brought in from other houses or indeed from other,
mainland communities, to be deposited inside the houses for burning. The evidence of other types of
deposit at Cscioarele is used to clarify this issue, as well as the changing spatial scale of ritual
practices through the different site occupations.

Keywords: eneolithic, Gumelnia culture, burnt houses, pottery, categorical analysis.

Dedication
It was on a bright sunny day in early October 1996 that I paid my first (but
hopefully not the last) visit to the islet site of Cscioarele, in the company of Silvia
Marinescu-Blcu, Cornelia Catuna and Drago Gheorghiu. Cornelia had driven us
from Bucureti, via the Oltenia Museum, and we arrive at the hamlet of
Cscioarele, opposite Ostrovel. As no boats were to be found, we looked around
the shore and came upon two half-oil-drums which proved serviceable craft. We
borrowed four oars and set off on the strangest Oxford Cambridge Boat Race
ever to take place in Romania a race to the islet site. The half-oil-drums
responded as much to changes in steering and the increased pace of rowing as a
donkey in a pasture on a hot day. As I recall, Silvia and Drago beat Cornelia and
me by a short head (though Cornelia may dispute this result). Our audience of
villagers applauded wildly until we started our return sail (after a careful inspection
of the site!). The same result ..! More tumultuous applause!!! As ever, Silvia
showed grace in victory, even secretly appearing to enjoy such boat races. She
was in great form for the rest of the day and we returned to Bucureti as good
friends. It is with the fondest of memories of that and other splendid days in her
company that I dedicate this chapter to Silvia.

University of Durham, Department of Archaeology. e-mail: j.c.chapman@durham.ac.uk.

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Introduction
Material culture is a record not only of prehistoric lifeways but also of the
categorisation principles used by prehistoric people to create and sustain their
cognitive frameworks. Two of the categorisation principles in common use in
everyday social relations are: (1) strong oppositions between categories (e.g., the
Indian caste system) and (2) overlapping categories (social democratic systems).
The changing tension between these two principles can be traced through time,
using categorical analysis of a sequence of pottery assemblages from prehistoric
settlements.
If the institution of the past in things is an evident accomplishment of objects,
the incorporation of present modes of categorisation is another. Positing that
material forms are part of the central order of cultural construction, Miller
maintains that the necessary property of categories is variability, which allows the
maintenance of structure in the face of heterogeneous contexts and practices
(Miller 1985: 202, 205). Artifacts embody the principles of several forms of human
categorisation processes:
boundaries between asocial groups and the natural world
structure of pottery assemblages directly related to divisions between
people within society
NB things can serve as both a means of individual differentiation and as a
means of collective integration or indeed both
relations between material order and mental processes
A correlation between enhanced differentiation and increased order between
material and mental realms is found in the East Coast region of China but not in
the North West of China (Keightley 1987). Three main changes are identified:- the
emergence of two new concepts of cultural order; the addition of lips, spouts,
handles, lids and lugs to basic ceramic forms introduces constraints on pottery use,
leading to choices between appropriate and incorrect behaviour; and the
production of carefully fitting lids and legs of exactly the same dimensions leads to
a more mathematical view of the world, in which specifications are followed more
precisely than before.
The huge range of variability found in the ceramic assemblages of the Balkan
Neolithic and Chalcolithic means that they should be susceptible to a categorical
analysis based upon the investigation of some of the principles of material and
cultural order addressed by Keightley. Many researchers have studied the form and
decoration of Neolithic pottery under separate headings. A good example is Gh.
Lazarovici and Z. Maxims book on the Early Neolithic of Gura Baciului (Lazarovici,
Maxim 1995). Here, I attempt a conjoint consideration of the structure of both the
vessel form and its decoration in terms of the divisions, contrasts and oppositions
which are inscribed on the surface of the pots. It is the relationship between form
and decoration which provides the most complete analogy for the human
categorisation processes which underlie social structure. Hence, in contrast with
authors such as Hodder (1982) and Washburn (1983), I maintain that there is no
direct relationship between ceramic variability and social structure but that this
relationship is mediated by human categorisation processes as well as by
depositional strategies.
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Six principal dimensions of variability were considered:

Shape categories (the major variants in shape, as defined by overall
morphology; particular attention was paid to the number of vertical
divisions per pot, as well as to the occurrence of vessels which were
potentially manufactured in two or more parts)
Decoration categories (single, or combinations of, decoration techniques,
in relation to shape categories)
Decorational structure (the frequency of zonally-structured decoration,
whether vertical, horizontal or both)
Zonal re-inforcements (the re-inforcement of shape division in one of the
following ways:- decorational re-inforcement, matt-gloss contrast, colour
contrast and decorational style contrast)
Measures of re-inforcement (the calculation of indices measuring the
intensity of re-inforcement of shape divisions by different kinds of zonal reinforcement)
Decorational intensity (the variety of decorative motifs, zonal effects, and
forms of zonal reinforcement)
It is believed that long-term variations in site ceramic assemblages will provide
a valuable comparative picture of changing ceramic complexity and lead to
important insights into related variations in human categorisation processes. The
extent of reinforcement between divisions in pottery form and decoration is used
as an indicator of the dominant categorisation principles used by the potters and,
therefore, validated by the society. The analysis requires specific combinations of
samples from two or more sites in one region of South East Europe. A potential
sample should optimally contain a large (n = minimum of 100) sample of complete
vessels or restorable profiles from a single occupation horizon, preferably with
contextual data.
A published example of categorical analysis concerns the Late Neolithic
Karanovo IV sample from Nova Zagora-Hlebozavoda and the Early Chalcolithic
Karanovo V sample from Azmaska mogila. Both samples comprised largely
complete vessels or restorable profiles because of the contexts of deposition in
burnt houses (Chapman 2004). The biggest change in both Copper Age
assemblages in comparison with the two Neolithic assemblages was the increased
tension between the two fundamental principles of ceramic and social
categorisation - integration in the face of division and diversity. The clearest
analogy of this tension is found at Azmaska mogila, where the emphasis on the
total, 3-dimensional surface of the pot, lids and bases included, as the operative
design field allowed the representation of increasing divisions and zonal
reinforcements in the contents of that total field. This effect was managed through
the use of cross-cutting differences rather than the imposition of rigid oppositional
rules. The other major change from the Neolithic assemblages was the dramatic
differentiation of Chalcolithic vessel form, which begins in the Karanovo V
assemblage from Asmaska mogila and reaches an apogee with the Karanovo VI
assemblage from Dolnoslav (Raduntcheva 1996). The added emphasis on shape
divisions, often reinforced in multiple ways, especially through decorational
contrasts, indicates the importance of the categorisation of difference through
oppositional means. But this aim pales into insignificance besides the emphasis on
cross-cutting definitions through multiple recombination. There must be a strong
presumption that Chalcolithic individuals established their identities not through
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exclusive association with one traditional communal group or another households

and lineages being the most obvious choices but rather through multiple
membership of a range of different groups, whether religious sodalities, womens
clubs, warrior bands or exchange associations, in addition to consanguineous and
residence groupings. The difficulty of recognising any clear principle of hierarchical
differentiation in such a tangled and complex pattern of ceramic production makes
it hard to support the emergence of such a development in social categorisation.

Fig.1. Location map of sites mentioned in the text: 1 Cscioarele; 2 Gumelnia;

3 Hlebozavoda; 4 Asmaska mogila; 5 Dolnoslav.
However, because of the nature of the museum storage of the Hlebozavoda
and Asmaska mogila collections, it was not feasible to develop a contextually
sensitive categorical analysis, for example using pottery groups from different
houses. By contrast, this approach was possible for Cscioarele, thanks to the
kindness of Silvia Marinescu-Blcu in allowing me unfettered access to Professor
Vladimir Dumitrescus contextually-recorded house groups. Before discussing burnt
house groups and examining their pottery assemblages, it will be helpful to
describe the Dumitrescus excavations on the islet, so as to set the study in its
archaeological context.
Islet sites
Islets are a distinctive form of place, whose small size means that many, if not
most, of the social practices of the community using the islet cannot be carried out
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on the islet itself. Reaching across this liminal space involves a distinct kind of
movement a departure from the shore, a boat trip and an arrival on the islet.
The shoreline provides an ideal vantage point for all three stages of the voyage,
especially the arrival on the distant islet. Weather conditions and the time of day
could all be used to invoke mystery and suspense in such a voyage (cf. Erdogu
2003). Rowing the boat from the shore to the islet is also a metaphorical
statement, involving both human labour and space/time separation. In all of these
ways, islets provide an analogy to artificial enclosures, although they constitute a
distinctive form of natural bounded space.
There is a wide variety of islands in the lower Danube valley, below the Iron
Gates gorge, ranging from Ostrovul Corbului, covering an area of 20 km2, to islets
such as Ostrovel, near the modern village of Cscioarele, (Fig.1), which is 80m in
diameter and whose lower flanks are seasonally flooded. Before occupation in the
Later Neolithic (Boian) period, the islet formed a low, rather rocky hill in the middle
of the Ctlui inlet, set back from the main course of the Danube, and overlooked
on three sides by high terraces. What kind of social practices characterised
Cscioarele and in what sense could it be considered a special site? In addition, to
what extent was ritual life conducted on a domestic, household basis or on the
community level, in the public domain?

Fig.2 Plan of the Gumelnia B village at Cscioarele (adapted from

Dumitrescu, Vl. 1965: figure on p. 37).
The islet was used over a period of perhaps 500 years in the Late Boian and
Gumelnia periods (4600 4100 Cal BC), resulting in a vertical build-up of over 3.6 m
of deposits. Much of this consisted of the destruction deposits of the final burnt
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occupation, in which all of the material inside the structures was re-fired and the
shapes of many vessels distorted in the intense heat (Fig.2). Although no section
through the sites deposits has been published, the bulk of the deposits derived
from structural remains (p.c., S. Marinescu-Blcu). There can thus be no doubt that
the site was at least partly used as a dwelling place for a succession of small
communities, each of which extended the place-biography of earlier occupations to
create an accumulated place-value for the islet. Despite the excavator Vl.
Dumitrescus (1965: 40) claim for an easy quiet life because of the defensive
position on the islet, the site could have easily been attacked from the shore,
which lies only 120m away. The narrow, shallow ditch and low bank around the
later (Gumelnia) occupation was hardly an insuperable obstacle to a co-ordinated
attack so a defensive function for the site is inherently improbable. The bank and
ditch emphasised the separation of the islet from the mainland, rather than its
defensive nature.
Although the excavators and other commentators have emphasised the
latter rather than the former, there is abundant evidence for both everyday
dwelling activities and special depositional practices at Cscioarele (Dumitrescu
1968; Dumitrescu 1965a; Dumitrescu, Bneanu 1965). Most of the structures
in both phases have one or more hearths, a pottery assemblage consistent with
domestic use, querns for the grinding of grain, many fired clay loom-weights
and everyday lithic and bone discard. There are many antler harpoons in the
later phase, consistent with the vertebrae of large and small Danube fish found
in pits. The main function of House 2 of the Gumelnia phase was a flint
workshop, with 60 lumps of unused flint, 13 cores, four hammerstones and 14
flint axes (Dumitrescu 1965a).
The unusual deposits consisted of special finds, a burial deposit and a unique
structure. The unique structure is the only special structure so far published
relating to the Late Boian phase (Dumitrescu 1968) and consists of a 16m x 10m,
two-roomed building with cream on red painted decoration on the walls, on two 2m-high pillars and on a 0.4m-high bench. Near one of the pillars was a crouched
inhumation; the finds included a life-size bucrania, an altar screen, large askoi,
storage jars with excised decoration and other painted pottery. The building was
the largest of all the Boian structures and was located in the middle of the Boian
site. While the crouched burial was probably associated with the abandonment of
the building, the pillars are a well-known feature of Balkan Neolithic and Copper
Age ritual structures (cf. Beograd-Banjica, Jakovo-Kormadin and Para: Todorovi,
Cermanovi 1961; Jovanovi, Glii 1960; Lazarovici et al. 2001).
Although no such ritual structures were found in the Gumelnia occupation,
there were many other distinctive features that suggest special depositional
practices continued in this phase. At a general level, the overwhelming dietary
preference for venison (over 60% of the bone numbers derived from red deer:
Bolomey 1965) is most unusual for Gumelnia sites and suggests special feasting
practices following on from mainland butchery of red deer. The deposition of an
antler ard-point in House 8 suggests more than the possession of a farmer used
for tilling the soils on the mainland terraces, since no other ard-point has ever
been found in a Gumelnia house (indeed in any Gumelnia context !: Dumitrescu,
Bneanu 1965). The large quantity and diversity of figurines makes the site
distinctive, as does the high percentage deposited in houses (Andreescu 2002: 98).
Unusual characteristics include a large number of pot-lids with anthropomorphic
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handles taken as a sign of domestic ritual - and figurines with special incisedcircle decoration on the legs perhaps made by a single person (Andreescu 2002:
105-106). The discovery of a fired clay figurine pair a male and a female unique
in the Gumelnia repertoire also indicates special rituals. But this is underlined by the
most spectacular find a shrine model measuring 1.5 m in length and 0.8 m in
height, deposited outside a large Gumelnia house. Another find class that is most
unusual in domestic settings is the group of fired clay copies of Spondylus and gold
pendants found in Gumelnia houses. The burial of two human skulls under the clay
floor of another Gumelnia house, directly above the place where the oven was
constructed, is a further indication of special depositional practices. Finally, the
burning of all of the houses in the last Gumelnia occupation, together with a suite of
ceramic assemblages, suggests the final ritual destruction of the site rather than an
armed attack (cf. Stevanovi 1997; Chapman 1998).
If any of these Gumelnia finds occurred singly on a tell site, the interpretation
of a domestic ritual would probably be favoured. But such a concentration of
special or, indeed, unique, finds suggests that Cscioarele was more than just a
settlement site in the Gumelnia phase, as indeed it seems to have been with its
Late Boian pillar shrine. Two complementary ritual aspects may be emphasised:
the strong association between the Cscioarele houses and mortuary ritual,
whether through the direct invocation of the ancestors (the skull burials), the
presencing of exotic cemetery rituals (the pendant copies) or the final death of
the settlement; and the significance of ceremonies for the living, whether
characterised by feasting, outdoor rites using the shrine model and special
figurines or even ritual ploughing with the ard-point. However, we cannot ignore
the everyday finds that make Cscioarele similar to many other Gumelnia
settlements.
Pottery comprising house groups
One of the commonest social practices in the Balkan later Neolithic and
Chalcolithic is the deliberate burning of a house together with often large sets of
objects placed inside the structure (Stefanovi 1997; Chapman 1998, 2000). While
Stefanovi focussed on the evidence for deliberate burning (fire temperature,
quantity of fuel necessary, fire path, etc.), Chapman discussed the social
significance of the accumulation of these sets of material culture, maintaining
that the assemblages in many houses were too large for a normal, living pottery
assemblage as used by the former occupants of the burnt house. The implication
was that it was difficult to identify the origins of the finds in a burnt house
assemblage, since an unknown proportion may well have belonged to the living
assemblage with the remainder brought in from outside.
This issue forms part of a wider problematic made famous by Binfords (1981)
attack on Schiffers so-called Pompeii premise the notion that, unless any postdepositional disturbance could be demonstrated, the artifacts deposited in a
settlement were reflections of an undisturbed living assemblage hence Pompeii!
Without going into any detail on the successive phases of this debate, it can simply
be stated that it can now be demonstrated that the Pompeii Premise does not hold
good even at Pompeii ! (Allison 1992; Bon 1997). But much of Schiffers
subsequent research has demonstrated that so-called intact house assemblages
have been generated through a series of enormously complex transformations,
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including removal of objects from abandoned houses as much as postabandonment additions to the assemblage. This has proved to be a major setback
for the spatial analysis of activity areas. In this context, Hayden and Cannon
(1983) observed that artifact distributions in sedentary contexts provide the least
reliable, most ambiguous indicators of specific activity areas, but are nevertheless
the indicators most widely used. Moreover, as Hally (1983: 179) summarised the
implications of Murrays (1980) research on discard, These findings imply that the
distribution of trash on a site may bear little relationship to the distribution of
activities that produced it. Where does this leave the artifact distributions at
Cscioarele ?
The Gumelnia pottery recovered from Cscioarele has been restored to three
types of vessel completeness: complete vessels, restored profiles with
reconstruction of missing parts, and orphan sherds sherds that could not be refitted to any other on-site sherds. The Gumelnia vessels derived from houses,
most if not all burnt down deliberately. The majority of Gumelnia vessels (n =
102) have suffered little or no damage from house burning, although there is not a
single house group from the Gumelnia levels without at least one re-fired vessel
(Table 1):
Level
A2
B
B
B
B

House
House 1
1962/House
1962/House
1963/House
1963/House

1
4
8
14

Not
re-fired
13
3
3
1
1

Re-fired
9
2
1
4
6

Assemblage
Total
22
5
4
5
7

Table 1 Re-fired and un-re-fired vessels from burnt Gumelnia houses

The undamaged vessels in burnt houses must have been deposited in parts of
the house far from the initial fire and the subsequent fire-path. There were two
main effects on the 41 vessels exposed to secondary burning:
the reddening of the surface, obscuring part or all of the surface
treatment, original colour and/or decoration;
the distortion of the vessel shape under particularly high temperatures.
While secondary burning is doubtless frustrating for the ceramic analyst, the
effect of this practice is to kill the vessel, obliterating many if not most aspects of
its identity, prioritising the colour red over all other colours and blending the vessel
into the background of the brick-red burnt structural elements. This practice is thus
a destruction of social memory, mimicking the physical death that can accompany
the burning of a house.
The wide variation in the size of the burnt house groups suggests that
different processes led to their independent formation. Ethno-archaeological
studies of household pottery assemblages provide useful comparative information
for social groups of broadly comparable size: a total assemblage size of 10 15
vessels was the most frequently found (Longacre 1984; Nelson 1991). Thus, it may
be hypothesised that the Gumelnia A2 House 1 assemblage may have been a
living assemblage from a well-provisioned house or that, alternatively, vessels were
added to the living assemblage by other householders. By contrast, the small burnt
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house assemblages from the Gumelnia B level raise the possibility that vessels had
been removed for further use from the living assemblage. Although there has
been no clear proof at Cscioarele of the addition to, or removal of, vessels from
house assemblages about to be consumed by fire, there is a presumption from the
variation in burnt house assemblage size that such practices were likely. Other
objects whose primary use must have been elsewhere include the antler ard
fragment from House 8 and the antler harpoons.
The methodological issue is how to deal with this uncertainty in the
relationship between dead and living house assemblages. The question can be
reformulated as the extent to which the vessels in each house were placed there
as part of an integrated strategy of deposition, with their overall meaning
stemming from the juxtaposition of individual vessel meanings. It is the proposition
of this chapter that this question can be investigated using categorical analysis of
each house assemblage in comparison with the analysis of the assemblage from
each entire level. The aim of this form of categorical analysis is the definition of
local rules for each house assemblage as compared to the global rules of the
entire phase assemblage. The distinctiveness of the local rules would indicate the
likelihood of an integral house pottery group. This approach resembles the
establishment of global and local rules for mortuary practices (e.g., Chapman
2000a). However, a further complication arises. Given the undeniable existence of
social relations between those living on the islet and those on the mainland (see
further Chapman and Gaydarska, in press), a further possibility is that some
vesssels in the burnt houses were brought onto the islet from the shoreline
communities, as part of their enchained relations with the special, liminal centre.
This possibility adds a further uncertainty to the interpretation of the house groups
and requires ceramic provenancing research for resolution.
The categorical analysis
There are two types of pottery group for the categorical analysis:- (1) all the
available complete and reconstructed vessels from each of the three occupation
levels, yielding an insight into global categorisation principles by period; and (2) all
of the complete and reconstructed vessels from each house with a minimum of 5
vessels (1 example from the Gumelnia A2 level; 4 examples from the Gumelnia B
level), giving an idea of local categorisation principles.
By way of general background, most of the Late Boian assemblage from the houses
had been re-fired, while most of the pottery from outside the houses lacked traces of
secondary burning. The group as a whole is dominated by storage jars with excised
decoration, bowls with painted decoration and necked carinated bowls with channelling.
In terms of reinforcements, the group has a wide range of shape breaks (1 - 4 breaks).
Decorational reinforcement of shape was normally amplified by matt/gloss contrasts,
sometimes with colour in the excision. A particular feature was the way in which potters
formed a contrast between the lower burnished or smoothed part of a vessel and a
roughened base (henceforth basal roughening). Resembling surface barbotine
decoration, this roughening of the base must have been deliberately produced at the
leather-hard stage of production. It may be thought that such a contrast is unimportant,
since it is invisible when the vessel is standing on a level surface. However, this relies on
a static assumption of pottery-as-still-life. Instead, people picked up vessels, turning
them around and touching their surface, both seeing and feeling the basal surface
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difference. It is also noteworthy that, in the Karanovo VI pottery assemblage from

Dolnoslav, Bulgaria, potters conceived of the vessels in the round, sometimes decorating
the base as well as the lid to produce a 360o visual effect.
The vessel sample from the Gumelnia A2 level (n = 29 vessels) shows two of
the characteristics of the earlier assemblage the importance of bowl forms and
the emphasis on combinations of decorational and matt/gloss reinforcement
(Fig.3). However, there are many more differences than similarities, not least in
the number of pottery types and their diversification in sub-types, the wider range
of decorative styles and the preference for carinated bowls and plastic over
barbotine decoration. Impressed and graphite painted decoration was found only
on bowls, while channelled and incised decoration was found only on amphorae.
However, the high proportion of bowls (80%) that were undecorated means that
the summary complexity statistic was low (0.4). The dominance of both
undecorated vessels with no contrasts over undecorated vessels with basal
contrast and vessels with no breaks over those with a single break indicate the
essential characteristics of this assemblage. This is the level with the highest
incidence of basal roughening on all shapes of vessels (45%). About one in seven
vessels display no reinforcement of shape differentials but rather decorational
more than matt/gloss contrasts. A combination of decorational and matt/gloss
reinforcement occurs in all those vessels with shape reinforcement.
The slightly larger vessel sample from the Gumelnia B level (n = 32 vessels)
(Fig.4) closely resembles the earlier Gumelnia level in terms of the number of
pottery types and sub-types, as well as the number of decorational styles.
Moreover, both phases share the dominance of undecorated vessels with no
contrasts, the prevalence of vessels with one break, the preference for
decorational contrasts which do not reinforce shape divisions and the preference
for combined decorational and matt/gloss contrasts to reinforce shape divisions.
However, the dominant decorational style has changed from plastic to barbotine
decoration, with channelled decoration in second place, while incised decoration is
now found on only lids, impressed motifs on only jars and channelled decoration
on both bowls and amphorae. With the emphasis on multiple reinforcements of
shape divisions and the first use of colour reinforcement, the summary complexity
statistic increased to 0.6. In addition, the proportion of vessels with basal
roughening declined to about 31% from the A2 peak.
The three pottery assemblages from Cscioarele show no signs of radical
discontinuity but rather a series of minor changes in categorisation strategies. But
each assemblage shows a variety of means to reinforce shape divisions. I now turn
to the various house groups to compare their categorisation signatures with those
of the phase assemblages.
The only Gumelnia A2 house with a reasonable sample size (n = 22) is
1964/House 1. Many of the traits in this group are found in the phase assemblage:
the domination of bowls, as well as plastic and barbotine decoration, the restriction
of graphite painted ware to bowls and channelling on amphorae, the prevalence of
undecorated vessels with no other contrasts, the dominance of vessels with one
break and, most importantly, the shared use of decorational and matt/gloss
contrasts to reinforce shape divisions. The summary complexity statistic of the
house group (0.3) is also very similar to that of the phase assemblage (0.4), as is
the proportion of vessels with basal roughening (36% cf. 45%). Although these
similarities are a partial reflection of common vessels in both groups, there is a
50% difference in the group composition. This is sufficient to be confident that the
similarities in principles of categorisation between 1964/House 1 and the A2 phase
assemblage are meaningful.
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Fig.3 Cscioarele. Pottery from the Gumelnia A2 phase: 1. 1964/House 3: red

coarse ware carinated bowl: one shape division, vertically reinforced with two
different styles of Impressed decoration vertical finger-tip rows above carination;
finger-tip on vertical plastic cordons below carination; below carination, horizontal
contrast between cordons and undecorated zones. 2. 1964/House 1: orange
coarse ware rounded bowl with no shape divisions; vertical contrasts in Plastic
decoration vertical ribs above belly; oblique ribs below belly. 3. 1964/House 1: lid
with prominent handle, re-fired to red, with distorted shape; one shape division
between handle and lid reinforced by undecorated (handle) and decorated lid
(oblique plastic ribs). 4. 1965/depth of 1.55 1.80m: grey burnished ware necked
carinated footed bowl; pedestal supported by anthropomorphic hands; four
shape divisions; undecorated, so no reinforcements. 5. 1964/House 1: shouldered
amphora, re-fired to red in secondary burning: no reinforcement of the single
shape division; vertical matt/gloss contrast between upper smooth burnished zone
and lower (base) roughened, unburnished barbotine zone; roughened base cf.
barbotine zone. 6. 1964/House 1: necked carinated dish, re-fired to red after
secondary burning and with distorted shape: two shape divisions, the lower
reinforced by decorational and matt/gloss contrasts (burnished and undecorated
above carination, roughened and with oblique linear barbotine below carination).
7. 1965/depth 0.80 1.05m: brown burnished ware necked amphora with one
shape division, reinforced by decorational and matt/gloss contrast (burnished and
undecorated on neck, smoothed and decorated on body), with horizontal contrast
(Plastic ribs between undecorated zones).
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Turning to the four Gumelnia B house groups, the house group from
1962/House 1 mostly comprises undecorated vessels with no other contrasts, with
no breaks or only one break, such that there are no reinforcements of the few
shape divisions at all. This selection of vessels created the lowest complexity
statistic of any house at Cscioarele (0.0) but 2 out of 5 vessels displayed basal
roughening. The choice of this combination of vessels provides a contrast to the
phase assemblage in terms of reduced categorisational complexity.
The 1962/House 4 group has a rather higher summary complexity statistic
(0.3) but this figure is far lower than that of the phase assemblage. Many traits of
the house group resemble those of the phase assemblage: the prevalence of
undecorated vessels with no contrasts, the importance of vessels with one break,
the incidence of combinations of decorational and matt/gloss reinforcements and
the incidence of vessels with basal roughening (25%). The local principles for
1962/House 4 would appear to be very similar to those defining the phase
assemblage.
The pottery group from 1963/House 8 is the only group with more vessels with
shape divisions reinforced by decoration than undecorated vessels. There is also a
wider range of the number of shape breaks, up to 3 breaks. The prevalence of
amphorae, as well as the dominance of graphite painted decoration, are also
distinctive features, although the use of incised spirals on lids is common to both
groups. The summary complexity statistic is higher than for any other house (1.0)
as well as higher than the value for the phase assemblage (0.6). The proportion of
vessels with basal roughening is lower than in all of the other houses. These
differences indicate a contrast between this house group and the phase
assemblage in terms of greater categorisational complexity.
The final house group under analysis derives from 1963/House 14. Many
similarities are found with the phase assemblage: the prevalence of undecorated
vessels with no other contrasts, the high incidence of vessels with 1 or 2 breaks
and the combined decorational and matt/gloss contrasts reinforcing shape
divisions. Incised decoration, however, appears on different vessel forms. The
most striking aspects of the similarity are the identical summary complexity
statistic (0.6) and very similar proportions of vessels with basal contrast (29% cf.
31%). As with 1962/House 4, the local principles for 1963/House 14 would appear
to be very similar to those defining the phase assemblage.
In contrast to the Gumelnia A2 phase, where the categorisation principles for
the phase assemblage and the single house group were identical, the four houses
of the B phase reveal two different patterns. The principles represented by the
pottery selected for Houses 4 and 14 are very similar to those of the phase
assemblage, while those of Houses 1 and 8 show strong, if opposite, divergences
from the phase assemblage. The categorisational complexity found in House 1 is
far lower than for the total assemblage, that in House 8 far higher. How can these
variations between the phase and house assemblages be interpreted?
Interpretation and discussion
The first general point that is shared by all of the ceramic groups is the tension
between oppositional organisation and cross-cutting structures. The oppositional
mode is represented by those vessels where shape contrasts are reinforced by
both decorational and matt/gloss contrasts (see Figs.3/x and 4/x). The contrast
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between burnished, undecorated surfaces and roughened, decorated surfaces was

frequent in all phases at Cscioarele; this oppositional structure was also common
on undecorated vessels with basal roughening. But the alternative organisational
structure of cross-cutting contrasts was also frequently expressed, as in the vessels
with decorational contrasts that did not reinforce shape divisions (Figs.3/x and
4/x). The proportion of this vessel type almost doubled from the A2 to the B level,
suggesting a growing importance of the cross-cutting structure. This overlapping
principle was also expressed in the lack of exclusive relationships between vessel
shapes and decoration. In the A2 phase, plastic decoration was found on bowls,
amphorae and flasks, while barbotine motifs occurred on amphorae and jars. A
similar pattern was found in the B phase, with plastic motifs on bowls and jars and
barbotine on bowls, dishes and amphorae. This is in strong contrast to the Late
Neolithic Hlebozavoda III assemblage, in which channelled decoration was strongly
focussed on bowls, amphorae and lids, while all of the incised, excised and
impressed + relief motifs occurred on dishes, cups and jars (Chapman 2004).
Nowhere in the Cscioarele assemblages was there such a strong expression of
cross-cutting reinforcement as in the Final Chalcolithic assemblage from Dolnoslav,
where recombination and differentiation of vessel shapes, decorational styles and
modes of reinforcement reached particularly high levels (Chapman, Gaydarska, in
press a).
The argument has been made that an assemblage dominated by binary
oppositional modes of ceramic reinforcement indicates a social structure where
vertical, hierarchical divisions were given prominence, whereas the cross-cutting
mode of reinforcement suggested, rather, a society whose members identities
were formed by a plurality of associations with different groups, whether
household or corporate (Chapman 2004). In the Bulgarian examples, the Late
Neolithic Hlebozavoda III assemblage exemplifies a strong reliance on the
oppositional mode, whereas the Early Chalcolithic Asmaska mogila pottery
indicates the moderate development of cross-cutting principles of differentiation.
The Final Chalcolithic Dolnoslav assemblage goes much further along the path of
overlapping modes of reinforcement with its highly differentiated pottery, much of
it deliberately deposited in burnt houses or middens.
The Cscioarele study suggests a community whose principles of
categorisation were in flux, in transition from a more hierarchical structure towards
a more complex mode, where the establishment of identities relied more on crosscutting categorisation. Such increasing complexity could have been related to the
growing significance of the place in the Lower Danube social network, as a wider
range of people from outside Cscioarele visited the islet for ritual or exchange
purposes. This principle would have depended on the well-attested notion that the
wider the range of persons developing links with the local community, the more
complex the forms of relationships structuring such networks (Turner 1984).
One hypothetical scenario is the following. At the foundation time of the site, in
the Late Boian period, ritual was a key differentiating principle among the islet
community. The Late Boian ceramic assemblage especially that associated with the
shrine - was heavily dependent upon binary oppositional categorisation, connoting
the existence of different social groups perhaps ritual leaders and other residents.
The rituals at this time were focussed on the main pillar shrine, with its rich array
of deposited objects. In the Gumelnia period, the focus of ritual may have
changed from an indoor shrine to outdoor ceremonies, given the deposition
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Fig.4 Cscioarele. Pottery from the Gumelnia B phase: 1. 1962/depth 0.40m: red
medium ware necked carinated amphora; two shape divisions, the lower reinforced
by decorated / undecorated contrast (alternating vertical bands of channelled and
undecorated areas). 2. 1963/House 13: red burnished ware carinated bowl; one
shape division reinforced by decorational and matt/gloss contrasts ( burnished
undecorated neck, roughened area and plastic ribs on body i.e. horizontal
contrasts on body); contrast between roughened surface of lower body and
smoothed base. 3. 1963/House 13: red medium ware necked jar; one shape
division, reinforced by decorational and matt/gloss contrasts (smoothed and
undecorated neck, roughened area between oblique relief lines on body i.e.
horizontal contrasts between undecorated areas and decorated lines on body); 4.
1963/House 8: necked jar, with brown burnished ware neck and matt/gloss +
undecorated/decorated contrasts below neck (brown coarse ware with vertical
linear barbotine lines with roughened areas between them). 5. 1963/House 6: grey
to light brown burnished ware necked footed bowl; two shape divisions, the upper
one reinforced by undecorated decorated contrast (undecorated neck, decorated
belly, undecorated lower body). 6. 1963/House 8: graphite painted ware necked
carinated bellied amphora, partially re-fired to red from secondary burning; three
shape divisions, the second and third reinforced by undecorated decorated and
matt/gloss contrasts (undecorated and burnished below neck, belly decorated with
graphite painting, undecorated, roughened lower body). 7. 1963/House 12: light
brown burnished ware pedestalled carinated bowl; two shape divisions, neither
reinforced since no decoration. 8. 1962/House 1: brown coarse ware necked flask;
one shape division, not reinforced; vertical contrast between decorated
undecorated zones (decorated upper body, undecorated lower body); matt/gloss
contrast between rough lower body and smoothed base.
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of the shrine model 2 m from (i.e., outside) a large Gumelnia A2 house. Given
the range of special objects placed inside this and other houses-to-be-burnt, it is
unusual that the model was not placed in a house; nonetheless, this cannot be
used as definitive evidence for the relocation of the ritual focus to outdoors.
However, in the larger Gumelnia B village, there were no unusual structures or
models clearly associated with ritual deposition, although the deposition of special
objects especially fired clay figurines - continued in many of the burnt houses. It
seems that the initial importance of the islet as a ritual centre stimulated the
development of a wider range of enchained social practices, cemented through the
deposition of more specialised artifacts. This placed increasing stress upon the
former, more hierarchical relationship between ritual leaders and the other
members of the islet community, some of whom had developed close exchange
relations with those visiting the islet. These enchained exchanges developed partly
out of, and partly in parallel to, the pre-existing ritual network, which, in any case,
had changed by the Gumelnia phase into a more dispersed structure. It may not
be an exaggeration to say that the focus of deposition in the Boian period was a
central place, with central ritual leaders, while, in the Gumelnia period, the focus
of deposition broadened out into a household-based, multi-focal structure. The
unusually high frequency of fired clay figurines may have represented the
continuing high density, but also the dispersal, of ceremonies across the islet.
Another way of looking at these changes is to suggest that, in the Boian period,
the islet stood for the ritual centre as its central role, while, in the later period, the
islet stood for many households, each making their own distinctive contribution to
the islets history.
Five examples may be cited of exchanges leading to deposition by a wider
range of households:
(a) the discovery, in Phase B houses on the islet, of ceramic pendants
imitating the Spondylus and gold forms deposited in mainland tells such
as Gumelnia itself (see above, p. xx);
(b) the antler ard from Phase B House 8, which could be the gift of a mainland
farmer to a Cscioarele household rather than a tool used by an islet
inhabitant farming mainland fields;
(c) the exchange of probably North Bulgarian flint from across the Danube for
the workshop in House 2;
(d) the consumption by many households, of large quantities of venison,
brought by visitors and/or hunted by residents;
(e) the consumption,by many households, of Danube fish caught by visitors
and/or residents.
This development created a more complex web of relations, betokening the
growth of cross-cutting relations between those living on the islet and between
residents and visitors. It also suggests a reason for the differentiation of household
pottery groups, since different households may well have wished to underline
specific aspects of their own identities vis--vis their neighbours and visitors.
The similarities between the local categorisation principles of the Gumelnia A2
1964/House 1 and the global rules for the whole assemblage suggest consolidation
of the household identity with strict reference to the overall principles for the
formation of group identity as manifested in the phase ceramic assemblage.
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However, a picture of household differentiation in Phase B is supported by the

variable relations between the categorisation principles of the house groups and
the whole phase assemblage. As a cautionary point, one should stress that the
small size of all of the Gumelnia B house groups - each is much smaller than that
of the A2 1964/House 1 may have contributed to part of the variations from the
phase assemblage. Nonetheless, the reason for two Phase B houses selecting
vessels whose categorisation principles resemble those of the whole community
may well relate to an attachment to traditional modes of identity formation, while
the differences in structural principles in the other two Phase B houses may well
indicate a selection of pottery emphasising the individuality of the household within
an overall framework of community ceramic production. At present, we have no
way of distinguishing between pottery from outside the islet and locally-used
pottery as components of the household selections.
Conclusions
The categorical analysis of Balkan Neolithic and Eneolithic pottery assemblages
has been used to investigate the Boian and Gumelnia materials from the islet site
of Cscioarele, with particular emphasis on the later assemblages. The analysis
showed that there is a tension between the two classic forms of structural
principles binary opposition and cross-cutting forms of identity formation, with
some evidence that the latter principle was increasing in importance in the later
occupations. Comparison between the categorical principles of the Gumelnia A2
and B phase assemblages and individual house groups of these phases indicated a
close similarity between the A2 house group and the phase assemblage but
variation in relations between house groups and the Phase B assemblage.
The overall sequence of occupation on this special liminal place, with its
seasonal flooding, is considered in terms of an initial ritual focus on a single Late
Boian central shrine, with a gradual de-centering of ritual towards a multi-focal
structure with ritual practices of deposition in many households by Gumelnia
Phase B. It is proposed that one of the main stimuli of this dispersed network
within the islet community was the development of forms of enchained exchange
relations that acted as alternatives to the main ritual practices of the post-Boian
occupation. These alternative practices helped to create a sense of individual
identity for households that was in dialectic relationship to the overall community
identity. This development stimulated the selection of pottery in Phase B burnt
house deposition that sometimes emphasised the household identity, sometimes
the community identity. This interpretation is supported by a wide range of other
depositional practices on the islet in Phase B, including a wide range of figurines,
an antler ard, fired clay pendants, red deer and fish bones.
In this chapter, I have sought to use the published information about the
spectacular site of Cscioarele and, thanks to Silvia Marinescu-Blcu, part of its
unpublished pottery assemblage to develop an interpretation of the site a
narrative dedicated to Silvia. A close reading of the depositional history of the site
and the selection of vessels placed in houses-to-be-burnt indicate the dynamic and
changing biography of this special place, whose place-value as a ritual centre may
well have maintained its social significance even though the previously centralised
ritual was dispersed throughout the Gumelnia B village. The problem of the source
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of the pottery deposited at Cscioarele deserves future attention in the form of a

provenancing programme of scientific analysis.
Acknowledgements
I wish to acknowledge Silvia Marinescu-Blcu for many stimulating discussions
of Balkan prehistory and for allowing me access to the Cscioarele ceramics; the
University of Durham whose provision of a research year enabled me to collect
these data; the British Academy and the Romanian Academy of Sciences for
funding my research visit to Romania in October 1996; Cornelia Catuna and Drago
Gheorghiu for the pleasant visit to Cscioarele and other great trips; the UCL
Department of Anthropology, and especially Mike Rowlands, for hosting my
research leave period and for much fruitful discussion; Radomir Popovici for helpful
discussions on the Romanian material and gifts of books; Radian Andreescu for the
gift of his monograph on Gumelnia figurines and for valuable discussions; Boyan
Dumanov for the graphics; and Bisserka Gaydarska for many discussions on the
Neolithic and Eneolithic of the Balkans.
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CTLIN AL. LAZR*, ANDREI D. SOFICARU**

CONSIDERAII PRELIMINARE ASUPRA UNOR OASE

UMANE DESCOPERITE N AEZAREA
GUMELNIEAN DE LA CSCIOARELE-OSTROVEL

Abstract: This study presents some human bones discovered in non-funeral context, from CscioareleOstovel settlement, Clrai County. The bones are at Anthropological Research Center Francisc J.

Rainer in Bucharest. Cause to unknown reasons it werent analyzed nor published. The human bones
were discovered by Vladimir Dumitrescu during the archaeological campaigns from 1962 to 1968. There
are 11 bones: 2 complete skulls (no. 2 and 3), 2 frontal bone fragments (no. 9 and 10), 1 maxillas (no.
8) and 6 femurs (no. 1, 4 - 8 and 11). All of them come from non-funeral context (waste area) and
belong to 11 individuals: 7 of them were males (no. 2, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11), 3 female (no. 1, 4 and 6), 1
infant (no. 10) and a non-defined sex one (no. 8). These bones have old breaks, smashes, cuts which
indicate a human intervention. Other similar cases were discovered also in Kodjadermen-GumelniaKaranovo VI cultural complex. Most of the researchers consider that human skulls discovered inside the
settlement have a ritual significance, being related to skull cult, which was practiced in the Near East
and in the south-eastern Europe. Some of the researchers consider that these isolated human bones
discoveries come from ancient disturbed graves. We have to remember that these bones usually appear
in waste area and pits. This fact leads to the idea that there were some anthropophagical practices (see
Mancos or Fontbrgoua cave). Without archaeological context of these discoveries, without a detailed
analyze of the human bones so that we can identify the cutting, breaking and fragmentation types
we can not prove a real case of cannibalism.

Keywords: eneolithic, Gumelmia culture, human bones, cut marks, non-funeral contexts.

Introducere
Scopul prezentului articol este acela de a introduce n circuitul tiinific unele
descoperiri mai vechi din aezarea gumelniean de la Cscioarele-Ostrovel.1
Aezarea de la Cscioarele (com. Cscioarele, jud. Clrai) se afl pe
Ostrovel-ul lacului Ctlui, ntr-un golf nconjurat din trei pri de pantele nalte ale
terasei Dunrii (Fig.1). Ostrovel-ul reprezint o aezare de tip tell, avnd o form
uor prelung, cu diametrul la suprafa de aproximativ 57 x 103 m (Dumitrescu
1965: 217).
Materialele osteologice umane care fac obiectul acestui studiu provin din
campaniile de spturi arheologice efectuate de Vladimir Dunitrescu2 i se afl n
prezent n coleciile Centrului de Cercetri Antropologice Francisc J. Rainer din
Bucureti. Precizm c oasele umane respective erau curate, avnd notaia
original din acei ani3.
Menionm c, exceptnd dou dintre piese (piesa nr.2 i 3), publicate anterior
(Dumitrescu 1965: 223-224), restul sunt inedite.
*

Muzeul Dunrii de Jos, Clrai. e-mail: acltara@yahoo.com.

Centrul de cercetri antropologice "Francisc J. Rainer", Bucureti. e-mail: asoficaru@yahoo.com.

**

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Metodologie
Studierea resturile osteologice umane provenite din contexte nefunerare
reprezint un subiect complex i incitant.
Pentru o bun gestionare a datelor disponibile am preferat s numerotm
convenional fiecare pies osteologic (spre exemplu piesa nr.1, 2, 3 etc.), n
ordinea anului descoperirii, pstrnd notaiilor iniiale de pe oase
Metodele de analiz utilizate n studierea materialelor de la CscioareleOstrovel, au fost dictate de starea de fragmentare a oaselor respective. Iniial am
preferat prezentarea din punct de vedere antropologic a materialelor osteologice.
Pentru identificarea corect a prilor anatomice crora aparin unele piese
osteologice s-a utilizat observaia direct, folosindu-se pentru comparaii atlasul lui
V. Papilian (1974) i cel al lui J. E. Anderson (1983). Aceste modele au fost utilizate
i la descrierea oaselor. Determinarea sexului i estimarea vrstei s-a efectuat
dup metoda D. R. Brothwell (1981). n cazul craniilor (sau fragmentelor
craniene), pentru estimarea vrstelor la deces au fost luate n considerare dou
fenomene: obliterarea suturilor craniene i uzura dentar ambele supuse din
pcate unui mare grad de variabilitate inter- i intrapopulaional (Mirioiu, Sultana,
Soficaru 2005: 50). n cazul oaselor lungi s-a inut cont de observaiile
morfoscopice i de dimensiunile pieselor respective. n ceea ce privete diagnoza
sexului s-au avut n vedere dimensiunile biometrice ale oaselor, iar n cazul craniilor
i caracterele sexuale secundare.

Fig.1 Localizarea sitului de la Cscioarele

n vederea stabilirii cauzelor care au condus la fragmentarea oaselor i a
tipurilor de sprturi, fracturi, rupturi etc. s-a utilizat ca metod de lucru tafonomia.
Prima faz a studiului a constat n identificarea factorilor (naturali sau/i antropici)
ce au provocat fragmentarea oaselor (Le Mort 1982: 28; 2004: 18). Pentru a
observa ct mai bine suprafaa oaselor i a determina natura sprturilor, fisurilor,
rupturilor, fracturilor, tieturilor s-au folosit progresiv lupe de mrimi diferite (3x,
6x, 8x, 10x). Astfel s-a putut constata c pe lng sprturile naturale exist i
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urme datorate unor intervenii antropice. Diagnosticarea acestor intervenii a

necesitat observaii atente i precise, precum i aplicarea mai multor criterii de
analiz: morfologia urmelor, numrul i orientarea acestora, modul de dispunere a
uneia n raport cu celelalte, regulariatate sau iregularitate lor, zonele unde sunt
localizate (Le Mort 2004: 18). Totodat, n vederea stabilirii corecte a interveniilor
antropice s-au folosit comparativ modelele de la Mancos (White 1992),
Fontbrgoua (Villa et al. 1986a, 1986b), Grotta Guattari (White, Toth 1991),
Krapina (Trinkaus 1985; Russell 1987) i Engis cave (Russell, Le Mort 1987). S-au
mai utilizat modelele teoretice prezentate n lucrrile lui E. Crubzy (2000) i M.
Parker Pearson (2001).
Contextul arheologic a reprezentat un alt elemet important n analiza noastr.
Astfel, n limita datelor disponibile i existente am ncercat stabilirea relaiilor dintre
oasele umane i complexele n care au fost descoperite. De asemenea, pe baza
altimetriei, am realizat i o atribuire a pieselor osteologice, la una dintre cele dou
faze ale culturii Gumelnia (A2 i B1), prezente n aceast aezare.
O ultim etap a studiului nostru a constituit-o identificarea semnificaiei
acestui tip de descoperire i nelegerea comportamentului uman care a determinat
intervenii perimortem pe unele oase umane. n acest sens ne-am raportat la os
serie de exemple etnografice pentru a nelege/identifica semnificaia unor practici,
dar am utilizat i cazuri arheologice cunoscute pentru a stabili unele analogii.

Fig.2. Piesa nr.1 (femur stnga).

Descrierea materialelor
Lotul de materiale osteologice umane de la Cscioarele- Ostrovel este alctuit
din 11 piese, a cror stare de conservare este relativ bun.

Piesa nr.1. Cscioarele 1962 (-0.40 m), passim (Fig.2):

Diafiz de la un femur stnga cu lungime pstrat de 298 mm. Proximal este

rupt din vechime sub trohanterul mic, iar distal deasupra condililor. n treimea
inferioar se observ 7 urme de tiere pe suprafaa osului (Fig.3), n zona n care
se inser muchiul femural (Papilian 1974: 289, Fig.288). Prima urm are 5 mm, a
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doua 12 mm, a treia 10 mm, a patra 9 mm, a cincea 7 mm, a asea 6 mm, iar cea
de-a aptea 8 mm; cu excepia celei de a doua (care este oarecum pe diagonal),
toate celelalte sunt paralele cu epifiza distal. La mijlocul diafizei se observ alte 2
urme (pe faa anterioar), una de 9 mm i cealalt de 5 mm. Acestea se afl n
zona de inserie a muchiului aductor lung (Papilian 1974: 294, Fig.295).

Fig.3. Piesa nr.1. Detalii privind inetrveniile perimortem.

nlturarea epifizelor prin lovituri repetate ne este indicat de suprafeele
neregulate ale diafizei pstrate (Fig.3), iar liniile de tiere descrise mai sus sunt
paralele cu condilii i par a fi fcute cu un obiect ascuit.
Femurul a aparinut unui individ adult de sex feminin.

Piesa nr.2. Cscioarele 1962, locuina nr.1 (-0.80 m), craniul 1 (Fig.6):
Craniu complet cu unele mici lipsuri pe condilii occipitali. Sprturile respective
sunt din vechime, cauzele acestora fiind necunoscute. Mai se pot observa unele
lipsuri pe sfenoid. Se pstreaz incisivul 1, caninul, premolarii i primii doi molari
de pe partea dreapt, iar de pe stnga doar premolarul 1 i molarul 1. Acest craniu
a aparinut unui individ de sex masculin deoarece are marginea supraorbital,
creasta nucal i procesele mastoide largi (Brothwell 1981: 60, Fig.3/1). Vrsta se
ncadreaz n intervalul 25 35 de ani (potrivit uzurii dentare), mai degrab spre
sfritul intervalului (Brothwell 1981: 72, Fig.3/9).
Piesa nr.3. Cscioarele 1962, locuina nr.1 (-0.80 m), craniul 2 (Fig.10):
Calot cranian din care se pstreaz frontalul (ntreg), parietalele (complete)
i un fragment din partea dreapt a occipitalului colat cu parietalul dreapta. Se mai
identific i un fragment din arcada dentar doar cu premolarul 1 stnga pstrat.
Sexul este posibil masculin (Brothwell 1981: 60, Fig.3/1), iar vrsta de cca 50 ani
(Brothwell 1981: 72, Fig.3/9).

Piesa nr.4. Cscioarele 1963 (Fig.4):

Femur dreapta cu lungime pstrat de 253 mm. Prezint lipsuri din vechime pe
trohanterul mare i mic i pe capul femural. Lipsete treimea inferioar, diafiza
fiind rupt tot din vechime. A aparinut unui adult, posibil de sex feminin.
Piesa nr.5. Cscioarele 1964 (-2.70/-2.80 m) (Fig.7):
Femur stnga cu lungime pstrat de 281 mm de la un adult, de sex masculin.
Proximal este spart din vechime n zona trohanterului mic, lipsind trohanterul
mare i capul femural. Se pstreaz o mic poriune din col. Distal, epifiza e spart
deasupra condililor, n form de zig-zag din vechime (Fig.8).
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Fig.4. Piesa nr.4 (femur dreapta).

i n acest caz s-au observat 12 urme pe faa anterioar, paralele cu epifiza
distal, ce se prezint ca nite scrijelituri ale suprafeei osoase. Lungimile lor se
ncadreaz ntre 10 15 mm i par a fi fost fcute din vechime. Tot anterior, dar la
26 de mm de marginea distal a fragmentului pstrat, se observ o lips din
suprafaa osoas de form oval (9 x 5 mm), care ar putea proveni de la o
lovitur.

Piesa nr.6. Cscioarele 1965 (-0.65/-0.85 m) (Fig.11):

Femur dreapta cu lungime pstrat de 340 mm. Acesta a aparinut unui

individ adult, de sex feminin. i n acest caz, s-a putut observa absena epifizelor,
pstrndu-se doar diafiza. Genul de sprtur (Fig.12) este de acelai tip ca cele
identificate la piesele nr. 1 i 5.

Piesa nr.7. Cscioarele 1965 (-0.65/-0.86 m) (Fig.13):

Femur dreapta cu lungimea pstrat de 312 mm. Provine de la un individ

adult, posibil de sex masculin. Se pstreaz doar diafiza, lipsind epifizele. Sprturile
acestuia (Fig.14) sunt de acelai tip ca i la piesele nr. 1, 5 i 6.
Pe faa lateral dreapta exist trei urme de tiere ce au fost identificate cu
ajutorul lupelor. Prima se afl la 70 de mm de marginea proximal i este paralel
cu aceasta, avnd 8 mm. A doua este la 125 mm de marginea superioar i const
de fapt n 4 linii n diagonal, paralele ntre ele, cu lungimi de cca 5 mm fiecare.
Alte dou urme se afl la 75 mm de marginea distal, sunt paralele i au 9 mm,
respectiv 7 mm. ntre aceste urme se mai observ i alte nuiri, dar care au
forma literei U. Menionm c respectivele urme se afl n zona de inserare a
urmtorilor muchi: adductor longus, adductor brevis, castus medialis (Anderson
1983: Fig.4-24).
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Pe faa lateral stnga au fost identificate alte 3 urme. Prima este la 100 mm
de marginea proximal, fiind n diagonal i avnd 4 mm. A doua se afl la 155 de
marginea distal, are 7 mm lungime i este paralel cu linia aspr a femurului. A
treia s-a identificat la 110 mm de marginea inferioar i const n 2 urme paralele,
n diagonal, cu lungimi de cca 5 10 mm.

Fig.5 a., b. Piesa nr.9 (frontal dreapta); c., d. piesa nr. 10 (frontal).

Piesa nr.8. Cscioarele 1965 (-1.05/-1.30 m) (Fig.9/a, b):

Fragment de maxila dreapt (cu sprturi din vechime). Aceasta provine de la

un individ adult. Din nefericire, nu a putut fi determinat sexul. Din punct de vedere
a dentiiei, se pstreaz molarul 2.

Piesa nr.9. Cscioarele 1965 (-2.05/-2.65 m) (Fig.5/a, b):

Fragment frontal dreapta cu o poriune din sutura coronal, de form

trapezoidal. Laturile posterioare sunt sparte din vechime. A aparinut unui individ
adult, posibil de sex masculin.

Piesa nr.10. Cscioarele 1965, S (-1.80/-2.05 m) (Fig.5/c, d):

Fragment de frontal (nu i s-a putut stabili partea creia i aparinea) de form
dreptunghiular i care pstreaz o poriune din sutura sagital. A aparinut unui
copil (infans II).
Piesa nr.11. Cscioarele 1966, Gr. A (-2.05/-2.25 m) (Fig.15):
Femur stnga cu lungimea pstrat de 253 mm. Provine de la un adult de sex
masculin. Proximal are acelai gen de sprtur ca i piesele nr.5 i 6. Diafiza este
spart aproximativ de la jumtate, dar i se pstreaz partea dreapt (Fig.16).
Pe faa anterioar, la 25 de mm de marginea proximal se observ o urm n
diagonal, cu lungimea de 8 mm. La 35 mm de aceiai margine exist alte 15 urme
de mici dimensiuni (cca 5 mm), paralele, ce se ntind pe o lungime de cam 40 de
mm. n aceast zon s-ar insera muchiul vastus intermedius (Anderson 1983:
Fig.4-23).
Tot din acest lot a fcut parte i un craniu uman, descoperit n anul 1964, n
caroul 5, la 1.50 m adncime (Dumitrescu 1986: 78). Din pcate acest craniu nu
se gsete n coleciile Centrului de Cercetri Antropologice Francisc J. Rainer din
Bucureti, fapt ce nu a permis analiza din punct de vedere antropologic. Vom folosi
datele arheologice despre aceast descoperire n urmtorul subcapitol, fapt ce ne
determin s o notm convenional piesa nr.12.

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Fig.6 Piesa nr. 3 (craniu): a. Norma anterioar, b. Norm posterioar,

c. Norma lateral stnga, d. Norma lateral dreapta, e. Norma superioar,
f. Norma inferioar.

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Fig.7 Piesa nr.5 (femur stnga).

Contextul arheologic
Datele cele mai interesante sunt legate de piesele nr. 2 i 3. Este vorba de cele
dou cranii descoperite sub podeaua locuinei nr. 1, din nivelul Gumelnia B1.
Astfel, conform autorului cercetrilor, cele dou cranii umane (piesele nr. 2 i 3),
au fost gsite la circa 1.50 m spre S de colul de S al cuptorului (), la 60 cm unul
de altul (Dumitrescu 1965: 223). Primul craniu (piesa nr.2) zcea cu cretetul n
sus i cu privirea spre NNV, iar al doilea craniu (piesa nr.3) era depus pe partea
stng, la civa centimetrii spre NV de primul, cu privirea spre ESE, aa, nct sar putea spune c priveau unul spre cellalt (Dumitrescu 1965: 223). Aadar,
piesele nr. 2 i 3 provin din locuin nr.1, fiind asociate cu vatra-cuptor a acesteia.

Piesa nr.12 a fost descoperit sub o locuin incendiat din nivelul Gumelnia
A2. Conform lui Vl. Dumitrescu acesta se afla sub un nivel de arsur i chirpici.
Craniului i lipsea maxilarul i nu pstra nici una din vertebrele cervicale. Era
orientat cu privire spre SV. Sub craniu la 1.65 m adncime, s-au descoperit un
corn de cerb, diferite oase i o piatr. Dei pare sigur c toate acestea fceau
parte din cuprinsul unei gropi, nu s-a putut observa conturul acesteia (Dumitrescu
1986: 78).
Piesa nr.11 provin dintr-o groap (Gr. A), care aparinea tot nivelului
Gumelnia A2. Din pcate nu avem date despre celelalte materiale arheologice
recoltate din acest complex.
Celelalte piese osteologice umane din lotul de la Cscioarele-Ostrovel (piesele
nr.5, 6, 7, 8, 9 i 10) provin din strat, fr alte indicii privind contextul. Singurele
disponibile sunt datele altimetrice care ne-au permis atribuirea (cu rezervele de
rigoare), unuia dintre cele dou niveluri gumelniene din aceast aezare: piesele
nr. 6 i 7 aparin nivelului Gumelnia B1, iar piesele nr. 5, 8, 9 i 10 aparin
nivelului Gumelnia A2.
Piesa nr. 4 pstreaz doar notaia Cscioarele 1963, fr alte date sau
informaii privind contextul arheologic.
Din nefericire, una dintre cele mai interesante piese din punct de vedere
tafonomic (piesa nr.1) este passim.
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Fig.8. Piesa nr.5 (femur stnga). Detalii privind sprturile.

Discuii
Fr ndoial, interpretarea acestor descoperiri de oase umane n contexte
nefunerare reprezint cea mai dificil chestiune.
Situaia ntlnit n aezarea de la Cscioarele-Ostrovel nu este singular. Oase
umane n contexte nefunerare au fost descoperite n mai multe aezri aparinnd
culturii Gumelnia. Amintim aici doar descoperirile de resturi osteologice umane de
la Gumelnia (Dumitrescu 1966: 56), Hrova tell (Popovici, Rialland 1996: 56),
nsurei Popina I (Moise 1999: 172), Mriua La Movil (Moise 2001: 207),
Borduani Popin (Blteanu 1997: 95; Vasile 2003: 95-101), Sultana4, Vidra
(Coma 1960: 94), Cuneti (Coma 1986: 57; 1992: 64; 2001: 33), Tangru
(Coma 1960: 92), Chitila-Ferm (Boronean 1987: 128) etc.

Fig. 9. a., b. Piesa nr.8 (fragment de maxil).

Exist n literatura de specialitate o serie de opinii care, consider c nhumarea
doar a unor pri ale scheletului uman reprezint o form funerar (formal partial
inhumation) specific mai multor culturi (Chapman 1994: 80). John Chapman
mergnd pe teoria fragmentrii, crede c aceste oase reprezint un simbol
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Fig.10. Piesa nr.3 (craniu): a. Norma anterioar, b. Norm posterioar, c. Norma

lateral stnga, d. Norma lateral dreapta, e. Norma superioar,
f. Norma inferioar.
al ntregului (a corpului), ngroparea doar a unor pri din defunct avnd, n fapt,
aceiai valoare ca i a nmormntrii unui corp n conexiune anatomic (Chapaman
2000: 132-146). n general, conform acestei presupuneri, defuncii erau expui pe
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platforme, pentru a fi descarnai, iar dup ce acest proces se ncheia, resturile

osteologice erau luate i nmormntate. Aceast practic mai este cunoscut i sub
numele spulture en deux temps (Le Mort 2004: 19). Jnos Makkay a artat c,
cel puin pentru neo-eneoliticul sud-est european, nu exist dovezi clare care s
susin o asemenea ipotez (Makkay 1992: 128).

Fig.11 Piesa nr.6 (femur dreapta).

O serie de cercettori consider c resturile osteologice descoperite n
cuprinsul aezrilor, n diverse contexte, reprezint renhumri ale unor pri
anatomice ce au aparinut unor defunci, nmormntai anterior (NicolescuPlopor, Wolski 1975: 134; Cullen 1995: 280; Bacvarov 2000: 138-139). ns, nu
trebuie s ignorm nici ipoteza unor simple redepozitri a resturilor osteologice ale
unor indivizi nhumai anterior i care, din motive diverse au fost exhumai, cu
precizarea c aceste reprezint un act fr legtur cu domeniul funerar sau cu
ideologia funerar a acelor comuniti.
Au existat i autori care au considerat c aceste oase umane provin din
morminte deranjate sau sunt dovada inexistenei unui respect fa de cei decedai
(Cullen 1995: 280).
Plecnd de la faptul c exist multe descoperiri de cranii umane, fr
conexiune anatomic, s-a considerat c acestea se leag, cel mai probabil, de
cultul craniului. Aceast practic avea legtur cu cultul strbunilor, cu respectul i
venerarea strmoilor. Unii autori au emis ipoteza c aceste cranii separate de
corpuri, ar fi reprezentat obiecte de cult (Cauvin 1994: 152-153). La diferite
populaii aflate pe o treapt primar de dezvoltare, craniul i capul au fost
considerate mereu sediul forei fizice i spirituale a omului, fora creatoare de via
pe pmnt (Lips 1958: 523-526; Needham 1976: 71-73; Vulcnescu 1987: 170172). Fr s ignorm avertismentul lui Peter J. Ucko (1969)5, ne permitem s
amintim c, la numeroase societi tradiionale, capul/craniul datorit virtuilor sale
specifice, face adeseori obiectul unor preocupri speciale. Astfel, n cazul unor
populaii din Gabon i Congo, craniile i osemintele erau pstrate n relicvarii din
mpletituri sau scoar de copac, iar la populaiile Sepik (Noua Guinee), craniile
erau supramodelate i depuse n Casa brbailor i particip la rituri de iniiere i
de fertilitate (Lips 1954: 524-526; Bernard 1999: 433). La aborigenii din Australia
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este amintit obiceiul de a conserva craniile rudelor moarte (Iaru 1967: 130-136;
Eliade 1991: 19). n cazul triburilor Dayak (Borneo) i Naga (Burma) craniile erau
pstrate ca trofee (Needham 1976: 72). Ali autori, au artat c n unele
comuniti aflate la un nivel primar de dezvoltare, n cazul unor sacrificii de
fundare, craniul victimei este zidit n viitoarea construcie (Mauss, Hubert 1997:
133). Toate aceste exemple etnografice dovedesc doar variabilitatea extraordinar
a semnificaiei practicii depunerii craniilor umane, dar i impedimentul n
interpretarea acetui tip de descoperire. Nu trebuie s uitm nici dificultatea
identificrii caracterului simbolic al acestor cazuri. De obicei, laturile de ordin social,
spiritual, individual sau colectiv sunt exprimate cu ajutorul unor coduri, ansambluri
de simboluri, a cror desluire complet este imposibil, de cele mai multe ori
semnificaia unor practici fiind doar presupus (Chicideanu 2003: 75).

Fig.12. Piesa nr.6 (femur dreapta). Detalii privind sprturile.

Revenind la descoperirile gumelniene, ne vedem obligai s atragem atenia c,
ideea prezenei unui cult al craniului, pornete de la existena acestei practici n
zona Orientului Apropiat i Anatolia, unde s-au descoperit cranii umane
supramodelate cu diverse materiale (ipsos, lut, bitum etc., ochii fiind marcai cu
cochilii de scoici) sau chiar vopsite cu rou. Aceste cranii au fost gsite n cuprinsul
aezrilor, depuse pe suporturi speciale sau direct pe podeaua locuinelor sau
sanctuarelor (Mellaart 1965: 80-81; Guilaine 1982: 67; Cauvin 1994: 152-154;
Parker Pearson 2001: 159, 161). Descoperirile mai sus menionate indic fr nici
un dubiu dorina comunitilor respective de a pstra vie imaginea unor indivizi din
cadrul comunitilor respective fapt ce demonstreaz existena cultului
strbunilor/strmoilor i implicit a unui cult al craniului.
n ceea ce privete craniile gumelniene, se constat c, acestea nu au
beneficiat de un tratament special ca cele amintite mai sus i nici nu sunt
descoperite n/pe structuri speciale, ceea ce face dificil raportare lor la situaiile
din Orientul Apropiat i Anatolia. n majoritatea cazurilor, nici mcar nu avem de-a
face cu cranii ntregi, ci cu fragmente de cranii (calote craniene, mandibule
fragmentare etc.), la care se adaug restul oaselor provenite din alte zone
anatomice. innd seama de aceste constatri i observaii, credem c
interpretarea descoperirilor de cranii i fragmente de cranii din aezri, drept cult al
craniilor, trebuie privit cu anumite rezerve.
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Considerm mult mai plauzibil ipoteza sugerat de Vladimir Dumitrescu

(1965), cel puin pentru cazul celor dou cranii (piesele nr.2 i 3) de la CscioareleOstrovel - sacrificii ce aveau legtur cu fundarea respectivelor construcii sau
poate, de ce nu, a ntregului spaiu al aezrii: este nendoielnic c aceste dou
cranii umane, desprinse de restul corpului prin secionare intenionat chiar de la
baza cutiei craniene, au fost ngropate cu un anumit rost magic n apropiere de
locul unde, urma s fie construit vatra-cuptor i destul de probabil chiar cu prilejul
unor practici rituale svrite nainte de nceperea construirii locuinei nsi. Iar
faptul c n cuprinsul celorlalte locuine degajate n stratul superior al Ostrovelului
nu s-a mai descoperit ceva similar s-ar putea explica eventual prin importana pe
care aceast locuin, va fi avut-o n cadrul comunitii gentilice de aici
(Dumitrescu 1965: 224). Precizm doar c analiza antropologic nu a condus la
identificarea unor elemente, care s susin secionarea acestor cranii. Sprturile
existente pot avea alte cauze (spre exemplu, manipularea post mortem a craniilor
respective).
O ultim ipotez privind interpretarea resturilor osteologice umane descoperite
n contexte nefunerare, dei cea mai incitant i ndrznea, este i cea mai
discutabil: ipoteza unor practici de antropofagie. Ideea existenei unor asemenea
practici n preistorie este considerat, n general, speculativ. Totui, pe lng
numeroasele exemple etnografice, exist cteva situaii arheologice n care s-a
dovedit existena unor asemena practici. Amintim aici doar cazul din situl neolitic
de la Fontbrgoua din Frana (Villa et al. 1986a, 1986b) i pe cel de la Mancos - sit
precolumbian din Statele Unite (White 1992). Chiar i n Romnia a existat o serie
de autori care au presupus existena unei asemenea practici rituale (Necrasov
1965: 32-33; Nicolescu-Plopor, Wolski 1974: 3-7; Bolomey 1983: 169; Popovici,
Rialland 1996: 56; Marinescu-Blcu, Bolomey 2000: 153-155).

Fig.13. Piesa nr.7 (femur dreapta).

n general, problema antropofagiei pare prost formulat, deoarece muli autori
consider c acest fenomen este mereu simbolic, chiar i atunci cnd este real
(Carneiro da Cunha 1999: 124; Parker Pearson 2001: 52). Din pcate, analiza
canibalismul nu a fost inserat ntr-o problematic mai general, astfel nct, la ora
actual, cmpul de studiu pe care-l constituie este mprit ntre susintorii unei
analize preocupate s respecte specificitatea culturilor i partizanii explicaiilor cu
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aplicaie universal, inspirate de registrul psihologiei, sau fcnd apel la nevoile

biologice (Carneiro da Cunha 1999: 124). De asemenea, nu trebuie s uitm c,
atitudinea cea mai veche i care probabil se sprijin pe baze psihologice solide,
fiindc are tendina s reapar la fiecare dintre noi cnd suntem pui ntr-o situaie
neateptat, const n a repudia pur i simplu formele culturale, care sunt cele mai
deprtate de acelea cu care noi ne identificm (Lvi-Strauss 1982: 8-9).

Fig.14. Piesa nr.7 (femur dreapta). Detalii.

Dovedirea antropofagiei, mai ales din punct de vedere arheologic, nu este
facil. Aceast dificultate are dou aspecte majore: un aspect metodologic, ce
const n identificarea acestei practici n dovezile arheologice, dar i un aspect
ideologic, care ine de bagajul cultural/tiinific acumulat de societatea uman
civilizat n ultimul secol. Aceast atitudine de neacceptare este determinat i de
mentalitatea cercettorului (arheologului) secolului XX care se raporteaza la
sistemul de valori contemporane (Parker Pearson 2001: 54). Din pcate
identificarea unor asemenea practici nu este facil, fiind necesar aportul mai multor
discipline: arheologia (pentru contextele descoperirilor), arheozoologia (pentru
analize de tip tafonomic asupra resturilor faunistice), antropologia fizic (studii de
osteologie, paleontologie i paleopatologie) i antropologia cultural (prin etnologie
i etnoistorie), n vedere sesizrii unor analogii (White 1992: 8).
Unele piese din lotul de la Cscioarele-Ostrovel (piesele nr.1, 5, 6, 7 i 11),
prezint o serie de urme (tieturi, sprturi, zgrieturi etc.) care indic intervenii
antropice deliberate, probabil postmortem. Examinarea cu lupe de mrimi diferite a
evideniat existena n cazul acestor urme a unei patine identice cu cea a osului,
fapt ce le demonstreaz vechimea. Un alt element ce susine aceast observaie
este prezena sedimentului ncrustat n aceste tieturi. Din punct de vedere al
morfologiei, tieturile n cauz sunt rectiliniare, lungimea lor variind 5 15 mm, n
unele cazuri (piesa nr.7) ntre ele identificndu-se alte incizii fine. Amintim urmele
cu seciune n forma literei V ce apar pe piesele nr. 1, 5, 7 i 11. Morfologia,
profunzimea i lungimea urmelor indic faptul c acestea sunt rezultatul unui
contact direct ntre suprafaa osului i un obiect ascuit (probabil silex). De
asemenea trebuie amintit c urmele respective apar n zone de inserare a unor
muchi. Orientarea urmelor, n majoritatea cazurilor (excepie face piesa nr.1), este
oblic n raport cu fibrele musculare. Elementele sus menionate indic faptul c
aceste urme sunt rezultatul unei aciuni de tiere/nlturare a zonelor cu mas
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muscular mare. Analogii n acest sens ntlnim n cazul loturilor oseteologice de la

Fontbrgoua (Villa et al. 1986a: 160, Fig.11), Mancos (White 1992: 147-149,
Fig.6.19, Fig.6.20, Fig.6.21) i ayn (Le Mort 2004: 17-18). Dac adugm la
datele anterioare i prezena unor femure crora le lipsesc epifizele situaia devine

Fig.15. Piesa nr.11 (femur stnga).

i mai interesant, acest fapt sugernd o aciune intenionat de nlturarea
epifizelor prin lovituri repetate, fapt indicat de suprafeele neregulate ale diafizei
pstrate. ns, este de datoria noastr s precizm c absena epifizelor nu pote fi
interpretat ntotdeuna drept o aciune antropic deliberat, putnd exista i alte
cauze. Totui, este dificil de acceptat ideea unei simple coincidene n situaia
oaselor lungi care prezint urme n zonele de inserare ale unor muchi i lipsa
epifizelor...! Acest model (urme n zonele de inserare a unor muchi i epifizele
sparte) este ntlnit i cazul oaselor umane de la Mancos (White 1992: 147-149) i
Fontbrgoua (Villa et al. 1986b: 434-436; 1988: 53-57). Totui, n cazurile anterior
menionate s-a constatat existena aceluiai model de tieturi, sprturi, rupturi etc.
pe oasele umane i pe cele de animale. n cazul sitului de la Cscioarele nu exist
un studiu comparativ n acest sens, fapt ce ngreuneaz mult demersul nostru.
n aceste condiii, datele obinute n urma analizei noastre nu sunt complete,
trebuind coroborate i comparate cu informaiile arheozoologice.

Fig.16. Piesa nr.11 (femur stnga). Detaii.

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Concluzii
Prezentul studiu a ncercat s prezinte lotul osteologic uman de la Cscioarele-

Ostrovel, provenit din contexte nefunerare. Importaa acestui tip de descoperire

este incontestabil, ns, pentru realizarea unei analize corecte i complete este
necesar aportul mai multor specialiti din diferite domenii (arheolog, antropolog,
arheozoolog, sedimentolog).
Din punct de vedere al elementelor anatomice reprezentate n lotul analizat, am
constatat urmtoarea situaie: 2 cranii ntregi (piesele nr.2 i 3), 2 fragmente de
frontal (piesele nr.9 i 10), 1 maxil fragmentar (piesa nr.8) i 6 femure (piesele
nr.1, 4-8 i 11), mai mult sau mai puin fragmentate.
Numrul minim de indivizi (NMI) reprezentat n lotul antropologic avut la
dispoziie este de 12.
n ceea ce privete categoriile de vrst situaia obinut ne-a indicat c toi
indivizii reprezentai n acest lot sunt aduli, cu o singur excepie (piesa nr.10)
Infans II. Din punct de vedere al grupelor de sex, situaia se prezint astfel: 6
indivizi de sex masculin (piesele nr. 2, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11), 3 indivizi de sex feminin
(piesele nr.1, 4 i 6) i un singur copil (piesa nr.10). La acetia se adaug i un
adult cu sex indeterminabil (piesa nr.8).
Toate oasele umane provin din contexte nefunerare. Amintim situaia celor
dou cranii (piesele nr.2 i 3), care au fost descoperite sub podeaua locuinei nr. 1
din nivelul Gumelnia B1. Considerm c aceste cranii nu au legtur cu un cult al
craniului, ci mai degrab se leag de un ritual de fundare al unei construcii
(locuina nr.1) sau poate, a ntregului spaiu al aezrii. Din nefericire, celelalte
piese osteologice umane din lotul prezentat nu au un context arheologic clar, fapt
ce face dificil interpretarea lor.
Interesant este cazul unor oase din acest lot (piesele nr.1, 5, 6, 7 i 11), care
prezint o serie de urme perimortem. n urma analizei realizate apreciem c aceste
urme (tieturi, zgrieturi, incizii fine, sprturi) pot fi considerate rezultatul unor
aciuni umane deliberate, n scopul descarnrii. La stadiul actual al studierii acestor
oase este greu s interpretm semnificaia acestor cazuri.
Prin analizele efectuate pe lotul osteologic de la Cscioarele-Ostrovel, dar i
prin trecerea n revist a unor analogii, am ncercat doar s prezentm noi puncte
de vedere i interpretare vis-a-vis de acest tip de descoperire. Poate c n viitor,
beneficiind i de colaborarea altor colegi vom reui s aplicm un sistem de analiz
asemntor cu cel utilizat la Fontbrgoua (Villa et al. 1986a, 1986b, 1988), Grotta
Guattari (White, Toth 1991) sau Mancos (White 1992).
Efortul nostru sperm s constituie o reflectare real a stadiului actual de
cercetare a oaselor umane din contexte nefunerare, i, pe de alt parte, s
reprezinte un punct de pornire pentru viitoarele cercetri.

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Notaie
convenional

Piesa nr.1

Piesa nr.2

Piesa nr.3

Piesa nr.4
Piesa nr.5

Piesa nr.6

Piesa nr.7

Piesa nr.8

Piesa nr.9

Piesa nr.10

Piesa nr.11

Notaie original

Cscioarele
1962, -0, 40 m,
passim
Cscioarele
1962, locuina 1,
-0, 80, craniul 1
Cscioarele
1962, locuina 1,
-0, 80, craniul 2
Cscioarele 1963
Cscioarele
1964, -2, 70 2,
80
Cscioarele
1965, -0, 65 0,
85
Cscioarele
1965, -0, 65 0,
86
Cscioarele
1965, -1, 05 1,
30
Cscioarele
1965, -2, 05 2,
65
Cscioarele
1965, S , -1, 80
2, 05
Cscioarele
1966, Gr. A, -2,
05 2, 25

Element
anatomic
identificat

femur
stnga

Sex

craniu

craniu
femur
dreapta
femur
stnga

adult

Nu

frontal

M?

frontal

femur
stnga

adult

adult

adult

adult

adult

infans II

adult

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Gumelnia B1

Locuina1

Gumelnia B1

Locuina1

Gumelnia B1

Gumelnia A2

Gumelnia B1

Gumelnia B1

Gumelnia A2

Gumelnia A2

Gumelnia A2

Groapa A

Gumelnia A2

Da

Posibil

Da

Nu

Nu

Nu

Da

Tabel sintetic privind lotul osteologic de la Cscioarel-Ostrovel

313

ncadrare
cultural

Nu

Nu

M?

maxil
dreapta

25-35

Context

Da

50

femur
dreapta

adult

Urme
perimortem

femur
dreapta

Vrst

Note
1.
2.

3.

4.

5.

Mulumim i pe aceast cale d-nei Silvia Marinescu-Blcu care a avut amabilitatea de a ne

permite studierea i publicarea pieselor osteologice n discuie.
Cercetrile n situl de la Cscioarele-Ostrovel au fost ncepute n 1924 de ctre Gh.
tefan (1925) i reluate la nceputul anilor `60 de ctre un colectiv format din Vladimir
Dumitrescu, Hortensia Dumitrescu, Silvia Marinescu-Blcu, Ersilia Tudor i Barbu Ionescu.
S-au desfurat 8 campanii, n perioada 1962 1968 (Dumitrescu 1986: 73).
Materialele osteologice provenite din cele 8 campanii de la Cscioarele-Ostrovel a fost
ncredinat spre studiu Alexandrei Bolomey (Dumitrescu 1986: 78), care activa n aceea
perioada n cadrul Institutului de Antropologie Bucureti (actualul Centru de Cercetri
Antropologie Francisc J. Rainer).
n anul 2003, n nivelul de abandon dintre locuinele L1 i L2 s-au descoperit dou
fragmente de calot cranian uman. De asemenea, din consultarea arhivei foto din
timpul cercetrilor conduse de C-tin Iscescu, am identificat un craniu uman asociat cu
vase gumelniene ntregi i rentregibile.
Paralelele etnografice se pot transforma ntr-un veritabil comar pentru arheolog.
Astfel, o descoperire arheologic cu caracter funerar, care la prima vedere prezint bune
analogii cu anumite exemple etnografice poate conduce la confuzii grave, deoarece un
tratament funerar aparent similar, poate avea semnificaii diferite la diverse societi
tradiionale, fiind determinat de comportamente i ideologii funerare diametral opuse
(Ucko 1969: 262-280).

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270-289.
Dumitrescu, Vl. 1965a. Principalele rezultate ale primelor dou campanii de
spturi din aezarea neolitic trzie de la Cscioarele. Studii i Cercetri de
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Dumitrescu, Vl. 1986. Stratigrafia aezrii-tell de pe Ostrovelul de la Cscioarele.
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et Archologie 66: 28-32.
Le Mort, F. 1989. Traces de decharnement sur les ossements neandertaliens de
Combe-Grenal. Bulletin de la Socite Prhistorique Francaise 86: 79-97.
Le Mort, F. 2004. Surfaces osseuses et pratiques funraires. Les dossaires Histoire
et Archologie 290: 16-19.
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Lips, J. 1958. Obria lucrurilor. O istorie a culturii omenirii, Bucureti.
Makkay, J.-1992. Excavation at the Krs culture settlement of Endrd
regszlk 119 in 1986-1989. Cultural and landscape changes in South East
Hungary I. Report on the Gyoma Endrd Project. Archaeolingua I: 121-194.
Marinescu-Blcu, S., Bolomey, Al. 2000. Drgueni. A Cucuteni Comumnity,
Bucureti-Tbingen.
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descoperire ntmpltoare de la Schela Cladovei (jud. Mehedini). Studii de
Preistorie 2 (2003-2004): 47-73.
Moise, D. 1999. Studiul materialului faunistic aparinnd mamiferelor,
descoperit n locuinele gumelniene de la nsurei-Popina I (jud. Brila).
Istros IX:171-190.
Moise, D. 2001. Studiul materialului faunistic provenit din aezarea eneolitic
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Necrasov, O. 1965. Studiul osemintelor umane i al resturilor de paleofaun,

descoperite n mormntul neolitic de la Cluj-Gura Baciului, datnd din cultura
Cri. Apulum V: 19-34.
Needham, R. 1976. Skulls and Causality. Man. The Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute N.S. II (1): 71-88.
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Ullrich, H. 1986. Manipulation of human corpses, mortuary practice and burial rites
in Paleolithic times. Anthropos (Brno) 23: 227-236.
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the Borduani-Popina archaeological digging site (Ialomia county) during the
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Villa, P., Courtin, J., Helmer, D., Shipman, P., Bouville, C., Mhieu, E. 1986a. Un cas
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143-171.
Villa, P. Bouville, C., Courtin, J., Helmer, D., Mhieu, E., Shipman, P., Belluomini, G.,
Branca, M. 1986b. Cannibalism in the neolithic. Science 233:431-436.
Villa, P., Courtin, J., Helmer, D.1988. Cannibalism in Old World Prehistory, Rivista
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Jersey.

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CTLIN BEM*, ADRIAN BLESCU**

A FEW CONSIDERATIONS REGARDING AN

EXCEPTIONAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITUATION.
FOUNDATION PIT OF THE SETTLEMENT OR
OCCASIONAL OFFERING? (BUCANI, GIURGIU
COUNTY, ROMNIA)

Abstract: Descoperirea unui schelet postcranian cvasi-ntreg al unui bour (Bos priminigenius) n tell-ul
gumelniean de la Bucani Pod (jud. Giurgiu) a prilejuit autorilor prezentului studiu realizarea unei serii
de reflecii i considerente asupra caracteristicilor unei depuneri rituale. Concluzia arheologic imediat
indic depunerea intenionat a corpului bourului naintea ridicrii primelor construcii ale aezarii
gumelniene. Spre deosebire de alte daruri acesta nu era legat n mod direct de o anume locuin sau
complex ci de ntregul sat preistoric. Ineditul situaiei arheologice nu a permis, din pcate, realizarea
unor analogii.
Keywords: eneolithic, Gumelnia culture, Bucani tell, Bos primigenius, foundation, sacrifice, offerings,
zooarchaeology.

Within the Balkan and Central-European Aeneolithic, the GumelniaKodjadermen-Karanovo VI civilization1 has a well established position, from a
chronological and cultural point of view.
In the last few years, in the Romanian area of this important cultural complex,
older research projects have been continued or resumed in a new conception, with
special implications in understanding the evolution of local and regional
communities. New excavations also started in practically uncharted areas, in order
to fill the gaps on the archaeological map. The research in the area of the Bucani
commune (Giurgiu county) - Fig.1 is part of this new research program.
Shortly after it was started (in 1998) as a rescue excavation, the
pluridisciplinary archaeological research at Bucani imposed the re-evaluation of
the objectives and of the entire research conception. The extent of the
archaeological excavations, that seemed to be considerable, and especially the
remarkable potential of the Aeneolithic settlement and the entire area have
determined a scientific re-evaluation. Thus a new scientific project became
necessary, that should include all the aspects concerning a complex and complete
research, unlimited by contractual deadlines and that would not be restricted only
to the archaeological excavations. Nine other Aeneolithic settlements (Bem et al.
2002: 134) were identified in the approximately 8.5 linear km of the Neajlov course
*

National Museum of Romanian History, Bucharesti. e-mail: catalinbem@yahoo.com.

National Museum of Romanian History, National Center of Pluridisciplinary Researches, Bucharest.
e-mail: cncp@mnir.ro.
**

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(Fig.2), and they constitute the object of our investigations. Also, the
reconstruction even if partial, for the time being of the livestock of the La Pod
settlement, of the game, of the wooden flora, of the sedimentation conditions for
the formation of the present day meadow of the River Neajlov and of the
researched tell are elements that have confirmed that the scientific potential
foreseen from the beginning was most promising.

Fig.1 The map of Gumelnia area.

The black point indicates Bucani microzone.
The La Pod tell, situated on the meadow of the River Neajlov - which is
sometimes flooded in spring -, at about 75 m from its present day river bed, is not
one of the most impressive because of its dimensions. It has a maximal diameter
preserved2, on the E-W direction, of 56 m (and 54 m on the N-S direction). Its
height, calculated from the meadows level, does not surpass 3.20 m, but it seems
that this is not the thickness of the anthropic sediments. The embankment of a
modern intervention in the western extremity of the settlement (Fig.3 S1),
continued by a 2x2 m sounding that tried to detect the initial level of habitation
and its relation with the natural sediments (Hait 2002) have revealed that the
stratigraphy doesnt have an amplitude of over 2.80 m.
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For a better planimetric and stratigraphic record, the surface was divided in
8x8 m sectors (as semi-independent elements) with 0.3 m baulks between them,
over these being set up a grid system of 2x2 m.
After the present day vegetal soil, that in some areas is not thicker than 10
cm, follows the first coherent archaeological layer (conventionally named N1),
made up of Gumelnia B1 burnt-down dwellings (cca. 4000 B.C.), structures of
outside combustion and modern domestic layouts. A few ceramic fragments from
the early Bronze period (Cernavoda III), from the Hallstatt and Medieval (XVIth XVIIIth centuries) periods were discovered, scattered and close to the surface. The
scarcity of the material, but also the fact that there is no archaeological layer from
these periods cannot signify anything else but a short inhabitation of the tell after
the Gumelnia period.

Fig.2 The map of Bucani microzone. I indicates the position of the tell La Pod.
1 contemporaneous constructed areas, 2 marshy areas; in 1950 (after C. Bem
et al 2002).
Between what we call the present day soil and the last Gumelnia layer (to
which culture it was attributed because it was formed in its damage) we could
detect a layer of general abandonment of the settlement. Unfortunately, outside
the limits of the dwellings this layer could not be identified, as it becomes one with
the layer covering it the present day soil. The pedogenetic homogeneity of a
succession of two or more layers is not a process encountered only at Bucani. Its
consequences appear in many sites, and they represent an almost general
characteristic of the upper layers in multilayered settlements.
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We have discussed on other occasions (Marinescu-Blcu et al. 1998: 96 sqq;

Bem et al. 2002: 137) the existence of a clear difference of the space affected by
the settlement. From a structural and compositional point of view, in the last
Gumelnia level of habitation there are three issues that interest us (of course,
they are not disjoint), that correspond, most probably, to the internal necessities
for organizing the area covered by the settlement (Fig.3). First of all, there is the
central area of the tell (approximately in the Western part of sector 5, sectors 6-8
and 16 and the South-Eastern part of sector 17 from S and most of S), destined
for habitation proper, where the seven burnt down dwellings are concentrated
(L1=L7, L2, L3, L4, L9, L11 and L12), as well as an annex (L5) and a combustion
structure (C18). All the architectonic ensembles (Fig.3) have the longitudinal axis
oriented approximately E-W or N-S, with their surface varying between 20.5 m2
(L9) and 36 m2 (L1=L7). But the architectonic solutions chosen for each one differ.
A special type of dwelling, identified until the present moment - in the Gumelnia
culture only at Bucani (L1=L7, L4, L9 and L11), is characterized mainly by the
presence of an empty space between the ground and the interior layout, a
platform. In other words, the dwellings belonging to this category were slightly
raised on a base made out of sandy sediment and wood (or just out of wood L1=L7), completed by rows of more or less parallel short (12-18 cm) beams (logs),
that were not buried, placed in the interior of the surface surrounded by the base.

Fig.3 The plan of the upper level (Gumelnia B1) of the tell La Pod. The position of
the researched surfaces and of discovered dwellings. The hatch indicates the pit of
the auroch.
The second area that interests us comprises the southern and South-Western
parts, as well as the South-Eastern extremity of the area covered by dwellings
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(sectors 9-10, 17-18 and 26-27, 36 and in the eastern extremity of sector 16 from
S). The important quantity of pottery, unusable tool fragments and bone remains
indicates a mainly domestic character of the area, even if it has a better access
towards the centre of the settlement. The fact that the slope of the sediments in
this part of the tell is less steep, as well as the slight southward elongation of the
mound, can be precisely the result of the sedimentation of domestic waste that
was, sometimes, leveled (pushed towards the meadow). Slowly advancing
eastward, in S, starting from the eastern part of sector 26 and the western part
of sector 15, the quantity of archaeological material decreases visibly, becoming
practically insignificant in sectors 2-4 and approximately the eastern part of sectors
5 and 15, if we compare the situation with that in the rest of the tells surface (the
few bone fragments and 38 shards discovered on a surface of over 250 m2
represent under 0.015% of the total). We find the same characteristics on the
whole surface of S. In this third individualized area we thus deal with a space that
is not properly inhabited and is not used as a space for depositing domestic waste
(it is thus clean), formed of a sandy, grayish-brown sediment, identical with the
one that constitutes most of the archaeological sediments that form what we have
called N1, but much thinner than the latter. After the four-month campaign in 1998
we identified a clear separation of the two spaces. The campaign of 1999 has
brought new arguments for the existence of this clear delimitation between the
habitation space proper, occupied by dwellings, and the one that lacks anthropic
remains, at least at a macroscopic scale.
The Eastern walls of the annexes of dwellings nr. 2 and 9 respectively and
the Eastern limit of dwelling nr. 1 are placed on the same line, on a direction close
to N-S. Its trajectory is almost the same as that of the above-mentioned limit. The
discovery that is the subject of the present paper was placed precisely in the area
of contact between the two spaces, between the above-mentioned annexes
(Fig.3). Here a pit came to light, dug in the second habitation level of the tell, and
is thus covered, stratigraphically, by the entire level that we have researched and
concisely presented above. The pit begins under the external layers of the
dwellings nearby, L2 and L9, and bores through a series of alluvial deposits (Bem
2002: 136; Bem et al. 2002: 153 sqq), as well as through the last stratigraphic
deposit of the next level. The pit is almost ellipsoidal, with maximum dimensions on the two diameters - of 1.2x2.5m. Without being remarkable in it self, the pit is
unique at least for the entire area of the Gumelnia culture because of its contents.
A very fine layer of ash and charcoal, with a maximal thickness of 4mm, was
discovered at the maximal depth of the pit, even though neither its walls, nor its
bottom bear burn marks. One cannot exclude the intentional burning of the pit
before it received its intended contents.
The fact that the upper level was formed, stratigraphically, on what we have
called on other occasions flood level (Bem 2000: 20; 2005: Fig.1-2) permits us to
fully individualize it; moreover, it indicates that the respective pit is the first
manifestation with stratigraphical implications of the newcomers that have refounded the settlement. Before any construction still visible after 6000 years was raised, in a pit dug approximately in the centre of the circular surface of the
mound and in the immediate vicinity of its highest point (Bem 2002: Fig.1),
although exterior to the habitation area proper, occupied by dwellings and
annexes, was laid the headless body of an aurochs (Bos primigenius). Its position
inside the micro topography of the tell and especially the fact that it separates the
habitation area from the rest of the mound, in N1 which is paradoxically poor in
finds -, and last, but not least, the evident renunciation of at least half a ton of
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meat and its protean qualities, cannot indicate anything but a symbolic act, that is
the ritual hunting, beheading and burial of an auroch.

Fig.4 The plan of the auroch left side (the altimetric values are indicated in
meters).
In other words, its vertical stratigraphic position at the lower level of the
upper level, as well as the horizontal one at the limits between the two spaces
that have enjoyed a different treatment (the one represented by the habitation
area and the one that is, virtually, uninhabited), not to mention the serious danger
implied by the hunt of a male aurochs (Fig.8), allow us to presume that we are not
dealing with a casual offering, but, most probably, we have to consider the
consecration of the inhabited area, as an over-the-millennia animal counterpart of
the Master-mason Manoles myth. In this case, it is a foundation pit for the entire
settlement, for the entire future habitation area that it protected3, functioning at
the same time as an element that marked the separation of the interior from the
exterior and acted as a partition element of the interior from the exterior.
With the exception of the above-mentioned fine layer of ash and charcoal, no
other visible element of inventory accompanied the aurochs skeleton at the
moment of discovery. Of course, a series of shards were found in the pits fill,
but they were part of the intermediary level of the tell. The animals body,
oriented approximately North-South (with the forepart to the South) was strongly
crouched on its right side, as if it had been pressed in the pit. The dimensions of
the living animal that was deposited in this small pit could suggest that it may
have been tied up at the moment of the layout, as its legs were pressed under
the body. This is a hypothesis caused by the way the animal was laid in the pit
(Fig.4-6). But another hypothesis could be that in the specific conditions of a
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restrained living space on the tell, the community chose to dig a pit with a small
width, in which the animal was pressed without being tied up. For the missing
head and caudal vertebrae we have no explanation yet. The rarity of discoveries
of this kind does not help us. The few known animal burials are not related to
the foundation of settlements. They are found either in funerary backgrounds,
accompanying human bodies or in the ditches surrounding the precinct walls of a
special nature and in the latter case only parts of the skeleton was used
(Lichardus et al. 1985: 296, 417 sqq).
The animal was over 4 years old, taking into account that all the long bones
are epiphysed (Schmid 1972) and under 7-9 years old, because the vertebrae are
not epiphysed.

Fig.5 The plan of the auroch right side (the altimetric values are indicated in
meters).
The biometric data indicate a not very tall animal, its height at the withers
being of 143.7 cm (n=12; two humeri, two radii, two metacarpi, two femurs, two
tibiae, two metatarsi, limits between 137-149.2 cm) according to Matolcsi (Chaix,
Mniel 1996: 20). This is not one of the biggest specimens compared with other
examples from the Aeneolithic in Romania, identified only after disparate skeleton
remains (Blescu et al. 2004). It is bigger than another specimen discovered at
Rmnicelu (138.8 cm), similar with a reconstructed specimen found at Liubcova
(143.3 cm) and belonging to the Vina culture and it is smaller than the ones
discovered at Vitneti, belonging to the Gumelnia culture (158.5 cm) and
Rmnicelu, belonging to the Cernavoda I culture (162 cm).
The average for the thoracic limb is 143.4 cm, and that of the pelvian limb
144.1 cm; the smallest dimensions of the waist are those of the metacarpi and
metatarsi.
As regards its robustness, the animal can be placed towards the lower limit of
the dimensions of male aurochs in the Cmpia Romn (Romanian Plain), some of
its dimensions being in the range of those presented by female aurochs
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(Blescu, Radu 2004). In order to better visualize the specimens biometric

characteristics, we have created a series of diagrams in which we have integrated
its dimensions, as well as those coming from other disparate (fragmentary) bones
found at Bucani and at Vitneti, a settlement about 40 km away from Bucani in
a straight line (Fig.7/a-f). We have taken into consideration only the settlement at
Vitneti (the Gumelnia B1 and A2 levels), because we consider that it presents
general physical and geographical conditions similar to those at Bucani, even
though the valley is much larger and in addition an impressive quantity of aurochs
remains were discovered here. (Blescu, Radu 2003; Moise unpublished).

Fig.6 The Bos primigenius skeleton deposited in the pit.

From the point of view of the different widths of different anatomic elements,
the specimen discovered at Bucani presents most of the values above the average
usually encountered with animals in Western Europe (Chaix, Arbogast 1999). But it
has similar dimensions to the one discovered in the Pannonic Plain (Bkny 1972).
The skeletons state of preservation is relatively good, considering the fact that
the long bones are only slightly degraded (plates 1-4). Exceptions are the
scapulae, the proximal epiphyses of the humerus and the coxal, anatomic elements
that have considerable parts made of a spongy tissue. At the moment of discovery,
the skeleton lay at a small depth from the present day level, and had exfoliations
on the surface of the bones, caused by the atmospheric agents (freezing-melting,
humid-dry, etc) that affected it over time. At the present moment, the bones
present strong cracks, and if the elements of the fauna will not be treated with the
appropriate solutions, they will irremediably decay in time.
A series of bones are also degraded because they were found closer to the
surface, thus suffering more of the action of the atmospheric agents. It is the case
of the cervical vertebrae nr. 6 and 7, as well as that of the thoracic vertebrae from
nr. 9 to 11. Also, pretty degraded are the phalanxes nr. 3, especially on their distal
portion.
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b - Humerus

Scapula

115

82

105

BG

BT

74

95

66

85

58
68

76

84

95

92

105

LG

125

135

d - Radius

c - Radius
123

115
105
BFd

114
BFp

115
Bd

105

95
85
75

96
106

114

122

85

130

95

105
Bd

Bp

115

125

f - Astragal

e - Calcaneu

92

73

87
GB

GLm

66
59

82
77
72

52
159

169

179

80

189

GL

87

94

101

GLl

Fig.7 a-f. Diagrams of distribution of the dimensions of the specimens of Bos

primigenius discovered at Bucani and Vitneti (the Gumelnia culture).
Conventional signs: triangle the dimensions of the aurochs that was ritually
deposited; square - other dimensions of aurochs at Bucani; rhombus the
dimensions of the aurochs at Vitneti.
The axial skeleton is represented by the spine with the cervical vertebrae nr. 6
and 7, the thoracic vertebrae nr. 1-10 and 13, the lumbar vertebrae nr. 1-6, the
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sacral vertebrae 1-5 (the first ones are united) and the first caudal vertebra. As
one can notice, the first five cervical vertebrae are missing, as well as the thoracic
vertebrae 11 and 12 and the rest of the caudal vertebrae (18). As concerns the
latter, they might have been present initially, but could have entirely degraded in
time.
The taphonomic study of the entire skeleton, performed in order to reveal the
human interventions, did not lead to the identification of any mark that would
attest the flesh removal or the disarticulation of certain anatomical elements,
situation that suggest that the whole animal was deposited in the pit, in anatomic
connection, with its flesh and also its skin in place (we could not identify traces
that would attest its skinning). An additional argument supporting this idea is the
fact that on no skeletal element has we observed traces of teeth caused by
carnivorous predators (dogs especially) or rodents (micro mammals), traces that
one finds on different domestic remains. We have tried to identify on the cervical
vertebrae traces that would show us the way in which the beheading took place,
but unfortunately the material has not provided us with any clue. In the case of
the caudal vertebrae we were also unable to find any marks that would point out
the way in which the tail was detached from the rest of the body.

Fig. 8. Comparative schema of the auroch, cattle and man height at the withers.
The importance of this discovery is remarkable, taking into account that this
kind of deposits, especially those of an almost entire, big-sized animal, have not
yet been identified in the Romanian Aeneolithic. The significance of the discovery is
great, both from an archaeological as well as from a zooarchaeological point of
view.
The conquest of a part of the wild animal specter through taming was
finished many centuries before. This is precisely why the deposit had precisely a
wild specimen as a subject, much different from the common animal known and
controlled by Man. It is precisely the force of the wild and the availability translated through the offering -, as well as the will to renounce to an important
quantity of meat that has concurred in setting the choice for an aurochs. The
sexual maturity and the regenerative force indicated it as the most important
gift. The animal, hunted and deposited as an offering, probably weighed about
700-900 kg alive, but if it had been consumed, it would have provided over 400500 kg of meat at a cutting rate of about 60%. Apart from the meat, the animal
would have provided the skin, bones, blood, intestines, etc, all these elements
being used in different prehistoric activities.
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The offering of such an animal is even more surprising if we think that this was
a very big species at that moment, because during the Aeneolithic the aurochs was
the most imposing animal in our countrys fauna.
The question Why an aurochs? is natural in the context of the Gumelnia
culture, in which the most hunted animal was the stag, followed by the wild boar
and only then by the aurochs (Blescu et al. 2004). An answer could be its
frequent presence in the Neajlov area and precisely the fact that size wise the
species was the most important at that moment.
These questions could have more than one possible answer: the new
community that settled on the tell chose, for the foundation of the settlement, a
big-sized wild animal in order to protect their flocks of domestic animals from
slaughter in order to preserve them as meat supply, or it might have been a
hunting community, to which the aurochs played an important nutritional role, but
an even more important symbolic one.
The first possibility is more plausible if we take into account a French
zooarchaeological study for a site dated to the Late Neolithic (linear pottery). This
study demonstrates beyond doubt that each time a community settled in one place, in
order to preserve their livestock from being slaughtered, its members practiced
extensive hunting and only later, in the following levels, did the weight of the hunting
decrease, in parallel with the growth in frequency of the domestic animals.
It is hard to say if the community at Bucani, that formed N1, was one of
hunters. The preliminary zooarchaeological analyses of this level show that that the
weight of hunting is of almost 40% (Blescu unpublished), a percentage high
enough for this prehistoric period. The only type Gumelnia B1 settlements that
have zooarchaeological studies are the ones at Vitneti (Teleorman county),
where the game makes up about 50% of the total quantity of food, and the one at
Cscioarele (Clrai county) "Bolomey 1968", where the game represents almost
85% of the total quantity of food. Could it thus mark a change of behavior at the
end of the Gumelnia culture or did these communities adapt very well to
conditions that provided an important quantity of game? Anyway, the importance
of the aurochs is demonstrated by the great number of so-called consecration
horns discovered in the upper level at Bucani (Fig.9/1-3), but also by the
exclusive presence of this animal in the models of zoomorphic art (Fig.9/4-5; 10).
Maybe the newcomers to the area, who did not know it, founders of the last
settlement on the tell, considered it necessary to create a bond with their new
homeland through a sacrifice?
The habit of burying entire animals is attested at the end of the V millennium
B.C. in the Tiszapolgr necropolis at Velke Rakovce (Lichardus et al. 1985: 76) and
in the well-known necropolis at Varna, but it concerns only domestic animals.
Later, but in a not distant period, they rarely appear in archaeological contexts
belonging to the so-called group of globular amphorae or in the Baden culture. We
do not believe we have to insist on these discoveries, as they belong to a more
distant period anyway and express a totally different human behavior. The same
case applies for the above-mentioned burials in the Aeneolithic necropolises.
The uniqueness of the situation at Bucani lies in the fact that it is the first
manifestation of a settlement foundation through sacrifice in the Romanian
Aeneolithic and we believe- maybe elsewhere. It has no connection with the
communitys livestock or with what we know about the consecration or reconsecration habits in the Gumelnia culture.
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Fig. 9. Bucani La Pod. 1-3. consecration horns; 4-5. horns fragments

belonging to zoomorphical pieces.

Addenda

At 1.2 m SSV from the edge of the pit, very close to the modern surface, in
what we have called the exterior level of L9, during the 1998 campaign we have
discovered the very fragmented remains of a neurocranium and of the first four
cervical vertebrae belonging to bovine remains. Their state of preservation was so
bad, that they could not be reconstructed. From a dimensional point of view, these
remains belong to the span of the aurochs, a situation that made us think that it is
possible that they belonged to the aurochs deposited in C57, following a ritual.
This supposition also starts from the fact that the animal to which the skull
belonged was 6-8 years old age that coincides with that of the animal in C57 and
that was determined through the analysis of an upper premolar.

Fig. 10. Bucani La Pod. Zoomorphical figurine represented an auroch.

The connection with the headless body is possible, but without a double DNA
analysis we cannot say anything with certainty. One cannot exclude the possibility
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that the respective skull, in case it belonged to the aurochs body, could represent
a surface mark of the animals burial place.
Notes
1.
2.

3.

Named after the three most important mounds (tells) discovered and researched at
Gumelnia (Muntenia southern Romania), Kodjadermen (northern Bulgaria), Karanovo
(Thracia southern Bulgaria) Fig.1.
The initial dimensions of the sediments mound on which the tell was formed were probably
bigger. The continuous growth of the meadows level, that has implicitly resulted in the
covering of the tells base, is the main cause of the shrinking of the tells surface visible above
the soil.
In 1998 we have indirectly witnessed to a unique event in the area of Bucani, an event that
seems to be related more to distant times. The families of brick-making gipsies that had
received that year the right to establish themselves on the spot performed the ritual
consecration of the space that was to be used for the kilns. They buried alive a male donkey,
in order for their products the bricks (piled up and burnt on the spot) to be durable, not
to be ruined by the rain, as they declared themselves. Subsequently, no other sacrifice was
performed for any of the multitude of individual kilns. Thus, the slaughtered donkey offered
protection for the entire ensemble, without the need for any further bloody sacrifice.

References
Blescu, A. 1998. Consideraii preliminare asupra faunei neolitice. in S.
Marinescu-Blcu et al. antierul arheologic Bucani (jud. Giurgiu). Buletinul
Muzeului Judeean Teohari Antonescu 2-4: 99-102.
Blescu, A., Radu, V. 2003. Studiul materialului faunistic descoperit n tell-ul de
la Vitneti (jud. Teleorman): nivelul Gumelnia B1. Cercetri Arheologice 12:
375-387.
Blescu, A., Radu, V. 2004. Omul i animalele. Strategii i resurse la comunitile
Hamangia i Boian, Biblioteca Muzeului National, Seria Cercetari
Pluridisciplinare, IX, Trgovite.
Balasescu, A., Radu, V., Moise, D. 2004. Omul i mediul animal ntre mileniile VII i
IV la Dunrea de Jos, Biblioteca Muzeului National, Seria Cercetari
Pluridisciplinare, XI, Trgovite.
Blescu, A., Udrescu, M. 2005. Matriaux ostologiques du site nolithique
(niveau Boian, phase Vidra) de Vldiceasca-Valea Argovei, dp. Clrai. Studii
de Preistorie 2: 115-133.
Bem, C. 2000. antierul arheologic Bucani (jud. Giurgiu) campania anului 1999.
Cronica cercetrilor arheologice. Campania 1999: 20.
Bem, C. 2002. A Special Type of Aeneolithic Dwelling. Unicum or Deficiency of
Conservation? Studii de Preistorie 1: 153-192.
Bem, C. 2005. Cercetrile arheologice din microzona Bucani, Campania 2004.
Cronica cercetrilor arheologice. Campania 2004.
Bem, C., Popa, T., Parnic, V., Bem, C., Garvn, D., Brbulescu, D., Gluc, I.
2002. Cercetri arheologice pe valea Neajlovului. Consideraii generale asupra
microzonei Bucani. Studii de Preistorie 1: 131-145.
Bolomey, Al. 1968. Uber die Saugetierfauna der neolithischen Siedlung von
Cscioarele. Annuaire Roumain dAntropologie 5: 19-29.
Bknyi, S. 1972. Aurochs (Bos primigenius Boj.) remains from the Orjeg peatbogs between the Danube and Tizsa rivers, Cumania. Acta Museorum ex
comitatu Bacs-Kiscun: 17- 56.
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Chaix, L., Arbogast, R.-M. 1999. Holocene aurochs from western Europe:
osteometrical data, Archaologie und biologie des auerochsen. Neanderthal
Museum: 35-48.
Chaix, L., Mniel, P. 1996. lments darchozoologie, Paris.
Hait, C. 2002. Preliminary considerations on a sedimentary sondage performed on
the Eneolithic tell from Bucani. Studii de Preistorie 1: 147-151.
Lichardus, J., Lichardus-Itten, M., Bailloud, G., Cauvin, J. 1985. La Protohistoire de
L Europe. Le Nolithique et le Chalcolithique, Paris.
Marinescu-Blcu, S., Andreescu, R., Bem, C., Popa, T., Tnase, M. 1998. antierul
arheologic Bucani (jud. Giurgiu). Problematic general; chestiuni preliminare.
Buletinul Muzeului Judeean Teohari Antonescu 2-4: 91-97.
Moise, D. 1999. Studiul materialului faunistic aparinnd mamiferelor, descoperit n
locuinele gumelniene de la nsurei-Popina I (Jud. Brila). Istros 9: 171-190.
Schimd, E. 1972. Atlas of Animal Bones, for Prehistorians, Archaeologists and
Quaternary Geologists, Elsevier Publishing Company.

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Scapula
SLC
GLP
LG
BG
Humerus
GL
GLC
Bp
SD
DAPD
CD
Bd
BT
Height
Radius
GL
Bp
BFp
DAPp
SD
DAPD
Bd
BFd
DAPd
Height
Ulna
GL
LO
DPA
SDO
BPC
Metacarpus
GL
Bp
DAPp
SD
DAPD
CD
Bd
DAPd
I2=Bp x 100/GL
I3=SD x 100/GL
I4=Bd x 100/GL
SEX
Height
Pelvis
LA
LFO
SH
SB
SC
Phalanx 1
GL
Bp
SD
Bd
Phalanx 2
GL
Bp
SD
Bd

s.a.lat
68
42,5
34,5
40
s.a.lat.
47
41
33,7
37

l
68
88,5
74,5
64,5
l
346,5
320
122,5
50,3
52,5
175
117,4
94
1434,51
l
347
108,5
98,4
51,5
56,5
(29,5
90,5
80,5

r
67,3
85
73,3
65,5
r
348
320,5
121
51,5
53,2
173
117
93,5
1440,72
r
347
108
97
51,5
56,2
(31,5
89,5
79,8

1492,1
l
423
145
91,2
69
56,5
l
216,5
80
53
44
28,7
124
81
43,5
36,95
20,32
37,41
male
1370,445
l
82,1
112,5
52,5
30,5
144

1492,1
r
426
142,5
90,5
68
55,2
r
216,7
79,2
51,5
44,2
28,2
126
80,2
43,5
36,55
20,40
37,01
male
1371,711
r
84
116
54,2
32
147

s.a.med
68,1
41,9
34,6
40,6
s.a.med
45,5
42
34,2
37,1

d.a.lat.
69
43
35,5
40
d.a.lat.
45,5
41,8
34,5
35,5

Femur
GL
GLC
Bp
DC
SD
CD
Bd
DAPd
Height
Tibia
GL
Bp
DAPp
SD
DAPD
CD
Bd
DAPd
Height
Patella
GL
BG
Astragalus
GLl
GLm
Dl
Dm
Bd
Calcaneus
GL
BG
DAPmin
Dtmin
Centrotarsus
BG
DAP
Metatarsus
GL
Bp
DAPp
SD
DAPdiaf
CD
Bd
DAPd
I2=Bp x 100/GL
I3=SD x 100/GL
I4=Bd x 100/GL
SEX
Height

d.a.med.
68
42
34,5
40,5
d.a.med.
46,2
42
33,2
37

s.p.lat.
72
40
32
37,5
s.p.lat.
47
40
33
32

l
462
422
161
62,8
50
161
124
166
1492,26
l
422
129,5
114
52,5
34,5
145
80
65
1455,9
l
71
l
87
80
47,8
51
58,3
l
169
60
42,5
24
l
75
68,7
l
245
70
61,2
36
34,2
130
73
44
28,57
14,69
29,80
male
1376,9

s.p.med.
70,5
39
34,5
39,6
s.p.med.
47
40,5
31,4
29,6

r
461
424
160
61
49
163
123
164
1489,03
r
423
126,5
112,5
50,5
34,5
144
82,5
62,5
1459,35
r
87,2
72,8
r
85,7
78,5
47,4
50,5
58,5
r
169
60,4
44
25
r
76,2
69,3
r
244,5
69,5
61,1
36
34
131
71
42
28,43
14,72
29,04
male
1374,09

d.p.lat
70,5
39
31,6
38,2
d.p.lat.
46,2
41
31,5
29

d.p.med
69
39
33
38,5
d.p.med
46,3
39,6

Table 1. Osteometrical data - all measurements in mm, taken after von den Driesch (1976).
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Humerus left

cranial view

caudal view

medial view

lateral view

Radius and ulna

right

left
lateral view

right
left
dorsal view
PLATE 1

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Femur

right

cranial view

left

right

caudal view

left

Tibia

left

dorsal view

right

right

PLATE 2

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plantar view

left

Calcaneus

dorsal view

medial view
Astragalus

right

left

medial view

plantar view

left

right

right

left

PLATE 3
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lateral view

left

right
dorsal view

Centrotarsus

left

distal view

right

left

Metacarpus

left

dorsal view

Metatarsus

right

left

Phalanx 1 and 2 anterior

Left medial

right
proximal view

right
dorsal view

Phalanx 1 and 2 posterior

Left lateral
dorsal view

Left median Left lateral

dorsal view
PLATE 4
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336

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SVEND HANSEN*

EINE TNERNE RASSEL IN SCHILDKRTENGESTALT

AUS MGURA GORGANA BEI PIETRELE, JUD.
GIURGIU
Abstract: Mgura Gorgana, de lng satul Pietrele se afl la ca. 50 de km sud-est de Bucureti, n
arealul Gumelnia-Kodadermen-Karanovo VI. Cercetrile arheologice sistematice au fost reluate n
2002 de o echip germano-romn. Printre elementele de plastic descoperite n situl amintit (n
campania din 2004) se numr i o figurin de argil n form de carapace de broasc estoas. Ea
provine dintr-o locuin ars, identificat n suprafaa B. Inventarul acesteia era parial sigilat de
pereii prbuii. estoasa zcea n apropierea peretelui longitudinal estic i era aproape ntreag.
Figurina nu este o redare fidel dup natur. Ea nu este doar o figurin, ci i un instrument muzical, gol
pe dinuntru i conine, probabil, mai multe bile de lut, fiind folosit, deci, ca zornitoare. n aria
Gumelnia-Kodadermen-Karanovo VI astfel de obiecte nu sunt cunoscute pn n prezent. Zornitoarea
de lut n form de broasc estoas fcea parte dintre instrumentele muzicale pentru imprimarea
ritmului, utilizate probabil n dansurile rituale. La mare distan fa de spaiul amintit, la Jiahu
(provincia Henan, China), n morminte din prima jumtate a mileniului 7 a. Chr., au fost gsite seturi de
carapace de broasc estoas ce au fost transformate n zornitori cu ajutorul unor pietricele; alturi de
ele n mai multe morminte s-au gsit i fluiere de os. Totui, aceast descoperire excepional nu
contribuie direct la nelegerea piesei de la Pietrele. Reprezentri similare sunt foarte rare n neoliticul i
eneoliticul din Europa de sud-est i Orientul Apropiat. Figurina de lut de la Pietrele reprezint o broasc
estoas de balt (Sumpfschildkrte, emys orbicularis). Resturi de carapace ale acestor animale au fost
identificate n materialul faunistic de la Mgura Gorgana, ct i n alte tell-uri din Muntenia (Cscioarele,
de exemplu). Asupra nsemntii broatei estoase de balt n dieta comunitilor neolitice s-a discutat
pe larg. Este de crezut c i la Pietrele acestea fceau parte din dieta estival.
Keywords: eneolithic, Gumelnia culture, anthropomorphic figurines

Die neuen Grabungen in Pietrele

Im Jahre 2002 konnten mit Mitteln der Ruhr-Universitt Ausgrabungen in dem
kupferzeitlichen Siedlungshgel Mgura Gorgana bei Pietrele, jud. Giurgiu
durchgefhrt werden. Die Grabung ist ein Gemeinschaftsunternehmen der
Eurasien-Abteilung des Deutschen Archologischen Instituts, dem Archologischen
Institut der Rumnischen Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Abteilung Ur- und
Frhgeschichte im Institut fr Archologische Wissenschaften der Ruhr-Universitt
Bochum. Seit Sommer 2004 frdert die Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft die auf
fnf Jahre angelegte Ausgrabung (erste Vorberichte sind erschienen: Hansen,
Dragoman, Reingruber 2003; Hansen, Dragoman u. a. 2004).
Der Siedlungshgel ist heute etwa neun Meter hoch, drfte aber in seiner
letzten Besiedlungsphase stolze zehn Meter gewesen sein. Er befindet sich auf der
*

Eurasien-Abteilung des Deutschen Archologischen Instituts, Berlin. e-mail: svh@eurasien.dainst.de

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untersten Terrasse des Donautals, etwa vier Meter oberhalb des Niveaus der
ursprnglichen Aue. Das Gebiet zwischen dem Tell und der Donau, etwa 7 km
entfernt, ist heute eine trockengelegte Nutzflche. Ursprnglich handelte es sich
um eine reich gegliederte, durch Seen und kleinere Wasserlufe gekennzeichnete
Auenlandschaft, die bis in die fnfziger Jahre bestand. Der kupferzeitliche
Siedlungshgel lag also direkt am Rand einer sehr breiten Aue, die den Bewohnern
eine Vielzahl von wirtschaftlichen Nutzungsmglichkeiten bot. Wir werden auf diese
besondere Lage zurckkommen. Die Aue war aber natrlich nicht nur ein
Wirtschaftsraum, sondern auch ein wichtiger Verkehrsweg, der fr den Austausch
sowohl von Rohstoffen, wie Silex und Kupfer, als auch von anderen Prestigegtern
eine Rolle gespielt haben drfte.
Pietrele liegt etwa 50 km sdstlich von Bukarest, d. h. sdlich der
transsilvanischen Alpen in Muntenien bzw. der groen Walachei. kologisch
befinden wir uns im westlichen Auslufer der osteuropischen Steppe. Das
gesamte Gebiet zwischen der Donaumndung und dem Marmarameer bzw. der
gis wird in der ersten Hlfte des 5. Jahrtausends durch zahlreiche regionale
Kulturgruppen geprgt. Ab der Mitte des 5. Jahrtausends ist aber eine gewisse
Tendenz zur Vereinheitlichung der Keramik zu bemerken. Eben zwischen der
Donaumndung und gis und Marmarameer breitet sich ein Kulturenkomplex aus,
der nach der nordbulgarischen Siedlung Kodadermen, der sdrumnischen
Siedlung Gumelnia sowie der Schicht VI des thrakischen Siedlungshgels
Karanovo als KGK VI bezeichnet wird. Wie solche Bezeichnungen hufig eine
Eigendynamik entwickeln, so wurde aus dem Kulturenkomplex bald eine
"Einheitskultur", bei der nur noch "Fazies" gebildet werden.

Abb.1 Zeichnung der Schildkrte (Zeichnung Cristina Georgescu).

Ein Blick auf die Landkarte zeigt, da der groe, von der gis bis zur Donau
reichende, Raum landschaftlich in verschiedene Bereiche gegliedert ist und die
walachische Ebene durch die Donau bzw. die Stara Planina von Thrakien getrennt
wird. Tatschlich gibt es in der Keramik dieser Regionen neben unbestreitbaren
Gemeinsamkeiten auch zahlreiche Unterschiede. Die Frage nach der regionalen
Gliederung der KGK-Kultur und einer besseren Keramiktypologie ist jedoch nicht
die Hauptmotivation in Pietrele zu graben. Vielmehr geht es darum, den Prozess zu
verstehen, der im letzten Drittel des 5. Jahrtausends zu gegliederten
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Gesellschaften fhrt. Die reichen Grabfunde von Varna lassen eine soziale
Ungleichheit erkennen, der kein pltzliches Ereignis, sondern langfristige Prozesse
zugrunde liegen. In einem Siedlungshgel, der eine lange Siedlungsgeschichte
reprsentiert, sollten die verfgbaren Daten, nmlich insbesondere zoologische und
botanische Reste, jene wirtschaftlichen Vernderungen anzeigen, die dann Varna
ermglicht haben.
Bereits durch die Ausgrabungen von D. Berciu im Oktober 1943 und August
1948, welche er 1956 teilweise verffentlichte, war ein ungewhnlich reichhaltiges
und qualittvolles Fundmaterial der Fachwelt bekannt gemacht worden. Leider sind
heute die Funde aus den Grabungen von Berciu nicht auffindbar, auch die
Dokumentation der Grabung ist nicht vorhanden. Das Fundspektrum umfate ein
formenreiches keramisches Inventar, Silexklingen- und Beile, Kupferobjekte u. a.
m. Die Grabungen in den Jahren 2002 und 2004 haben den Fundreichtum, aber
auch den Formenreichtum, in sehr ausdrucksvoller Weise besttigt. Das
differenzierte Keramikinventar lt auf eine Vielzahl von Verwendungen schlieen.
Die tnerne Rassel in Schildkrtengestalt
Bereits die Grabungen der vierziger Jahre durch Berciu haben sehr qualittvolle
Plastiken zu Tage gefrdert. Hierzu gehrte eine heute nicht mehr auffindbare
anthropomorphe Statuette aus Marmor (Zgbea 1963: 282, Taf. 14; Dumitrescu
1974: 246, Abb.268), deren Bedeutung Berciu klar erkannte, denn sie war
seinerzeit die einzige Marmorstatuette in Rumnien. 1963 konnte dann Frau
Marinescu-Blcu eine weitere Marmorstatuette aus Gumelnia verffentlichen. Die
Tierwelt der kupferzeitlichen Siedlung reprsentierte eine kleine Figur, welche in
mehrfacher Hinsicht etwas ganz Eigenes darstellt (Berciu 1961: 524, Abb.279;
Zgbea 1963: 288, Taf.15,7; Dumitrescu 1974: 249, Abb.274). Es handelt sich um
einen Fuchs, der sich - wohl zur Fellpflege - umgewandt hat. Drei Elemente
machen diese Tierfigur einmalig. Erstens ist sie so "naturalistisch" gestaltet, da
bislang die Ansprache als Fuchs nicht bestritten worden ist und diese Eindeutigkeit
ist bei Tierfiguren etwas Auergewhnliches. Zweitens ist der kleine Fuchs in
Bewegung, was fr die neolithische und chalkolithische Plastik insofern
bemerkenswert ist, als die meisten Tiere und Menschen in starrer und
unbeweglicher Haltung dargestellt sind. Drittens sind Fuchsdarstellungen whrend
des gesamten Neolithikums (und der Kupferzeit) in Vorderasien und Sdosteuropa,
d. h. zwischen dem 10. und 4. Jahrtausend v. Chr., auerordentlich selten.
Zu diesen einzigartigen plastischen Bildwerken in Pietrele gehrt auch eine tnerne
Statuette aus unserer Grabung (Abb.1). Es handelt sich um die Tonfigur einer
Schildkrte, die im Sommer 2004 gefunden wurde, und die es verdient, rasch und an
exponierter Stelle bekannt gemacht zu werden. Meine Ausfhrungen bitte ich daher
nur als erste Annherungen an ein auergewhnliches Fundstck zu verstehen.
Die Schildkrte stammt aus Schnitt B und wurde innerhalb eines verbrannten
Hauses gefunden, dessen Inventar durch die zusammengestrzten Lehmwnde
teilweise versiegelt worden war. Sie lag dort nahe der stlichen Lngswand eines
Gebudes auf dem Rcken (Abb.2) und war beinahe unversehrt erhalten, nur der
linke Vorderfu war abgebrochen. Dieser war bereits einige Tage zuvor wenige
Meter westlich vom Fundort der Schildkrte gefunden worden und wurde dann im
Grabungshaus als zugehrig erkannt. Die Schildkrte war daher vermutlich vllig
intakt, als das Haus bei einem Brand zugrunde ging. Sie ist 10,7 cm lang und 4,8
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cm hoch (Abb.3-5). Die Oberflche ist rtlich, das Muster des Panzers ist eingeritzt.
In der Aufsicht ist gut zu erkennen, wie der Panzer vom Hals bzw. Kopf
unterschieden ist. Der Vergleich mit der Zeichnung einer Schildkrte nach einer
Photographie (Abb.6) zeigt indes die ganz eigenstndige Stilisierung durch den
Verfertiger der Figur, was vor allem an Panzer und Kopf ablesbar ist. Die Figur ist
also kein naturalistisches Abbild, sowenig dies die anthropomorphen Statuetten der
Gumelnia-Kultur sind. So wie Menschen den kupferzeitlichen Koroplasten natrlich
als Modell der Anschauung zur Verfgung gestanden htten, so waren auch
Schildkrten auf dem Tell vorhanden. Den Hersteller oder die Herstellerin
interessierte aber nicht eine naturalistische Kopie, sondern es sollte das
hervorgehoben werden, was in seinen oder ihren Augen darstellungswrdig war.
Die tnerne Schildkrte aus Mgura Gorgana ist aber nicht nur eine Figur,
sondern sie ist auch ein Musikinstrument. Sie ist hohl und enthlt, wie wir
vermuten, mehrere Tonkugeln. Sie diente also als Rassel. Kleine Steine oder
Knochen sind als Inhalt natrlich auch denkbar. Genaueren Aufschlu darber wird
eine Rntgenaufnahme erbringen.

Abb.2 Die Schildkrte in Fundlage (Foto Hansen).

Tnerne Rasseln sind im Bereich der Gumelnia- bzw. Karanovo-Kultur keine
Seltenheit. Aus Devetaki (Abb. 9) beispielsweise stammt eine knapp 11 cm hohe
Rassel in Menschengestalt aus rotem Ton (Mikov, Dambazov 1960). Es handelt
sich um einen bauchigen Krper, der mit senkrechten Ritzlinien verziert ist. Der
Kopf ist klein und leicht nach oben gewandt. Durch die kleinen Brste ist die Figur
als weiblich gekennzeichnet. Die Arme sind seitlich weggestreckt und jeweils
dreifach gelocht. Etwas anders proportioniert, bauchiger in der Gestalt, mit
grerem Kopf und nach oben gestreckten Armen, ist eine vergleichbare Figur aus
Ruse (Abb.10), dem zu Pietrele nchstgelegenen Tell donauaufwrts (Georgiev,
Angelov 1957: 108, Abb.65). Dem gleichen Typus gehrt eine anthropomorphe
Rassel aus Geangoieti an (Andreescu 2002: Taf. 23,4). Eine weitere tnerne
Rassel in Menschengestalt aus Rumnien, doch ohne Fundortangabe, befindet sich
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in der Archologischen Staatssammlung Mnchen (Idole 1985: 102, Abb.48).

Rasseln sind auch fr den Bereich der Cucuteni-Kultur belegt (vgl. Monah 1997:
481, Abb.229, 3-4).

Abb.3 Die Schildkrte (Foto Hansen).

Rasseln werden heute vielfach mit Kindern und deren Beruhigung beim
Einschlafen in Verbindung gebracht. Fr eine solch spezielle Deutung besteht aber
kein Anla, denn fr kleine Kinder sind die tnernen Rasseln viel zu schwer. Es
handelt sich also tatschlich um Musikinstrumente, die natrlich auch etwas
grere Kinder bespielen konnten. Frau Marinescu-Blcu hat 1974 erstmals auf
tnerne Statuetten hingewiesen, die zu einem Kreis vereint sind und sich als die
Darstellung von Reigentnzen interpretieren lassen. Diese Tonfiguren drfen zwar
als eine Besonderheit der Prcucuteni- bzw. Cucuteni-Kultur in der Moldau gelten,
doch hat es Reigentnze sicherlich auch andernorts gegeben. Yosef Garfinkels
Untersuchung belegt die weite Verbreitung solcher Darstellungen im 6. und 5.
Jahrtausend v. Chr. zwischen Sdosteuropa und Vorderasien. Die tnerne Rassel in
Schildkrtengestalt war Teil des Musizierens und mglicherweise wurde sie bei
Reigentnzen als Rhythmusinstrument verwendet.

Abb.4-5 Die Schildkrte (Foto Hansen).

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Weitab von dem hier behandelten Kulturraum, in Jiahu, in der chinesischen

Provinz Henan, fanden sich in Grbern aus der ersten Hlfte des 7. Jahrtausends v.
Chr. Sets von Schildkrtenpanzern (Abb.11), die mithilfe kleiner Steinchen zu
Rasseln umgestaltet worden waren (Jiahu 1999). Neben den Rasseln fanden sich in
mehreren Grbern auch Knochenflten (Juzhong, Xinghua 2002). Es handelt sich
um einen bislang exzeptionellen Fundplatz, der zur Deutung der Tonschildkrte aus
Pietrele nicht beitrgt, im weiteren Zusammenhang musikarchologischer
Zeugnisse aber genannt werden mu.

Abb.6 Schildkrte (emys orbicularis).

Sucht man nun nach bildlichen Darstellungen von Schildkrten, so wird man
schnell feststellen, da sie im Neolithikum und Chalkolithikum Vorderasiens und
Sdosteuropas extrem selten sind. Das Fragment einer Kalksteinschale aus dem
prkeramischen Neval ori (Abb.7) im Sdosten der Trkei zeigt zwei menschliche
Gestalten mit erhobenen Armen, die ein schildkrtenartiges Wesen flankieren
(Hauptmann 1993: 66, Abb.27; Bienert, Fritz 1989: Abb.1.). Neuerdings wird diese
"Schildkrte" aber auch als Darstellung einer Frau interpretiert - der gerundete
Krper sei ein Charakteristikum von Frauendarstellungen. Garfinkel (2003: 114)
erkennt hier eine der ltesten bildlich berlieferten Tanzszenen. Bislang fehlen
Schildkrten unter den Tierbildern im prkeramischen Gbekli Tepe, wo Schlange,
Fuchs, Br, Wildschwein, Auerochse, Esel, Gazelle und Kranich nachgewiesen sind
(Peters, Schmidt 2004). Angeblich aus Ostanatolien oder Iran stammt eine kleine
Gruppe von Steinfiguren, unter der sich auch zwei Schildkrtendarstellungen
finden. Leider besitzen diese Figuren keinen Kontext, weswegen auch ihre
Datierung in das 4. Jahrtausend hypothetisch ist (Tierbilder 1983: 12ff., Abb.1g1h). Aus gypten schlielich stammt eine kleine Schildkrte aus Steatit, die
vermutungshalber in die prdynastische Zeit datiert wurde (Tierbilder 1983: 46,
Abb.45). Darstellungen von Schildkrten aus dem Neolithikum bzw. der Kupferzeit
in Sdosteuropa sind mir unbekannt. Medovi (1991) publizierte eine
Schildkrtenplastik, die vermutlich in die Bronzezeit zu datieren ist (Abb.8) und
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erwhnte in diesem Zusammenhang eine Schildkrtenplastik der Vina-Zeit, was

ich bislang nicht berprfen konnte. Mglicherweise lassen sich bei genauerer
Betrachtung in Museen Fragmente von neolithischen und chalkolithischen
Tierplastiken als Schildkrtenteile identifizieren.
Im Vergleich zu den anthropomorphen Statuetten sind Tierplastiken whrend
des Neolithikums in deutlich geringerer Zahl hergestellt worden. Erst ab der
zweiten Hlfte des 5. Jahrtausends finden sich vor allem im Bereich stlich und
sdlich des Karpatenbogens Tierfiguren in nennenswertem Umfang. Fr eine
bersicht ist das Werk von Marija Gimbutas (1989/1995) zur ersten Orientierung
sehr ntzlich, auch wenn man ihren symboltrchtigen Interpretationen nicht folgen
mchte, da sie keine historischen Verortungen besitzen, sondern aus einem
Programm allgemeiner Mythologie gewonnen sind. Bei den neolithischen und
kupferzeitlichen Tierdarstellungen handelt es sich berwiegend um Sugetiere,
wobei Rinder (z. Batariuc, Haimovici, Niculic 2000-2001: 266, Abb.2), Schafe bzw.
Widder (vgl. Marinescu-Blcu, Bolomey 2000: Abb. 173,9) und Schweine (Broman
Morales 1990: Taf. 6a; Toufexis 1994: 166f., Abb.7;12; Ankel 1964) hufig sind.
Fr die Kupferzeit Sdosteuropas sind Darstellungen des Lwen, der auch
durch Knochenfunde (Bartosiewicz 1999: 80; Ninov 1999: 326ff.) nachgewiesen ist,
besonders spektakulr (Willms 1986b; 2003: 184, Abb.3). Eine bislang
unbercksichtigte Darstellung aus Messiani Magula bei Larissa in Thessalien, die K.
Grundmann (1953: 10, Abb.14-15) als hornloses Rind deutete, ist treffender als
Lwenplastik zu interpretieren. Sie ist damit der erste Beleg fr die Anwesenheit
des Lwen in Griechenland whrend des Neolithikums bzw. der Kupferzeit. Vom
bisherigen Fehlen von Lwenknochen aus neolithisch-chalkolithishen Siedlungen in
Griechenland darf somit nicht auf das Fehlen des Lwen whrend dieser Zeit in
Griechenland geschlossen werden.

Abb.7 Neval ori (nach Garfinkel 2003).

Viele Darstellungen lassen sich jedoch nicht sicher einer bestimmten Tierart
zuweisen, so da Aufzhlungen anderer plastisch dargestellter Tierarten wie
Hirsch, Reh, Steinbock, Br, Fuchs etc. (Kaufmann 1999: 341) einen gewissen
Interpretationsspielraum zeigen. Ein vergleichsweise hufig dargestelltes, aber
eben auch sicher identifizierbares Tier ist der Igel (vgl. z. Zgbea 1963: 289,
Taf.16,2; Jungsteinzeit 1981: 131, Abb.147; Andreescu 1997: Taf. 5,1). Die lteste
Darstellung ist ein zoomorphes Gipsgef in Gestalt eines Igels aus dem
prkeramischen Tell Bouquras in Syrien (Fortin 1999: 177, Abb.106). Auch Vgel
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finden sich in der neolithischen und kupferzeitlichen Plastik relativ zahlreich

(Andreescu 1997: Taf.4,6; 5,3; Terzijska-Ignatova 2004: 390, Abb. 3). Plastische
Froschdarstellungen lassen sich in frh- und mittelneolithischen Kontexten in
Sdosteuropa mehrfach nachweisen (Hansen 2003). Whrend also Sugetiere und
Vgel, seltener auch Amphibien, dargestellt wurden, sind eindeutig identifzierbare
Reptilien hingegen sehr selten. Das gilt nicht nur fr Schildkrten, sondern auch
fr Schlangen (Pritina-Predionica: Galovi 1959: 68ff. mit Abb.).

Abb.8 Bronzezeitliche Schildkrte aus Ton (nach Medovi 1992).

Es wre eine lohnende Aufgabe, die Tierplastiken des Neolithikums und der
Kupferzeit zusammenfassend zu bearbeiten und mit dem vorhandenen
Tierartenbestand aus den Siedlungen zu vergleichen. Man darf erwarten, da sich
zwischen den Reprsentationen und den Tierknochen aus den Siedlungen
Unterschiede erkennen lassen werden, die den Ansatzpunkt fr die
wissenschaftliche Interpretation der Tierplastik bilden mten. So zeigen
Untersuchungen, da in der palolithischen Hhlen- und der Kleinkunst nicht
einfach die Wirklichkeit reproduziert wurde. Whrend unter den Darstellungen
Bison und Pferd dominieren, sind Rentier und Rotwild unter den Knochen am
hufigsten vertreten (Altuna 1983: 227ff.; Rice, Paterson 1985: 94ff.). Es ist also
eine Diskrepanz zwischen dem ersehnten oder gefrchteten und dem tatschlich
erjagten Wild zu bemerken.
Die natrliche Umwelt, die Tiere und Pflanzen, prgen den Menschen in
vielfltiger Weise. Da man die Drfer mit einem Graben und einer Palisade zu
umgeben hatte, wenn Lwen durch die Umgebung streiften, ist eine naheliegende
praktische Konsequenz. Zweifellos fand der Lwe aber auch Eingang in
Erzhlungen und Mythen, wofr die bereits erwhnten Tonfiguren sprechen.
Whrend der Lwe im fnften Jahrtausend nrdlich und sdlich der Donau
verbreitet war, lassen sich jedoch auch Unterschiede in der Tierwelt im Gebiet des
KGK VI-Kulturenverbands bemerken. So ist beispielsweise das Wildpferd in der
Walachei heimisch, wie entsprechende Tierknochen in kupferzeitlichen Siedlungen,
auch in Pietrele, zeigen (Beitrag Benecke in Hansen, Dragoman u.a. 2004; vgl.
auch Blescu u.a. 2003: 59ff.). Hingegen fehlt dieser auffllige Grosuger
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sdlich der Donau (Manhardt 1998: 99f.). In Thrakien war das Pferd unbekannt.
Man darf annehmen, da die Mglichkeit Pferde zu erjagen, das Fleisch zu essen
und die brigen Reste auf vielfltige Weise zu verwenden, die Menschen in Pietrele
auch kulturell prgte. Ludwig Feuerbach schrieb einmal: "der Mensch ist, was er
it (Feuerbach 1972: 26ff.) und hat damit auf die groe kulturelle Bedeutung der
Nahrung hingewiesen. Speise fllt den Magen und fordert zugleich den Geist
heraus. Denn an die Tiere und Pflanzen werden Vorstellungen und Imaginationen
geknpft, woraus wiederum eine Skala der "Ebarkeit" resultiert. Sie reicht von
favorisierten Speisen, welche nur selten verfgbar sind, ber die alltgliche
Nahrung bis hin zu Speiseverboten (Eder 1988). Tiere und Pflanzen sind daher in
neolithischen Gesellschaften die bevorzugten Objekte der Klassifikation durch den
Menschen (Lvi-Strauss 1981).

Abb.9 Devetaki (Foto BAN).

Bei der Tonfigur aus Pietrele handelt es sich recht sicher um die Darstellung
einer Sumpfschildkrte (emys orbicularis). Reste von Sumpfschildkrten sind auch
im Faunenbestand des Fundmaterials aus Mgura Gorgana vertreten (Beitrag
Benecke in Hansen, Dragoman u.a. 2004). Emys orbicularis findet sich auch in
anderen Tellsiedlungen Munteniens, z. B. in Cscioarele. Auf die Bedeutung der
Sumpfschildkrte im neolithischen Nahrungssystem wurde mehrfach eingegangen
(Mynarski 1971: 125ff.; Willms 1986: 561ff.; Lehmuhl 1989: 107ff.). Eine
Verbreitungskarte gab Willms (1986: 561ff.), doch ist diese notgedrungen in
Sdosteuropa lckenhaft, da sie den Forschungsstand anhand vergleichsweise
weniger publizierter Faunenkomplexe widerspiegelt. Insbesondere die scheinbare
Fundkonzentration von emys orbicularis in neolithischen Siedlungen der sdlichen
ungarischen Tiefebene drfte mit den archozoologischen Arbeiten von S. Bknyi
und anderen zusammenhngen. Einen allgemeinen zoologisch-historischen
berblick bietet Fritz (1998), Kinzelbach (1988: 385ff.) speziell fr die RheinRegion. In der Literatur finden sich auch verschiedentlich Hinweise fr sekundre
Nutzungen des Panzers z. B. als Schaufel (Kinzelbach 1988: 407f.), Behltnis
(Eiwanger, Hutterer 2004) oder Orakelinstrument (Goepper 1988: 49, Abb. oben).
Diese sollen hier allerdings nicht weiter aufgezhlt werden.
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Abb.10 Ruse (nach Georgiev, Angelov 1957).

Da die Sumpfschildkrte sich zwischen Anfang November und Mitte April in den
Schlamm eingrbt um zu berwintern, ist im Einzelfall zu berprfen, ob die
Schildkrtenreste auch spter, d. h. nach der eigentlichen Nutzung der Siedlung in die
Fundstelle gelangt sein knnten. Im Falle von Pietrele ist dies allerdings
auszuschlieen, da der Siedlungshgel viel zu hoch ber der Donau liegt und nicht
genug Feuchtigkeit aufweist. Die Schildkrten stellen daher mit grter
Wahrscheinlichkeit Nahrungsreste der Einwohner dar. Die Schildkrten gehrten zum
Artenbestand der Aue, wo Jagd und Fischfang betrieben wurde. Gleichwohl war es
sicher keine leichte Aufgabe, die scheuen Tiere zu fangen. In jedem Fall war dies auf
wenige Sommermonate begrenzt. Willms (1986) schlo daraus, da es sich bei der
Sumpfschildkrte um eine Art Festtagsessen gehandelt haben knnte.

Abb. 11 Jihau (nach Jihahu 1999)

Die Tonrassel in Gestalt einer Schildkrte aus Pietrele stellt ein ganz
auergewhnliches Bildzeugnis des ausgehenden fnften Jahrtausends dar, dem
gegenwrtig keine vergleichbaren Stcke zur Seite gestellt werden knnen. Daher
liegt es nahe, das singulre Stck aus der besonderen Perspektive der Bewohner
der Mgura Gorgana bei Pietrele zu verstehen. So lt die tnerne Schildkrte sich
mit dem natrlichen Lebensraum der Bewohner des Siedlungshgels und ihren
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Aktivitten in der unmittelbar angrenzenden Fluaue verbinden. Wenn die

Sumpfschildkrte also, wie Willms vermutete, ein sommerliches Festessen war,
dann gehrte zu solch einem Festessen sicherlich auch der Tanz, womit sich die
tnerne Rassel in Schildkrtengestalt dann ganz zwanglos verbinden liee.
Vielleicht trgt diese Fundmitteilung dazu bei, bislang unerkannte Bruchstcke
von Schildkrtendarstellungen aus kupferzeitlichen Siedlungen an der Unteren
Donau zu identifizieren und das Thema auf breiterer Materialbasis von neuem
aufzurollen.
Dank
Norbert Benecke, Ricardo Eichmann, Agathe Reingruber und Mayke Wagner
danke ich fr wichtige Hinweise.
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VALENTIN PARNIC*, CTLIN LAZR*

CONSIDERAII PRELIMINARE ASUPRA PLASTICII

ANTROPOMORFE DE LUT DIN NIVELUL GUMELNIA
B1 DE LA MRIUA-LA MOVIL
Abstract: The purpose of this article is to present the antropomorf figurines made of clay discovered at
Mariuta tell in Gumelnita B1 level. The eneolithic tell is situated at 200m north by Mariuta village in

Calarasi county. To obtain as many information as possible and to approach correctly this subject, we
made an analysing system based on 6 elements:1. objects description; 2. anthropomorphic figurines
contexts; 3. typologic analyses; 4. pieces morphology; 5. fragmentation types; 6. anthropomorphic
figurines meaning. The anthtopomorphic figurines group presented in ths article is made of 31 pieces.
17 of them come from mihai simon excavations. The anthtopomorphic figurines were discovered inside
the settlement, in houses, outside them or in the refuse zones. 3 figurines were found in house SL1 and
2 of them near the hearth. In SL2 house were discovered 7 anthropomorphic figurines. Four of them
were found in first room and 3 in second room. Two anthropomorphic figurines were discovered in the
refuse zone C20 near the house SL2. We have no idea were did the 17 pieces came from the old
excavations made by Mihai Simion.
Taking into account the significance we do not approve them as religious objects, on counter we incline
to approve the recent ideas about neo-eneolithic plastic, of Douglass W. Bailey. Without solving the
major problems of this complex subject - the anthtopomorphic eneolithic plastic - the present article
tends to complete the existing information nowadays, about this subject.

Keywords: eneolithic, Gumelnia culture, anthropomorphic figurines, figurines contexts, typologic

analyses, morphology.

Introducere
n cursul evoluiei lor ndelungate pe teritoriul Romniei, comunitile
gumelniene, au realizat i au folosit, pe lng alte numeroase piese lucrate din
piatr, silex, corn sau os i o serie de piese din lut care imit silueta uman, dintre
care unele de o excepional valoare artistic.
Pornind de la reprezentrile realiste de o cert valoare artistic i terminnd cu
piesele schematizate, plastica antropomorf a culturii Gumelnia prezint unele
caracteristici care o deosebesc de celelalte culturi neo-eneolitice.
Studiul de fa i propune prezentarea unui lot de piese plastice gumelniene
provenit din nivelul superior al aezrii de la Mriua - La Movil (jud. Clrai).
Prin structura prezentrii noastre, nu propunem o abordare a problemelor legate
de arta neo-eneolitic, acestea fiind suficient studiate, analizate i explicate
(Dumitrescu 1974). Studierea lotului de statuete se va realiza cu ajutorul unui
sistem de analiz, bazat pe direciile de cercetare existente la ora actual.
Menionm c n studiul de fa, au fost introduse i o serie de statuete care
au fost publicate anterior (Pavele 2000), dar care aparin nivelului Gumelnia B1,
al aezrii de la Mriua La Movil.
*

Muzeul Dunrii de Jos, Clrai. e-mail: acltara@yahoo.com, vparnic@yahoo.com

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Scurt prezentare
Aezarea gumelniean este situat pe malul drept al Mostitei la 200 m nord
vest de satul Mriua, n punctul denumit de localnici La Movil (Fig.1/1)
Cercetrile n tell-ul gumelniean (Fig.1/2) au debutat la nceputul anilor `80
putnd fi identificate trei etape n cursul acestora.
O prim etap este constituit de faza identificrii sitului i a recuperrii de
materiale. Aceast etap este reprezentat de cercetrile de teren efectuate n anii
`60 de Eugen Coma (erbnescu, Trohani 1978: 18) i continuate de Done
erbnescu i George Trohani, n anii `70 (erbnescu, Trohani 1978: 37). Astfel,
aezarea gumelniean era identificat pe malul drept al Mostitei, vis vis de
satul Mriua.
A doua etap, care marcheaz cercetrile de la Mriua La Movil, este
reprezentat de spturile de salvare, determinate de amenajarea pentru irigaii a
rului Mostitea. Astfel, sub conducerea lui Mihai imon se desfoar cercetri n
aezarea gumelniean n perioada 1984 1991 (imon 1994: 29 - 39). Finalul
acestei etape se datoreaz morii premature a arheologului.

Fig. 1
n urma acestor cercetri au fost identificate dou niveluri de locuire, cel
superior fiind ncadrat ntre sfritul fazei A2 i faza B1 a culturii Gumelnia, iar cel
inferior n faza A2 a acestei culturi (imon 1994: 32).
Cea de-a treia etap debuteaz n anul 2000, atunci cnd cercetrile au fost
reluate din iniiativa Muzeului Dunrii de Jos Clrai. Aceast ultim etap se
remarc prin caracterul interdisciplinar al cercetrilor (Parnic, Chiriac 2001: 199)
Metodologie
Studierea plasticii preistorice reprezint un subiect complex. n general, studiile
anterioare dedicate acestui subiect (Marinescu-Blcu, Ionescu 1967; Dumitrescu
1968; Gimbutas 1989a; 1989b; 1991; Lungu 1989; Haotti 1997; Monah 1997;
Neagu 1997; Andreescu 2002 .a.) s-au bazat pe o prezentare descriptiv a
pieselor, pe analiza materiilor prime folosite i a tehnicilor de realizare, precum i
pe analiza tipologic. La acestea se adaug i interpretarea semnificaiei
reprezentrilor plastice. Unii autori au cutat s identifice i s interpreteze
funcionalitatea pieselor plastice (Bailey 1994: 323; Andreescu 2002: 94)
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n aceste condiii, pentru o bun gestionare a datelor disponibile, am preferat

utilizarea unui sistem de analiz, bazat pe metodologiile dezvoltate de Douglass W.
Bailey (1994: 323) i Radian R. Andreescu (2002: 10-11).
Un prim element al sistemului de analiz l constituie descrierea pieselor
plastice care fac obiectul prezentului studiu. n cadrul acestui subcapitol vom
aborda o prezentare descriptiv a pieselor, precum i dimensiunile acestora.
Al doilea element este reprezentat de contextul n care au fost descoperite
reprezentrile plastice. Acest element poate oferi informaii importante privind
amplasamentul statuetelor n cadrul aezrii i locuinelor (Andreescu 2002: 10),
precum i date despre relaia dintre acestea.
Analiza tipologic reprezint al treilea element, ce permite stabilirea unor
tipuri, variante sau chiar serii de piese plastice.
Un al patrulea element al sistemului nostru de analiz este reprezentat de
morfologia pieselor plastice. n cadrul acestui subcapitol vom analiza materia prim
folosit, tehnicile de realizare a statuetelor i decorul acestora.
Al cincilea element l constituie tipurile de fragmentare; vom ncerca s stabilim
modalitile de rupere i spargere a statuetelor i stabilirea existenei unui
eventual model de fragmentare.
Ultimul element al sistemului nostru de analiz l constituie analiza funcional
i semnificaia reprezentrilor plastice.
Descrierea pieselor
Lotul de figurine antropomorfe de lut, provenite din nivelul Gumelnia B1 de la
Mriua - La Movil, este compus din 31 de piese, din care 17 provin din spturile
din anii 2000-2003, iar 14 din cercetrile ntreprinse de Mihai imon. n continuare
vom prezenta descriptiv aceste piese:
1. Statuet antropomorf feminin. Face parte din categoria statuetelor cu
picioarele modelate separat. Lipsete partea superioar i piciorul stng.
Bazinul proeminent delimitat de picioare printr-o linie circular incizat. Sexul
este redat printr-un triunghi incizat, cu vrful ndreptat n jos. Lucrat dintr-o
past cu impuriti, ars la cenuiu. Dimensiuni: h 58 mm, l 47 mm,
g 20 mm. inv. 32929. (Fig.2/1, 3).
2. Statuet antropomorf de mici dimensiuni. Se pstreaz partea inferioar
cu bazinul i picioarele. Acestea din urm sunt modelate separat fiind
redate i labele picioarelor prin mici proeminene. Past de calitate
inferioar cu impuriti, ardere la crmiziu. Dimensiuni: h 23 mm, l 18
mm, g 10 mm. inv. 44418. (Fig.2/2, 4).
3. Statuet antropomorf de mari dimensiuni. Se pstreaz laba piciorului
stng. Degetele reliefate prin linii incizate. Past omogen de relativ bun
calitate. Ars la crmiziu. Dimensiuni: h 51 mm, l 54 mm, L 70 mm.
inv. 44421. (Fig.3/1, 2).
4. Statuet antropomorf cu picioarele modelate separat. Se pstreaz
piciorul stng, cu laba modelat neglijent. Past de proast calitate cu
multe impuriti, ars la cenuiu. Dimensiuni: h 40 mm, l 26 mm, g
19 mm. inv. 24016. (Fig.4/1, 2).

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Fig.2
5. Statuet antropomorf de mari dimensiuni cu picioarele modelate separat.
Goal la interior. Se pstreaz piciorul stng. Pe gamb au fost
reprezentate trei linii circulare incizate. Laba piciorului atent modelat,
degetele fiind reprezentate prin trei linii incizate. Lucrat din past de bun
calitate, ars la crmiziu. Dimensiuni: h 59 mm, l 62 mm, g 42 mm.
inv. 32749 (Fig.5/1, 3).
6. Statuet antropomorf de mari dimensiuni, cu picioarele modelate separat.
Se pstreaz un fragment din laba piciorului drept. De o parte i de alta,
marcnd gamba, dou cercuri incizate i ncrustate cu past alb. Este
posibil ca laba piciorului s fi fost modelat separat de restul statuetei i
adugat ulterior, partea superioar a acesteia fiind bine netezit. Past de
bun calitate cu mici pietricele, ars la negru. Dimensiuni: h 53 mm, l
69 mm, g 36 mm. inv 32906 (Fig.5/2,4).
7. Statuet antropomorf cu braele ntinse lateral, capul relativ rombic. De o
parte i de alta a capului sunt practicate cte trei orificii figurnd urechile,
nasul proeminent, tocit din vechime. Gura este reprezentat de un ir de
patru mpunsturi. Capul este individualizat de o linie circular incizat
practicat la baza gtului. Snii nu sunt reprezentaii. Lucrat dintr-o past
neomogen cu mici particule de lut i materii organice. Ars la cenuiu.
Dimensiuni: h 45 mm, l 50 mm, g 21 mm. inv. 32925 (Fig.6/1, 2).
8. Statuet antropomorf cu partea inferioar plat. S-a pstrat corpul mai
puin capul, deasupra gurii i braele. Gura este reprezentat de
mpunsturi, snii proemineni conici realizai prin ciupirea pastei. Pe corp
deasupra snilor este reprezentat un ptrat incizat. Baza statuetei este
lit figurnd probabil labele picioarelor. Lucrat dintr-o past neomogen
amestecat cu mici pietricele i materii organice. Ars la cenuiu spre
negru. Dimensiuni: h 79 mm, l 45 mm, g 26 mm. inv. 24274
(Fig.7/1, 2).
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9. Statuet antropomorf cu corpul plat i braele ntinse lateral. Se pstreaz

partea superioar, lipsete capul i braul stng. Braul drept este modelat
rudimentar, ca o simpl proeminen, perforat la capt. Past omogen
amestecat cu foarte puine fragmente ceramice. Ars la crmiziu.
Dimensiuni: h 32 mm, l 26 mm, g 17 mm. inv. 43250. (Fig.8/ 1,2).

Fig.3

Fig. 4

10. Statuet antropomorf, cu corpul cilindric. Se pstreaz corpul mai puin

capul i braele. Snii sunt reprezentai de dou proeminene conice
realizate prin ciupirea pastei. Baza statuetei este lit, reprezentnd
probabil labele picioarelor. Lucrat dintr-o past neomogen, amestecat
cu materii organice i mici fragmente ceramice. Ars secundar. Avnd n
vedere aspectul general al acesteia i erorile de modelaj, considerm c
piesa aceast reprezint un rebut. Dimensiuni: h 50 mm, l 38 mm, g
36 mm. inv. 24015 (Fig.9/1, 2).

Fig.5
11. Statuet antropomorf cu corpul cilindric, braele ntinse lateral. Se
pstreaz corpul, mai puin capul i braul drept. Modelat rudimentar.
Snii sunt reprezentai prin dou mici proeminene realizate prin ciupirea
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pastei. Past neomogen cu multe materii organice. Dimensiuni: h 63

mm, l 51 mm, g 21 mm. inv. 32907 (Fig.10/1, 2)
12. Statuet antropomorf feminin cu braele ntinse lateral. Se pstreaz
partea superioar fr brae si snul stng. Prile laterale ale capului au
fost perforate cu cte dou guri, acum rupte de-a lungul gurilor. Nasul n
relief accentuat. Ochii nu sunt figurai, iar gura este reprezentat de patru
mpunsturi. Snii sunt uor asimetrici, cel drept redat prin ciupire n pasta
crud. Lucrat din past de bun calitate, ars la crmiziu. Dimensiuni: h
48 mm, l 33 mm, g 18 mm. inv. 24275 (Fig.11/1, 2).
13. Statuet antropomorf feminin. Face parte din categoria statuetelor cu
partea inferioar cilindric, de forma unui baton din lut cu seciunea oval.
Lipsesc braele i partea inferioar a corpului. Cap stilizat, detaliile
anatomice redate prin ciupire n pasta crud. Este posibil ca piesa s fi
fcut poarte dintr-un ansamblu, la baz fiind practicat o perforaie
vertical. Past de bun calitate amestecat cu nisip, ardere la crmiziu.
Dimensiuni: h 60 mm, l 40 mm, g 27 mm. inv. 24014 (Fig.12/1, 2).
14. Statuet antropomorf, cu corpul prismatic, se pstreaz partea inferioar.
Corpul este decorat cu patru incizii orizontale. Labele picioarelor sunt
reprezentate prin dou mici proeminene realizate prin ciupirea pastei.
Lucrat dintr-o past omogen. Ars la rou crmiziu. Dimensiuni: h
36 mm, l 29 mm, g 14 mm. inv. 43249. (Fig.13/1, 2).
15. Statuet antropomorf cu corpul cilindric, se pstreaz partea inferioar.
Labele picioarelor sunt reprezentate prin dou mici proeminene realizate
prin ciupirea pastei. Lipsete laba piciorului stng. Lucrat dintr-o past
neomogen cu multe impuriti. Ars la cenuiu. Dimensiuni: h 87 mm, l
48 mm, g 40 mm. inv. 32904 (Fig.14/1, 2).

Fig.6
16. Statuet antropomorf cu corpul cilindric, se pstreaz partea inferioar.
Labele picioarelor sunt reprezentate prin dou mici proeminene realizate
prin ciupirea pastei. Lipsete laba piciorului stng. Lucrat dintr-o past
neomogen cu multe impuriti. Ars la cenuiu. Dimensiuni: h 87 mm, l
48 mm, g 40 mm. inv. 32904 (Fig.14/1, 2).
17. Statuet antropomorf feminin, cu partea inferioar cilindric. Lipsesc
capul i braul drept. Braele sunt ntinse lateral. Pe corp, att pe fa ct
i pe spate, au fost practicate mai multe incizii orizontale, paralele,
mrginite de una vertical, care pot simboliza un obiect vestimentar.
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Fesele sunt figurate de dou cercuri incizate practicate la jumtatea

corpului. Past de bun calitate amestecat cu nisip, ardere la crmiziu.
Dimensiuni: h 49 mm, l 43 mm, g 18 mm. inv. 43248 (Fig.15/1, 2).

Fig.7

Fig.8

18. Statuet antropomorf feminin, cu partea inferioar cilindric. Capul de

forma unui trapez, cu baza mare n sus, este modelat schematic, ochii
redai prin incizii duble, nasul printr-o mic proeminen, gura nefiind
indicat. Braele sunt ntinse lateral. Sexul este figurat de un triunghi cu
vrful n jos, n centrul cruia a fost practicat o impresiune circular. Pe
corp, att pe fa ct i pe spate, au fost practicate mai multe incizii
orizontale, paralele, mrginite de una vertical, care pot simboliza un
obiect vestimentar. Fesele sunt figurate de dou cercuri incizate practicate
la jumtatea corpului. Past de bun calitate, ardere la crmiziu.
Dimensiuni: h 75 mm, l 45 mm, g 11 mm. inv. 42288 (Fig.16/1, 2).

Fig.9
19. Statuet antropomorf feminin, extrem de rudimentar modelat. Nasul
proeminent realizat prin ciupire n pasta crud, iar gura printr-o incizie
scurt orizontal. Lipsesc alte detalii ale feei. Braele care erau ntinse
lateral sunt rupte. Snii sunt redai schematizat prin dou proeminene
conice inegale. Partea inferioar a statuetei este cilindric. Lucrat din
past de calitate inferioar amestecat cu materii organice, pietricele i
fragmente ceramice. Ardere la crmiziu. Dimensiuni: h 58 mm, l 29
mm, g 20 mm. inv. 24272 (Fig.17/1, 2).
20. Statuet antropomorf feminin, cu braele ntinse lateral i corpul sub
forma unui baton cu seciune rectangular. Capul relativ romboidal, doi lobi
laterali cu cte patru perforaii fiecare, nasul proeminent realizat prin ciupire
n pasta crud, ochii redai prin incizii duble. Gura este reprezentat de patru
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mpunsturi, impregnate cu past alb. Braele ntinse lateral sunt perforate

la capete. Sexul este figurat de un triunghi incizat, ndreptat cu vrful n jos.
Fesele sunt redate prin dou mici proeminene realizate prin adaos de
material. Pe corp, att pe fa ct i pe spate, au fost practicate mai multe
incizii orizontale, paralele, mrginite de una vertical, care pot simboliza un
obiect vestimentar. De asemenea ntre aceast vestimentaie i sex sunt
practicate trei linii circulare incizate. Dimensiuni: h 97 mm, l 66 mm, g
19 mm. inv. 43158 (Fig.18/1, 2, 3).
21. Statuet antropomorf cu corpul cilindric. Se pstreaz partea inferioar cu
baza uor lit. Past neomogen cu multe impuriti, ars la crmiziu.
Dimensiuni: h 18 mm, l 22 mm, g 15 mm. inv. 42332 (Fig.19).
22. Statuet antropomorf cu partea inferioar cilindric, de forma unui baton
de lut cu seciunea oval. Past de calitate inferioar cu multe impuriti,
ars la cenuiu. Dimensiuni: h 82 mm, l 50 mm, g 30 mm. inv.
32747 (Fig.20/1, 2).
23. Statuet antropomorf, cu corpul cilindric. Se pstreaz capul i gtul
disproporionat. Detaliile anatomice sunt redate schematizat. Ochii sunt
figurai de dou alveolri, nasul proeminent realizat prin ciupire n pasta
crud. Gura este reprezentat de apte mpunsturi. Lucrat din past de
calitate inferioar amestecat cu materii organice i mici fragmente
ceramice, ardere la crmiziu. Dimensiuni: h 98 mm, l 43 mm, g 40
mm. inv. 24011 (Fig.21/1, 2).

Fig.10
24. Statuet antropomorf cu corpul cilindric, fr brae. Are forma unui mic
baton de lut, cu detaliile feei redate rudimentar prin ciupirea pastei. Dup
aspectul piesei considerm c aceasta este un rebut. Lucrat dintr-o past
de calitate inferioar, nears. Dimensiuni: h 48 mm, d 25 mm. inv.
42287 (Fig.22/1, 2).
25. Statuet antropomorf feminin, cu cocoa. Lipsesc capul i un fragment
din braul drept. Modelat rudimentar, braele ntinse lateral n raport cu
corpul formnd un unghi de 60. Snii reprezentai prin dou proeminene
conice, bazinul bombat, fesele redate prin ciupirea pastei, partea inferioar
a corpului relativ cilindric. Past de calitate inferioar amestecat cu mici
fragmente ceramice, ardere la cenuiu. Dimensiuni: h 55 mm, l 42
mm, g 30 mm. inv. 42290 (Fig.23/1-4).
26. Statuet antropomorf feminin cu corpul tronconic i vas pe cap, goal la
interior. Se pstreaz capul. Ochii marcai prin de dou alveolri, nasul
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proeminent realizat prin ciupirea pastei, urechile reprezentate prin doi lobi
laterali. Past neomogen, de proast calitate amestecat cu mici
fragmente ceramice. Dimensiuni: h 51 mm, l 64 mm, g 59 mm. inv.
39375 (Fig.24).
27. Statuet antropomorf feminin, cu corpul bombat, goal la interior. Se
pstreaz corpul, mai puin capul i braele. Acestea din urm erau ataate
la partea superioar a corpului. Snii sunt redai prin dou mici
proeminene, realizate prin adaos de material. Lucrat din past de bun
calitate, cu foarte puine materii organice, ars la cenuiu. Dimensiuni: h
50 mm, l 65 mm, g 56 mm. inv. 32905 (Fig.26/1, 2).
28. Statuet antropomorf eznd. Se pstreaz partea median cu bazinul i
picioarele pn la genunchi. Picioarele modelate n unghi drept fa de
corp. Past neomogen cu multe impuriti, ars de la cenuiu la negru.
Dimensiuni: h 37 mm, l 42 mm, g 20 mm. inv. 44417 (Fig.25).

Fig.11
29. Statuet antropomorf feminin n poziie aezat. Se pstreaz corpul
fr cap, brae i o parte a picioarelor. Corpul i picioarele fac un unghi
drept, desprite de o linie incizat. Snii nu sunt reprezentai. Past de
calitate inferioar cu multe impuriti. Ardere la negru. Dimensiuni: h 61
mm, l 47 mm, g 23 mm. inv. 32748 (Fig.27/1, 2).
30. Statuet antropomorf feminin, se pstreaz capul. Modelat schematic,
detaliile anatomice redate prin ciupire n pasta crud. Nasul proeminent.
Lucrat dintr-o past curat. Ars la crmiziu la exterior i la cenuiu la
interior. Dimensiuni: h 41 mm, l 42 mm, g 23 mm. inv. 24013.
(Fig.28/1, 2).

Fig.12.
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31. Statuet antropomorf de mari dimensiuni. Se pstreaz capul discoidal.

Statuet antropomorf, se pstreaz capul. Modelat schematic, detaliile
anatomice redate prin ciupire n pasta crud. Nasul proeminent. Este
posibil s reprezinte un personaj antropo-zoomorf. Lucrat dintr-o past
curat. Ars la crmiziu la exterior i la cenuiu la interior. Dimensiuni: h
67 mm, l 46 mm, g 26 mm. inv. 42286 (Fig.29/1, 2).
32. Urechile sunt redate prin doi lobi laterali. Din nefericire, datorit restaurrii,
perforaiile lobilor urechilor nu s-au pstrat, dar acestea au existat cu
siguran. Nasul bine reliefat, cu nrile figurate de dou mpunsturi. Ochii
marcai prin incizii duble. Gura marcat printr-o incizie. Sub gur, spre gt
s-au practicat incizii puin adnci neorganizate. Past omogen amestecat
cu materii organice, ardere la negru. Dimensiuni: h 71 mm, l 49 mm, g
26 mm, inv. 32745 (Fig.30/1, 2).

Fig.13

Fig.14
Context
n ultima perioad au fost publicate o serie de studii care trateaz plastica
gumelniean (Coma 1995; Haotti 1997; Andreescu 1997; 2002). Din pcate ns
nu toate piesele sunt nsoite de descrieri ale contextului descoperirii, n vederea
integrrii piesei ntr-un tot care s exprime ct mai probabil rolul acesteia, n
contextul respectiv.
Majoritatea pieselor analizate de noi provin din complexe nchise, cu un context
relativ clar. Nu exist o preferin pentru amplasarea acestor piese, ele fiind
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descoperite pe podea, n apropierea pereilor, n apropierea structurii de

combustie, dar i spre centrul locuinei.
Astfel, n locuina SL 1, au fost descoperite un numr de trei piese, dou dintre
ele (Fig.16/1, 2; Fig.8/1, 2), fiind plasate n imediata apropiere a vetrei C3.
n perimetrul locuinei SL 2, a fost descoperit un numr de apte piese, dintre
care patru (Fig.23/1-4; Fig.18/1, 2; Fig.13/1, 2; Fig.25) au fost descoperite n
camera 1, n apropiere unui depozit de piese de os, i 3 n cea de-a doua camer
(Fig.15/1, 2; Fig.2/2, 4; Fig.3/1, 2). Acestea din urm au fost descoperite ntr-un
spaiu mic, cuprins ntre vatra C1 i peretele C18.
Doua piese (Fig.14/1, 2) au fost descoperite n zona menajer C 20, aferent,
credem noi, locuinei SL 2.

Fig.15
O situaie deosebit ntlnim n cazul unei piese relativ bine pstrate (Fig.18/13). Capul acesteia a fost descoperit n camera 1 a SL2, n apropierea unui depozit
de piese de os finite, iar corpul n apropierea vetrei C3, din SL 1. Distana dintre
cele dou fragmente era cca. 7 m. Aceast situaie indic, n opinia noastr, o
aciune intenionat de plasare a celor dou pri ale statuetei. De asemenea,
absena urmelor de uzur din punctul de fractur al piesei demonstreaz ruperea
deliberat.
Din pcate pentru un numr de 14 piese din lotul avut la dispoziie,
descoperite n cursul spturilor efectuate de Mihai imon n anii `80, nu am putut
identifica contextul descoperirilor. Pe baza analizei altimetriei sitului, tim doar c
aceste piese fac parte din ultimul nivel, Gumelnia B1.
Analiz tipologic
Din punct de vedere al analizei tipologice am grupat piesele care fac parte din
lotul nostru, astfel (Andreescu 2002: 29 34):
A. Statuete n poziie vertical
1 Statuete cu picioarele modelate separat
Sunt, n general piese lucrate dintr-o past de bun calitate, bine frmntat,
fr impuriti, ars la crmiziu, att la interior ct i la exterior. Din pcate s-au
pstrat numai fragmente, (piesele nr. 1 6) n general picioare, la o singur pies,
pstrndu-se bazinul i unul din picioare (Fig.2/1, 2). Piesa este atent modelat,
bazinul este proeminent, sunt redate detalii ale genunchiului, sexul redat printr-un
triunghi incizat.
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O alt pies de foarte mici dimensiuni, are nlimea pn deasupra bazinului

de 23 mm, este lucrat rudimentar, picioarele fiind separate doar spre baz
(Fig.2/3, 4).
Dup dimensiunile picioarelor (unele au o grosime de 42 mm) aceste piese
erau de dimensiuni considerabile, cuprinse ntre 3,5 30 cm.

Fig.16

Fig17.

2. Statuete cu partea inferioar cilindric sau plat

Majoritatea pieselor analizate de noi, din lotul de la Mriua, fac parte din
aceast categorie. Sunt piese foarte des ntlnite n cultura Gumelnia, pentru faza
B1 asemenea piese fiind descoperite la Vidra, Cscioarele, Teiu (Andreescu 2002:
30, Pl.22).
2.a. Statuete antropomorfe cu corp cilindric sau plat i braele ntinse
lateral
Sunt piese reprezentate schematizat, cu detaliile feei redate prin incizii i/sau
mpunsturi (piesele nr. 7 21). De cele mai multe ori lobii laterali care redau
urechile sunt perforai. Braele sunt ntinse lateral, uneori perforate la capete, snii
figurai prin mici proeminene (Fig.6, 7, 8, 10, 12, 15, 16, 18).
Majoritatea pieselor de la Mriua sunt decorate pe corp cu linii incizate,
reprezentnd probabil vestimentaia (Coma 1989).

Fig.18
2b. Statuete antropomorfe cu corp cilindric sau plat, fr brae
Piese reprezentate schematic, fr brae cu corp cilindric. Reprezentarea
detaliilor anatomice se face simplu prin ciupirea pastei n foarte puine cazuri, fiind
practicate inciziile i mpunsturile. Snii sunt figurai prin mici proeminene conice.
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De la Mriua provin dou astfel de piese (piesele nr. 22 i 23). Una dintre ele
reprezint un simplu baton de lut cu seciunea rotund, doar detaliile feei fiind
redate schematizat, prin ciupirea pastei, gura printr-un ir de mpunsturi
(Fig.21/1, 2). Cea de-a doua poate fi introdus n categoria statuetelor antropozoomorfe (Fig.22/1, 2).
2.c. Statuete cu cocoa
Pn acum a fost descoperit o singur astfel de pies (piesa nr.24), lucrat
rudimentar dintr-o past de calitate inferioar. Capul statuetei este rupt, la fel i
terminaiile braelor. Corpul este relativ cilindric, snii sunt redai prin dou
proeminene conice. Pe spate n dreptul snilor are o cocoa.(Fig.23).
O pies asemntoare a fost descoperit la Vidra (Andreescu 2002: Pl.22. 12)
2.d. Statuete cu partea inferioar tronconic
A fost descoperit o singur pies la Mriua, (piesa nr. 25) partea tronconic
nu se pstreaz dect ntr-o mic proporie. Detaliile feei sunt redate simplu, prin
ciupire, braele erau orientate n sus, snii nu sunt redai. Este posibil ca statueta
s fi avut un vas pe cap.(Fig.24)
2.e. Statuete cu partea inferioar bombat
Sunt piese cu corpul bombat, uneori goale la interior (Fig.26). La Mriua a fost
descoperit o pies (piesa nr. 26) creia i lipsete capul i braele. Este posibil s fi
avut brae tuburi, ndreptate oblic n sus. Snii sunt reprezentai prin dou mici
proeminene realizate prin adaos de material.

Fig.19

Fg.20

B. Statuete antropomorfe n poziie aezat

Au fost descoperite pn acum la Mriua, dou exemplare (piesele nr. 27, 28)
care se nscriu n cele dou categorii deja definite. (Andreescu 2002: 30).
Primul exemplar, din care se pstreaz numai partea median cu o parte a
bustului i a picioarelor, se ncadreaz n categoria celor cu picioarele modelate i
genunchii ndoii, corpul fcnd un unghi drept cu picioarele (Fig.25).
Cel de-al doilea, cruia i lipsete capul, braele i membrele inferioare se
ncadreaz n categoria celor aflate n poziie semiaezat. La mijlocul statuetei a
fost practicat o linie circular incizat, care sugereaz probabil un bru (Fig.27).
C. Varia
Piesele care fac parte din aceast categorie nu au putut fi introduse n nici unul
din tipurile definite mai sus.
Astfel am ncadrat aici capetele de statuete (piesele nr. 29 31) modelate
rudimentar (Fig.28; 29) sau ngrijit (Fig.30), pe baza crora nu am putu face o,
ncadrare precis ntr-un anumit tip.
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Fig.21

Fig.22

Morfologie
n ceea ce privete morfologia plasticii antropomorfe de lut gumelniene, cu
greu pot fi identificate diferene ntre cele trei faze evolutive ale acestei comuniti.
Astfel, ca i n fazele anterioare n faza B1, capetele statuetelor sunt modelate
fie ntr-o form schematic, cu detaliile anatomice redate prin simpla ciupire a
pastei crude (Fig.12, 28, 29), fie lucrate atent dintr-o past de bun calitate,
pentru detaliile anatomice folosindu-se incizia, mpunsturile, impregnarea cu past
alb i perforarea lobilor laterali (Fig.18).
Sunt ntlnite i combinaiile plastice. Astfel, o statuet la care nasul i ochii
sunt redai prin ciupirea pastei crude, gura este reprezentat de un ir de apte
mpunsturi (Fig.21/1, 2).
n general, forma capetelor statuetelor de la Mriua este discoidal, la
statuetele lucrate atent, din past de bun calitate i oval alungit la cele lucrate
schematic.
Trunchiul statuetelor este, la Mriua, cilindric, oval n seciune sau plat, cu
snii figurai prin dou proeminene conice. Nu toate statuetele au snii figurai.
Trei statuete (Fig.15, 16, 18) de la Mriua sunt decorate pe trunchi cu linii incizate
orizontale, mrginite la jumtatea pieptului de linii incizate verticale. Pe spate ntre
liniile incizate orizontale sau practicat incizii n zig zag.
Majoritatea pieselor au braele ntinse lateral, formnd unghiuri cuprinse ntre
70 - 90, fa de trunchi. Braele sunt reprezentate fie ca simple prelungiri ale
trunchiului, fie modelate atent, cu seciune oval. n acest din urm caz, dou
statuete au braele perforate la capete.
Partea inferioar a corpului statuetelor este tratat diferit. Astfel, ntlnim n
lotul avut la dispoziie, statuete cu partea inferioar cilindric sau de forma unui
baton, oval n seciune, fr alte detalii anatomice.
ntr-unul din cazuri oldurile sunt arcuite, fesele reliefate, picioarele sunt
modelate separat, cu genunchii marcai de mici proeminene (Fig.2/1, 3).
Fesele sunt redate, de cele mai multe ori, prin dou cercuri incizate, uneori
picioarele fiind separate printr-o incizie puin adnc vertical.
Laba piciorului este realizat prin tragerea pastei n fa, doar n puine cazuri
degetele fiind figurate prin incizii (Fig.3).
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Fig.23

Fig.24

Fig.25
Tipuri de fragmentare
Majoritatea pieselor plastice neo-eneolitice au fost descoperite n stare
fragmentar. n legtur cu aceast problem exist mai multe opinii exprimate de
diveri autori. Astfel unii cercettori, consider c fragmentarea reprezentrilor
plastice preistorice poate susine ipoteza practicrii magiei, prin ruperea ritual a
capului (Neagu 1997: 101). Ai autori, plecnd de la interpretarea reprezentrilor
plastice antropomorfe ca diviniti (Marea Zei/Marea Mametc.), presupun c
ruperea capetelor statuetelor reprezint o pedeaps aplicat divinitilor pentru
nendeplinirea anumitor rugmini/cereri (Coma 1995: 122). Radian Andreescu
consider c fragmentarea statuetelor se datoreaz n primul rnd realizrii lor din
dou buci, considernd c aceasta nu reprezint o simpl tehnic de lucru,
pentru ca ulterior s fie rupte intenionat, acest act fiind legat tot de anumite
practici cultice (Andreescu 2002: 46). ntr-o lucrarea recent, John Chapman
propune o alt abordare a problemei fragmentrii figurinelor neo-eneolitice.
Autorul arat c piesele plastice par a fi realizate ntr-o tehnic care s permit
fragmentarea lor - ruperea lor deliberat (Chapman 2000: 71). Piesele erau
depozitate/depuse n stare fragmentar, acest fapt avnd o semnificaie social
(Chapman 2000: 21).
Toate piesele plastice din lotul de la Mriua - La Movil, au fost gsite n stare
fragmentar. Din punct de vedere al elementelor pstrate n stare fragmentar
constatm urmtoarele:
1. capete - piesele nr. 29, 30, 31
- 10 %
- 26,6%
2. trunchiuri piesele nr. 7, 8, 10, 14, 15, 20, 21, 28
- 23,3 %
3. picioare piesele nr. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 27
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4. trunchi i cap piesele nr. 7, 12, 13, 17, 18, 22, 23, 25 - 26,6 %
5. trunchi i brae piesele nr. 9, 11, 16, 24
- 13,3 %
Un caz special este reprezentat de piesa nr.19 (Fig.18/1-3). Aceasta este
compus din dou fragmente (cap i corp) descoperite n contexte diferite. Capul
acesteia a fost descoperit n camera 1 a locuinei SL2, iar corpul n apropierea
vetrei C3, din a doua camer a aceiai locuin, la o distan de 7 m una de
cealalt. Aceast situaie indic, o aciune intenionat de plasare a celor dou
fragmente din statuet, absena urmelor de uzur din fractura celor dou pri
demonstrnd ruperea deliberat a acestei piese.
n actualul stadiu al cercetrilor din acest domeniu, nu ne putem exprima n
privina semnificaiei fragmentrii statuetelor antropomorfe preistorice.

Fig.26
Analiz funcional/Semnificaia
n general, studiile i articolele dedicate reprezentrilor plastice neo-eneolitice
au ncercat i identificarea semnificaiei acestora. Interpretarea cea mai frecvent
consider statuetele drept diviniti, zei, zeie, semizei, amani etc. (Bailey 1994:
321-322), fiind stabilit un veritabil panteon (Gimbutas 1989b: 96-97). Pornindu-se
de la numrul mare de reprezentrii feminine n cadrul plasticii neo-eneolitice s-a
considerat c acestea reprezint o divinitate feminin Marea Mam/Marea
Zei, legat de cultul fertilitii i fecunditii (Marinescu-Blcu, Ionescu 1967: 7;
Dumitrescu 1968; Marinescu-Blcu 1977: 42; Gimbutas 1989b: 96-97; Monah 1997:
201-215; Neagu 1997: 104 .a.). Radian Andreescu propune o abordare mai
nuanat a acestei ipoteze. Astfel, autorul consider c diversele categorii de
plastic s fi servit unor scopuri diferite, s fi avut o funcionalitate () multipl,
acceptnd caracterul cultic al acestor piese (Andreescu 2002: 94). ntr-un studiu
recent, Valentina Voinea arat c statuetele antropomorfe neo-eneolitice sunt
legate de viaa religioas a comunitilor respective, dar nu toate acestea sunt
reprezentri ale divinitilor. Unele dintre aceste piese reprezint adoratori
invocatio et adoratio Dei (Voinea 2002: 114). n general, toate aceste ipoteze,
plecnd de la semnificaia plasticii au explicat i funcionalitatea acestor piese:
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obiecte de cult produse pentru a servii unor aciuni rituale, magice, religioase
(Bailey 1994: 321). Acest tip de interpretare are mai mult un suport filosofic dect
unul arheologic (Bailey 1994: 321). Peter J Ucko (1968), analiznd reprezentrile
plastice din Creta, Grecia continental i Egipt a respins interpretarea figurinelor
plastice feminine ca Marea Zei. Douglass W. Bailey analiznd reprezentrile
plastice din Bulgaria conchide c nu exist dovezi arheologice care s susin
ipoteza funciei rituale a statuetelor antropomorfe (Bailey 1994: 323).

Fig.27
Exist i alte abordri ale semnificaiei i funcionalitii plasticii neo-eneolitice.
Astfel, Rene Treuil neag orice semnificaie ritual a pieselor plastice neolitice i le
atribuie acestora un rol pur practic, considerndu-le jucrii (Treuil 1992: 65).
Douglass W. Bailey propune un pas nou n ncercarea de descifrare a plasticii
antropomorfe neo-eneolitice, care s porneasc de la recunoaterea elementelor
eseniale ale producerii i folosirii acestor piese (incluznd i posibilitatea
fragmentrii deliberate i a depunerilor cu caracter special) i de la acceptarea
posibilitii c aceste figurine antropomorfe reprezint modul n care oamenii de
atunci se defineau i se identificau pe ei nsi i pe ceilali, n cadrul i n afara
comunitilor/societilor n care triau (Bailey 2000: 102). Aceasta perspectiv
conduce la interpretarea plasticii antropomorfe drept o form de afirmarea
identitii individuale i de grup (Bailey 1994: 329).
Dincolo de aceste teorii i ipoteze, stabilirea clar a semnificaiei statuetelor
antropomorfe, reprezint un demers dificil, atta vreme ct nu avem la dispoziie
dect dovezile arheologice, care nu sunt suficiente pentru stabilirea funcionalitii
acestor piese. De asemenea, caracterul redus al cercetrilor reprezint un
impediment major n realizarea acestui demers.
De aceea, considerm c, stadiul actual al cercetrii tiinifice din acest
domeniu nu permite avansare unor concluzii certe n privina semnificaiei i
funcionalitii acestor reprezentri antropomorfe.

Fig.28

Fig.29
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Concluzii
Pornind de la reprezentrile realiste de o cert valoare artistic i terminnd cu
piesele schematizate plastica antropomorf a culturii Gumelnia prezint unele
caracteristici care o deosebesc de celelalte culturi neo-eneolitice.
n totalitate lotul de piese analizat de noi, se ncadreaz cultural i tipologic, n
faza B a culturii Gumelnia. Dealtfel, n ceea ce privete tipologia plasticii
antropomorfe de lut gumelniene, cu greu pot fi identificate diferene ntre cele trei
faze evolutive ale acestor comuniti.
Singura observaie cert este aceea c, plastica gumelniean pstreaz n
general tradiia statuetelor utilizate de comunitile Boian, diferite de acestea doar
din punct de vedere morfologic
Jumtate din lotul de piese analizat, a fost descoperit n locuine, cu foarte
puine excepii. Din pcate nu cunoatem contextul arheologic al descoperirilor mai
vechi provenite din spturile lui Mihai imon. Singurele corelaii reuite au fost
fcute pe baza analizei altimetrice i spaiale, stabilindu-se c aceste piese aparin
nivelului B1 de la Mriua.

Fig.30
Din punct de vedere tipologic, piesele analizate n prezentul studiu, pot fi
ncadrate astfel: statuete n poziie vertical cu picioarele modelate separat;
statuete n poziie vertical cu corpul cilindric i braele ntinse lateral; statuete n
poziie vertical, corpul cilindric, fr brae; statuete n poziie aezat; statuete cu
cocoa etc.
n ceea ce privete semnificaia i funcionalitatea plasticii gumelniene,
considerm c stadiul actual al cercetrilor nu ne permite avansarea unor concluzii
certe n aceast privin.
Oricum, studiul acestui tip de piese, nu permite creionarea unor concluzii
pertinente, atta vreme ct cultura i societatea comunitilor respective sunt
destul de puin cunoscute, datorit n primul rnd carenelor de cercetare. De
aceea, considerm oportun punerea n circulaie a tuturor informaiilor de care
dispunem n vederea integrrii lor ntr-un tot care s contribuie la mai buna
nelegere a acestor comuniti.

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Treuil, R. 1992. Les figurines neolithiques: idoles on jouets? Le grand atlas de

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MARIAN NEAGU*

NOI DESCOPERIRI N ASEZAREA GUMELNIA

DE LA CSCIOARELE-OSTROVEL

Abstract: The author presents fortuitous discoveries of art made in the Eneolithic settlement on the

island of Ostrovel in the middle of Lake Catalui. Ostrovel had an almost circular shape with a diameter
on the of 65 m from East to West and 70 m from North to South. In the summer of 1999, the very low
level of Lake Catalui, due to a long drought permitted the entry of animal breeders who collected
archaeological materials from the surface of the earth and especially in the break of the western bank
of the island. All the pieces were discovered in the same place in the western area of the Gumelnita
settlement on the Ostrovel (Fig. 1), together with large fragments of a heart and important quantities of
flint tools. The anthropomorphic statues present clear traces of intentional fragmentation but the
fortuitous conditions of the discovery do not allow us to discuss a ritual breakage of certain parts of the
body or the head. The pieces are a part of the canons of the art of the Gulmenita culture. The
anthropomorphic representation are made up of four fragmented clay statues, a lid and a bone statue.
The bone statue, which is missing its head and a part of its right arm is a female character (Fig. 2). The
clay statue is a character in the position of oranta (?) with arms spread out to the sides and the left
forearm pointing upwards (Fig. 3). Disk shaped head with the area of the ears widened a lot and with
three irregular perforations on one side and the other (Fig. 4). The right leg of a female clay statue on
which a part of the carved sexual triangle can still be seen (Fig. 5). The statue sitting in the art canon
of the driver of chariots (Fig. 6-7). The arms and the left leg were broken off in ancient times. The
shoulder of the left arm is higher indicating a certain gesture. The whole position of the body which is
rearing shows a certain dynamics and even tenseness. The chair is applied and stuck to the posterior
side of the body in the shape of an ellipse. The zoomorphic art that was discovered is made up of a clay
pendant shaped as a set of horns of devotion and a zoomorphic statue portraying a horned mammal
(?). The only piece of furniture is a chair/throne (?). The previous research had shown an unusual
concentration of statues on the eastern side of the tell (Andreescu 2002 : 14).

Keywords: eneolithic, Gumelmia culture, Cscioarele, antropomorphic figurines.

Aezarea eneolitic de pe insula Ostrovel din mijlocul lacului Ctlui a fost

redescoperit de Gh.tefan dup ce a vzut fragmentele ceramice din vitrina 163,
sala XVIII a Muzeului de Istorie Natural, n urma unor periegheze succesive
(tefan 1925 : 138). Primele cercetri au fost ntreprinse de Gh.Stefan n 1925, iar
n vara aceluiai an Direcia Muzeului Naional de Antichiti hotra deschiderea
unui antier pentru practicarea de cercetri arheologice sistematice (Dumitrescu
1993: 50). Vladimir Dumitrescu i Silvia Marinescu-Blcu au efectuat spturi
arheologice intre anii 1962 i 1968 (Dumitrescu 1986: 73).
Ostrovelul avea o forma aproape circular cu un diametru pe direcia E-V de 65
m si N-S de 70 m (tefan 1925: 138). In vara anului 1999, nivelul foarte sczut al
lacului Ctlui, datorat unei secete prelungite a permis culegerea de materiale
arheologice de la suprafaa solului i n special din ruptura malului vestic al insulei
(Fig.1). Cercetrile anterioare puseser n eviden o concentrare neobinuit de
statuete la marginea estic a tell-ului (Andreescu 2002: 14).
*

Muzeul Dunrii de jos, Clrai. e-mail: coslogeni@yahoo.com

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Fig.1 Harta cu descoperirea fortuit de plastic de pe Ostrovel-Cscioarele.

n acest articol prezentm descoperirile fortuite de plastic gumelniean.
A.Reprezentri antropomorfe
Lotul de piese este compus din patru statuete fragmentare din lut, un capac si
o statuet de os.
1. Statuet de os, din care lipseste capul si o parte din braul drept reprezint
un personaj feminin (Fig. 2). Piesa a fost lucrat dintr-un os plat, dar cu grosimi
variind ntre 0,5 si 0,8 mm. Nr.inv. 40 012. Statueta este puternic lustruita. La
partea inferioar a corpului, sexul este redat printr-o incizie adnc i uor rombic.
Remarcm poziia nefireasc a sexului reprezentat n partea superioar a cavitii
abdominale. Ombilicul este marcat printr-o adncitur conic. Deasupra sexului se
afl un grup de 9 gropie incizate, 5 pe o parte i 4 pe cealalt latur a rombului.
Picioarele sunt reprezentate cu coapsele arcuite i genunchii uor ndoii. Ele sunt
aproape desprite de o scobitur pronunat pn la individualizarea membrelor
inferioare. Pe gambe, sub sex sunt cte 5 iruri de adncituri pe fiecare picior, de o
parte i cealalta a liniei despritoare, 2 rnduri a cte 5 gropie, urmate n jos de
cte un rnd de 4 gropie i 2 rnduri a cte 3 adncituri. Braele sunt marcate
prin dou prelungiri de form trapezoidal, cu perforaii la capete. Terminaia
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braului drept este rupt din vechime, asemeni capului. De remarcat, grosimea si
limea gtului (1,00 x 0,5 cm), datorate conformatiei osului din care a fost
confectionata piesa, argument important pentru susinerea ipotezei unei
fragmentariti intenionate a capului i a braului drept. Spatele este plat,
omoplaii fiind marcai prin dou adncituri conice, iar zona ezutului prin dou
crestturi orizontale, dispuse perpendicular pe linia despritoare a picioarelor.
Gambele de la genunchi in jos sunt marcate printr-o grosime mai accentuat a
osului (0,8 cm) i prin schimbarea unghiului conturului, n sensul ngrorii zonei
genunchiului.
Inlimea statuetei este de 9 cm, limea maxim n dreptul oldurilor 4,3 cm,
iar limea braelor 3,4 cm. Grosimea osului din care a fost confecionat piesa
este de 0,6-0,8 cm
Piesa a fost lucrat dintr-un os de bour i are puternice urme de lustruire. De
remarcat, reutilizarea statuetei i dup fragmentarea ritual a capului i a
terminaiei braului drept, fapt dovedit prin polizarea i lustruirea urmelor rmase
n urma rupturii.

Fig.2 Statuet de os.

Fig.3 Statueta de lut reprezentnd un personaj

n poziie de orant (?).

2. Statueta din lut reprezentnd un personaj n poziie de orant (?) cu braele

ntinse lateral i antebraul stng ndreptat n sus (Fig.3). Capul este triunghiular n
seciune, modelat sumar prin ciupire, cu nasul preominent prelungit nainte. Gtul
este gros (1,6 cm). Snii sunt redai prin dou pastile modelate neglijent. Spatele
este plat, lustruit, iar partea inferioar este rupt din vechime. Statueta a fost
nmuiat ntr-o baie de angob subire, iar arderea a fost neuniform de la cenuiu
deschis spre negru. Spatele este plat. Inlimea piesei este de 4,3 cm, limea
maxim 5,2 cm, grosimea corpului 1,4 cm. Nr.inv. 40 013.
3. Cap discoidal din lut cu zona urechilor mult lit i cu 3 perforaii
neregulate dispuse de-o parte i cealalta (Fig. 4). Nasul este proeminent cu ochii
redai nu prin incizii, ci prin dou protuberane dispuse orizontal. Cretetul capului
este puternic marcat. Gura este spat sub nas i subliniat de un ir de 5 gurele
dispuse orizontal. Arderea s-a fcut neuniform de la gri la negru.
Dimensiuni: 3,8 x 4 cm. Grosime 27 cm Nr.inv. 40.014
4. Piciorul drept al unei statuete feminine din lut pe care se mai poate observa
o parte din triunghiul sexual incizat (Fig. 5). Angoba aplicat are urme de lustruire.
Talpa piciorului este plat. Seciunea piesei este oval. Arderea a fost uniform la
brun-cenuiu.
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Fig.4 Cap discoidal din lut.

al unei statuete feminine

Fig.5 Piciorul drept

din lut.

5. Statuet eznd n ipostaza canonului plastic al conductorului de

car(Fig.6-7). Pasta are ca degresant fragmente mici de scoic i chiar de pietricele

de calcar. Capul este discoidal cu urechile mult lite i prevzute cu perforaii

dispuse n ir vertical, 3 pe partea dreapta i 2 pe stnga. Nasul este reprezentat
sub forma de cioc de pasare. Gtul este masiv, dar modelat unitar cu trupul.
Gtul are forma circular i este mpodobit cu un irag de mrgele sub forma unui
ir orizontal de 4 adncituri. Piesa a fost ars neuniform la brun-glbui, iar pe
partea stng a capului i a piciorului se observ urme de ardere secundar.
Braele i piciorul stng au fost rupte din vechime. Umrul braului stng este mai
ridicat sugernd o anumit gestualitate. ntreaga poziie a corpului cabrat denot o
anumit dinamic i chiar ncordare. Scaunul este aplicat i lipit de partea
posterioar a trupului, fiind de form elipsoidal.
Dimensiuni: 9 cm lungime, 7,5 cm nlime, 3,4 cm lime. Nr inv. 39.198.
Acelai canon a fost identificat n descoperirile de la Sultana (Marinescu-Blcu, Ionescu
1967: 35, Pl.XI/1a-b; XX/3) i Cscioarele (Andreescu 2002: Pl.37/3-4; V/9).

Fig.6 a, b, c, d.. Statueta lut eznd conductor de car(?)-desen.

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Fig.7 1. Descoperirea fortuit; 2-3 descoperiri anterioare.

B. Reprezentari zoomorfe
1. Coarne de consacrare Pandantiv din lut sub forma unor coarne de
consacrareavnd o baz comun i dispuse nV. Partea inferioar este netezit
i prezint o perforaie circular pentru prindere sau atrnare. Arderea s-a fcut la
galben-crmiziu. Dimensiuni: 1,9 x 1,8 x 1 cm. Nr.inv. 40.071.
2. Statueta zoomorfa reprezentnd un bovideu (?).Ardere uniform la bruncastaniu. Dimensiuni: 8,6 x 3,9 cm. Nr.inv.40.016

Fig.9 Statuet zoomorf de lut

Fig.8 Pandantiv de lut

- Coarne de consacrare

C. Mobilier.
1. Scaun-tron (?) cu podimul albiat. Lipsete speteaza i picioarele ovale n
seciune. Angoba de foarte bun calitate aplicat uniform. Arderea s-a efectuat la
brun-castaniu. Dimensiuni: 3,7 x 3,5 x 1,3 cm. Nr.inv. 40.049.

Fig.10 Scaun-tron (?).

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Observaii
Dei o interpretare concluziv este inoportun raportat la numrul redus de
piese descoperite fortuit, cteva observaii sunt totui necesare.
1. Toate piesele au fost descoperite n acelai loc situat n zona de vest a
aezrii gumelniene de pe Ostrovel, mpreun cu fragmente mari de vatr.
2. Statuetele antropomorfe prezint urme clare de fragmentare intenionat,
dar condiiile fortuite ale descoperirii nu ne permit s punem n discuie o
rupere ritual a anumitor pri ale trupului sau capului.
3. Piesele se ncadreaz n canoanele plasticii gumelniene.
Bibliografie:
Andreescu, R. R. 2002. Plastica antropomorf gumelniean, Bucureti.
Bailey, D.W. 2002. A new perspective on Neolithic figurines. Cultur i Civilizaie la
Dunrea de Jos XIX: 87-95.
Chapman, J. 2000. Fragmentation in archaeology: People, places and broken
objects in the prehistory of South Eastern Europe. New York.
Dumitrescu, Vl. 1965. Principalele rezultate ale primelor dou campanii de spturi
din aezarea neolitic trzie de la Cscioarele. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie
Veche XVI (2): 215 238.
Dumitrescu, Vl. 1986. Stratigrafia aezrii-tell de pe Ostrovelul de la Cscioarele.
Cultur i Civilizaie la Dunrea de Jos II: 73-81.
Dumitrescu, Vl. 1993. Oameni i cioburi, Clrai.
Marinescu-Blcu, S., Ionescu, B. 1967. Catalogul sculpturilor eneolitice din Muzeul
Raional Oltenia, Sibiu.
Marinescu-Blcu, S. 2002. A few observation on the internal organization of
Gumelnia communities on Lake Ctlui Islet. Cultur i Civilizaie la Dunrea
de Jos XIX: 147-153.
tefan, Gh. 1925. Les fouilles de Cscioarele. Dacia II: 138-197.
Ucko, P. 1968. Anthropomorphic figurines of Predynastic Egipt and neolithic Crete,
with comparative material from the Prehistoric Near East and Mainland Grecee.
Royal Anthropological Institute Occasional Paper 24. London: 95-117.

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STOILKA TERZIJSKA-IGNATOVA*

NEWLY FOUND BONE FIGURINES AT TELL

YUNATSITE, PAZARDZHIK REGION, BULGARIA

Abstract: Tell-ul de la Yunatsite (regiunea Pazardzhik) se afl n partea de vest a Traciei. Spturile
arheologice au debutat n 1939 sub conducerea lui V. Mikov i au continuat pn n anul 1976.
Stratigrafia are 9 m i cuprinde depuneri aparinnd: eneoliticului, bronzului timpuriu, epoca fierului,
perioada roman i epoc medieval. n ultimele trei campanii arheologice din acest sit, echipa de
cercetare greco-bulgar a continuat cercetarea nivelului I, aparinnd eneoliticului final din Bulgaria.
Tell-ul de la Yunatsite se afl n zona de contact dintre complexul cultural Krivodol Slcua Bubani i
complexul Kodjadermen Gumelnia Karanovo VI. n timpul acestor spturi au fost descoperite 8
figurine de os, care fac obiectul prezentului articol. Din punct de vedere tipologic, acestea aparin celor
trei tipuri de figurine cunoscute: prismatice, plate i convexe. Doar una dintre acestea este ntreag,
restul fiind fragmentare.
Keywords: eneolithic, Krivodol-Slcutsa-Bubani complex, Kodjadermen-Gumelnia-Karanovo VI
complex, bone figurines.

Tell Yunatsite is situated in the western part of Upper Thrace, near the village
of Yunatsite, Pazardzhik region. It is a multi layer settlement and was inhabited
during several millennia from the Chalcolithic till the Late Middle ages. The tell
was first excavated in 1939 by V. Mikov ( 1940) and since 1976 regular
archaeological excavations were made there1. The thickness of the layers is about
9 m and until now layer A (Iron age, Roman and Mediaeval periods) (,
. 1995), layer (17 Early Bronze age I-III levels) were excavated.
The excavation of layer B (Chalcolithic) is in process.
In the recent 3 seasons the Bulgarian-Greek team excavating at the tell2,
continued the investigations at level I (dated to phase 3 of the Late Chalcolithic in
Bulgaria) in the SE sector of the site, and in the NE sector started the excavation
of level II, which was reached in the previous seasons (, ,
-, 2004). Among the numerous finds the recent
excavations yielded new bone figurines which enriched the collection of bone finds
from the tell (- 2000; Terzijska-Ignatova 2003)
I am motivated to publish a preliminary report on these new finds on one the
hand for the reason that they provide new data on the matter we recorded a
new type of flat bone figurine from Tell Yunatsite, we still follow elements, which
were part of the local tradition, and we have grounds to revise statements related
to the bone figurines existing in the literature. On the other hand, the observations
on the bone figurines compliment the various influence on pottery, clay figurines
and the rest of level I and level II finds, which have been already noticed by the
*

Regional Museum of History, Pazardzhik, Bulgaria. e-mail ignatovatoni@yahoo.com.

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excavators. These observations made on the material excavated at Tell Yunatsite,

a site which is situated in the contact zone between the Chalcolithic assemblages
Krivodol Slcutsa Bubani (KSB) and Kodzhadermen Gumelnitsa Karanovo
VI (KGKVI), are of special importance for the cultural interrelations between the
two assemblages.
The bone figurines are among the most common finds yielded by the
Chalcolithic sites along the Lower Danube River. A number of Bulgarian and
Romanian archaeologists have published bone figurines from various sites or
general studies on the anthropomorphic figurines including classifications of the
bone figurines ( 1908; 1934; Dumitrescu 1938; 1950;
Coma 1975; Coma 1979; 1978; 1980; 1992;
Andreescu 2002; in print).
All the three types of bone figurines have been found at Tell Yunatsite three
edged, flat and convex (- 2000). The new find includes 2 three
edged and 6 flat figurines, only one of them is complete and the rest are
fragmented.
The three edged figurines were made in the traditional way the head was
shaped by three intersected surfaces, a parietal and two facial ones. There is a
short incised horizontal line on one of the figurines representing the mouth (Fig.1).
It is 4.3 cm high and was found in a house area from level 1. The second figurine
is a bigger one, its height is 8 cm and its surface is polished (Fig.1). It is important
to notice that the latter comes from the grave of a 7 years old child. Among the
published three edged bone figurines it is the first one which is probably a grave
good.
Among the newly found flat bone figurines (FBF) there are two almost
complete pieces (Fig.1/ 2); one figurine with a head and torso preserved (Fig.1/ 4)
and two figurines with the lower part preserved (Fig.1/3, 5). A fragment which is
difficult to define is preserved from the last figurine found; horizontal lines are
incised on the lower part of the fragment (Fig.1/ 7).
Figurine N 1 and N 2 belong to the unornamented (or unfinished) flat
figurines (subtype I.1 after Boyadzhiev, without any signs) (, in print).
Figurine N 1 was found in a house area of level II and figurine N 2 - in a house of
level I. Y. Boyadzhiev comments that some specialists regard this type as the latest
( 1908: 34) but others consider it the earliest ( 1934: 207;
1950: 29; 1981: 62). The author thinks that this type of
figurines appeared at the end of the Middle Chalcolithic and existed during the
entire period of the Late Chalcolithic. However, P. Georgiev regards all
unornamented flat figurines unfinished and that they should not be united in a
separate type ( 1978). This opinion is reasonably questioned by N. Popov
who notices that only a part of the unornamented figurines was in a process of
making ( 1992: 21). In my opinion the finds from Tell Yunatsite support this
statement - 2000: 267). Among them there are figurines with
unfinished decoration (Terzijska-Ignatova 2003: tab. 1 2) as well as ones with a
precisely shaped body with no other signs or ornaments on them but with holes
made i. e. they had already been prepared to be worn on a string around the
neck (Terzijska-Ignatova 2003: tab. 1 1; tab. 2 1). Another group of the figurines
are irregularly shaped, unskillfully made, clumsily decorated and with incisions on
the spots where small holes or depressions were usually made (Terzijska-Ignatova
2003: 128). Actually, there is such incision on the haunch of figurine N 2. My
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Fig.1 Bone figurines found at tell Yunatsite.

explanation related to these figurines is that they also were in use but were not
made by a specialist. As H. Todorova has already pointed out the figurines from
Golyamo Delchevo are highly artistic pieces, made by talented sculptors and they
existed together with very schematic effigies which could have been made by any
inhabitant of the village ( 1975: 104). Because of their restricted skills,
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the people who made these figurines used simple ways to make them (e. g.
incisions instead of holes) though they stuck to the general rule of making the
effigy.
Main classification principle used by all authors who studied FBF, is the shape
and the decoration on the lower part of the figurine. For that reason figurine N 4
could not be related to any of the main types. However, it should be pointed out
that figurines having similar way of shaping the head and the torso have been
found in many sites from the region of KGKVI assemblage and Varna culture
Bikovo, Strashimirovo, Varna, Balbunar, Ruse, Djadovo, Smyadovo, Hotnitsa,
Cascioarele, Sultana, Vidra, etc.
The preserved parts of the last two figurines published in this paper are the
best illustration of the fact that there are figurines belonging to two different types,
yielded by two different levels of Tell Yunatsite. Figurine N 5 was found in a level 1
house and belongs to type IV 1 after Boyadzhiev3 it is ornamented by incised
lines, the legs are not separated but the genitals are marked. The lumbar
depressions and shallow horizontal incisions are marked on the back. The
decoration consisting of incised horizontal and oblique lines is usually found on
figurines having leaf-shaped lower part (Gnilyane, Racheva mogila, Ruen, Krivodol,
Kapitan Dimitrievo, Gradeshnitsa)( in print). It is typical for the figurines
from Yunatsite that this ornament is found on figurines with leaf-shaped as well as
on figurines with trapezoid lower part and also on figurines with and without
marked genitals (Terzijska-Ignatova 2003: Tab. 1 9; Tab. 1 5, 7, 8). The statement
that most of the figurines, which came from level 1, display characteristic features
typical for Krivodol culture is being confirmed (Terzijska-Ignatova 2003: 128). The
fact that figurines with incised decoration have been found in other sites within the
region of KGKVI assemblage confirms cultural interrelations between them.
Figurine N 3 was found in a house area of level 2. It belongs to type III 3 after
Boyadzhiev. It is a very important find because it is the first one found at Tell
Yunatsite with very well shaped separated legs and a decoration consisting of
shallow depressions (Terzijska-Ignatova 2003). FBF of this type are very common
and typical for the last phase of the Late Chalcolithic. They are common for the
region of KGKVI assemblage (mainly in North Bulgaria but they have been found in
Thrace as well) ( in print). In some cases there is an attempt for a more
realistic representation of the feet of the figurine (Chekendin, Ruse, Lovets,
Hotnitsa) as it is the case with the Yunatsite figurine.
As I have already mentioned, the preliminary observations on levels I and II
pottery and the finds, the excavators at Tell Yunatsite recorded features typical for
the two Late Chalcolithic assemblages KGKVI and KSBH. Since the site is situated
in the contact zone between them such situation is quite logical. However, I have
to mention that elements typical for Krivodol culture prevail in the final level I.
Bowls with two vertical handles, knobbed handles and red and yellow painted
decoration similar to the ones in Krivodol culture are found in level 2 pottery but
the main bulk of the pottery is typical for Karanovo VI culture. Various types of
dishes and bowls are most common. The decoration consists of channeling,
graphite painting and various combinations of those two. The number of the large
grain storage vessels increases compared to level I and incised decoration forming
metopes comes to use together with the rusticated surface (, ,
- 2003). These observations are supported by others related to
the anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines (Terzijska-Ignatova 2004) and also
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by the newly found FBF. They refute the opinion that one and the same level of
the sites having well-defined sequence has not yielded various types of FBF
( 1950: 27). Such situation has been observed not only at Tel Yunatsite but
also at Hotnitsa, Sadievo, etc. ( 1997: . III; , -
1993: . I).
Notes
1.
2.
3.

From 1976 to 1982 the Project directors of the excavations were R. Katincharov and V.
Matsanova. In 1982-2000 a Bulgarian-Russian team, headed by Prof. N. Y. Merpert (the
Russian part of the team) was doing excavations.
Y. Boyadzhiev, I. Aslanis, S. Terzijska-Ignatova and V. Matsanova are team leaders of the
Bulgarian-Greek team.
In his classification Boyadzhiev divides FBF to four types with several subtypes: type I FBF
without marking (unfinished); type II FBF whose lower part is marked at the place of the
genitals (they could be with legs that are separated or not separated); type III FBF whose
lower part bears markings of anatomic features other than the genitals (they have compact
lower part with separated and well formed legs ); type IV FBF with significance of the
ornament of the lower body the ornament consisting of incised lines possibly representing
clothing (some of those have the genitals marked ) (Boyadzhiev in print).

References
Andreescu, R. R. 2002. Plastica Antropomorf Gumelniean. Analiz primar,
Bucureti.
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Coma, E. 1975. Tipologie et signification des figurines anthropomorphes
neolithiques du territoire Roumain. Valcamonica Symposium72, ASIRP, Capo
di Ponte: 143-152.
Coma, E. 1979. Les figurines en os appartenant a la phase moyenne de la culture
Gumelnita. Dacia N.S. XIII: 69-77.
Dumitrescu, Vl. 1938. Les figurines anthropomorphes en du Sud-Est de IEurope
pendant la periode eneolithique. Revue International des Etudes Balkaniques
3: 371-382.
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, B. 1934. .
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Communication, vol. I II, BAR International Series 1139: 125-129.
Terzijska-Ignatova, S. 2004. Late Chalcolithic Zoomorphs from Tell Yunatsite. In
Nikolov, V., Kalchev, P., Bachvarov, K. (eds) Prehistoric Thrace , Sofia Stara
Zagora: 379-390.
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VALENTINA VOINEA *

GESTURI I SEMNIFICAII N ARTA

GUMELNIEAN

Abstract: This article represents an analyse of the antropomorphe plastic gestures from Gumelnita
culture.Beeing immortalized in art creations the gestures suggest by their universality, a religious
message. More than symbols, gestures allow a better understanding of the religious feelings, because
of the simple logic that determines us to consider the first ones necessary in the definition of symbols.
The hands position indicates the way and the proportion of the gesture. The palms orientation through
exterior marks the opening, the searching for creative energies- all beeing involved in the Divine
invocation. When the represented character is God him self, the openings way changes its course
overflowing the creative power. When arms are orientated through the subject on the abdomen or
under the thies- the energy closes, the character himself carrying and generateing energy - God,
ancesters, priests. In this case the position of the thoughtfull man appears like an intermediary phase
or like a germination action. There are at least 7 cultured themes expressed in the Gumelnita cultures
plastic. Aware of the religious fields complexity and of the research gaps, especially concerning the
archaeologycal context, we try to create new hypothesis and new questions. We also tried from
practical matters to define the gestures types by themes capable to synthesize their meaning. No
matter the given message, all these gestures indicate a life too complex and complicate which raises a
lot of questions.
Keywords: enolithic, Gumelnia culture, anthropomorphic figurens, signs and meanings of figurines.

naintea cuvntului scris, gndurile au fost exprimate simplu, prin gesturi i

sunete armonioase, vibraia interioar, specific fiinei umane, nscnd un limbaj
universal. Indiferent de spaiu sau timp, aceleai gesturi nsoesc orice form de
comunicare uman. Cnd au aprut acestea? Geneza lor coboar n timp tot mai
mult, nu ntmpltor multe dintre gesturile metamorfozate n simboluri fiind
asociate miturilor ontologice. Decodificarea lor, n limitele unor argumente
pertinente, credem c ar trebui s reprezinte un imperativ n cercetarea
arheologic, mai ales pentru domeniul preistoriei. Majoritatea studiilor referitoare la
arta preistoric se rezum la serii tipologice stabilite n funcie de criteriul
morfologic. Dei descoperirile analizate acoper un mic segment cronologic (faz,
subfaz) sau o microregiune (facies, aspect cultural mixt), concluziile se vor legiti
pentru un spaiu imens sau se reduc la teoria universal valabil a Zeiei Mam. Mai
grav, chiar i aceste ncercri trunchiate de interpretare au fost privite cu
scepticism sau cu superioritatea celui care se mulumete s reduc descoperirea
arheologic la un limbaj mort. Pruden sau ignoran?1
Exist, ns, sinteze recente care au depit aceste limite de interpretare.
Criteriile variate de clasificare cronologic, morfologic, tematic folosite primar2,
n sensul unei interpretri preliminare moderate (Andreescu 2001, 2002) sau
*

Muzeul de Istorie Naional i Arheologie, Constana. e-mail: vialia_rahela@yahoo.fr.

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sintetizate n mari teme religioase3, stabilite pe baza simbolurilor comune cu

marile mituri antice (Monah 1992, 1997; Ursulescu 2001), au permis surprinderea
unei viei religioase complexe, dincolo de obsedanta tem a Zeiei Mam. Mergnd
mai departe, n cutarea tririlor primare imortalizate n plastica preistoric, D.
Bailey propune un experiment deosebit de interesant: figurinele tridimensionale
privite n desfurarea lor prind via (Bailey 2002). Indiferent de subiectul
reprezentat de artist, efectul vizual al statuariei asupra psihicului uman rmne
acelai. Imaginile percepute din diferite unghiuri se confrunt la nivel mintal,
determinnd fluctuaii ntre nelegerea complet i incomplet a piesei/scenei de
cult. De aceea, dinamica reprezentrilor tridimensionale implic mai mult
privitorul, dezvoltnd starea de nelinite mistic. n acest context nelegem de ce
artistul preistoric a preferat reprezentarea tridimensional, ajungnd deseori la
adevrate regizri sub forma scenelor de cult - ca cea de la Ovarovo (Todorova
et al. 1983) sau ca cele de la Sabatinovka II, Poduri (Monah 1997), Ghelieti
(Cuco 1993), Buznea (Mihai, Boghian 1985; Boghian, Mihai 1987), Dumeti
(Maxim-Alaiba 1987), Isaiia (Ursulescu 2001) din complexul cultural CucuteniTripolje.
*

De ce gesturi ? Imortalizate n operele de art, gesturile conserv cel mai bine,

prin universalitatea lor, mesajul religios. S-a spus c naintea cuvntului au existat
simbolurile (Bancompagni 2004: 11), dar mai mult dect simbolurile, gesturile
permit nelegerea sentimentelor religioase deoarece micarea trupului este vocea
sufletului iar gestul este ca o scriere imediat comprehensibil i fr
ambiguitate. (Schmitt 1998: 88, 353). Dac am urmri succesiunea n timp a celor
dou gesturi i simboluri - logica simpl ne determin se le considerm pe
primele anterioare, absolut necesare pentru definirea simbolurilor. n fapt, de cele
mai multe ori simbolul copiaz la nceput limbajul gesturilor, iar mai trziu l
simplific, l codific ntr-o form abstract, cea iniial fiind, n timp, cu greu
perceput. Pe msura schematizrii grafice, sensul devine complex, mboginduse cu noi semnificaii.
Spre exemplificare ne vom opri la simbolul folosit cel mai mult de-a lungul
timpului, indiferent de sistemul religios care l-a adoptat simbolul crucii. Cum am
putea explica frecvena acestui simbol, sub diferite variante, cu multe milenii
naintea cretinismului ? Legtura dintre gestul invocrii Divinitii, prin simpla
ridicare a braelor i cruce o regsim redat metaforic ntr-una dintre cele mai
frumoase definiii:

Crucea, geometric i simbolic vorbind, e semnul ntretierii celor dou planuri,

e unirea dintre spiritual i material, e metafora dublei noastre naturi:
duhovniceasc i pmntean. Ea ne rezum, ne recapituleaz, ne reprezint
grafic i cardinal (s.n.), ne expune n dubla paradoxala, perpendiculara,
fundamentala noastr solemn i derizorie situaie de fptur care ine
deopotriv de lume i de cer. () Pe cruce s-au unit dumnezeirea i omenirea
indisolubil i s-a pecetluit ndumnezeirea fpturii (Steinhardt 2000: 270, 272).

Cele dou direcii vertical i orizontal marcheaz unitatea universului,

legtura dintre Divin i profan, dup cum a scris i Sf. Maxim Mrturisitorul Prin

linia vertical, Crucea l arat pe Dumnezeu,iar prin linia orizontal se arat toat
zidirea (Dumnezeu i Omul 2001: 25-26).
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Fig.1
Neolitic Recent Cipru.

Fig.2
Podgoria Cetuia.

Fig.3
Mriua.

Motivul crucii apare, n diferite variante nc din neo-eneolitic:

stlpul vertical - axis mundi (crux simplex) sub form de coloane Cscioarele (Dumitrescu 1970) - sau stlpii decorai cu bucranii - atal
Hyk (Neolithic in Turkey 1999: 134, Fig.4; Clamagirand 2004: Fig.5);
motivul tau (crux commissa) reprezentat de cele trei diademe miniaturale
de aur descoperite n mormintele simbolice de la Varna mormintele cu
masc M2, M3 (Macht 1988: 56-57, 77, 186, 188, Abb.26, Abb.27, Abb.40,
Kat.2/2, Kat.3/2) i mormntul cu sceptru M36 (Macht 1988: 70, 197,
Abb.36, Kat.12/13); stlpii de piatr n forma literei tau din sanctuarul de
la Nevali ori (12+2 stlpi - nivel III; 13 + 2 stlpi - nivel II) (Hauptmann
1999a: 74-75; 1999b: 50-51, 53, Fig.22, Fig.23-24, Fig.30);
motivele grafice X (crux decussa), + (crux immissa), dar mai ales zvastica
(crux gammata), preferate pentru decorarea suprafeelor circulare
(capace, strchini, platouri)4.
n motivistica oriental, att la brahmani ct i la buditi, zvastica simboliza
elementul vital, focul sacru, fora creatoare. Din acest form grafic, pstrnd
sensul originar, s-a dezvoltat, mai trziu, motivul mandalei. Ptratul central al
mandalei marca spaiul Forei Creatoare - Unu - de unde se mprtia i se
dezintegra Lumina spre marginile cercului, dup cele patru direcii cardinale, printro perpetu micare circular (Tucci 1995). Acelai motiv a fost preferat, cu mult
timp nainte, de olarii gumelnieni pentru decorarea suprafeelor circulare
strchini, platouri, capace. Simplu motiv decorativ sau simbol religios ? Privind
mandala pictat cu aur pe un platou de la Varna (mormntul M4) nelegem c
acest motiv a avut, dincolo de frumuseea realizrii artistice i o semnificaie
religioas (Le premier or 1989: 123, Cat. 219).
Considerate motive solare - zvastica, tetraskelion i mandala au fost la fel de
frecvente n arta daco-getic (Sanie 1999: 58, Pl.XX), celtic (Cunliffe 1996: 123)
sau pe ceramica rodian decorat n stil orientalizant (Mer ge grce des les
1979: 144-146, Cat.78-82). La egipteni, oranta i, mai trziu, crucea lui Isis (crux
ansata) nchipuiau dumnezeirea din om, venicul Ka (Popescu 2001: 74, 99-100).
n alfabetul ebraic, semnul tau,(+ sau X), desemna numele lui Yahve, iar
esenienii i primii iudeo-cretini, dup vechea tradiie iudaic, purtau pe frunte
semnul tau, ca simbol al celor alei de Dumnezeu (Ezechiel 9-4; Apocalipsa 14-1;
Danilou 1998: 125; Tristan 2002: 52-61)5.
Asociat cu numrul patru, crucea reprezenta grafic universalitatea,
plenitudinea, punctele cardinale, fazele lunare, anotimpurile (Boncompagni 2004:
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59). Patru figurine au compus scena de cult de la Ovarovo i tot patru figurine
ntlnim n complexele rituale de la Ghelieti i Buznea. n mormntul de femeie
(preoteas ?) M626 din necropola Durankulak (Hamangia IIIa) s-au descoperit,
sub craniu, patru idoli dispui n cruce alturi de podoabe de cupru, malahit i
Spondylus (Todorova et al. 2002: 62; Tabl. 107).
* * *
Indiferent de genul sau stilul artistic preferat n plastica gumelniean, gesturile
trdeaz aceleai triri, aceleai semnificaii, aceleai atribute ale personajelor
mitice. Artistul gumelniean nu a vrut s impresioneze prin rigoare sau printr-o
redare ct mai fidel a realitii imediate. El i-a transpus n argil valorile
universului interior, recurgnd, deseori, la minimum de mijloace artistice. Expresia
strilor sufleteti a culminat ntr-o adevrat art a gestului, reprezentrile plastice,
realizate n cel mai autentic stil expresionist, devenind adevrate seismograme
ale nelinitilor mistice6. n acest context nelegem mai bine preferina pentru
forma tridimensional, cea care, dup cum aminteam anterior, surprinde cel mai
bine devenirea, procesele n faza germinativ. De aceea, asemnarea dintre
plastica gumelniean i sculpturile brncuiene nu este deloc ntmpltoare.
Cutnd firescul nceputurilor, Brncui a redat n sculpturi stri psihice
permanente, infinitive lungi meditaia, invocarea Divinitii, mbriarea
ndrgostiilor7.

Fig.4
Domnioara Pogany

Fig.5
Kubrat

Sfatul artistului privii-le pn cnd le vedei l considerm la fel de oportun i

pentru plastica gumelniean. De aceea, n analiza noastr, vom renuna la
criteriile morfologice i vom ncerca o decodificare a mesajului religios, pornind
de la limbajul gesturilor.
* * *
Poziia minilor indic sensul i amploarea gestului. Orientarea palmelor spre
exterior marcheaz deschiderea, cutarea energiilor creatoare, ca n cazul
orantei, a purttoarei de ofrande cu vas pe cap sau a dansatorului toi implicai
n ritualuri de invocare a Divinitii. Cnd personajul reprezentat nchipuie nsi
Divinitatea, sensul deschiderii se modific, devine o revrsare a puterii creatoare.
n cazul n care braele apar orientate spre subiect pe abdomen sau sub coaps
- energia se nchide, personajele fiind, ele nsele, generatoare sau posesoare de
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energie - diviniti, strmoi eroizai sau amani/preoi. n acest context, poziia

gnditorului ne apare ca o etap intermediar ntre cele dou stri, ca o
germinare a aciunii. Obiectele atinse de palme imprimate, modelate n
relief sau pictate - i modific starea iniial, fiind sfinite ca obiecte, spaii de
cult: amintim, n acest sens, vasele cu mini n relief de la Aldeni i Grditea
Ulmilor (Andreescu 2002: 78), stlpul central din edificiul de la Nevali ori/nivelul
III, decorat cu brae n relief (Hauptmann 1999a; Clamagirand 2004: 124) sau
amprenta roie a unei mini de copil, aplicat pe unul din snii Zeiei
Broasc(ulterior acoperit cu vopsea alb) de la atal Hyk (Clamagirand
2004: 126).
Orante. n cutarea energiei creatoare, naintea cuvntului cntat n rugciuni,
naintea lacrimilor picurate de emoie, sufletul se nal ntr-un elan ascendent prin
puterea minilor, omul i recunoate limitele cutnd fora deasupra, ntr-un plan
superior existenei sale. ntotdeauna, indiferent de coninutul doctrinelor religioase,
puterea suprem creatoare a fost localizat n naltul cerului. Prin urmare, ideea
unor credine neolitice exclusiv chtoniene nu poate fi dect rodul unei gndiri
materialiste pentru care sensul ideilor religioase a fost desacralizat dup relaia
agricultur smn Zei Mam teluric8. De altfel, o delimitare strict
chtonian - uranian pentru manifestrile religioase din neo-eneolitic, respectiv din
epoca bronzului trdeaz o analiz superficial, raportul dintre cele dou perioade
stabilindu-se pe baza unei comparaii sumare a simbolurilor religioase, fr o
nelegere a mesajului ascuns n ele. Gestul orantei, reprezentat prin mijloace
artistice variate statuaria, rond-bosse, relief simplu sau gravur marcheaz cel
mai clar sensul ascendent.
Ca i n cazul celorlalte culturi neo-eneolitice n plastica gumelniean
predomin orantele de tipul statuaria: figurine de dimensiuni mici, decorate cu
motive incizate sau pictate cu rou - sugernd, probabil, tatuajul9 - cel mai adesea
cu braele ntinse lateral, sub forma unor prelungiri, dispuse n dreptul umerilor.
Scena de cult de la Ovarovo trdeaz cel mai bine semnificaia acestor
reprezentri: siluetele celor patru orante se concentreaz ntr-un singur elan
ascendent, fr alte detalii anatomice. Greu de crezut c artistul figura patru
diviniti impersonale i le definea prin acelai gest. Piesele de cult descoperite n
locuina L.5 din tell-ul de la Ovarovo altrae, msue, vase - au fost
personalizate prin prezena acestor orante / adoratori (Todorova et al. 1983).

Fig.6. Scen de cult Ovarovo.

Gestul nlrii se amplific, n cazul vaselor cu brae tubulare, prin croiala
larg a mnecilor, asemenea unei cmi lungi realizat dintr-o singur urzeal10.
Aceeai mod a rochiilor largi, tip clopot, cu pliseuri marcate prin benzi incizate
sau pictate - o regsim n cazul statuetelor de tipul Janus Bifrons, cu vase pe cap i
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al siluetei pictate ntr-un stil naiv11 pe un model de locuin de la Slatino

(Chokadziev 1995; Le premier or 1989: 81, Cat.29).

Fig.7 Jilava.

Fig.8 Slatino.

Acelai gest este redat de siluetele antropomorfe schematice, modelate n

relief Gumelnia (Ionescu 1974), Drama (Macht 1988: Abb.200, Kat.174). Spre
deosebire de alte siluete antropomorfe aplicate sau incizate, la care reprezentarea
picioarelor apare asemenea unei imagini n oglind, n opoziie cu a braelor,
orantele au picioarele drepte fr alte detalii anatomice. Separarea celor dou
tipuri de reprezentri o considerm necesar deoarece mesajul transmis de ele
credem c a fost diferit siluetele n oglind, uneori dublate sau chiar suprapuse,
de cele mai multe ori reprezentate n grup, le asociem cu dansuri rituale, aceast
tem fiind, de altfel, larg rspndit n arta preistoric i asupra creia vom reveni
n analiza noastr.

Fig.9 Gumelnia.

Fig.10 Drama.

Pornind de la multitudinea formelor de redare a orantei, ntr-un studiu anterior,

sugeram o posibil nuanare a gestului ntre adorator / invocare - adorare i
Divinitate / binecuvntare cu energia creatoare (Voinea 2002). Dintre orantele
gumelniene, vasul antropomorf de la Sultana se difereniaz cel mai mult de tipul
comun. Prezena ochilor dubli, a protomelor de cornute pe linia diametrului maxim
se explic prin statutul superior al personajului divinitate sau strmo eroizat.
2. Tema purttoare de ofrande. Prin poziia braelor i vestimentaie,
reprezentrile antropomorfe cu vase pe cap, modelate ca suporturi Glina (Nestor
1933; Andreescu 2002: Pl. III/4, Pl.34/1), Cscioarele (Andreescu 2002: Pl.34/2),
Gumelnia (Marinescu-Blcu , Ionescu 1967: Pl.V/1a, 1b, Pl.VI/1; Dumitrescu,
Marinescu-Blcu 2001; Andreescu 2002: Pl.III/5, Pl.34/1), Vidra (Andreescu 2002:
Pl.III/3, Pl.35), Luncavia (O civilizaie necunoscut 2001) - sau ca vase - Hotnica
(Todorova 1979: Pl.33) -, se apropie de tipul orantelor cu brae tubulare. i cum
jertfele nsoeau orice form de comunicare cu Divinitatea, este posibil ca aceste
personaje s fi reprezentat adoratori, purttori de ofrande12. Dac le considerm
drept simple creaii artistice ale unor indivizi iubitori de frumos sau le ncadrm n
categoria ceramicii de uz comun, nseamn s neglijm aspecte, deloc minore.
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Fig.11 Sultana.
Tema personajelor cu vase pe cap depete cu mult arealul gumelniean:
alturi de piesa cucutenian de la Luka-Vrubleveckaja (Monah 1997: 161,
Fig.234/4) amintim o alt compoziie, mai puin cunoscut, descoperit n aezarea
Gilat (Chalcolithic siro-palestinian, regiunea Negev) - un personaj feminin, n
poziie eznd, sprijinind cu braul drept vasul aezat pe cap (Sacher Fox 1995:
213, Fig.1). Procentul sczut al acestui tip n raport cu alte categorii ceramice
exclude posibilitatea folosirii lui n activiti casnice obinuite, iar stilul de redare,
specific fiecrei culturi nltur bnuiala unor importuri. Pe de alt parte, calitatea
artistic nu a constituit un scop n sine. Att piesa modelat stngaci de la
Luncavia (nefinisat i fr elemente decorative), ct i opera de art de la Glina
au avut aceeai ntrebuinare cultic. Faptul c aceste piese jucau rolul principal n
desfurarea ceremonialurilor religioase ne este sugerat i de faa dubl a
personajului, de tipul Janus Bifrons Gumelnia, Cscioarele. Pn la teoria
dedublrii Divinitii, ntlnit n religiile structurate doctrinar, se poate presupune
un scenariu mult mai simplu: piesa central, cu fa dubl, era perceput la fel de
toi participanii dispui n jurul ei, indiferent de unghiul din care o priveau,
provocnd aceeai stare de druire. O alt soluie aleas pentru o mai bun
vizibilitate a fost suspendarea piesei de cult centrale, dup cum o demonstreaz
cele dou perforaii de pe braele suportului fragmentar de la Glina.

Fig.12 Glina.

Fig.13 Gumelnia.

Fig.14. Hotnica.

3. Tema dansului i muzicii sacre. Comuniunea pe orizontal ntre participani

se realiza i prin muzic i dans sacru; ntreaga comunitate de adoratori se
contopea ntr-o singur micare, fora invocrii Divinitii multiplicndu-se
echivalent cu numrul participanilor. Aceast armonie a trupurilor i sufletelor, a
materialului i imaterialului nltur orice individualizare (Schmitt 1998: 157)13.
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Impersonale, figurate dup un schematism rigid, dar cu sexul marcat, ele acoper,
cel mai adesea, zona central a strchinilor Plovdiv (Le premier or 1989: 83,
Cat.37), Azmaka Moghila (Radunceva 1976: Pl.52), Vitneti (Andreescu 2002:
Pl.60/1, 5), Ciolneti (Andreescu 2002: Pl.60/7). De ce aceast difereniere? Cheia
rspunsului o ofer piesa de la Vidra un phallus pe care a fost incizat o siluet
masculin, cu braele i picioarele ndoite (Andreescu 2002: Pl.12/7). Alturi de alte
practici magico-religioase, depuneri de ofrande14 sau ritualuri amanice15, sigur
dansurile sacre nsoeau i ritualurile de fertilitate.

Fig.15
Gumelnia.

Fig.16
Vidra.

Fig.17
Ciolneti.

Fig.18
Azmaska Moghila.

Din cortegiul ritualurilor religioase nu puteau lipsi cntreii. La fel ca i

gesturile, muzica transpune cel mai simplu, emoia uman, fiind considerat un
limbaj universal.16 n lipsa minilor, gura dobndete o for de exprimare
extraordinar, indiferent de stilul adoptat: schematic Vidra (O civilizaie
necunoscut 2001) - sau realist Vodica (Macht 1988: 239, Abb.179, Kat.101).
ntlnim aceeai idee de deschidere exprimat, ns, prin mimica feei.

Fig.20 Vodica.

Fig.19 Vidra.

4. Tema gnditorului. Poate mai mult dect oricare alt tem din iconografia
neo-eneolitic, motivul gnditorului exprim cel mai bine nelinitea mistic,
cutrile omului preistoric. Atitudinea meditativ, ca o germinare a unei viitoare
aciuni, magistral sugerat prin simpla ridicare a braului n dreptul brbiei, anim
att Divinitatea, ca n cazul Zeiei de la Sultana (Marinescu-Blcu, Ionescu 1967:
30-31, Pl.IX-X; Andreescu 2002: Pl.VI/4), ct i personaje minore (strmoi eroizai
?), modelate neglijent, uneori reprezentnd simple motive n relief, aplicate pe
vase Vidra (Andreescu 2002: Pl.37/5), Cscioarele (Andreescu 2002: Pl.31/2),
Glina (Andreescu 2002: Pl.7/7), Dolnoslav (Macht 1988: 230, Abb.165, Kat.66),
Drama (Macht 1988: 248, Abb.191, Kat.158). Universala tem a gnditorului17 nu
trdeaz nimic din acea fric, pe seama creia istoricii marxiti explicau geneza
sentimentului religios! Participante la ritualurile magico-religioase, dup cum o
demonstreaz gnditoarea din ansamblu de cult de la Poduri - (Cucuteni 1997:
109, Cat.12) aceste piese aveau o valoare cultic.
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Fig.21 Sultana.

Fig.22 Dolnoslav.

Fig.23 Drama.

Gnditorilor le asociem i categoria de figurine cu braele ncruciate, n

poziie stnd sau eznd, asexuate sau personaje feminine, toate n atitudine
meditativ Brilia (Andreescu 2002: Pl.11/1), Sultana (Andreescu 2002: Pl.31/3).
5. Tema Matroanei. Personajele feminine nude, cu abdomenul
supradimensionat i braele aezate pe pntec, ntr-un gest protector, indiferent
de modalitatea de redare artistic, figurine - Cscioarele (Andreescu 2002: Pl.9/6,
Pl.17/3, Pl.18/2, Pl.24/2), Geangoieti (Andreescu 2002: Pl.17/2) - sau vase
antropomorfe Vidra (Andreescu 2002: Pl. VI/1), Sultana (Marinescu-Blcu,
Ionescu 1967: Pl.V, XIX; Andreescu 2002: Pl.56/3, Pl.VII/2), Stara Zagora (Macht
1988: 235, Abb.3, Kat.81) - au fost identificate cu Zeia Mam Matroan,
simbolul forei creatoare universale. Totui, i n cazul acestei categorii se impune
o nuanare. Aminteam anterior c direcia braelor determin sensul micrii,
palmele ntoarse spre corp marcnd nchiderea energiei, fora intrinsec. Prin
urmare personajele rednd acest gest sunt purttoare de energie. Deloc
ntmpltor, cele mai mari i mai reuite reprezentri modelate sub forma vaselor
de cult, descriu gestul matroanei; elementele de vestimentaie lipsesc, totul
reducndu-se la motive incizate (Vidra) sau pictate (Sultana, Stara Zagora). Un alt
detaliu important, n cazul vaselor cu faa modelat (Sultana, Stara Zagora), l
reprezint ochii hipertrofiai - simbol al Divinitii18.

Fig.24 Brilia.
De aceea, credem c vasele antropomorfe de tipul matroanei ofer imaginea
Divinitii n plenitudinea ei, ca generatoare de energie. Nu trebuie, ns,
supradimensionate atributele Matroanei, ajungndu-se la unica Zei Mam. S-ar
omite un aspect deloc neglijabil: aceeai poziie a braelor, cu palmele aezate
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deasupra zonei ombilicale o regsim pe vasul antropomorf de la Mgura Jilavei,

pentru care sexul masculin a fost clar marcat (Andreescu 2002: Pl.VI/3). Cum am
putea explica acest gest, varianta anterioar matroan - fiind clar exclus?
Reprezentarea unor diviniti sau personaje eroizate (att feminine ct i
masculine) pe vasele de cult era menit s duc la sfinirea coninutului prin
transmiterea energiei pozitive. Convingtoare sau nu, propunerea noastr de
interpretare se vrea o replic la unica, venica Zei Mam!

Fig.25 Zeia de la Vidra.

Fig.26 Mgura Jilavei.

6. Jurmntul sub femore (?). Ideea prezenei unor personaje masculine

diviniti sau eroi n ritualurile religioase ale comunitilor gumelniene ne este
ntrit i de vasul antropomorf de la Gabarevo un personaj masculin cu braul
stng sprijinit pe centura modelat n relief, decorat cu linii incizate oblice i braul
drept, spart din vechime, ndreptat spre phallus (Macht 1988: 235, Abb.14, Kat.82;
Le premier or 1989: 88, Cat.62). Dincolo de conotaiile sexuale ale imaginii redate,
interpretrile ulterioare ale aceluiai gest ne pot sugera un sens mult mai complex
jurmntul sub femore19. Dou episoade din Vechiul Testament rein acest gest,
dndu-i o valoare genealogic. Primul se refer la jurmntul depus de slujitorul
credincios al lui Avraam cu privire la alegerea soiei lui Isaac:
Geneza 24: 2 - 4
2. Avraam a zis celui mai btrn rob din casa lui, care era ngrijitorul tuturor
averilor lui: Pune-i te rog, mna subt coapsa mea;
3 i te voi pune s juri, pe Domnul, Dumnezeul cerului i Dumnezeul
pmntului, c nu vei lua fiului meu o nevast dintre fetele Cananiilor, n mijlocul
crora locuiesc,
4. ci te vei duce n ara i la rudele mele s iei nevast fiului meu Isaac.

Convins de fgduina Lui Dumnezeu cu privire la Canaan ara Fgduinei,

Iacov i cere fiului su Iosif, prin jurmntul suprem, s-l asigure c va fi
nmormntat departe de Egipt, alturi de prinii si n petera Macpela:

Genesa 47: 29 30
29. Cnd s-a apropiat Israel de clipa morii, a chemat pe fiul su Iosif, i i-a
zis: Dac am cptat trecere naintea ta, pune, rogu-te, mn subt coapsa mea, i
poart-te cu buntate i credincioie fa de mine: s nu m ngropi n Egipt.
30. Ci cnd m voi culca lng prinii mei, s m scoi afar din Egipt, i s
m ngropi n mormntul lor. Iosif a rspuns: Voi face dup cuvntul tu.
Tema se mbogete cu noi sensuri n sec. XII p.Chr.; exegeii medievali au
vzut n acest gest expresia simbolic a smnei, a genealogiei davidice,
prefigurarea ntruprii lui Christos (Schmitt 1998: 80-81).
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La fel de numeroase i rspndite n spaiu i timp sunt descoperirile

arheologice. Dintre reprezentrile neo-eneolitice amintim cea mai veche figurin
provenind din construcia VI.A.10 de la atal Hyk (Clamagirand 2004: 131, 148,
Fig.27), alte dou piese descoperite n N. Greciei i datate n Neoliticul Recent
(Gimbutas 1991: 181, Fig.281).

Fig.27 Gabarevo.

7. Tema cuplului divin . Cutndu-se un raport de subordonare ntre cele

dou categorii de diviniti feminine/masculine s-a ajuns la expresia acolitul Zeiei
Mam, importana divinitii feminine fiind apreciat dup frecvena
reprezentrilor din plastica neo-eneolitic (Monah 1992: 190). Totui, divinitile nu
copiaz viaa social, ele reprezint energii, antropomorfizarea lor trdnd doar
ncercarea omului de a-i apropia forele creatoare. Atunci cnd imaginaia omului
nu poate defini chipul Divinitii, reprezentarea se reduce la ochi, palme, conform
principiului pars pro toto.

Fig.28 Larissa (Dimini)

Fig.29 atal Hyk

Ce mesaj ne transmit perechile de ndrgostii de la Gumelnia (MarinescuBlcu, Ionescu 1967: Pl.IV/1a, 1b) i Sultana (Andreescu 2002: Pl.IV)? Nimic nu
sugereaz poziia de acolit a personajului masculin. Reprezentarea e genial de
simpl, totul reducndu-se la elemente-simbol: motivul phallic, i triunghiul/spirala,
simboluri ale creaiei; nici un alt element de vestimentaie, nici o mimic a feei,
nici un detaliu de decor. Chiar i culoarea roie preferat pentru perechea de la
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Sultana reprezint un simbol viaa. Totul se concentreaz pe micarea brbatului

braul protector, dar i autoritar nchide energia creatoare a personajului
feminin.20 Pn la cuplul divin, de ce nu am putea vedea n ei strmoi eroizai,
personaje care au trit sentimente profund umane, trdate aici de tandreea
gestului?

Fig.31 Sultana.

Fig.30 Gumelnia.
* * *

n final se impune o precizare: demersul nostru nu se vrea o nou teoretizare.

Contieni de complexitatea domeniului religios i de numeroasele lacune de
cercetare, n special n privina contextului arheologic, ncercm doar s formulm
ipoteze de lucru, s reformulm ntrebri. Analiza comparativ deschide drumul
spre noi interpretri, dar nu ofer rspunsuri sigure. A nelege nu nseamn s

dobndeti cteva idei uor de mnuit; nseamn s le ptrunzi, s te ptrunzi de

ele (Huyghe 1981: 17), dar, adugm noi, fr s uii c lumea a fost, este i va fi

ntr-o permanent schimbare, vechile sensuri mbogindu-se, metamorfozndu-se

pn la pierderea identitii
Din raiuni practice, pentru o ct mai nuanat analiz, am ncercat s definim
tipurile de gesturi prin teme capabile s sintetizeze semnificaia lor adoratori,
gnditori, matroaneTotui, limbajul gesturilor nu se traduce prin limbajul
cuvintelor, nseamn mai mult. Gestul exprim cel mai bine viaa interioar, o
elibereaz de tensiunile ce caut n zadar alt cale de ieire (Huyghe 1981: 111).
Indiferent de mesajul transmis, mulimea gesturilor imortalizate n plastica
gumelniean trdeaz o via religioas complex pentru care rmn, n
continuare, multe semne de ntrebare.
Note
1.

2.
3.

Roger Caillois, membru al Academiei Franceze, scria, nc din 1939, n lucrarea Omul i
sacrul, despre suficiena pseudo-cercetrilor: Lor le place s surd la orice, creznd cu
naivitate c astfel i afirm superioritatea. Ei nu fac dect s tirbeasc din vanitate un
tezaur preios care a fost adunat cu preul unor infinite osteneli afar de cazul c ar fi doar
iconoclati i blasfemitori, n ideea de a fixa, la rndul lor, ei regulile unui joc nou, mai
distractiv sau mai grav (Caillois 1997: 181).
Dup definiia autorului, analiza primar are la baz sistematizarea datelor despre plastica
antropomorf i societatea gumelniean, date obinute prin studierea direct a pieselor i
prin contactul nemijlocit cu realitile acestei civilizaii. (Andreescu 2002: 87).
D. Monah, analiznd plastica antropomorf a complexului cultural Cucuteni-Tripolie, a
subliniat importana unui studiu complex al fenomenului religios neo-eneolitic: cercetrile

viitoare asupra vieii spirituale neo-eneolitice vor trebui s in seama de posibilele

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transmiteri, prin intermediul miturilor, a unor teme religioase (mitologice) din fondul neolitic
populaiilor care mai trziu, au intrat sub lumina izvoarelor scrise. Fora de perpetuare a unei
teme religioase, a unui mit este direct proporional cu importana i rspndirea lui, cu
prestigiul populaiei care l-a vehiculat (s.n.) (). Neo-eneoliticul a fost prin excelen
perioada de natere a marilor mituri (mitopoetica) care s-au bazat pe marile invenii ale
revoluiei neolitice(Monah 1997: 213).
4.

5.
6.

Pentru motivul cruciform pe ceramica neo-eneolitic vezi interpretarea propus de A. Niu n

studiul Reprezentri feminine dorsale pe ceramica neo-eneolitic carpato-balcanic (Niu
1970: 94).
J. Danilou arta c Prinii iar Sfntul Pavel poate naintea lor au vzut n crucea Lui

Hristos cele patru dimensiuni ale cosmosului, simboliznd astfel universalitatea rscumprrii.

(Danilou 1996: 125 126).

Curentul expresionist, definit n perioad modern, dar manifestat n art nc din preistorie,
se caracterizeaz prin mutarea accentului de pe impresie pe expresie, printr-o delivrare a

universului interior prin tue, pensulaii, semne grafice sau picturale ce alctuiesc imaginea
asemeni unor seismograme (Prut 1982: 141-143). A. Niu, analiznd arta neo-eneolitic din

7.

8.

Romnia, a caracterizat, pentru prima dat, stilul expresionist al plasticii Vina i Gumelnia
(Niu 1969: 40).
Constantin Noica scria despre opera lui Brncui: a sculptat germinarea, aa cum a sculptat

adormirea, nlarea i, peste tot, desvrirea, ca o nencetat mngiere a formelor,

ntocmai pietrei splate de apNu e redat zborul ci zburatul. Srutul lui nu e un simbol, nici
un act simplu, ci un proces fr de capt, o srutare a regsit firesc nceputurile.omul
nceputurilor nu tia nc s dea nume lucrurilordar le prindea strile i proceseleFoamea,
frica, erosul, toate sunt nti infinitive lungi (s.n.) (Noica 1976: 214).
n lucrarea Reading the past, I. Hodder a realizat o radiografie a curentelor marxist i
feminist din arheologia universal, criticnd tendina de interpretare a manifestrilor
religioase preistorice prin prisma micrii feministe cotemporane sau a determinismului
materialist (Hodder 1991).

9.

Vl. Dumitrescu a subliniat pentru prima dat valoarea lor deosebit, depind simpla
reprezentare realist a vestimentaiei pot fi considerate mai degrab reprezentarea tatuajului
dect indicarea costumului (Dumitrescu 1974: 87-88), tema fiind reluat i de ali
cercettori. Analiznd plastica gumelniean, E Coma observa predilecia femeilor pentru
tatuaj (Coma 1994-1995: 442). De altfel, studiile etnologice au evideniat aceeai
difereniere pe sexe a motivelor tatuate: Omul primitiv se 5 tatua, integral sau parial, pentru

ca s se deghizeze magic, ca s-i nsemne corpul cu emblemele gentilico-tribale i ca s se

mpodobeasc din orgoliu sexual. Sub raportul coninutului, tatuajul masculin era heraldic i
hieratic, cel feminin era sexual i artistic (s.n.). [...] La brbai tatuajul ncadra simbolul
totemic, la femei mbrca unele pri ale corpului care erau tabu, care trebuiau oarecum
ascunse vzului brbailor (Vulcnescu 1987: 94-95). n cazul reprezentrilor feminine,

pentru fiecare parte anatomic, indiferent de cultur sau de modalitatea artistic de realizare,
sunt preferate anumite motive: pe umeri - cercurile concentrice, pe abdomen (mai ales in
regiunea ombilical) - spiralele, pe coapse, fese i pulpe - benzile i unghiurile, n regiunea
pubian triunghiul.

10. Aceeai modalitate artistic prin care este amplificat sensul ascendent al micrii o regsim i
n cazul altor complexe culturale neo-eneolitice. Amintim doar cteva dintre orantele ilustrate
de M. Gimbutas n sinteza The Language of the Goddess: figurina cu o cma larg i
pliseuri n jurul gtului din cultura Lengyel - Teetice-Kyjovice, Moravia (Gimbutas 1991: 8,
Fig.9/2); vasul antropomorf cu mneci largi din cultura Baden - Rckeve Ungaria (Gimbutas
1991: 39, Fig.66/1), figurina cu rochie lung i mneci largi de la Micene (Heladic Trziu III /
(Gimbutas 1991: 95, Fig.158).
11. Imaginea pictat n stil naiv are ceva exclamativ, comunicnd direct realitatea cu minimum de
mijloace lipsesc detaliile de coafur obinuite n plastica altor culturi (Hacilar VI, Cucuteni)
totul rezumndu-se la simple linii, ca n desenele infantile.
12. Spre deosebire de dar, ofranda depete spaiul social, nu presupune reciprocitate,
transcende n lumea defuncilor, strmoilor, dar mai ales n cea a divinitilor (Gavrilu
1998: 135).
13. Nimic nu sugereaz ideea unei Diviniti multiplicate, aa cum ncerca s demonstreze A. Niu
ntr-un studiu privind reprezentrile feminine pe ceramica neo-eneolitic (Niu 1970: 95).
14. Analiznd reprezentrile de hore din areal Cucuteni Tripolje, Silvia Marinescu-Blcu a legat
dansurile sacre de momentul depunerilor de ofrande (Marinescu-Blcu 1974: 177).

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15. E. Coma identific n personajul reprezentat cu picioarele ndoite un vraci deoarece ntr-o
astfel de poziie nu se putea dansa, se fcea doar salturi (Coma 1996: 198).
16. Muzica nu e un ornament colateral al lumii, ci modul ei de a fi, modelul eii de aceea
lumea este o fraz muzical. Ea are sunetul operei perfecte. Nu ntmpltor devine n
angelologie, prin armonie, forma de comunicare perfect a ngerilor (Pleu 2004: 162-163).
17. n analiza realizat cu privire la tema gnditorului, S. Marinescu-Blcu a subliniat, prin
numeroase exemple (din Europa pn n Extremul Orient), universalitatea motivului n lumea
neo-eneolitic. Gnditori s-au descoperit la Cernavod, Trpeti, Vulcneti, Poduri
(Marinescu-Blcu 1985).
18. Alturi de vasul de la Sultana cu cele dou perechi de ochi, amintim i msuele pe care apar
incizai sau pictai ochi apotropaici, piese miniaturale descoperite n aezarea eponim
(Marinescu-Blcu, Ionescu 1967: 38-39, Pl.XIII/ 1- 4, Pl.XVII/ 10, 11, 13, Pl.XXII).
19. femur / femor (lat.) coaps; jurmntul sub femore jurmntul sub coaps; cu mna
aezat pe sex (Schmitt 1998: 80).
20. n dreptul roman acest gest, nsoit de expresia in manu mancipioque marca autoritatea
soului asupra soiei (Schmitt 1998: 131).

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GHEORGHE LAZAROVICI*, CORNELIA MAGDA LAZAROVICI*

CONTRIBUII PRIVIND ARHITECTURA

ENEOLITICULUI DIN BANAT, CRIANA I
TRANSILVANIA

Abstract: The Vina C shock in the centre and west of the country, as well as its related phenomena

in the south and east have determined the appearance of copper metallurgy. For the western and
southern areas the copper centres are located at Rudna Glava, Maidanpek, Belovode and for the
eastern part at Ai Bunar, Prochorovo, Medni Rid etc. The first copper objects and deposits appear
during the late Vina phases (Vina, Divostin, Fafos, Plonik. Copper objects have been found in all the
phases of the Romanian Middle Neolithic. For all the Eneolithic civilisations the copper metallurgy
becomes an art. These phenomena have had a great influence upon the Eneolithic architecture. Origin.
The origin of this culture seem to be somewhere in the south, but the way it has spread from there is
not very clear. Twelve painted Foeni sherds have been found at Vina (inf. Draga Garaanin). It is
possible that there are more Foeni materials but they are mistaken for Vina ones (the red painted
ones). This leads to the conclusion that the Petreti culture has spread from Greek Thrace through
Macedonia and Serbia. The researches at Foeni (Draovean) and Para (Ciubotaru) have brought new
arguments regarding its southern origins and its periodisation. At Para tell 2, the Vina C1 horizon, or
in the new opinion the Vina C1 beginning of C2 horizon, is followed by a Petreti horizon (when we
speak of C1, C2 and C3 we refer to the new opinions. At Foeni, the Foeni group habitation materializes
in several horizons with no Vina C materials. At Para - Ob. 2 the Foeni materials appear after a Vina
C2 horizon and at Chioda after a Vina C horizon. Other discoveries are at oimu, Mintia, Turda,
Pian, Nolac, Viioara, Zau etc. The genesis of the group Iclod and of the Petreti culture is based upon
a Turda I - Lumea Nou horizon. After the Foeni-Iclod I level appear the first Petreti A materials. The
Iclod I phase, already formed continues to exist and is contemporary with Petreti A and the group
Suplac I. Area. This culture is found in Transylvania with the exception of Banat, where the discoveries
have been considered Foeni materials. The most important settlement is at Petreti (near Sebe). Other
important excavations are at Pian, Daia Romn, Trtria, Alba Iulia Lumea Nou, Ghirbom, Cheile
Turzii, Baciu - Str. Nou, Archiud, Zau etc. Evolution. Iuliu Paul has established 3 phases for
Transylvania: A, AB and B. The research of Fl. Draovean seems to indicate a new phase, older than
phase A defined as Foeni group. The radiocarbon data indicate for the phases established by I. Paul an
evolution between 3950 - 3760 B. C. Petreti and Foeni imports have been found in Criana at Oradea
Salca, in an Herply Salca horizon and at Herply. This allows us to establish several synchronisms
based on the relative chronology. Settlements. The settlements have several habitation levels, indicated
by firing horizons. In the older phase, the settlements were situated on terraces of rivers; in the
following phases they are located on various relief forms. We do not have too much information
regarding the inner organisation of the settlements; the data we have concern especially the houses. I.
Paul talks about more than 60 settlements. Several main settlements have a correspondent settlement,
the so-called pair settlements(Paar Siedlungen) that are situated close to each other. They belong
to what I. Paul calls Blutzeit (a period of maximum development). Houses. There have been found pit
houses (massive constructions with an evolved wooden architecture), huts and surface houses with a
suspended floor and special architecture. The constructions show that these communities mastered
very well carpentry and clay related crafts. The houses of the first horizons of phase A have about 1216 m. The houses of the next horizons have improved wall structures with traces of pillars and rods. In
the third horizon there is a thick floor (platform); in the fourth horizon the platforms are thick and
burned (Caol Poiana n Pisc similar to the ones of the Cucuteni culture). The houses with a wooden
platform and a thick layer of clay appear starting with Petreti A2 and are still present in phase Petreti
AB. Paul is the first one to demonstrate the existence of houses with a suspended floor either on pillars
____________________________
* Muzeul Naional de Istorie a Transilvaniei, Cluj Napoca. e-mail: ghlazarovici@yahoo.com

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or on beams. The floor was accidentally burned after the settlements abandon. The religious
architecture. At Pianul de Jos a triangular monumental altar with the margins decorated with semiround ogives has been discovered. On the altar had been placed several pots, some of them painted
and probably containing offerings. The pieces and the altar suggest rituals connected to the fertility
cult. A similar altar with pots has been found at Vest, in Hngary. The first copper objects and deposits
appear during the late Vina phases (Vina, Divostin, Fafos, Plonik: Jovanovi, 1979). Copper objects
have been found in all the phases of the Romanian Middle Neolithic. For all the Eneolithic civilisations
the copper metallurgy becomes an art. These phenomena have had a great influence upon the
Eneolithic architecture.
The Tiszapolgr culture. Origin and area. The origin of this culture is still questionable. It appears
suddenly, already formed over a vast area that includes Hungary, Jugoslavia, Slovakia and Romania
(only Banat and Transylvania). There are different and various opinions regarding this matter. The local
features have influenced its evolution through synthesis or transmission of specific elements. In south
Banat (at Cuptoare - Sfogea and Slatina Timi) there are synthesis with the Slcua culture. Evolution,
chronology and stratigraphy. In Banat, Transylvania and partially, in Criana there are two evolution
phases, the last one having Bodrogkeresztr elements. Sometimes, it has been considered that there
are three evolution phases, but this opinion has not been confirmed by the stratigraphical data.
Settlements. The settlements are not very large, only 2 - 4 ha. They have thick cultural strata (40 - 60
cm), very rich in pottery and bones. The most important research is at Para. The level IIIB of the
Banat culture and the oldest Tiszapolgr materials are almost contemporary. The Tiszapolgr materials
cover more than 2 ha but close to this area there are other 4 settlements (about 2 - 4 km distance).
Small settlements are at Sntana (Arad district, a tell with 30 m diameter) and a settlement that covers
over 200 m, in Slovakia at Luky (1 ha). At Tibava is mentioned a 30 ha settlement. Houses. Pit houses,
semi-subterranean houses and surface houses have been discovered. The walls were built using one of
the two existing building systems. The dimensions of the houses vary. At Para houses range from 7,5
to 30 m 2; in Criana at Oradea-Salca they range from 25 to 27 m. In Transylvania, at Zalu-Valea Miii
houses had 13, 5 m and at Reci they ranged 7,5 to 10 m. The houses at Reci had a clay platform
similar to the Cucuteni houses. At Para, the foundation ditch of the wall is marked from place to place
by big and deep postholes, although the remains are not as well preserved as in the case of the
previous houses. Semi-subterranean houses. At Para, semi-subterranean house no. 14 (4b level) has
the plan in the form of a beam, with round margins. Its dimensions are 5,5 x 2,5 x 0,35 m. Close to it
postholes have been found. The long axis was oriented SE-NW. Pit house. At Para have been
discovered 2 such complexes, both with a flat bottom and no other interior arrangements. In Criana, at
Oradea Salca the pit houses were larger and deeper. Fortification systems. At Para, several fortification
elements have been excavated. Among these, the most important one is palisade no. 17. The small
ditch of the palisade had a U shaped profile and was 30 - 40 cm large. In the same settlements 2
ditches from settlement V had similar dimensions and profiles; the palisades at Iclod were also similar
to it.Another small ditch 17b, level 4 was situated on the southern margin of the settlement. It was
bigger as ditch 17. Ditch 17b has been dug in an older Tiszapolgr level. A posthole reaches 370 cm
depth, which means that in the ditch was built a strong wooded palisade that protected the settlement
in the south. This palisade is 1m higher than the other Neolithic palisades from the area, but it is
deeper. Ditch 121, level 4 (50-60 cm wide). The ditch had from place to place postholes at about 1,50
m from each other, as at Iclod. In the middle of the ditch was a pit containing offerings.
The Bodrogkeresztr - Decea Mureului Culture. Origin and area. Some archaeologist believe that
this culture continues the evolution of the Tiszalopgr culture to which southern influences are added.
P. Roman believes that this culture has Slcua and Ariud elements. M. Garaanin, on the other hand,
believes that through Lengyel this culture is connected to the Balkano-Anatolian complex. Despite all
this, the architecture of the settlements does not show southern influences.This culture has spread in
east and west of Banat, partially in Vojvodina, Hungary, Slovakia, in Criana and Transylvania. The most
important discoveries are at Ostrovu Corbului, Pecica- Forgaci and Deva. Evolution, chronology and
stratigraphy. Chronologically this culture follows after the Slcua IIIb levels, with Early and Developed
Tiszalopgr imports. The culture has evolved between 4000-3700 B.C. Settlements and houses. The
settlements are situated on river courses; they are not very large and have not been thoroughly
investigated. Similar small settlements have been discovered in Hungary at Tarnabad. The discoveries
are interpreted considering the shepherdly character of the settlements. A more important settlement
has been discovered at Pecica Forgaci.

Keywords: eneolithic, Petreti culture, Tiszapolgr culture, Bodrogkeresztr - Decea Mureului culture,
settlements, houses, fortification systems, religious architecture.

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ocul Vina C, pentru zonele de centru i de vest ale rii, i alte fenomene
nrudite pentru cele de sud i est au determinat apariia metalurgiei aramei i a
civilizaiilor care o folosesc (Lazarovici 1987, 1994 i bibl. problemei). Pentru zonele
de vest i sud centrele de exploatarea cuprului sunt cele de la Rudna Glava,
Maidanpek (Jovanovi 1971: 18-21; 1979: 42-46; 1996; Ottawai 1996 ), Zlot,
Belovode (Tasi 1968), pentru cele de est sunt cele de la Ai Bunar (Cernh 1978:
56- 76; 1996), Prochorovo, Medni Rid i altele (Pernicka et al. 1997: 143-145).

Fig.1 Harta descoperirilor eneolitice timpurii

Epoca eneolitic are mai multe etape:
Timpurie: pentru care sunt o serie de civilizaii importante, unele
contemporane cu fazele evoluate Vina C2-C3, D1, la care se adaug culturile
Precucuteni I-III, Petreti, grup Foeni i Petreti A, Slcua I i Gumelnia A1,
Stoicani - Aldeni, Cucuteni A1; (Lazarovici 1987; Mantu 1998: 135 i urm.;
Draovean 1995, 1997; Draovean et al. 1996; Dragomir 1983: vezi la acetia bibl.
mai veche).
Dezvoltat: Vina D2-D3 (D3 numai n Bulgaria), Petreti AB, B, Slcua IIIIIa, Cucuteni A2-A4, Cernavod I i Tiszapolgr (rspndit n Banatul central i
de nord, Criana, Transilvania), Gumelnia A2-B1 (Lazarovici 1987; Mantu 1998:
135 i urm.; Draovean 1995, 1997; Draovean et al. 1996; Iercoan 1997 i bibl.
la acetia).
Trzie: post Vina, Tiszapolgr trziu Bodrogkeresztr A, Bodrogkeresztr B
= toarte pastilate Cucuteni AB-B (Luca 1999; Cucuteni 1997 i bibl.).
Final ?: Ar mai exista o perioad (eneoliticul final) dat ea a fost
considerat ca perioad de tranziie i ar cuprinde de la cultura Coofeni i grupele
nrudite sau contemporane (Cernavod III-Bolerz , Horoditea Folteti).
Aceasta ar ine ns de un alt sistem pentru care mai potrivit ar fi termenul de
Kupferzeit (Horedt 1968), noiune care nu este acceptat de un grup mai larg de
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specialiti (dei uneori termenul este folosit: Roman The Late Coope Age. The
Coofeni Culture, BAR). Ea ar fi cuprins descoperirile eneoliticului dezvoltat i pn
n a treia perioad a bronzului timpuriu.
Primele obiecte i depozite de obiecte de cupru apar n fazele trzii ale culturii
Vina - Vina, Divostin, Fafos, Plonik (Jovanovi 1979 i bibl.), dei n tot neoliticul
dezvoltat romnesc apar obiecte de cupru (Horedt 1968), iar metalurgia cuprului
cunoate mai multe grupe distincte de piese pe baza analizelor: cupru dou, cupru
arsenic, bronz arsenic .a. (Ciortea, Lazarovici 1996; Lazarovici et al. 1995; Beliu
et al. 1992; 2000). n toate civilizaiile eneolitice metalurgia cuprului din meteug
devine o adevrat art. Toate acestea au avut influene asupra arhitecturii
eneolitice, a modului de via economic, social, politic, religios.
Cultura Petreti

Comentarii privind originea. Originea acestei civilizaii este sudic.

Naterea ei a nceput n Banat i a fost definitivat n Transilvania, unde a mbrcat
aspectele i a avut evoluia pe care o cunoatem n prezent (Paul 1992 i bibl.;
1995).
Drumul pe care l parcurge aceast civilizaie, n migrarea ei din spre sud spre
nord nu a fost clar definit, dar dup faptul c asemenea descoperiri sunt cunoscute
n Serbia, dei puine, dar este posibil ca numrul lor s fie mai mare. La Vina
exist a cca. 12 (inf. amabile Draga Garaanin 1985), de cea mai bun factur
Foeni, pictat (foarte probabil acolo sunt mai multe dar care se confund cu cele
viniene). Specia roie ne ndreptete a vedea aceast cale din Tracia greac
(Olinthos, Dikili Tash I) prin Macedonia - Serbia.
Cercetrile de la Foeni (Draovean 1997) i Para (Draovean Ciubotaru:
Ciubotaru 1999) nu las nici un dubiu privind originea sudic i datarea ei. Ea
suprapune, la Para -Tellul 2, un orizont cu un strat de cultur cu mai multe
complexe, de faz Vina C1 n accepiunea veche sau prima parte a lui C2 n noile
opinii. Cnd vorbim de C1, C2, C3 ne referim la noile opinii (Schier 1995).
Exist o etap mai veche, ce corespunde depunerilor de la Vina dup 6,5 m,
faza 6 n accepiunea lui W. Schier (Schier 1995: 227, fig.125a-b, 126-127), ultima
parte a fostei faze Vina B2 dar fiind vorba de o evoluie linear ar trebui
considerat ca o Vina C1, fosta faz Gradaka la M. Garaanin (Garaanin 1989;
1993; Schier 1995: 311) sau B2/C la noi, dar fr elementele de retardare
(Lazarovici 1991: 78-80, 110-114, 115-120). Faza 7 cu dou grupe ar fi fostul
Vina C1, acum C2 (la Vina 6 - 5,5) i a doua parte 5,4 5 m la Vina, practic o
Vina C3. (Schier 1995: 230, fig. 127).
Grupul Foeni n staiunea de la Foeni are mai multe orizonturi, dar fr multe
materiale Vina C, dovada existenei unei migraii cu aport clar de poluaie. La
Para n Telul 2, dup un strat Vina C1-2 urmeaz depunerile Foeni. La Chioda
dup un strat Vina C apar materiale Foeni. Descoperiri de tip Foeni mai apar la
Unip, iar n Transilvania la oimu (Draovean, Rotea 1986), Mintia (Draovean,
Luca 1990), Turda (Draovean 1996: 97; Luca 1996; 1997: 73), Pian, Nolac,
Viioara i Zau (Lazarovici 2000: 35-52) .a. (Draovean 1997 i bibl.).
La Zau, dup mai multe nivele CCTLNIS (Lazarovici 2000: faza II evoluat, la
noi), cu materiale Turda (cele caracteristice sunt ntre 3-10%, dar numai anumite
specii pot fi separate - cele incizate, incizate i pictate sau formele patrulatere),
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exist un orizont cu depuneri Petreti - grup Foeni din care se nate Petreti A, cu
contribuia elementelor CCTLNIS trziu (CCTLNIS III) i Iclod I, elemente
neseparabile acolo.
Descoperiri de tip Foeni mai apar i n alte staiuni neolitice trzii din
Transilvania. La Cluj - Baba Novac a aprut un fragment de strachin (P. 92.057)
similar celor de la Para (Lazarovici 1987-1988: 1016). La Archiud apare o
strachin cu gur de scurgere tip Foeni - Para ob. 2 (Draovean 1997: fig.19/4).
Deci, geneza culturii Petreti este pe fondul CCTLNI evoluat (cu materiale
Turda) i cu aportul sudic al aspectului Foeni. Dup acest strat Foeni Iclod I, la
Zau se nasc cele mai timpurii materiale Petreti A. Trecerea este cursiv,
progresiv. Faza Iclod I, deja format n etapele trzii CCTLNI continu i dinuie,
fiind contemporan cu Petreti A i cu grupul Suplac I. Noi facem diferene prin
CCTLNI grup transilvnean, CCTLNIS aspect din nordul Tranbsilvaniei i NE
Crianei.
Rspndirea. Aria de rspndire a culturii Petreti cuprinde lunca Mureului
Podiul i Cmpia Transilvaniei, - n afar de Banat unde descoperirile au fost
atribuite grupului Foeni - n mai multe situri. Staiunea eponim este cea de la
Petreti (lng Sebe). Mai importante prin cercetrile lor sau bogia materialului
sunt cele de la Pian, Daia Romn, Trtria, Alba Iulia Lumea Nou, Ghirbom,
Cheile Turzii, Baciu - Str. Nou, Archiud, Zau .a. (Paul 1992; 1995).
Pentru Transilvania au fost stabilite, de ctre Iuliu Paul, fazele A, AB i B.
Periodizare care acoper n cea mai mare parte realitile din Transilvania la acest
stadiu de analiz. Cercetrile lui Fl. Draovean ar presupune o nou etap mai
veche dect faza A definite, ca grup Foeni. Datele de cronologie absolut, C14,
indic pentru fazele lui I. Paul urmtoarele date ntre 3.950 - 3.760 . Ch. (ne
calibrate) pentru descoperirile de la Daia Romn, determinri fcute la Berlin.
Importuri ale culturii Petreti u ale grupului Foeni au fost semnalate n Criana la
Oradea Salca, n mediu Herply - Salca i n imediata vecintate n Ungaria, la
Herply (Kalicz, Raczky 1987: 119, fig.30), ceea ce permite stabilirea unor
sincronisme de cronologie relativ.
Aezrile. Staiunile sunt amplasate pe cele mai variate forme de relief. Cel
mai ades sunt marile terase ale Mureului, pe Oltul transilvan (Paul 1992: 20). De
multe ori sunt alese dealuri cu pante line sau terase pe care sunt grupuri de
locuine. Alteori sunt preferate locuri nalte - un caz la Petreti Punea din Deal
(Paul 1992: 20-21) la 700 m altitudine, faza Petreti B. Uneori, sunt pe mici dealuri
sau terase care foarte probabil aveau pe margini palisade sau panta era accentuat
(Fig.2-3).
Practic, locuri fortificate natural sau care permiteau montarea unor palisade.
Asemenea situaii n eneolitic apar att n culturile Cucuteni (Cucuteni 1997: 1623), la Cucuteni, Malu, Ruginoasa .a. (Lazarovici, Lazarovici 2002) sau n cultura
Bodrogkeresztr (Fig.20 ) la Pecica (Luca 1999).
Aezrile au mai multe nivele de locuine, marcate de orizonturi de incendiere.
In faza veche sunt pe terasele marilor ruri, apoi ocup cele mai felurite forme de
teren. Date amnunite despre organizarea interna a aezrilor nu sunt. Spturile
au fost din seciuni i casete, cercetrile urmrind dispunerea i intensitatea
locuinelor motiv pentru care sunt date mai ales despre locuine. Lipsa unor
suprafee sau mai multe seciuni n zone presupuse a fi fortificate nu a permis, de
cele mai multe ori identificarea sistemelor de fortificare.
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Pe baza unor analize amnunite I. Paul sesizeaz, n cele 60 de staiuni, c n

unele zone, unde exist staiuni principale apar i staiuni pereche, Paar-Siedlung
aflate la mic distan, fiind in perioada de maxim nflorire Blutzeit la I. Paul
(Paul 1995: 96). Un tip asemntor de aezri apar la nsurei i alte aezri din
cultura Gumelnia, de pa valea Clmuiului (Pandrea et al. 1997: 202-203, fig.2/1,
5/2, 6/1). Ele apar i mai trziu n descoperirile Bodrogkeresztr de la Pecica Forgaci (Luca 1999: 13), (mai jos Fig.20).
O asemenea situaie apare i la Zau de Cmpie (cercetrile noastre) unde n
aezarea principal - aflat n vatra satului, n punctul la Grdini, n orizonturile
CCTLNIS (Cluj Cheile Turzii Lumea Nou Iclod), o faz evoluat - apar
descoperiri de tip Foeni i Iclod I (Lazarovici 2000). La cca. 1 km distan este un
alt sit, n punctul Zau - La Bufet, contemporan i care evolueaz n paralel sunt
materiale cu evoluie similar, o anumit perioad de timp, poate cu mai multe
elemente Iclod sau o sintez Iclod - Petreti.
La Pianul de Jos staiunea este situat pe o teras, dominat de o nlime. La
marginile terasei panta este accentuat, prielnic montrii unei palisade sau unui
gard. La Cojocna, ntr-o staiune Iclod Petreti (vezi mai jos), aflat ntr-o zon
bogat n zcminte de sare locuirile sunt pe pante (descoperiri inedite). n
staiunea de la Zau de Cmpie locuirile Petreti (Petreti grup Foeni, Petreti A)
sunt pe o larg teras unde suprapun locuiri CCTLNI trzii cu care are loc o
convieuire i o sintez cultural de scurt durat, dup care se nasc descoperirile
de tip Petreti A.

Fig.2 Daia Romn Pru, cultura Petreti.

Fig.3 Caol - Poiana n pisc,

cultura Petreti.

n Cmpia Transilvaniei are loc o sintez Iclod Petreti, petrecut n vremea

fazei Petreti AB dup cum reiese din observaiile de la aga (Lazarovici et al.
1996c, 1997a, 2000a, 2001b), Baciu (Maxim - Kalmar 1991a) i Fundtura
(Lazarovici et al. 1996b). Asemenea descoperiri sunt la Livada (n spatele Grii,
materiale inedite in MNIT), Cian (inedit), Cojocna i Vlaha - Dmb (Kalmar 1985;
Kalmar 1984: 395-396; Lazarovici, Nemeti 1983: 18, n. 14).
Locuinele. Locuinele acestei civilizaii au bordeie i construcii masive cu o
evoluat arhitectur n lemn format din locuine fr podea, locuine cu podea din
lut i cu podeaua suspendat, cu o arhitectur deosebit ceea ce dovedete o
stpnire nalt a meteugului n lut i lemn, ce nu a fost egalat n Transilvania
(Paul 1967, 1993, 1995).
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Fig.4 Pianul de Jos, dup I. Paul.

Fig.5 Zau de Cmpie, nivele

CCTLNI i Petreti.

Iuliu Paul precizeaz c n fazele A locuinele sunt de dimensiuni mijlocii 3 x 4

sau 4 x 6 m. Urmtorul orizont de locuine II are 4 grupe: cu o structur evoluat
a pereilor, urme de pari, nuiele. n cel de-al treilea orizont de locuire sunt
locuinele, cu o podea groas, al patrulea II4 platforme groase, arse ca la Caol
Poiana n Pisc, similare celor din Cucuteni Typus ploadki. Cele cu platform de
lemn i strat gros de lut sunt din faza Petreti A2 (Paul 1992: 16 i urm.; 1995:
114 i urm.).
La Mihal i Ghirbom, n nivel Petreti AB, sunt locuine cu platform de lemn
acoperit cu lut. Cele mai multe din acestea sunt construite pe podea suspendat,
parial (cele n pant). I. Paul este primul care demonstreaz existena unor
locuine cu podeaua suspendat fie pe piloni, fie pe brne, iar arderea este pus
pe seama incendiului marii mase lemnoase uscate.
Arhitectura culturii Petreti are multe elemente comune cu cea de la Para.
Vehemena cu care Vl. Dumitrescu a atacat opiniile i reconstituirile lui I. Paul
(Dumitrescu 1968: 389 i urm.), critici bazate cel mai adesea pe logic i pe
observaiile din Moldova i nu pe constatrile autorului spturilor (Paul 1967)
a dus la stagnarea unor ncercri de reconstituire i reconsiderarea arhitecturii
eneolitice, pn la publicarea lucrrii monografice asupra culturii Petreti (Paul
1993).
Mai mult, nc odat cu publicarea descoperirilor de la Hbeti era clar c
existau locuine cu etaj. (este vorba de locuinele 15 i 25). Locuina 15 era
situat n centrul staiunii (Dumitrescu et al. 1954: 74-81) dei erau considerate
ca fiind de la perete, dei puteau constitui reparaii ulterioare ale podelei. n
locuina 25 sub stratul de deasupra (ultimul din punct de vedere cronologic),
printre crpturile stratului inferior de chirpici ars, s-au descoperit foarte multe
vase unele stnd n poziie vertical... aceste dou straturi de chirpici erau
intrutotul similare aspect, componena lutului, grosimea lui, felul i direcia
amprentelor etc. Toate acestea ne ndreptesc c credem c este vorba de
locuine cu podeaua suspendat i cu etaj. Situaii ntlnite n Transilvania i n
Banat. De altfel Marchevici afirmase deja c n cultura Cucuteni sunt locuine cu
etaj, idee mprtit i de ali specialiti.
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Tipurile de locuine (Fig.7-8) descoperite la Foeni (Draovean 1997) i Para

Ob. 2 (Ciubotaru 1999, 2002), ambele din grupul Foeni, au analogii n arhitectura
de la Gomolava (Brukner 1980, 1990), locuine cu gropi mari, spate n trepte care
demonstreaz montarea unor stlpi masivi, ngropai adnc (gropile n trepte i
foarte probabil cu stlpi de sprijin).
Asemenea tip apare i n orizonturile CCTLNI de la Zau. Acestea au podeaua
groas din lut. In fazele vechi, ntr-un caz, podeaua a fost btut i ars nainte de
ridicarea construciei (sptur Gh. Lazarovici, V. Lazr, Z. Maxim).
Ele sunt realizate sub influena celor mai timpurii etape Vina C, dei la nivel
Vina C se cunosc i locuinele cu an pentru fundaia pereilor cum sunt cele de
la Opovo (Tringham et al. 1992), locuine caracteristice neoliticului mijlociu i
dezvoltat. Ele apar la Zorlenu Mare (Lazarovici 1979: pl. IE). Trebuie remarcat c
n neoliticul mijlociu i trziu din NV Romniei, la Suplacu de Barcu n toate
orizonturile i spturile (Oradea, Slaj, Cluj) au aprut locuine cu fundaie i
stlpi masivi.
Reconstituirile noastre de la Gomolava (Fig.8) pot reprezenta un model pentru
arhitectura timpurie a culturii Petreti de la Foeni (Fig.7) i Zau (Fig.6).
Numeroasele suprapuneri de asemenea complexe dovedesc o intens activitate
edilitar (Fig.6-8).
Arhitectur Religioas. La Pianul de Jos (Fig. 9) a fost descoperit un altar
monumental, de form triunghiular, decorat pe margini cu ogive semirotunde. Pe
acesta s-au descoperit mai multe vase, unele pictate, foarte probabil cu ofrande de
produse (Paul 1995: 80 i urm, fig.1-2, 4). Piesele asociate pe altar sugereaz
practici legate de cultul fertilitii.
Piesa i obiectele depuse pe altar au analogii n sanctuarul de la Vest, din
Ungaria, fiind vorba tot de plastic monumental aflat n sanctuare comunitare,
cum pare a fi piesa de la Pian.
La Ghirbom, dup planul publicat al construciei de cult am reconstituit cldirea
de mai jos (Fig.4), avnd ca baz de pornire modelele publicate de I. Paul. Nu am
insistat asupra locului obiectelor, nefiind tema noastr de studiu acum.
Depuneri rituale la construcii. Pentru cultura Petreti nu avem informaii,
dar n epoca neo- eneolitic sunt amintite asemenea obiceiuri n Moldova
(Dumitrescu et al. 1954: 393: s.v. vaselor de fundaie la Traian - Dealul
Fntnilor; Laszl 1993a) precum i n staiunile neoliticului dezvoltat din Banat.
Este vorba de depuneri rituale de vscioare de copil, obiecte cu rol apotropaic,
obiecte de cult: n P8 i la intrarea de vest a Sanctuarului 2, vasele din groapa 63,
Sanctuarul 1; toate de la Para, n cultura Banatului (Lazarovici et al. 2001: 111,
212-214, 225, pl.33-36).
Cranii, coarne, trofee de taur sau taur slbatec (bos primigenius) au fost
descoperite n gropi, n vecintatea locuinelor neolitice dar nu tim precis dac
erau legate de ritualul de fundare sau depuneri de alt natur. Totui, ritualuri
legate de fundarea unui sit credem c sunt depunerile animale de la Zau, groapa
4 , n groapa 19 (trofee de taur) (Lazarovici, Lazarovici 2002: fig. 86), la Para Groapa 121 i coliba 136 (Para I.1: 96, 175, fig. 140), la Zorlenu Mare (inedit,
n seciunea din 1963, la 2,8 m) i altele (Verbia, Crcea, Grdinile Groapa 1:
bibl. la Nica 1981: 32).

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Fig.6 Reconstituiri de locuine (stnga) i sisteme de mbinare - dreapta dup I.

Paul).
Cultura Tiszapolgr

Originea i rspndirea. Originea acestei civilizaii ridic nc semne de

ntrebare deoarece n vastul teritoriu ce cuprinde Ungaria, Iugoslavia, Slovacia, iar
n Romnia Banatul i Transilvania ea apare brusc, gata format. n fiecare din
aceste ri sau provincii s-au exprimat opinii diferite similare sau convergente. n
fiecare din aceste zona s-au constatat elemente locale dar i strine. Fondul local
i-a impus prezena n diferite zone fie prin sinteze, fie prin transmiterea unor
elemente specifice, de unde, credem noi, marea varietate de grupe. n sudul
Banatului (la Cuptoare - Sfogea i Slatina Timi) se constat sinteze cu Slcua. n
nordul Banatului sunt influene ale culturii Banatului sau grupului Bucov. n
Transilvania se constat fie sinteze fie contribuii Petreti (la Cheile Turenilor sau n
peterile de la Nandru).
Evoluia, cronologie, stratigrafie. Pe teritoriul Banatului i Transilvaniei i
parial n Criana sunt dou etape de evoluie, una n plin desfurare cu
ceramic, bun, cenuie, alta cu elemente Bodrogkeresztr. Uneori s-au considerat
a fi trei etape dar acestea nu au fost confirmate de date stratigrafice clare.
Aezri. Aezrile nu sunt prea ntinse, avnd 2-4 hectare. Acestea au
straturi de cultur groase de 40-60 cm cu o mare bogie de ceramic i oase. Cele
mai ample cercetri au fost cele de la Para. n zona de la est de palisad i spre
captul de sud al staiunii, unde este o alt palisad locuirea este continu, pare a
avea dou nivele (cel timpuriu) la este de palisad se pare c este doar nivelul
trziu.
Fa, ns, de ultimele etape de locuire neolitic /cultura Banatului IIIb)
situaia este asemntoare i apropiat ca tehnic de construcie, fapt ce ne
determin s apreciem c nu poate fi mare distan n timp ntre procesele de
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retardare de la Para, din nivel IIIB ale culturii Banatului i cele mai vechi materiale
Tiszapolgr.

Fig.7 Foeni, cultura Petreti, grup Foeni (dup Fl. Draovean).

Complexele de locuire sunt puine i constau din grupri de chirpici (Para I.1:
181 i urm., Fig.144-154 - nivelele 4; Para I.2: pl. 1/1, 3-4; pl. 12/c, d,).
Depunerile Tiszapolgr de la Para se aflau i n spaiul dintre denivelrile rmase
de la depunerile din fazele trzii ale culturii Banatului, fr s se poat preciza dac
erau adnciri n strat sau se aflau n albieri naturale. n acest caz durata dintre
depunerile Tiszapolgr i cele IIIC ale culturii Banatului nu era prea mare. Vremea
i omul nu au apucat s niveleze definitiv i complet depunerile neolitice. Suprafaa
pe care se ntinde depunerile are peste 2 ha, dar sunt n vecintate nc alte 4
situri la distan de 2-4 km.

Fig.8 Model de reconstruire (Gomolava i Foeni), (reconstituire de Gh. Lazarovici)

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Fig.9 Reconstituiri I. Paul

Fig.10 Ghirbom, reconstituire

dup planul lui I. Paul

Aezri mici sunt la Dragu (Maxim 1984), Sntana, jud. Arad, un tell de 30 m
diametru i o aezare ntins pe 200 m (Dumitracu 1970: 25), n Slovacia la Luky
(1 ha) iar la Tibava peste 30 ha (ika 1969: 161).
n Criana, cercetri mai importante sunt cele de la Homorodu de Sus i Carei
Cozard (Fig.12-13) unde au fost cercetate dou locuine (Iercoan 1997: pl. 7).
Un studiu mai amnunit al lui N. Iercoan privind aezrile acestei civilizaii
indic obinuitele preferine pentru locul de sit: ape curgtoare, izvoare, terenuri
pentru agricultur i punat, ci de comunicaie, resurse minerale (referire la
cursurile de ru) (Iercoan 1997: 62).

Fig.11 Para, niv. 4, cultura Tiszapolgr, complexele de locuit.

Aezrile sunt pe terase joase (Ac, Apa, Dumbrava) sau nalte (Bobald
III, VI, Cozard), promontorii de deal (Cheile Turenilor, Dbca, Gilu, Oara de
sus, Tu).
n aria sudic sunt descoperiri n form de tell, cazul de la Sntana Holumb i
Arad - Uzina de ap (Iercoan 1997: 64; Dumitracu 1973: 25 i urm.). Dup
ntinderea aezrilor N. Iercoan le clasific n mici (sub 1 ha pn la 20 locuine:
Sntana), mijlocii 2 ha cu 30-40 locuine, mari peste 2 ha (Homorodu de Sus,
Oradea, Zalu)(Iercoan 1997: 65).
Locuinele. La Para, n principal, sunt dou tipuri unele cu stlpi (L1, L2), cel
de-al doilea tip are anuri de fundaie (Lx2) n ambele se pot observa influenele
culturii Banatului. Din cele cercetate amintim:
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Locuina 1 de 3,5 x 2,5 m, orientat cu axa lung pe direcia NE-SV

(Para I.2, pl. 1);
Locuina 2 de 5 x 4 m;
Platforma 14, cu dimensiunile de cca. 2 x 4 m;
Platforma 30, este o grupare de chirpici i cioburi, cu dimensiunile de 3 x
2,5 m;
Locuina X1 este o construcie cu doi perei, avnd baza din pmnt
galben, cu dimensiunile aproximative de 3,5 x 2,5 m;
Locuina X2 are dimensiunile de 2,5 x 3,40 m chirpiciul se grupeaz de-a
lungul pereilor, care ard n picioare i chirpiciul se mprtie;
Locuina 119 grupare de chirpici avea dimensiunile de 2 x 1,60 m i
acoperea anul. Pe lng i n anuri s-au gsit materiale Tiszapolgr.
n vecintate se afla o groap, tot cu materiale Tiszapolgr (G118).
La Sacou Mare sunt 2 locuine cu dimensiunile de 4,5 x 6 m i 5 x 6 m. Date
suplimentare nu sunt.
anul de fundaie al peretelui, n cazul locuinelor de la Para, este marcat din
loc n loc cu stlpi mari i adnci - dei acesta nu era att de clar ca la locuinele
anterioare, dar totui exista. Acest an taie nivelul 4a, iar resturile din nivelul de
clcare i drmare sunt la orizont 4b, ceea ce este un argument privind aspectul
evolutiv al arhitecturii eneolitice de la Para. Grupri de chirpici exist spre colurile
complexului (Para I.2: pl. 1/1,3-4), fiind datorate, foarte probabil, marilor cantiti
de lemne de la colul construciei. Specific chirpiciului din aceast vreme este
amestecul cu puine resturi organice, se folosete humusul, spre deosebire de cel
neolitic care este argilos cu mult pleav, mai ales n fazele vechi. Din aceste
motive nu se pstreaz foarte clar structura chirpiciului i nici elementele
arhitectonice. Situaia este valabil pentru multe din siturile eneolitice.

Fig.12 Homorodu de Sus, La Lunc (dup N. Iercoan).

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Fig. 13 Carei Cozar (dup N. Iercoan)

n Criana, la Oradea - Salca locuinele Tiszapolgr au dim. De 4,5 x 5,6 i 5,5
x 4,9 m (Ignat 1981: 48). n Transilvania, la Zalu Valea Miii o locuin avea
dimensiunea 4,5 x 3 m, la Reci (jud. Covasna) dou complexe aveau 4 x 2,5 i 3 x
2,5 m. Despre cele de la Reci se spune c aveau platform de lut ca cele
cucuteniene. (Szekely 1964: 121). n Iugoslavia, la Sirig o locuin avea 10 x 5 m,
iar la Tibava n Slovacia sunt de 4,5 x 11,5 m sau 10 x 12 m (Tasi 1968; ika
1969: 131), la Luky erau de 3,5 x 13,6 m.

Fig.14 Carei - Cozard, plan de groap.

Fig.15 Carei - Cozard, amplasarea

locuinelor i gropilo.r
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Fig.16 Para, nivel 4, cultura Tiszapolgr, L1.

Semibordeiul. Semibordeiul 14, de la Para (nivel 4b) are planul n forma

boabei de fasole, cu marginile rotunjite, cu dimensiunile de 5,5 x 2,5 0,35 m. n
vecintatea semibordeiului se aflau gropi de stlp. Axa lung era pe direcia SE-NV.

Fig.17 Para, nivel 4, cultura Tiszapolgr, LX2.

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Bordeiul. La Para acesta are un caracter sezonier materialele fiind srace. Au

fost semnalate dou complexe: bordeiul 159, nivel 4, M.34,14 M. 35,90, este cu
fundul drept, fr a prezenta un interes deosebit, nici ca form, nici ca materiale;
i bordeiul 162 nivel 4, M. 26,20 M. 28,60, a. -70-90 cm. Are fundul drept i este
strbtut de numeroase galerii i guri fcute de animale Para I.2, p. 190).
Bordeiele din Criana, de la Oradea Salca au 4 x 4 x 2 m, o adncime foarte
mare (Ignat 1981: 48) pentru asemenea complexe.
Sistemele de Fortificaie. La Para au fost cercetate elemente de fortificaie.
Pe o lungime mai mare a fost cercetat palisada nr. 17.
nuleul palisadei, (nivel 4, Su8: Para I.2, pl. 15/2; 82/2-3), traversnd n
diagonal seciunea, din c. 1 spre c. 24, pe direcia SE-NV i este un an de la o
palisad de lemn (Para I.2, pl. 15/2; marcaj 17), cercetat pe o lungime de cca.
15-18 m. anul avea forma de "U" i limea de cca. 30 - 40 cm (Para I.2: pl.
16/1, marcaj = an).
Dimensiuni i profil similar aveau cele dou anuri din aezarea V (Fig.45-46)
de la Para, precum i palisadele de la Iclod (Kalmar 1990-1991; Lazarovici 1990:
93-117; 1991: 6-8, 21, 23-24, 27-28, fig.15, coperta 4).
nuleul 17b, 17b, nivel 4b, M. 19 (dup marcajul lui Fr. Resch i C.
Germann), S12, a. -3 m pn la - 3,20 3,40 cm, orientat SE-NV, este situat la
limita de sud a aezrii, unde straturile coborau n pant spre marginea vechiului
curs de ru. Dimensiunile sunt ceva mai mari dect cele ale anului 17. Acest
an a fost spat dintr-un nivel Tiszapolgr mai vechi, fiind tiat i acoperit de o
groap cu materiale Tiszapolgr trzii. anul taie i stratul de cultur cu materiale
trzii ale culturii Banatului (IIC - IIIA). O groap de stlp coboar din acest
nule pn la -370 cm. Aceast groap ne face s ne gndim la faptul c acest
an este al unei palisade mari din lemn, care fortifica aezarea n partea de sud,
zona aflat la cca. 15 m de marginea vechiului curs al Timiului, care ocolea
staiunea pe la vest. Aceast palisad, ca poziie i nivel de spare, este cu cca. 1
m mai sus ca cele neolitice aflate n aceeai zon, mai spre sud i care coboar la
peste -4 m. Aici nivelul pmntului galben este cu 1,3 m mai jos dect n zona
central. Ne aflm, deci, pe marginea aezrii.

Fig.18 Para S8, anul 17.

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Fig.19 Para, Su 10, anul 121 i bordeiul medieval.

anul 121, S121, nivel 4, n Su11, c. 10-12, a. -60 -120 cm, orientat pe
direcia E-V i este acoperit de colul locuinei medievale (L111). Limea anului
este de 50-60 cm. Din loc n loc, la distan de 1,50 m, sunt guri de stlpi, situaie
similar cu palisada de la Iclod. Dimensiunile i structura seamn cu cea a
anului din Su8. Poriunea foarte scurt pe care a fost cercetat nu permite mai
multe observaii. n centru anului era o groap mai mare, cu depunere de
ofrand avnd un bogat material arheologic (Para I,2: pl. 63/11,14, 75/12).
Fortificaii cu palisad trebuie s fie mai numeroase, dar ele sunt greu de
depistat. n noile cercetri de la Suplac apar asemenea sisteme n spturile
colegilor de la Zalu. La Para palisadele apar ca anexe la anuri, n interior i
constituie un adevrat sistem de protecie (Lazarovici et al. 2001: 197-202).
Cultura Bodrogkeresztr-Decea Mureului

Originea. Dup mai multe opinii cultura Bodrogkeresztr continu evoluia din
cultura Tiszapolgr (o ceramic incizat i ncrustat cu alb (Vlassa apud Berciu
1960: 59; Popescu 1965: 138; Rusu 1971; Tasi 1996: 284; Roman 1973: 61, 75;
Roman 1978: 219), dar acestei evoluii i se adaug influene sudice marcate prin
vasele cu 1 sau 2 toarte (Kutzian 1972: 209; Lazarovici 1975: 14) din sud, din
Slcua (Luca 1990b; 1999: 42) i Ariud (Roman 1978, p. 219; Kalicz 1966: 6),
dup M. Garaanin ine de complexul balcano-anatolian, prin intermediu Lengyel
(Garaanin 1955: 126; Garaanin 1979: 142). Cu toate acestea arhitectura
staiunilor nu denot influene sudice ci mai degrab locale.
Momentul formrii, n stratigrafie comparat, este dup Slcua IIIa deoarece
la Cuptoare - Sfogea n nivelele IIc i IIIa sunt importuri i contacte cu Tiszapolgr
timpurie ct i etapa dezvoltat (Lazarovici, Munteanu 1982; Lazarovici 1981;
Oprinescu 1981). Dup aceste orizonturi n IIIb ct i n IV sunt descoperirile
Bodrogkeresztr i orizontul cu toarte pastilate, considerat c urmeaz, dei pare
mai degrab o faz a culturii Bodrogkeresztr.
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Rspndirea. Aria de rspndire cuprinde Banatul de est i vest, parte din

Vojvodina, Ungaria, Slovacia, Criana i Transilvania. Descoperiri mai importante
sunt cele de la Ostrovu Corbului, Pecica - Forgaci, Deva, .a. (Luca 1990, 1999).
Evoluia, cronologie, stratigrafie. Date directe de C14 nu sunt dar pe baza
datrilor de la Ostrovu Corbului din nivel Slcua IIIb 3.310 60 cu care cultura
Bodrogkeresztr sunt contemporane. nrudit cu Bodrogkeresztr este cultura sau
grupa Decea Mureului. Aceasta a mai purtat numele de Tisa IV sau Gorneti.
Datele de radiocarbon din femurul mormntului 12 i probele din colagen indic
5.380 40, iar cele din os 4.87050 BP.

Fig.20 Pecica Forgaci (dup S.A. Luca).

Datele calibrate ar indica 4237 BC. Aceste date sunt nalte i ele ar pleda
pentru sincronisme cu descoperiri neolitice trzii ca ceramica linear de la Trpeti
(4.220 BC), descoperiri Dudeti Vina B-C (4.150 - 4040 BC) grupul Iclod i datrile
Bodrogkeresztr timpurii. Acestea ar fi mai timpurii dect cele Iclod ceea ce ar fi
nepotrivit i neconfirmat din punct de vedere stratigrafic.
Metalurgia aramei atinge apogeul n aceast perioad. Despre tipurile de
unelte, tehnologia lor, apartenena cultural sunt numeroase monografii pentru
perioada de care ne ocupm (Novotna 1970; Jovanovi 1971; Vulpe 1973; 1975;
Luca 1999: 33). Analizele pe obiectele i sursele de cupru i unele tehnologii de
prelucrare efectuate de noi ne ndreptesc s susinem c aceast civilizaie se
ocupa intens de metalurgia aramei (Lazarovici 1992a; Lazarovici et al. 1995;
1995a; Beliu et al. 1992; 2000; Topan et al. 1996).
Aezrile i Locuinele. Aezrile acestei civilizaii sunt situate pe cursurile
de ruri dar sunt mici i nu au fost intens cercetate (Berciu 1960: 59; Rusu 1971:
5; Luca 1999: 15). De obicei apar doar cteva obiecte (Ilidia de ex. Lazarovici
1985). Asemenea situri mici sunt i Ungaria, la Tarnabad (Kalicz 1966: 4).
Descoperirile sunt puse n legtur cu caracterul pstoresc al aezrilor (Luca
1999: 15). Situaie aparte exist la Pecica Forgaci unde pare a fi o aezare dubl,
uneori zis a fi fortificat, ceea ce nu este confirmat (Luca 1999: 13).
Locuinele sunt puin cercetate cunoscndu-se colibe i locuine de suprafa,
patrulatere. (Cristur, j. Harghita - Szekely 1970: 202) similare celor de la Crna Bara
(Banatul de vest - Garaanin 1955: 126). Din cercetrile lui Luca Sabin de la Pecica
- Forgaci rezult c a gsit o colib i gropi (Luca 1999: 14). Acestea confirm
supoziiile privind caracterul pstoresc.
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CTLIN DOBRINESCU*, CONSTANTIN HAIT**

AEZRI DE TIP CENUAR DIN BRONZUL TRZIU

N SUD-ESTUL ROMNIEI

Abstract: The settlements of the Coslogeni culture, named ash mounds or shelters, are identified in
the field as small mounds or large deposits of ashes including fragments of daub material, fragments of
hearths and ovens, pottery, tools of bone, horn, flint and other types of rocks, bones of animals and,
more rarely, tools of bronze. This type of complex, characteristic for the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron
Age periods, in a large area, from west Ukraine, Republic of Moldova, Romania (Moldova, east Muntenia
and Dobrogea) to the north-eastern Bulgaria, represents a typical element of the cultural ensemble
Sabatinovka-Noua-Coslogeni. Nevertheless, this type of settlement exists in other cultures, as
Belogrudovka, Cernoless, Belozersk and Tei. Archaeological researches performed until present illustrate
an important diversity of opinions concerning the functionality of this type of complex. The
archaeological researches performed at Graditea Coslogeni prove the fact that this settlement
corresponds to an agricultural - pastoral occupation and not to a place for depositing the ashes or other
wastes, as mentioned for other settlements. In this occupation were discovered a surface dwelling, pits
for wastes, hearths and ovens, pottery and different types of tools, all of these representing definitive
elements of a household. Otherwise, in the zone of Coslogeni, were discovered only the five complexes
mentioned in this study and no other type of settlement. An important conclusion of this study is the
important role of the pluridisciplinary researches in the archaeological analysis, considering the fact that
a usual agricultural-pastoral settlement could generate numerous discussions and disputed
interpretations, in the attempt to define and understand the formation of this type of artifact.
Keywords: late bronze age, early iron age, Coslogeni culture, pastoral settlement, pluridisciplinary
researches.

Denumite slae sau cenuare, aezrile culturii Coslogeni se prezint n teren sub
forma unor movile scunde sau a unor pete mari de cenu care conin fragmente de
chirpici, resturi de vetre sau cuptoare, fragmente ceramice, unelte de os, corn, silex i
alte tipuri de roci, oase de animale i, mai rar, unelte i arme de bronz.
Acest complex, rspndit n Bronzul trziu i nceputul Epocii fierului pe un
spaiu mare, ce cuprinde vestul Ucrainei, Republica Moldova, Moldova romneasc,
estul Munteniei, Dobrogea i nord-estul Bulgariei, reprezint un element definitoriu
al ansamblului cultural Sabatinovka-Noua-Coslogeni. Totui, acest tip de aezare se
ntlnete i n aria culturilor rsritene Belogrudovka, Cernoless, Belozersk
(Leviki, Sava 1993: 135) i chiar n cultura Tei (Leahu 1966: 52; 1982: 43-52).
Cercetrile efectuate n cenuare i studiile elaborate pn n prezent ilustreaz
o mare diversitate de opinii n legtur cu funcionalitatea lor.
Astfel, A. C. Florescu aprecia c cenuarul corespunde resturilor uneia sau,
eventual, mai multor locuine(Florescu 1964: 146). S. Morintz constata c locuirea
*

Muzeul de Istorie Naional i Arheologie, Constana. e-mail: cdobrinescu@operamail.com.

Muzeul Naional de Istorie a Romniei. Centrul Naional de Cercetri Pluridisciplinare, Bucureti. email: sedimentologie@mnir.ro

**

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n unele cenuare avea un caracter sezonier, fapt ce indica, n opinia acestui

cercettor, modul de via al unor populaii a cror principal ocupaie era
creterea animalelor(Morintz 1978: 149).
La o concluzie asemntoare a ajuns i I.T. Dragomir care, pe baza unor
observaii etnografice i cercetri ntreprinse asupra acestui tip de aezare,
apreciaz c cenuarele aparin cu siguran aa-ziselor aezri umane sezoniere
de cresctori de vite, alctuite din mai multe colibe sau bordeie suprapuse
stratigrafic, n jurul crora se gsesc vetre pentru ars blegarul vitelor(Dragomir
1980: 36). Formarea acestor cenuare se datoreaz nu numai incendierii
locuinelor, construite n mod superficial, ci ntr-o msur apreciabil i datorit
arderii blegarului - fiecare pstor avea vatra sa unde ardea n permanen
gunoaiele i blegarul vitelor (Dragomir 1980: 36). Totui, I.T. Dragomir nu
exclude faptul c, n timp, aceste slae ar fi putut s se transforme n aezri de
mai lung durat.
S-a constatat, totui, existena unor aezri-cenuar mai mari, care atest o
locuire de lung durat, cum este cazul staiunilor de la Grditea Coslogeni
(Neagu, Nanu 1989: 13-15) i Cndeti (Florescu, Florescu 1990: 52).
O alt interpretare dat acestui tip de aezare ntlnim la cercettorii din
Ucraina i Basarabia. Astfel, E. Balaguri, care a studiat numeroase cenuare n
nord-vestul Ucrainei, consider c aceste artefacte sunt locuri de depozitare a
cenuei (Neagu 1993: 171). I. M. Sharafutdinova le considera drept gropi de gunoi
aflate n vecintatea aezrilor (Neagu 1993: 171). O. Leviki. i E. Sava cred c
cenuarele aveau o utilitate cultic, argumentul principal fiind descoperirea unor
obiecte de cult n interiorul acestora (Leviki, Sava 1993: 135).
Studiul nostru se bazeaz, n principal, pe cercetrile din ultimii 20 de ani
ntreprinse, de dr. Marian Neagu, n aezarea eponim a culturii Coslogeni, care au
permis, credem noi, s lmureasc problemele ridicate de tipul i rolul acestor
aezri.
Astfel, spturile din 1985-1986, au scos la iveal opt complexe ce constau din
aglomerri de material arheologic, pe suprafee ce variaz ntre 4 i 10m2. Patru
dintre aceste complexe conin vetre sau cuptoare, iar celelalte patru sunt acoperite
de straturi de cenu (Neagu, Nanu 1986, p. 99-128). Unul dintre aceste complexe
este format din buci de chirpici, arse, cu urme de nuiele, pietre i o vatr de lut,
situaie care i-a determinat pe cercettori s considere acest complex ca fcnd
parte dintr-o locuin (Neagu, Nanu 1986: 104). Un alt complex este format din
patru cuptoare i vetre, grupate dou cte dou i desprite ntre ele de o
construcie ce apare n teren sub forma unui an de form semicircular, perforat
pe mijloc de o groap. n faa cuptoarelor a fost descoperit o zon de 2,5 x 2m cu
pietre de dimensiuni mijlocii, puternic arse. De o parte i de alta a acestui complex
au fost descoperite gropi de par cu diametre variind ntre 0,15 i 0,20m.
Cuptoarele sunt spate n lut cruat, unul avnd dimensiunea boltirii de 0,77m
i vatra lung de 1,22m, iar cellalt cu diametrul calotei de 0,66m i nlimea de
0,50m.
ntr-o groap masiv au fost descoperii pereii unei construcii de dimensiuni
mari, fragmente ale unor plci de lut ars, ceramic, exfolieri de perete i plci
datorate arderii, cenu i fragmente de zgur. Fragmentele de perete sunt de lut
ars i au grosimi variabile, ntre 3,2-3,7cm. Ansamblul a fost realizat prin armarea,
nainte de ardere, cu nuiele, a pereilor uor arcuii. Pe un fragment de perete se
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observ urmele unor orificii i a unui tub dispuse identic plcilor de lut. M. Neagu i
D. B. Nanu au considerat c acest ansamblu reprezint o construcie de dimensiuni
mari, de form circular, respectiv o instalaie de ardere (Nanu, Neagu 1992: 103115). Fragmente de plci asemntoare au fost descoperite, tot ntr-o groap cu
materiale Coslogeni, la Bugeac, n judeul Constana. Fragmentele ceramice
descoperite alturi de aceast instalaie de ardere provin de la forme specifice
culturii Coslogeni: vase-borcan cu brie n relief, ceti cu toarte supranlate
(Irimia 1981: 347-370).
Prezena zgurii alturi de ansamblul amintit i-a determinat pe aceeai
cercettori s presupun c instalaia respectiv ar fi putut fi folosit la producerea
metalului. Analiza chimic a unor fragmente de zgur a evideniat faptul c acestea
conin un procentaj mare de oxizi de fier variind ntre 0,52% i 15,17%, situaie ce
ar indica un proces de elaborare a unor aliaje ale fierului, caz n care instalaia ar fi
fost folosit ntr-un proces metalurgic, ce avea ca element fierul. Totui, aceast
idee este emis cu rezerve chiar de ctre iniiatorii ei. Rezerve sunt n ceea ce
privete scopul activitii de producie a instalaiei. Aceste platforme-grtar pot fi
legate, mai sigur, de un cuptor pentru ars ceramica (Nanu, Neagu 1986: 103-115).
O situaie mai deosebit prezint descoperirea unei vetre portabile depus ntro groap. Vatra, de form dreptunghiular, cu coluri rotunjite, are 0,625m
lungime, 0,540m lime, 0,100-0,150m nlime i 0,025-0,035m grosime (Nanu,
Neagu 1986: 111).
n total, n urma cercetrilor efectuate n anii 80 ai secolului trecut, au fost
descoperite n acest cenuar 16 cuptoare i vetre.
n complexe i n afara lor, n interiorul cenuarului, au fost descoperite
numeroase vase i fragmente ceramice, unelte de os i corn, fragmente de rni
i tipare de piatr pentru turnat unelte de bronz, un pumnal, o fibul de bronz i
numeroase oase de animale (Nanu, Neagu 1986: 111, 117).
n anii 1991-1993, cercettorii M. Neagu i V. Cavruc lmuresc i problema
stratigrafiei din staiunea eponim a culturii Coslogeni (Cavruc, Neagu 1995: 7180), demonstrnd existena unui nivel de locuire neolitic, deasupra cruia a fost
ridicat un tumul, suprapus la rndul su, n partea de nord, de aezarea Coslogeni
(Cenuarul 1). Pe grind au mai fost identificate alte cinci cenuare.
Cenuarul cercetat n prezent la Coslogeni are cinci etape succesive de locuire:
prima etap este reprezentat de o platform de lut cu un strat de cenu
deasupra, care suprapune partea de nord a tumulului;
n cea de a doua etap, la civa metri nord-est de tumul, peste stratul
neolitic, a fost construit a doua platform, suprapus tot de un nivel de
cenu;
a treia i a patra etap de formare a cenuarului sunt realizate din dou
niveluri succesive de cenu;
a cincea etap de formare prezint, din nou, platforma de lut suprapus de
stratul de cenu.
Din cele trei platforme de lut, dou se afl n pant. n plan, toate au forme
neregulate i nici una nu este nsoit de urme de construcie.
Cercetrile pluridisciplinare - sedimentologice, palinologice, paleobotanice i
arheozoologice - completeaz datele arheologice, conturnd o imagine mai clar
asupra sitului din Balta Borcei.
Studiul sedimentologic al nivelurilor Coslogeni, observate pe profilul vestic al
suprafeei S I, a evideniat faptul c acestea sunt reprezentate esenial prin trei
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niveluri de platform, interstratificate cu nivelurile corespunztoare de utilizare,

aceast succesiune fiind situat ntre nivelul Cernavod i cenuar1.
Platformele sunt realizate din acelai tip de material de construcie, fiind foarte
uor de recunoscut n teren prin lipsa constituenilor antropici, culoare glbuie sau
glbui cenuie i structur prismatic-tabular. Aceasta din urm indic o
compactare important realizat, probabil, n momentul punerii n loc, n stare
umed a sedimentului. Materialul sedimentar utilizat pentru construcia acestor
platforme este reprezentat de sedimente siltice i fin nisipoase din aluviunile
localizate n imediata vecintate a aezrii. n cazul celui de al doilea nivel de
platform a fost observat un nivel de tranziie ntre nivelul constructiv al platformei
i nivelul de utilizare cenuiu, constnd dintr-o unitate granular, cu grosimea de
3cm, ce conine frecvente fragmente siltice glbui de dimensiuni cm, ce ar putea
proveni din distrugerea unor elemente (verticale?) ale structurii.
Nivelurile ce separ aceste platforme conin rari constitueni antropici, ce
corespund la:
platforma 1: rar crbune fin, fragmente de scoici, granule carbonatice ce
pot proveni din transformarea fizico-chimic a cenuii, rare fragmente
siltice fine i de chirpici ars.
platforma 2: frecvente fragmente siltice glbui, rar crbune i chirpici ars.
platforma 3 - Cenuarul I: rare oase de peti, fragmente ceramice.
Aceti constitueni antropici nu formeaz acumulri distincte, fiind practic
diseminai n cadrul unei matrice sedimentare cu textur siltic foarte fin (cu
aspect prfos) i culoare brun cenuie datorat, probabil, prezenei materiei
organice i, n cazul Cenuarului I, structur agregat datorat bioturbaiei faunei
n cadrul proceselor pedogenetice. Trebuie menionat faptul c, n opinia noastr,
Cenuarul I, ca i celelalte niveluri de utilizare a platformelor, conin numai
sporadic cenu i fragmente fine de crbune. Prezena n cadrul acestor niveluri a
materialelor ce provin din distrugeri pledeaz, ca i aspectele menionate anterior,
n sprijinul unei ipoteze conform creia nivelurile de utilizare a platformelor,
probabil mult mai fine i dificil de decelat n teren, sunt acoperite de nivelri cu
aport de material a crui surs este greu de precizat n prezent. Caracteristicile
texturale ale sedimentului indic un material diferit de cel ntlnit n sit, iar
caracteristicile pedogenetice situeaz aceast surs n cuvertura de sol
contemporan locuirii Coslogeni.
Studiul micromorfologic, la nivel microscopic, va putea oferi informaiile
necesare interpretrii acestor niveluri i va permite, de asemenea, evidenierea
eventualelor deeuri de combustie, ca i a unor constitueni cu transformare
termic important, n cazul n care aceste platforme ar fi fost incendiate. Analiza
sedimentologic nu indic ns nici o transformare termic (rubefiere a prii
superioare, cu limit gradat ctre partea inferioar), lucru uor de observat n
cazul locuinelor incendiate.
Studiile palinologice (Spiridinova 1995: 81-86), paleobotanice (Lebedeva:
1995: 84-87) i arheozoologice (Udrescu 1995: 103-105) efectuate n aezare
ofer importante date n ceea ce privete condiiile i modul de via a comunitii
din aezarea menionat.
Analiza palinologic a relevat faptul c, n Bronzul trziu, climatul i cuvertura
vegetal a zonei Coslogeni reflect condiii de step. Modificrile principale care sau constatat n ceea ce privete vegetaia au fost determinate de diferenele de
mpdurire de-a lungul Dunrii i afluenilor ei. n compoziia celui de-al doilea
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nivel de locuire domin plantele ierboase specifice stepei, plantele lemnoase avnd
o prezen redus. Aceast situaie indic o perioad de rcire a climatului, fapt ce
a favorizat formarea stepei, rolul plantelor lemnoase scznd n valea Dunrii
(Spiridinova 1995: 81-86).
O schimbare major se produce odat cu formarea nivelului superior al
cenuarului, spectrul polinic indicnd o cretere a plantelor lemnoase, stepa
constituind, n continuare, tipul zonal general de vegetaie. n aceast perioad,
datorit condiiilor slabe de drenaj, care au dus la nnmolirea solului, n valea
Dunrii se produce o rspndire a lemnoaselor latifoliere (stejarul, frasinul, ulmul,
alunul). Climatul a devenit mai cald (mai ales iarna) i mai puin continental. Deci,
n cursul existenei aezrii, vegetaia acestei microregiuni era stepic, iar clima a
variat de la continental la temperat continental (Spiridinova 1995: 81-86).
Studiul paleobotanic demonstreaz c principala cultur agricol a comunitii
de aici era meiul, cu un procent de 78, 9% din totalul plantelor cultivate. Urma
orzul, cu un procent de 13, 5% i grul cu doar 4,6% (Lebedeva 1995: 84-87).
Importana meiului, aflat totui n cantiti reduse n interiorul cenuarului,
nscrie cultura Coslogeni, dup E. Lebedeva, n arcul cultural Sabatinovka-Noua i
n marea unitate cultural de tip Srubnaia din regiunea de step, unde meiul i
orzul au jucat un rol important n alimentaia oamenilor i animalelor. Acest
complex de cereale apare mult mai devreme, n culturile Sredni Stog,
Mihailovskoia din Ucraina, fiind specific culturilor n cadrul crora creterea
animalelor a jucat un rol important n economie.
Studiul arheozoologic arat c economia aezrii se baza pe creterea
animalelor. Bovinele reprezint specia cea mai bine reprezentat ca numr de
fragmente identificate, avnd un procent de 34,2%. Talia medie estimat pentru
bovine este de 1,124m, valoare care este mai mic dect media calculat pentru
epoca bronzului din Romnia, reprezentnd o particularitate a zonei. Cercetrile
arheozoologice demonstreaz c animalele erau sacrificate la vrste naintate,
odat cu diminuarea forei de munc, a produciei de lapte i a fertilitii (Udrescu
1995: 103-108).
Ovicaprinele reprezint un procent de 22,3% din totalul fragmentelor
osteologice de mamifere identificate. Exemplarele de la Coslogeni au talia
apropiat de valoarea calculat pentru ntreaga epoc a bronzului. Sacrificarea
animalelor, n general, dup ce au depit 1 ani arat, n opinia lui M. Udrescu,
c locuitorii de pe grdite erau preocupai pentru pstrarea i mrirea volumului
turmelor i exploatarea produselor secundare.
Suinele au un procent puin mai mic dect al bovinelor, respectiv 30,5%.
Datele prelevate nu exclud problema ncrucirii accidentale cu mistreul, care era
abundent n acea vreme n regiunea nconjurtoare aezrii. Cabalinele au o
proporie de 7,1% din totalul resturilor osteologice de mamifere. Urmele de ardere
i retezare cu unelte tioase indic, n opinia cercettorului amintit, c specia era
folosit i pentru consum. Vnatul deine procente mici din numrul fragmentelor
identificate: cerb 1,5% i mistre 2%. Au mai fost identificate dou fragmente
osteologice de iepure i unul de vulpe (Udrescu 1995: 103-108).
Datele arheozoologice arat c populaia aezrii prefera creterea bovinelor i
suinelor n detrimentul ovinelor, situaia explicabil prin faptul c terenurile din zon
erau joase i supuse inundaiilor periodice ale Dunrii. Acest lucru ar explica, dup M.
Udrescu, valorile mici ale taliei i gracilitatea bovinelor, elemente care au putut fi
favorizate, din punct de vedere selectiv, de condiiile particulare ale aezrii.
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Cercetrile ntreprinse n cenuarul nr. 1 de la Grditea Coslogeni

demonstreaz c aici avem de-a face cu o aezare pastoral-agricol i nu cu un loc
de depozitat cenua sau cu o groap menajer, dup cum apreciau cercettorii
ucrainieni menionai n acest studiu. n interiorul cenuarului, au fost gsite resturi
ale unei locuine de suprafa, gropi menajere, cuptoare, vetre, ceramic i unelte,
toate reprezentnd elemente definitorii ale unor gospodrii. De altfel, n
mprejurimi nu a fost descoperit, n afara altor cinci cenuare, un alt tip de aezare
aparinnd culturii Coslogeni.
Posibila funcionalitate cultic a acestor cenuare nu poate fi negat, cel puin
pentru complexele descoperite n ariile culturilor Noua i Sabatinovka. Prezena
unor cranii de bovidee n cele patru coluri ale cenuarului Noua de la Coblna
(Republica Moldova) i a unor morminte, la Ghindeti, Petrueni (Republica
Moldova) i Novoselia (Ucraina), pare s confirme aceast opinie. G. Tocev i I.
T. Cerneakov apreciau c prezena craniilor de animale i a numeroaselor oase de
bovidee n cenuarele cu morminte umane ar reprezenta, n fapt, nmormntri
rituale de animale, cu rol de hran votiv pentru defunci (Neagu 1993).
Cercetrile ntreprinse pn n prezent demonstreaz, ns, c n cenuarele culturii
Coslogeni nu au fost descoperite elemente care s permit atribuirea unui caracter
cultic acestora, ns acest rol nu trebuie cu totul exclus, orice aezare uman
avnd n cadrul ei i o astfel de reprezentare, extinderea ariei de investigaie
urmnd s lmureasc aceast situaie.
Din cele peste 50 de situri identificate n sud-estul Romniei i nord-estul
Bulgariei, ce pot fi atribuite culturii Coslogeni, cercetri sistematice au fost
ntreprinse doar n cteva, n prezent, studiat fiind numai staiunea eponim.
Multe dintre aceste situri (cca. 50%) sunt cunoscute doar din periegheze, iar un
numr apreciabil de complexe i materiale arheologice au fost descoperite ca
urmare a cercetrilor sistematice a unor situri din alte epoci, cum este cazul la
Bugeac, Satu Nou-Valea Voicu i Rasova, n judeul Constana (Irimia 1974, 1981;
Irimia, Conovici 1993), Garvn-Mljitul Florilor, Beidaud i Revrsarea-Tichileti,
judeul Tulcea (Jugnaru 1997; Simion 2003a, 2003b), Silitea-Nazru, judeul
Brila (Haruche 1982) .a..
Multe dintre aezrile de tip cenuar trebuie s fi avut i un caracter stabil, din
moment ce la Grditea-Coslogeni sau la Ulmu (Morintz, Anghelescu 1970: 388391; Morintz 1978: 126, 135-136) au fost descoperite complexe de tipul unor
cuptoare de ars ceramica sau chiar zgur de bronz, cum este cazul ultimei aezri.
O concluzie important ce se desprinde i din prezentul studiu este rolul
important al cercetrii pluridisciplinare n analiza arheologic, o aezare obinuit,
pastoral-agricol, putnd genera numeroase discuii i interpretri controversate, n
ncercarea de a defini i nelege modul de formare al acestui tip de artefact.
Note
1.

Adresm mulumirile noastre clduroase d-lui dr. Marian Neagu, Muzeul Dunrii de Jos
Clrai i d-lui dr. Stnic Pandrea, Muzeul Brilei, pentru sprijinul acordat i informaiile
arheologice oferite cu amabilitate.

426

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Bibliografie
Cavruc, V., Neagu, M. 1995. Date noi privind stratigrafia Grditea Coslogeni.
Cultur i Civilizaie la Dunrea de Jos XIII-XIV: 71-80.
Dragomir, I. T. 1980. Contribuii arheologice i etnografice referitoare la procesul
de formare a aezrilor de tip cenuar-zolniki. Danubius 10: 31-58.
Florescu, A. C. 1964. Contribuii la cunoaterea culturii Noua. Arheologia Moldovei
2-3: 143-216.
Florescu, A. C., Florescu, M. 1990. Unele observaii cu privire la geneza culturii
Noua n zonele de curbur ale Carpailor Rsriteni. Arheologia Moldovei 13:
49-75.
Haruche, N. 1982. Raport preliminar asupra spturilor arheologice de la Silitea
(Nazru), judeul Brila. Istros 1-2 (1981-1982): 67-80.
Irimia, M. 1974. Cercetrile arheologice de la Rasova-Malu Rou. Raport preliminar.
Pontica 7: 75-137.
Irimia, M. 1981. Observaii privind epoca bronzului n Dobrogea n lumina unor
cercetri recente. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche i Arheologie XXXII (3):
347-370.
Irimia, M., Conovici, N. 1993. Descoperiri hallstattiene n zona davei getice de la
Satu Nou (com. Oltina, jud. Constana). Pontica 26: 51-114.
Jugnaru, G. 1997. Manifestri timpurii ale primei epoci a fierului n Dobrogea
(Descoperirile de la Garvn-Mljitul Florilor, jud. Tulcea). Prima epoc a fierului
la Gurile Dunrii i n zonele circumpontice, Tulcea: 103-110.
Leahu, V. 1966. Cultura Tei, Bucureti, 1966.
Leahu, V. 1982. Spturile arheologice efectuate la Daia. Cercetri Arheologice V:
43-52.
Lebedeva, E. 1995. Les rsultats prliminaires des tudes paleoethnobotaniques du
site Coslogeni. Cultur i Civilizaie la Dunrea de Jos XIII-XIV: 95-102.
Leviki, O., Sava, E. 1993. Nouvelles recherches des tablissements de la culture
Noua dans la zone comprise entre Prout et le Nistre. Cultur i civilizaie la
Dunrea de Jos X: 125-156.
Morintz, S., Anghelescu, N. 1970. O nou cultur a epocii Bronzului n Romnia.
Cultura de tip Coslogeni. Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche XXI (3): 333-415.
Morintz, S. 1978. Contribuii arheologice la istoria tracilor timpurii, 1, Bucureti,
1978.
Nanu, D. B., Neagu, N. 1992. Un complex al tracilor timpurii, descoperit n
regiunea Dunrii de Jos. Danubius 13-14: 103-115.
Neagu, M., Nanu, D. B. 1986. Consideraii preliminare asupra aezrii eponime de
la Grditea-Coslogeni. Cultur i Civilizaie la Dunrea de Jos II: 99-127.
Neagu, M., Nanu, D. B. 1989. Consideraii asupra tracilor timpurii la Dunrea de
Jos n lumina spturilor arheologice de la Grditea Coslogeni. Cultur i
Civilizaie la Dunrea de Jos V-VII (1988-1989): 13-26.
Neagu, M. 1993. The eastern component of the Coslogeni culture. Cultur i
Civilizaie la Dunrea de Jos X: 193 198.
Simion, G. 2003a. Aezarea hallstattian de la Beidaud-Tulcea. Culturi antice n
zona Gurilor Dunrii, Cluj-Napoca: 79-98.
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Simion, G. 2003b. Situl hallstattian de la Revrsarea-Tichileti. Culturi antice n

zona Gurilor Dunrii, Cluj-Napoca: 98-114.
Spiridinova, E. 1995. Les rsultats prliminaires de lexamen palynologique du site
Coslogeni. Cultur i Civilizaie la Dunrea de Jos XIII-XIV: 81-94.
Udrescu, M. 1995. Observaii preliminare privind creterea animalelor i vntoarea
n aezarea de la Grditea-Coslogeni; date zooarheologice. Cultur i
Civilizaie la Dunrea de Jos XIII-XIV: 103-108.

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DRAGO MNDESCU

CONSIDRATIONS SUR LA CHRONOLOGIE

RELATIVE ET ABSOLUE DE LA NCROPOLE GTE
DE PROFESSEUR ICHIRKOVO, RGION SILISTRA
(BULGARIE DU NORD-EST)
Abstract: Localitatea Profesor Iirkovo, situat la 16 km sud-vest de Silistra (Fig.1), este bine
cunoscut n literatura arheologic destinat nceputului celei de-a doua epoci a fierului n zona tracic,
prin intermediul unei importante necropole de incineraie publicat n 1994 (,
1994). n articol se reia discuia asupra cronologiei relative i absolute a necropolei, propunndu-se o
nou abordare a acesteia. n funcie de reprezentativitatea lor, au fost stabilite 17 tipuri de inventar
(Fig.2), care ulterior au fost inserate ntr-un tabel combinatoriu. La nseriere au participat 33 de
morminte, reprezentnd 82,5% din totalul de 40. Se pot recunoate n nserierea rezultat trei etape de
asocieri, destul de clar conturate, considerate faze ale necropolei (Fig.3). Dispunerea pe planul
necropolei a mormintelor aparinnd celor trei faze (Fig.5) ntrete rezultatul nserierii. Se poate
observa cum mormintele celor trei grupri ocup areale ce pot fi delimitate n ansamblul necropolei.
Astfel, mormintele primei grupe ocup centrul necropolei. n a doua faz, mormintele nconjoar practic
pe cele anterioare, manifestndu-se tendina de extindere spre sud a necropolei. n final, n cea de-a
treia faz, nmormntrile revin n zona central a necropolei i, de aceast dat, tendina de extindere
a spaiului se manifest spre arealul nordic. S-a ncercat evidenierea unor eventuale paliere de
cronologie relativ prin studierea n cadrul altor necropole a analogiilor asocierilor definitorii pentru
fiecare dintre cele trei faze. n stabilirea puin numeroaselor repere de cronologie absolut au fost
utilizate indiciile oferite de unele tipuri i piese cu relevan cronologic sporit. n concluzie, se afirm
c n ciuda absenei materialelor arheologice cu o relevan cronologic deosebit, necropola de la
Profesor Iirkovo, una dintre cele mai importante necropole getice de la Dunrea de Jos, poate fi
plasat, n special pe baza analizei ceramicii specifice, ntr-un orizont conemporan cu faza Ravna II i
parial cu Ravna III dar i cu Ferigile III. Cu toat penuria relaiilor din domeniul cronologiei absolute,
nu i se poate refuza necropolei de la Profesor Iirkovo o datare n secolul V a.Chr., foarte probabil
centrul su de greutate plasndu-se cndva ctre mijlocul acestui secol.
Keywords: iron age, Bulgaria, cemetery, cremation graves, pottery, cronology.

La localit Professeur Ichirkovo, situe 16 km au Sud-Ouest de Silistra

(Fig.1), est bien connue dans la littrature archologique destine la deuxime
poque du fer dans la zone gte, par lintermdiaire dune importante ncropole
dincinration publie en 1994 (, 1994).
Dans les annes 1976 et 1979 taient dcouvertes par hasard la limite Ouest
de la localit sept tombeaux dincinration. Deux campagnes de fouilles
systmatiques se sont suivies, dans les annes 1980 et 1981, qui ont conduit la
dcouverte de 33 autres tombeaux. En mme temps, les traces de lhabitat gte
contemporain au cimetire ont t localises presque 1 km au Nord de celui-ci.
Les 40 tombeaux qui composent la ncropole gte de Professeur Ichirkovo
sont exclusivement dincinration en urne, avec ou sans couvercle, plusieurs fois la
fosse du tombeau tant couverte de pierres. La ncropole a t probablement
plane il ny a pas de traces de tumulus.

Muezul Judeean Arge, Piteti. e-mail: dragos_mandescu@yahoo.com.

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MER
NOIRE
BULGARIE

Fig1. Localisation de la ncropole gte de Professeur Ichirkovo.

En ce qui concerne linventaire funraire, il se remarque par la pauvret. La
principale catgorie dinventaire cest la cramique: en moyenne,
approximativement quatre vases dans chaque tombeau, en comptant ici aussi les
urnes. Le nombre total des rcipients cramique de la ncropole slve 159,
dont 83% ont t restaures et publies, cest dire 132 vases 61 la main
(46,2%) et 71 la roue (53,8%). A part la cramique, des tombeaux ont t
rcolts aussi des fusaoles, des canifs en fer, des perles en bronze et en fer,
rarement des boutons et des anneaux en bronze, larc dune fibule monospirale,
en bronze, que les auteurs tendent, sans justification, pourtant, lattribuer au
schma thrace, tout comme une fibule en fer avec double ressort monospirale et
porte-ardillon triangulaire, non illustre. Malheureusement, dans la mme
situation, pourvue de support graphique, se trouve une partie importante de
linventaire mtallique.
Les auteurs de la fouille et de la publication (Roumjana Georgieva et Ivan
Batchvarov) datent la ncropole en gnral au Ve sicle av. J.-C., avec des
commencements la fin du VIe sicle av. J.-C., les dernires tombeaux se plaant
au IVe sicle av. J.-C.
Le but du matriel prsent nest aucunement celui de recenser la mritoire
publication des collgues archologues de Silistra, mais celui de proposer une
autre modalit daborder la question de la chronologie relative et absolue, en
partant des donnes connues, comprises dans le volume ddi cette ncropole
rigoureusement documente. Dailleurs, justement cet enregistrement et cette
documentation rigoureuse des tombeaux, tout comme la publication dtaille de
linventaire par tombeaux ensembles clos, ont offert la possibilit opportune pour
une discussion dtaille sous laspect chronologique, en la faisant en mme temps
possible.
Afin de bnficier de limage densemble dune chronologie relative dans la
ncropole, nous avons procd au sriation ou lanalyse combinatoire des
tombeaux, en fonction des associations existantes entre une somme de types
dinventaire slectionnes daprs leur reprsentativit. A ltablissement des types
participants la sriation, ont t respectes simultanment deux conditions
lmentaires: que le type prsomptif soit prsent au moins deux fois dans
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lensemble des tombeaux (au moins dans deux tombeaux distincts) et en mme
temps quil bnficie de lassociation avec au moins un du reste des types dans le
tombeau o il apparat.

Fig.2. Professeur Ichirkovo. Types de mobilier funraire.

(Dessins d'aprs Georgieva et Batchvarov - chelles diffrentes)
Il a rsult ainsi un nombre de 17 types (Fig.2) sur laxe des types dinventaire
de lanalyse combinatoire, la plupart tant des formes cramiques (15: six la
roue et neuf la main), auxquels se rajoutent deux types de canifs: avec lamelle
droite et avec lamelle courbe avec le tranchant lintrieur. Les 15 catgories
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cramiques individualises dans lensemble de linventaire funraire et utilises la

sriation sont les suivantes:
1. cuelle la roue, le corps diffrenci du rebord par lintermdiaire de
lpaule carn; le rebord fortement vas;
2. cuelle la roue, avec le corps non diffrenci du rebord, le rebord vas;
3. cuelle la roue avec la rebord vas obliquement;
4. cuelle la roue, tronconique, avec le rebord droit ou un peu courb vers
lintrieur, un peu paissi lextrmit;
5. bol la main, avec le profil du paroi courb vers lintrieur;
6. bol la main, variante du type prcdent, du rebord duquel sont tires
verticalement quatre prominences diamtralement opposes;
7. bol la main, avec quatre prominences-poignes disposes
diamtralement opposes sur le corps de la vase, au-dessous du rebord;
8. terrine la roue, haute, avec lpaule prononce et la rebord fortement
recourb vers lextrieur;
9. gobelet la main, cylindrique, avec les parois droits et le rebord vertical,
ayant sur le corps, au-dessous du rebord, deux boutons prominents,
disposs diamtralement opposs;
10. cruche la roue, bitronconique, avec le rebord profil, la base annulaire et
lanse surleve;
11. pot la main, avec aspect de bocal, svelte, avec les poignes disposes
au-dessous du rebord diamtralement opposes et unies par un cordon
alvolaire;
12. pot la main, variante du type antrieur, toujours avec aspect de bocal,
mais un peu plus bas; les poignes prominentes disparaissent, le seul
ornement tant le cordon alvolaire dispos au-dessous du rebord,
parallle avec celui-ci;
13. imitation de krater la roue, avec le rebord profil et lpaule haut, sur
lequel sont colles deux poignes horizontales;
14. pot la roue, de type cloche, avec le rebord diffrenci du corps par une
lgre inflexion, le corps bomb et la base avec diamtre rduit; sur le
corps, au-dessous du diamtre maxime dhabitude dans la moiti
infrieure, sont prsentes deux poignes prominentes, disposes
diamtralement opposes;
15. pot la main, variante du type antrieur; le corps nest plus bomb, mais
il gagne en hauteur, dans la moiti suprieure les parois de la vase tant
droits, verticaux; le rebord nest plus individualis, il ny a plus la
dmarcation entre le corps et le rebord; en comparaison avec le type
antrieur, le diamtre de la base augmente lgrement par rapport au
diamtre du corps; il est prsent le mme type de poignes comme dans
le cas du type antrieur, de disposition semblable.
Les canifs forment les types 16 et 17 de linventaire:
16. canif de fer, avec la lamelle droite;
17. canif de fer avec la lamelle courbe et le tranchant lintrieur (sur la
partie concave).
A la sriation ralise laide du programme WINBASP1, version 5.4, ont
particip 33 tombeaux, reprsentant 82,5% du total de 40, pourcentage que nous
pouvons considrer satisfaisant du point de vue de la reprsentativit.

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15

16 13 14

10

17

11 12

18
14
1
2
12
32
8
5
3
30
28
17
38
33
35
6
10
21
34
7
23
27
9
40
24
11
29
4
22
39
36
15
37
15

9 16 13 14

3 10

4 17

6 11 12

Fig.3. Professeur Ichirkovo. Sriation des tombeaux qui contiennent

les types dinventaire.
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Malgr le conservatisme reconnu de la cramique et en nous assumant le

risque dappliquer un tel procd dans les conditions ou nous disposons de
relativement peu de types combinatoires et, en plus, dpourvus dexpressivit
chronologique, nous pouvons pourtant reconnatre dans la sriation rsulte trois
tapes dassociations, assez clairement dlimites, que nous considrons des
phases de la ncropole (Fig.3).
La premire phase, o sinscrivent les tombeaux 1, 2, 12, 14, 18 et 32, est
dfinie par la forte association de lcuelle la roue avec profil carn et le
rebord fortement vas (le type 1), avec le canif avec la lamelle droite (le type
16). Sen suit un fort groupement de tombeaux (les tombeaux 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10,
17, 21, 23, 28, 30, 33, 34, 35, 38) les types mentionns antrieurement se
maintiennent, mais plusieurs types nouveaux apparaissent, en particulier la
cruche travaille la roue avec lanse surleve (le type 10), lcuelle travaille
la roue avec le rebord un peu prononc, droit ou lgrement envas (le type
4), et la grande vase, la main, en forme de cloche, avec les poignes
disposes au-dessous du diamtre maximal (le type 14). Enfin, lapparition de
trois nouveaux types, savoir le bol la main avec des prominences tires
verticalement du rebord (le type 6) et les pots travaills la main, avec un
cordon alvolaire au-dessous du rebord (le type 12), ou ceux avec les poignes
disposes au-dessous du rebord, diamtralement opposes, unies par un
cordon alvolaire (le type 11) marquent un dernier groupement de tombeaux
(les tombeaux 4, 9, 11, 15, 22, 24, 27, 29, 36, 37, 39, 40).
Arrivs avec notre discussion en ce stade, simpose un bref regard comparatif
avec les rsultats obtenus par les auteurs de la publication (Georgieva et
Batchvarov). Ceux-ci ont distingu cinq groupes chronologiques dans le cadre de la
ncropole, succds sur la dure de plus dun sicle, o taient placs 31
tombeaux (77,5% du total de 40). Nous pouvons facilement observer que, les plus
nombreuses fois, notre dtermination et la rpartition des tombeaux dans les trois
phases rsultes de la sriation propose sont assez diffrentes par rapport
celles des auteurs cits (Fig.4), mme en tenant compte de la marge de relativit
de cette opration, donne par la diffrence du nombre de phases tablies trois,
respectivement cinq.
La disposition dans le plan de la ncropole des tombeaux appartenant aux trois
phases (Fig.5) renfort le rsultat de la sriation. Mme si nous ne bnficions pas
de limage dune volution linaire de la ncropole au contraire, laspect gnral
rsult suite la semble, lors dun premier regard, plutt confus nous pouvons
observer que les tombeaux des trois groupements occupent des aires qui peuvent
tre dlimites dans lensemble de la ncropole. Ainsi, les tombeaux de la premire
groupe occupent le centre de la ncropole (note discordante fait seulement le
tombeau 2, trouv la limite Nord-Ouest de la ncropole). Dans la deuxime
phase, les tombeaux entourent pratiquement celles antrieures, se manifestant la
tendance dextension vers le Sud de la ncropole. Finalement, dans la troisime
phase, les enterrements reviennent dans la zone centrale de la ncropole, et,
cette-fois-ci, la tendance dextension de lespace se manifeste vers laire nordique.
Dans lessai de fixer les rsultats de la description dans les termes de la
chronologie absolue, malheureusement ne nous restent pas la disposition trop
dlments. Premirement, pourrait surprendre labsence des importations du
milieu colonial grec, mme si la ncropole se trouve un peu plus de 100 km
distance du littoral de la Mer Noire et moins de 20 km du Danube, la principale
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artre de communication lpoque. Pourtant, une vidence de linfluence grecque

considre un phnomne gnral dans le domaine de la cramique (Cicikova
1965: 342-343) est atteste par la prsence dans les tombeaux de la cramique
imite sans intermdiaire daprs formes grecques: les krateroi des tombeaux 5 et
6, lkan dans le tombeau 28 et la variante de lkan avec pied du tombeau 39.
Phase I

1
2
12
14
18
32

Groupe
chronologique
GeorgievaBatchvarov
II
V
II
III
IV
?

Phase II

3
5
6
7
8
10
17
21
23
28
30
33
34
35
38

Groupe
chronologique
GeorgievaBatchvarov
III
III
II
III
V
I
IV
V
V
II
V
V
?
II
I

Phase III

4
9
11
15
22
24
27
29
36
37
39
40

Groupe
chronologique
GeorgievaBatchvarov
I
II
I
IV
IV
IV
I
I
V
IV
V
I

Fig4. Professeur Ichirkovo. Tableau comparatif de la rpartition des tombeaux

par phases / groupes chronologiques.
En mme temps, labsence des importations grecques authentiques de la
ncropole de Professeur Ichirkovo peut avoir par la nature mme du phnomne
une valeur chronologique, indiquant la situation de la ncropole dans un horizon
de la culture locale que nous pouvons dnommer sans importations ou plutt
avant les importations.
Phase I. Beaucoup des associations des types dfinitoires pour la premire
phase se retrouvent dans une mesure plus petite ou plus grande dans le cadre
dune srie de ncropoles situes approximativement dans le mme cadre spatiotemporel, ce qui pourrait constituer un nouveau point de dpart dans la tentative
dtablir la chronologie relative de la ncropole de Professeur Ichirkovo. Ainsi,
spcifique la premire phase, lassociation des types 15 et 16 est prsente aussi
dans la deuxime phase de la ncropole de Ravna, dans le tombeau 10 (
1962: 104, tabl. XIV/4-6; Hnsel 1974: 202, Abb. 7). Toujours dans la deuxime
phase de la ncropole de Ravna, le tombeau 15 contient lassociation des types 15
et 1 ( 1962: 107-108, tabl. XVII/5; XVIII/1), la mme association se
trouvant dans le tombeau 1 de Tzarkvitza, dat largement aux Ve-Ve sicles av. J.C. ( 1963: 5, tabl. 1-2). Une autre association, celle des types 2 et 15,
rencontre dans la premire phase, mais galement dans la deuxime phase,
apparat dans le tombeau 2 de Pcelnik, ncropole date depuis le dbut du Ve
sicle jusquau milieu du IVe sicle av. J.-C. ( 1993: 29, tabl. I/1-3).
Le type 1 se trouve quelques antcdentes dans le groupe Ferigile du Nord du
Danube, par lcuelle type I Da1, travaille la main (Vulpe 1967: 41, fig.13, pl.
III/4-5). Toujours des prototypes du type 1 peuvent tre considrs les deux
exemplaires travaills la main dans un tombeau de Piatra Frecei, cuelles dont
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la datation prcoce est assure par les deux fibules de type Glasinac avec porteardillon en forme de bouclier boetien du mme ensemble clos (Simion 1976: 144145, fig.1, 2/1-2). Dailleurs, dans la forme cramique reprsente ici par le type 1
a t vue, avec des arguments pertinents, une survie locale hallstattienne, plutt
quune influence de la cramique grecque (Alexandrescu 1999: 160-161).
Une forme cramique qui peut conduire quelques indices concernant la
chronologie absolue cest la terrine la roue avec des anses disposes
horizontalement sur le rebord, du tombeau 2 (phase I). Celle-ci imite des formes
grecques de lkan comme est celle dcouverte Histria dans un niveau du milieu
du VIe sicle av. J.-C. (Alexandrescu 1978: 109, no. cat. 709, fig.25). Une forme un
peu plus volue, avec le pied bref et des rainures parallles sur lextrieur du
rebord a t dcouverte dans la ncropole tumulaire dHistria, dens le tumulus
XXII dat au milieu du Ve sicle av. J.-C. (Alexandrescu 1966: no. cat. XXII/3, pl.
86), et dans une autre variante, mme plus tard, au IVe sicle av. J.-C., dans le
cadre de la ncropole dEnisala (Simion 1977: 70, pl.X).
Phase II. Pour le dbut, dans le commentaire des aspects caractristiques de
cette phase nous nous arrterons sur la rpartition des associations dfinitoires
dans dautres ncropoles, pour obtenir ainsi la mise en vidence dun ventuel
pallier de chronologie relative. Ensuite, nous essayerons ltablissement des
repres de chronologie absolue en utilisant les indices offerts par quelques types
de pices avec relevance chronologique augmente, rencontres dans cette
deuxime phase.
Lassociation spcifique cette deuxime phase, celle entre les types 14 et 17,
figure dans le tombeau I/1 de Kalugerica, tombeau o se trouvait aussi une terrine
avec deux anses horizontales (, 1972: 84, tabl. 1, 3, 5) tout
comme celui du tombeau 2, appartenant la phase I de la ncropole ici discute.
Une association rencontre tant dans la phase II, quau dbut de la phase
suivante, savoir celle entre les types 3 et 4, est prsente dans le tombeau 2 de
Tzarkvitza ( 1963: 5, tabl. V/4-5). Le tumulus 1 de Branicevo-Dvete
Mogili contenait une autre association spcifique la phase II, celle entre les
types 10 et 15, laquelle se rajoute une variante du type 1 ( 1962:
166-167, obr. 1; 2/1; 3/1). La mme association (les types 10, 15 et une variante
du type 1) figure Ravna dans le tombeau 24 situ dans la zone III (Hnsel 1974:
199-200, Abb. 7-9). Toujours Ravna, dans le tombeau 6 de la mme zone III,
situe dans la moiti est de la ncropole (Hnsel 1974: 202, Abb. 7), a t mise en
vidence une autre association spcifique la phase discute prsent, celle des
types 4 et 10 et, en plus, une variante du type 1 ( 1962: 101-102, tabl. XXII).
Des analogies rapproches pour les types 2 et 4 se retrouvent dans la
ncropole de Branicevo-Tomash Mahle, date partir de la fin du Ve sicle av. J.C. ( 1963: 3-4, tabl. III/3, 5, 7). Mme si elles abondent aux IVeIIIe
sicles av. J.-C., les plus anciennes vases appartenant au type 4 peuvent tre
dates partir de la deuxime moiti du Ve sicle av. J.-C., comme dmontre un
exemplaire dun tombeau de Bajlovo (Cicikova 1963: 43).
En ce qui concerne le cratre (type 13) du tombeau 5, une srie dlments
morphologiques tels que langle de lpaule, la hauteur et linclinaison du col,
lpaisseur et la section du rebord, le rapprochent dun exemplaire fragmentaire
dHistria, dat dans le milieu grec au dbut du Ve sicle av. J.-C. (Alexandrescu
1978: 97, no. cat. 635, fig.20). Les deux cratres de Professeur Ichirkovo, qui
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forment le type 13, sintgrent dans une groupe datable surtout au IVe sicle
(Alexandrescu 1999: 143, fig.10.17, type III), certaines variantes modles la
roue survivant jusque dans la deuxime moiti du IVe sicle av. J.-C., comme
celles de Seuthopolis (Cicikova 1963: 42, fig.4/2).
Une forme cramique rencontre chez Professeur Ichirkovo toujours dans la
deuxime phase, mais qui, cause de sa singularit na pu former aucun type
participant la sriation, cest la terrine-chaudire en forme de lkan, du
tombeau 28. Celle-ci vaut notre attention dans le milieu thrace, ce genre
dimitations de lkan sont trs bien documentes dans le cadre du type 5 de
combinaisons de Ferigile, type qui dfinit la III-me phase de laspect culturel
Ferigile. La phase finale, la III-me, de la culture nord-thrace de type Ferigile se
date sur laxe de la chronologie absolue, avec une probabilit, dans la premire
moiti du Ve sicle av. J.-C. (Vulpe 1979: 100, pl.V/14-25).
Les meilleures analogies des vases de type 8 de Professeur Ichirkovo on les
trouve dans le cadre de la variante 16/b Moscalu, dans les exemplaires des
complexes dats vers la fin du VIe sicle, peut-tre mme le dbut du Ve sicle de
Krgulevo, Alexandria et Curteni (Moscalu 1983: 122, pl.LXX/9; LXXXV/1;
LXXXVI/1).
Longuement discute dans la littrature, la cruche la roue avec lanse
surleve reprsente chez Professeur Ichirkovo du type 10, trouve son prototype
dans un exemplaire de Apollonia, dans la deuxime moiti du Ve sicle. Ces
cruches, simposant aussi au Nord des Balkans dj depuis le Ve sicle av. J.-C.,
connaissent la rpartition maximale dans laire thrace au sicle suivant. A Ravna
elles sont plus frquentes dans la deuxime zone, mais elles ne manquent pas ni
de la zone III (Cicikova 1963: 43, fig.5/2; 1965: 342; Moscalu 1983: 100-104, var.
6/a, pl.LXXI, LXXII/1, 4-15; Alexandrescu 1999: 164-167, fig.10.15/8-12).
Aucunement utile pour nous dans le domaine chronologique cest le type 14, la
vase en forme de cloche, avec le rebord diffrenci du corps, rencontre partir
du Ve sicle, par exemple dans la ncropole de Tigveni, appartenant lhorizon
Ferigile III (Vulpe, Popescu 1972: 108, fig.6/5; 8/2), la mme vase ayant survcu
sans modifications au milieu du IVe sicle, comme dmontrent les dcouvertes de
la ncropole dEnisala (Simion 1977: 53, pl.VIII/d), et mme plus tard, au
milieu/dans la deuxime moiti du IVe sicle av. J.-C., comme cest le cas dans la
ncropole de Stelnica (Conovici, Matei 1999: 121, fig.22/1).
En fin, comme repre chronologique gagn pour la deuxime phase peut tre
considre la fibule avec porte-ardillon triangulaire du tombeau 38. La fibule avec
double ressort et porte-ardillon triangulaire fait partie du type 5 de combinaisons
de la ncropole de Ferigile, correspondant sa dernire phase (Ferigile III le
tumulus 40) qui est dat probablement dans la premire moiti du Ve sicle av. J.C. (Vulpe 1979: 110, pl.V/11). Dans la ncropole de Ravna la mme pice apparat
dans la deuxime phase, dans le tumulus 14b, ntant pas donc exclue la
persistance dans le monde thrace du type de fibule respectif jusquau Ve sicle av.
J.-C. (Hnsel 1974: 216).
Phase III. Les parallles de la troisime phase avec les situations des autres
ncropoles, en base des associations des types caractristiques, tout comme dans
le cas des deux phases antrieures, sont aussi relevantes. Une premire
association, spcifique pour le dbut de la troisime phase, celle entre les types 3
et 6, est identique dans le tombeau II/1 de Kalugerica (, 1972: 84,
tabl. II/2-3). Toujours la ncropole de Kalugerica dans le tombeau I/2 contient
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aussi une autre association spcifique la troisime phase, savoir celle des types
4 et 6 (, 1972: 83, tabl. I/6-7). Lassociation des types 10 et 12,
prsente dans la troisime phase, a t mise en vidence aussi dans le tumulus III
de Branicevo-Dvete Mogili ( 1962: 169-170, obr. 7/2-3). De mme,
on peut retrouver dautres associations spcifiques la troisime phase dans le
cadre de la ncropole de Ravna: lassociation des types 6 et 7 dans le tombeau 20
trouv dans la zone II de la ncropole (Hnsel 1974: 204, Abb. 7; 9/8-9), et
lassociation des types 10 et 11, laquelle se rajoute une variante du type 1 (type
qui, Professeur Ichirkovo ne prolonge plus son existence aussi dans la troisime
phase), dans le tombeau 21 ( 1962: 110-111, tabl. XX/5-6; XXI/2) qui
appartient lhorizon Ravna III (Hnsel 1974: 202, Abb. 7).
Le type 6, dfinitoire pour la phase III de la ncropole de Professeur Ichirkovo,
appartient la variante XI/e de la cramique thraco-gte, daprs la typologie de
E. Moscalu, avec une volution longue et sans interruption du VIe sicle (prsent
Ravna dans les zones I et II) jusqu la fin du IVe sicle, tant mentionns aussi
quelques exemplaires mme ds le dbut du IIIe sicle av. J.-C. (Moscalu 1983:
76-77, pl. LV/1-8).
Pour la forme particulire reprsente par lkan avec pied du tombeau 39 de
Professeur Ichirkovo, ralis la roue dune pte de bonne qualit, une excellente
analogie se trouve dans le tombeau 52 de la ncropole de Bugeac (Irimia 1979:
65) o la pice est associe avec des vases de type 15, spcifique aux phases I et
II de Professeur Ichirkovo, de type 10, spcifique aux phases II et III, tout comme
de type 7, spcifique la phase III. (Irimia 1986: 98).
Nous avons vu plus haut, quand nous avons discut les rsultats de la
sriation, quune carte des tombeaux appartenant aux trois phases sur le plan du
site (Fig.5) peut tre dans la mesure ou notre interprtation est accepte
relevante pour la chronologie relative interne de la ncropole et, implicitement,
pour son volution. Nous ne pouvons pas dire la mme chose quant la
distribution sur le plan de la ncropole des types dinventaire participants la
sriation, distribution qui reste totalement inexpressive et qui nous prive ainsi dun
tableau cohrent de la stratigraphie horizontale vue par la prisme des respectives
pices dinventaire funraire. Cette ralit, corrobore une srie de varies
associations, rencontres dans dautres ncropoles, qui incluent des types
disparates des phases I-III de Professeur Ichirkovo, des types qui se trouvent les
plus nombreuses fois spars par de larges intervalles dans lanalyse combinatoire,
peut tre explique par une dure assez peu tendue de la ncropole discute.
Nous exemplifions quelques-unes des associations rappeles. Dans lhorizon Ravna
II, les tombeaux 10 et 12 contiennent lassociation des types qui Professeur
Ichirkovo dfinissent la phase I (le type 15) et la phase III (le type 6) ( 1962:
105, tabl. XV/4-5). Lassociation entre limitation de krater (le type 13), la cruche la
roue avec lanse surleve (le type 10), la vase de type 11, laquelle se rajoute une
pe-akinakes antennes sur la poigne, est prsente dans le tombeau 37 de Ravna
( 1962: 117-118, tabl. XXVIII/5; XXIX/2, 4; XXX/1). Lpe-akinakes
antennes sur la poigne sinscrit dans la mme groupe avec celles du tumulus 401 de
urovka et du tumulus 5 de Cepari, avec une datation bien tablie pour le dbut du Ve
sicle av. J.-C., au plus tard dans la premire moiti de ce sicle (Popescu, Vulpe
1982: 107). Toujours un tombeau de lhorizon II de Ravna, savoir le tombeau 22
( 1962: 111-112, tabl. XXI/5-6; XXII/1-2), offre une analogie loquente pour le
problme discut. Dans ce complexe clos sont compris tant des types qui Professeur
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Ichirkovo apparaissent associs dans la phase II les types 15, 10, 4 (par exemple,
dans le tombeau 38), quun type qui Professeur Ichirkovo apparat exclusivement
dans la phase III le type 6, phase o il sassocie, son tour, tant avec le type 10
quavec le type 4. Le tombeau 52 de la ncropole de Bugeac, cit antrieurement,
contient, comme nous lavons montr, lassociation des types qui Professeur
Ichirkovo sont dfinitoires pour les phases I et II (le type 15), II et III (le type 10), et
III (le type 7).

Fig.5. Professeur Ichirkovo. Carte des phases de la ncropole.

En conclusion, nous pouvons affirmer que malgr labsence des matriels
archologiques avec une relevance chronologique particulire, la ncropole de
Professeur Ichirkovo, lune des plus importantes ncropoles gtes du Bas-Danube,
peut tre place, premirement en base de lanalyse de la cramique spcifique,
dans un horizon contemporain avec la phase Ravna II et partiellement avec Ravna
III, mais aussi avec Ferigile III. En dpit de la pauvret des relations dans le
domaine de la chronologie absolue, on ne peut pas refuser la ncropole de
Professeur Ichirkovo une datation au Ve sicle av. J.-C., trs probablement son
centre de poids se plaant quelque part vers le milieu de ce sicle.
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Notes
1. Jeu de logiciels, sous Windows, The Bonn Archaeological Statistic Package, auteur Irwin
Scollar.

Bibliographie
Alexandrescu, P. 1966. Necropola tumular. Spturi 1955-1961. Histria II,
Bucureti: 133-294.
Alexandrescu, P. 1978. La cramique d`poque archaque et classique (VIIe IVe
s.). Histria IV, Bucureti.
Alexandrescu, P. 1999. Les modles grecs de la cramique theace tourne. dans
Laigle et le dauphin. Etudes darchologie pontique, Bucureti Paris: 138-173.
Cicikova, M. 1963. Dveloppement de la cramique thrace lpoque classique et
hellnistique. Acta Antiqua Philippopolitana, Studia archaeologica, VIe Congrs
International dEtudes Classiques des Pays Socialistes (Plovdiv, 1962), Sofia: 35-48.
Cicikova, M. 1965. La cramique thrace, dans Le rayonnement des civilisations
greque et romaine sur les cultures periphriques. Huitime Congrs
International dArcheologie Classique (Paris, 1963), Paris: 341-344.
Conovici, N., Matei, Gh. 1999. Necropola getic de la StelnicaGrditea Mare (jud.
Ialomia). Raport general pentru anii 1987-1996. Materiale i Cercetri
Arheologice S.N. 1: 99-144.
, ., , . 1972. ,
. 5: 81-93.
, . 1963. .
2: 1-22.
,
.
1962,

(). 25: 165-186.

, ., , . 1994.
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Hnsel, B. 1974. Zur Chronologie des 7. bis 5. Jh v. Chr. im Hinterland von
Odessos an der westichen Schwarzmeerkste. Praehistorische Zeitschrift 49
(2): 193-217.
Irimia, M. 1979. Descoperiri noi n cimitirul getic de la Bugeac, comuna Ostrov
(1972, 1977-1978). Raport preliminar. Pontica 12: 55-76.
Irimia, M. 1986. La ncropole getique de Ve Ive sicle av. n. . de Bugeac.
Inventaria Archaeologica. Corpus des ensembles archologiques, sous la
direction de M.-E. Marin, Roumanie, fascicule 13, Bucarest.
Moscalu, E. 1983. Ceramica traco-getic, Bucureti.
Popescu, E., Vulpe, A. 1982. Nouvelles dcouvertes du type Ferigile. Dacia N.S. 26:
77-114.
Simion, G. 1976. Les Gtes de la Dobroudja septentrionale du VIe au Ier sicle av.
n. e. Thraco-Dacica 1: 143-163.
Simion, G. 1977. Necropolele getice de la Enisala i Telia. Peuce 6 : 49-72.
, . 1993. . , .
29 (44): 28-36.
Vulpe, A. 1967. Necropola hallstattian de la Ferigile. Monografie arheologic, Bucureti.
Vulpe, A. 1979. Cu privire la cronologia grupului cultural Ferigile. Danubius 8-9: 93-122.
Vulpe, A., Popescu, E. 1972. Contibution la connaisance des dbuts de la culture
gto-dacique dans la zone subcarpatique Vlcea-Arge (La ncropole tumulaire
de Tigveni). Dacia N.S. 16: 75-111.
440

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VALERIU SRBU*, VITALIE BRC**

FIGURATIVE REPRESENTATIONS ON SARMATIAN

AND GETO-DACIAN PHALERAE OF 2ND -1ST
CENTURIES B.C.

Abstract: Scopul acestui articol este acela de a prezenta o serie de reprezentri figurative phalere,
provenite din descoperiri sarmatice i geto-dace. Phalerele erau realizate n majoritatea cazurilor din
argint, dar exist i piese realizate din bronz sau aur. Tipul acesta de pies are o form rotund i un
profil concav sau conic. De obicei sunt decorate cu motive geometrice, zoomorfe i antropomorfe. Unele
piese prezint scene mitologice. n zona cuprins ntre Siberia de vest, Munii Caucaz i Balcani, au fost
fcute 37 de descoperiri, nsumnd 184 de piese. Din punct de vedere al contextului arheologic, 14
descoperiri (71 piese) provin din contexte funerare, 20 (11 piese) au gsite n tezaure, 8 piese provin
din dou descoperiri izolate. n 10 cazuri, phalerele cu reprezentri figurative provin din morminte, n 16
cazuri din tezaure i in alte dou din descoperiri izolate, al cror context nu este clar. Aadar, asemenea
piese nu se gsesc n aezri, ceti i sanctuare. Din punct de vedere cronologic, acest tip de pies
apare din a doua jumtate a sec. al IV-lea nceputul sec. al III-lea .Chr pn a doua jumtate a sec. I
.Chr. n acest articol au fost analizate doar descoperirile din sec. II-I .Chr.
Keywords: sarmatian, geto-dacian, 2nd - 1st centuries BC, phalere, acrchaeological contexts, chronology

The purpose of phalerae made mostly of silver, but sometimes also of gold or
bronze, and of round shape and concave or conic profile was embellishing their
bearer. Finished with scrapers and punctuators, there were molded into shape by
stamping or hammering, and then attached by means of silver, bronze or iron rivets
or ears which were themselves riveted into place. Geometric, phytomorphic,
zoomorphic or anthropomorphic motifs made up the decorations on the phalerae,
some of which show gods or mythological scenes. Because of that, although their
primary use was functional, the phalerae also have a strong artistic side.
The phalerae meant somewhat different things to the people in the Eurasian
steppes as compared to those in the Hellenistic and Roman worlds. The former
used them mainly as harness appliqus, whereas the latter regarded them mostly
as accessories for clothes (ukin 2001: 137-138). In any case, the renderings
on them, although in the spirit of the themes and production methods of the
ancient art, are also windows into barbarian naivety and primitivism as well
(ukin 2001: 138).
Any analysis of the figurative representations needs to start by listing the
problems surrounding this category of items. Our discussion will include the
fibulae with anthropomorphic marks for they were present only in the GetoDacian area, where the fibulae were attached to round phalerae (Bucharest*

Muzeul Brilei, Brila. e-mail: valeriu_sirbu@yahoo.co.uk

Institutul de Arheologie si de Istoria Artei Cluj Napoca - Centrul de Tracologie.
e-mail: vitaliebarca@yahoo.co.uk
**

441

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Herstru) and there are anthropomorphic representations on certain kinds of

fibulae that are not unlike those on phalerae (Blneti, Coada Malului,
"Transylvania").
It is our opinion that ideological identity, and the consequential iconographic
uniqueness, account for the similitudes between two families of items that look
different but are used the same way. Given the type of items, the manner of
attaching them, and the iconography, it seems to us improbable that the items in
the Geto-Dacian environment north of the Danube were used as harness items.
Ceramic medallions (e.g. Crlomneti) (Drmbocianu 1979: 95-100) also display
such iconographic representations, pointing to similar beliefs and the
accompanying similar representation methods, despite the support or type of
items.
Spread area. One counts 37 discoveries, totaling 184 items, in the region
between West Siberia, the Caucasus Mountains and the Balkans. Thirty-four of
them (174 items) originate in the area between the Ural Mountains, Caucasus and
the Balkans, of which 28 (168 items) include phalerae with figurative
anthropomorphic and zoomorphic representations (Fig.1). These discoveries count
81 items, 76 of which are from complexes in the area currently under research.
Archaeological contexts: 14 discoveries (71 items) are from tombs,
another 20 (111 items) were in treasures, 8 items are from 2 isolated findings and
we do not know the origin of 4 phalerae. In 10 cases, the phalerae with figurative
representations were from tombs, in 16 from hoards, and in 2 from isolated
findings (Tab. 1).
As you may have noticed, there are none from settlements, fortresses and
sanctuaries. All the items in the Geto-Dacian class are from isolated hoards.
Materials: 34 findings total 169 silver phalerae (115 gilded and only 11 made
of gold). There are very few bronze items as well (14 in 3 sites). The pattern that
emerges, then, is that most items are made of silver (usually gilded), and that few
are bronze or golden. The widespread practice of gilding silver and bronze items
(when lacking enough gold) could mean an emphasis on the sacred connotations
of the precious metal, applying both to the Greek-Roman world and the
barbarians. They must have been impressed with golds color and shine, evoking
the sun, and thus thought it had miraculous properties. Furthermore, it also
denoted the wealth and high status of its owners (Marazov 1994).
Cultural environment: a) 30 discoveries (154 items) are from Sarmatian
tombs and treasures, b) the origin of a discovery with 4 items is unclear, but we do
know for sure that they are Sarmatian (the Siberian Collection of Peter the First),
c) 27 items are resulted from 5 discoveries of Geto-Dacian treasures (Galie,
Jakimovo, Bucharest-Herstru, Lupu and Surcea), d) one finding (3 items) is from
the southern-Thracian region (Stara Zagora). The discoveries from Galie and
Jakimovo in the Geto-Dacian region were included since the findings in this area
from the 2nd-1st centuries BC resemble those north of Danube and their
iconography is part of what we could term the Geto-Dacian group (see Rustoiu
2002: 123-141), different from phalerae in other cultural environments. It could be
that some phalerae from the Sarmatian area, particularly those manufactured in
the Pontic area or Asia Minor, arrived here as diplomatic gifts for the Sarmatian
rulers from a Mithridates in search of allies.
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Fig. 1. Discoveries of phalerae with figurative representations in the region between

the Caucasus, the Ural and the Balkan Mountains (2nd 1st centuries BC). List of
localities 1. Ahtanizovskaja, 2. Balakleja, 3. Bubueci, 4. Bucureti-Herestru, 5.
Fedulov, 6. Galie, 7. Jakimovo, 8. Janokrak, 9. Klimenkovka, 10. Korenovsk, 11.
Krivaja Luka, 12. Lupu, 13. Novoderelievskaja, 14. Novouzensk, 5. Rogovskaja, 16.
Seversk, 17. Stara Zagora, 18. Starobelsk, 19. Surcea, 20. Taganrog, 21. Tvardica,
22. Uspenskaja, 23. Vasjurina Gora, 24. Velikoploskoe, 25. Verhnij, 26. Volodarka, 7.
Voroneskaja, 28. utovo.

Chronology. All the items under analysis are from the 2nd-1st centuries BC,
but this does not mean there are no significant differences between certain time
periods. Some are from the 2nd century BC and most, those from the Geto-Dacian
period and from between the end of the 2nd century and the first half of 1st century
BC inclusive (Tab. 1). The Christian era does not claim any discovery so far.
A number of discoveries from the second half of 4th century beginning of 3rd
century BC, either from the Scythian (e.g. Alexandropol, Babina Mogila) or the
Thracian environment (Panagjurite, Letnica, Chirnogi), were not included in the
analysis because they need to be tackle in another manner, within the figurative
art of those particular people at that moment in time. The phalerae from the 1st-2nd
centuries AD were not taken into account either because they raise different
issues, be they from the Sarmatian world or, as a result of being used as some
kind of decorations in the Roman army and their proliferation, from the Empire.
We will only analyze the phalerae from the 2nd-1st centuries because those from
the Geto-Dacian group date back to that period and they are to be found in only
two cultural environments the Sarmatians and the Geto-Dacian, who had strong
connections.
Techniques. Generally, the items are made from thin silver sheets, meaning
the production method was stamping and then finishing with the scraper and
punctuator. Two silver phalerae from utovo and two bronze ones from Bubueci
and Velikoploskoe were produced through casting. The phalerae were affixed with
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rivets or silver, bronze, iron and, in one instance, gold (Seversk) ears. The
items in Bucharest-Herstru (Fig.5/2) make up the exception, as fibulae were
attached to them.

Fig.2 1 Ahtanizovskaja, 2 Voroneskaja, 3 Balakleja, 4-5 Fedulov

(after Spicyn 1909; Mordvinceva 2001).

Shapes and sizes. Despite the major differences in diameter between the
smallest and the largest items - for instance, between the three pieces from
Seversk, around 3.7cm, and the phalerae in Fedulov (Fig.2/4) (31.2cm) - the bulk
of them ranges from 7 to 17 cm. Still, a small group of phalerae, such as those
from Ahtanizovskaja, Iim, Prohorovka, Volodarka and the Siberian collection of
Peter the First, exceed 20 cm.
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But for a few oval ones - Ahtanizovskaja, Surcea (Fig.5/1), Verhnij and
Vasjurina Gora - all of them are round. In terms of profile, though, they are very
diverse, falling into three main categories: a) almost flat (e.g. Bubueci, Fedulov,
Iim, Verhni), b) concave/skyphate, with a curved profile (e.g. Antipovka, Galie,
Fedulov, Klimenkovka, Krivaja Luka, Lupu, Novouzensk, Sidorovka, Surcea,
Janokrak, Uspenskaja, Volodarka, utovo) and c) conic/semi-sphere, of the umbo
type (e.g. Balakleja, Bulahovka, Janokrak, Korenovsk, Novoderelievskaja,
Starobelsk, Taganrog, Tvardica).
Inventory associations. The phalerae must have been associated with a
very varied funerary inventory, for 14 findings (71 items) are from tombs, and
tumuli tombs with a rich inventory for that matter. These included defensive or
offensive military equipment items and, when adding the use of phalerae, it could
mean they belonged to rider-aristocrats.
The associations in the 20 treasures are telling as well, for they include the
following: 1) silver conic and semi-spherical items (Ahtanizovskaja, BucuretiHerstru, Jakimovo, Lupu, Surcea, Lupu, Velikoploskoe), 2) situlae (Bdragii Noi,
Jakimovo, Korenovsk, Veseloja Dolina), 3) bronze vessels, whole or fragmentary
(Bucharest-Herestru, Jakimovo, Janokrak, Lupu), 4) bronze cauldrons (Bubueci,
Velikoploskoe), 5) helmets (Ahtanizovskaja, Antipovka, Bubueci, Sergievskaja,
Veseloja Dolina), 6) spear heads (Velikoploskoe, Veseloja Dolina), 7) frontal
appliqus (Ahtanizovskaja, Antipovka, Bdragii Noi, Bubueci, Klimenkovka,
Velikoploskoe), 8) horse bits (Antipovka, Bdragii Noi, Klimenkovka, Seversk,
Velikoploskoe, Verhnij, Veseloja Dolina), 9) harness appliqus (Bdragii Noi,
Fedulov, Janokrak, Klimenkovka, Novouzensk, Starobelsk, Velikoploskoe, Veseloja
Dolina), 10) clothing appliqus (Ahtanizovskaja, Starobelsk), 11) fibulae
(Ahtanizovskaja, Lupu, Tvardica), 12) bracelets (Bucharest-Herstru, Jakimovo).
Obviously, these types of items are not associated in all the complexes in the
area under scrutiny. The discovery context (unvarying across many cases), the
chronological synchronization and the partial item associations mean we can say,
at the very least, that the Sarmatian treasures and tombs that include phalerae are
a separate group within the early Sarmatian vestiges in the above-mentioned area.
Furthermore, the inclusion of cauldrons, chain fragments and cruciform bridles
(characteristic of the Kuban and Lower Don area) in hoards and graves in the
north and north-Pontic space points to the geographical origin of some of the
Sarmatians that owned these treasures.
The origin of the phalerae can be analyzed in two ways: a) what is the
temporal origin of the use of these items, be it in general or in the Thracian
environment, and b) what were, stricto sensu, the models for those used during
the period of interest.
The earliest specimens in the north-Thracian area are the 33 golden items
from Ostrovul Mare (late bronze) (Davidescu 1981: 21). Next come the phalerae
of the well-known treasures of Vlcitran (the Plevna region), with a contentious
dating (ranging from the 14th to the 8th centuries B.C.) (Mikov 1958; Bonev 2004:
135-140). The renderings of Assyrian and Achemenid sovereigns from the 9th-4th
centuries BC confirm the early use of phalerae (Anderson 1961: pl.3-4; Barnet
1975: 32, 37, 65, 147, after ukin 2001: 151). The earliest discovery (8th
century BC) is from Hasanlu (Iran) (Ghirschman 1963: 291, pl.350, after ukin
2001: 151).
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The Greek-Roman world started using phalerae later. There are no phalerae
representations available from the classic Greek period or the Roman world of that
time. The earliest items known items in use in Europe are from the Monerbio
complex in Italy - 3rd-2nd centuries BC, but plagued by uncertain dating (Megaw
1970: 130, fig.204-206) and the cauldron in Gundenstrup (Hachmann 1990: fig.49,
anexa 9/1) showing phalerae of riders (somewhere between 2nd and 1st centuries
BC). They proliferated after that, probably as a result of a strong push from the
east (ukin 2001: 151).
Several golden medallions with figurative representations, anthropomorphic
female ones in particular, termed Thessalian (based on the probable origin of the
production workshops), circulated in the Greek world from 4th to 2nd centuries BC
(Gramatopol 1982: 72-79).
The phalerae were practically alien around the northern Black Sea early in the
Scythian age. Their emergence around the dawn of 3rd century BC is confirmed by
the tumulus in Alexandrovsk (Alexeev 1992), and M.I. Rostovcev included them in
this class of items (Rostovcev 1993: 40, pl.1). Still, there are also the three
phalerae in the Babina Mogila tumulus (Dnepropetrovsk region, Ukraine), from 4th
century BC (ukin 2001: 151). Items from the treasures of Panagjurite
(Venedikov, Gherasimov 1979: 377, cat. nr. 244) and Letnica (Venedikov 1996:
fig.21) or the one in the tomb of Chirnogi (erbnescu 1999: 231-244) are also
representative of the golden age of the Thracian-Getic art.
If we were to analyze the entire area as a whole, we would have to deal with
serious problems raised by the significant differences in cultural environments and
the typological, stylistic and figurative representations of the various items.
Therefore, the approach needs to be regional. This does not mean that similarities
between the items and other connections between the regions will be discarded.
Types of ornamentations. The phalerae from the Sarmatian, Geto-Dacian
and Thracian environments of the 2nd-1st centuries BC all include geometric
decorations, but only 23 discoveries include items displaying vegetal ones. But
these motifs and arrangements are not within the scope of our analysis and will
therefore be left aside.
Zoomorphic and anthropomorphic figurative representations appear on 19 and
20 discoveries, respectively, from the Ural Mountains, Caucasus and the Balkans
(Tab. 1). There are other zoomorphic and anthropomorphic representations on the
phalerae in the Sarmatian complexes of Sidorovska and Iim in Western Siberia, as
well as those from the Siberian Collection of Peter the First, but they are outside
the area of interest to us and will be analyzed on another occasion.
Anthropomorphic representations appear on all the 5 discoveries from the GetoDacian region, whereas zoomorphic ones appear in only 3 instances. Obviously,
geometric or phytomorphic representations accompany the anthropomorphic ones
most of the times.
Interpretations. Grasping the meanings of the phalerae iconography
requires looking at the discovery data (context, association with other kinds of
items, the other representations in a finding - for they used to form a whole,
motifs and decorative combinations, and so on and so forth) and the big picture
consisting of the figurative representations in a certain cultural area. Overlooking
some things and emphasizing others generates unrealistic answers. Since quite a
few of them are chance discoveries, and therefore deprive us of some items and
the order of the images, our task is even more daunting.
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Fig.3 1 Tvardica, 2 Janokrak, 3 Vasjurina Gora, 4 Krivaja Luka, 5 Uspenskaja, 6

Novouzensk (after ukin 1994; Mordvinceva 2001a).
On the whole, the figurative bestiary lacks high diversity, despite the fact it
lists both wild (lion, panther, tiger, deer, wild boar, elephant, vulture/hawk, other
birds, porcupine, snake) and domesticated (bull, horse, he-goat, dog) real animals.
Gryphons (9 findings) and a sphinx make up the group of fictional animals.
Nevertheless, a mere symbol, such as feathers, sometimes endows
anthropomorphic character with animal attributes.
The artists have rendered the animals either as a whole, or employed the pars
pro toto approach (they outlined a single part of them) bull head and neck
Uspenskaja (Fig.3/5), bull head in Stara Zagora, horse heads and necks in Fedulov
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(Fig.2/5) and Taganrog (Fig.4/3). Sometimes real species are fused into composite
animals (chimera = lion + he-goat + snake in Volodarka).
The Geto-Dacian group does not have many real species to show for (horse,
dog, feline, snake, hawk), and in just about any case human characters
accompany them. There is one gryphon from Surcea, but there is no instance of a
horse alone. The analysis of the zoomorphic and anthropomorphic figurative
representations needs to rely on the cultural environment of the discoveries, for
the ideological background is more revealing than the formal aspect of the items.
Here is a brief list of common features displayed by the discoveries from the
Sarmatian area. The region between the Sea of Azov, the Caucasus and the Ural
mountains has yielded discoveries quite similar to the Oriental art and GreekOriental style, but the animal representations are closer to the style of the nomad
peoples, influenced by the civilizations of Asia Minor, Persia and Greece. Items
found in Novouzensk (Fig.3/6), Sidorovka and Zutovo suggest that the artists in
the steppers would not constrain the image but rather emphasize flow, trying to let
the shape be influenced by the vastness of the natural environment and not
protect it the way the sedentary peoples tried to.
The bestiary bears the mark of the Asian areas, in terms of both real
(elephant, lion, panther) and fictitious (various gryphons and sphinxes) animals, as
a result of the influences by the civilizations of Asia Minor and Persia. Such are the
phalerae in Novouzensk and Sidorovka, showing intertwined gryphons, which is
more Chinese than Hellenistic (Trever 1940: 48-50; ukin 1994: 146; 2001: 147).
The Greek-Indian origin of the phalerae (Trever 1940: 46-48; Mordvinceva 2001:
13-14) with battle elephants - the Siberian Collection of Peter the First (Spicyn
1909: 29, fig.74-76; Trever 1940: 40-48, 50-51, pl.1-2; Mordvinceva 2001: 36-37,
64, 74, pl.13) - is as clear as it gets, given the many analogies for these motifs in
the Hellenistic world (Trever 1940: 40-48; ukin 2001: 143). Another instance of
a battle elephant is on a phalera from the Sark treasure (Allen 1971: pl. XIIb;
ukin 1994: fig.54; 2001: fig. 5/6), which included Celtic coins, dating back no
further than 58-52 BC, as well as a Roman republican coin, from 82 BC (ukin
1994: fig.55). Other items with representations of elephants include the cauldron
from Gundenstrup (ukin 1994: fig.55) and one phalera in Punjab (Rostovcev
1993: 45, pl. 7), property of the British Museum. A phalera in the Medal Cabinet of
the National Library in Paris, purchased from Istanbul (Allen 1971: 12-13, pl. XV),
also shows an elephant, among other animals. The second phalera from exhibits
an inscription with the name of king Mithridates, the one that offered these items
to the altar of goddess Artemis (Megaw 1970: 135).
One also takes an interest in the confrontations between various strong
animals (dog, feline, wild boar, deer and gryphon) as they appear on the
Starobelsk (Fig.4/1a-d) and Tvardica (Fig.3/1) phalerae. Certain Oriental elements
include the representation on the gryphon phalera from Surcea, the Pegasus wings
on the Volodarka phalera, or the image of the Janokrak goddess (Fig.3/2),
produced by means identical to those of the Achemenid items (Mordvinceva
1996b: 154; 1997: 107; 2001: 17; ukin 2001: 146). We also regard as Oriental
(Mordvinceva 1997: 107; ukin 1994: 146; 2001: 146 -147) the multi-spiral
necklaces worn by the characters on the Janokrak (Fig.3/2), Galie (Fig.6/1) and
Surcea phalerae (Fig.5/1). One can witness the mark left by the Hellenistic world
not only in the concrete technique of rendering this or that animal (Pegasus, horse
head with Helios etc) but also in the themes leaked from Greek mythology. This
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stands proof of its major influence on the sacred mentalities of the Sarmatian
elites.
The Sarmatian phalerae from hoards (84 items) aside, there are some from
tombs as well (68 items). As far as our data goes, they were generally attached to
horse harnesses, conic in shape, and the results of artistic styles resembling
Oriental art or Greek-Oriental or North-Pontic style. The animals are rendered in
ways characteristic of the nomad peoples and with noticeable influences on the
part of civilizations from Asia Minor and Persia. The bestiary consists of real
regional species (lions, panthers) or fictional creatures meant to inspire fear or
suggest domination (several types of gryphons, sphinxes).
The hero Bellerophon, riding Pegasus while killing Chimera (a composite
animal made up of lion, he-goat and snake parts) appears on two mirror
phalerae from Volodorka, while victory goddess Athens (riding a lion) and the
Dionysuss victory over the giants are rendered on a phalera in Seversk. Two such
items from Ahtanizovskaja present the viewer with the Gorgons heads (Fig.2/1).
Yet another, from Taganrog, shows Dionysus next to a panther.
There are a few remarkable phalerae from Fedulov, such as the one showing
Helios between two horse heads, the one depicting goddess Athens fighting giant
Alcyoneus, or the two showing a human-lion head with a spear in mouth, or,
finally, the four with a rider on them. Just as interesting is winged female
character, with a phiala in the right hand and what looks like a hawk in the left
one, as it appears on the phalera from Janokrak (Fig.3/2).
It is relatively safe to trace a representation back to the Sarmatian world
because most of them follow the Hellenistic iconography, meaning the bulk of
them were made in that region. As for the Geto-Dacians, that data allow us to say
this much: a) there is no name of a local deity under any representation there, b)
there is no sure proof of animal worshipping, c) there is no depiction in the written
sources if, and in what way, they rendered their deities, d) there are no discoveries
of statues, bas-reliefs or figurative offerings in sanctuaries (Srbu 2004: 112).
There are no phalerae from sanctuaries and tombs, only from hoards. Some
had fibulae attached to them (Bucharest-Herstru) and several fibulae displayed
representations similar to the phalerae (Blneti, Coada Malului, Transylvania).
Their style and technique suggests that, for the most part, the items were made in
the Geto-Dacian space. The Jakimovo phalera alone which shows a man look
Hellenistic. What matters, though, is not so much the ethnic origin of the maker
but the cultural background, namely the message conveyed and the actual way it
is a mirror of the owners frame of mind.
The cultural background and style of depiction, as they come out based on the
iconography of the phalerae in the Geto-Dacian group, are markedly different from
the Sarmatian, Hellenistic or West-European ones. That this iconographic motif
was widespread and had a major impact is shown by the fact that such
representations also show up on ceramic medallions (e.g. Crlomneti)
(Drmbocianu 1979: 95-100) and that they are attached to fibulae. It was an
internal need that created these representations, and they served a particular
purpose, meaning they reveal specific mentalities.
It is now clear why most of these hoards are from the first half and the middle
of the 1st century BC, for king Burebista was ruling the Geto-Dacian society
through times of expansion and development (Crian 1978), and such an outbreak
of political-military force was bound to have a counterpart in the sacred domain.
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The fact that such items were not found either in sanctuaries or around them, not
even buried as offerings or in tombs, is an archaeological fact (Srbu 1993: 139).

Fig.4 1 Starobelsk, 2 Vozdvienskaja, 3 Taganrog (after Mordvinceva 2001).

There is no safe way to interpret them, since no image of a deity includes
names and there are no relevant similarities with the Hellenistic-Roman
iconography. However, there is little doubt, if any, that they were sacred, given
that the items were buried and sometimes destroyed (e.g. Lupu). Only deep
cultural motivations can make one waste such valuable things, and the opinion
that they were hidden as protection measures, due to tough times, no longer
stands.
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Fig.5 1 Surcea, 2 Bucureti-Herstru, 3-5 Lupu, 6 Coada Malului (after Fettich 1953;
Glodariu, Moga 1994; Marghitan 1976).
The rider motif is widespread in the Geto-Dacian world, as proven by its
appearance between 4th century BC and 1st century AD on phalerae in Surcea,
Lupu and Galie (Srbu, Florea 2000b: 23-43). There are no images of human
confrontation, nor do the riders seem warlike, meaning we need to take into
account that they may not stand for war deities (Srbu, Florea 2000b: 27-34.). The
Surcea rider, accompanied by dog and hawk (Fig.5/1) seems to be hunting, such
as part of an initiating trial or as in one of the aristocracys favorite pastimes. The
riders in Lupu (Fig.5/5) and Galie (Fig.6/2) riders look solemn and high-ranking,
meaning they could be deities, but we must not discard other possibilities.
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The type and iconography of the phalerae in the Geto-Dacian world and the
inventory of some findings (of which those in Lupu and Galie are the most
relevant) lead us to support those that claim the inventory of such treasures is
made up of suites worn by high-ranking religious figures or basilei on solemn
occasions (Medele 1993: 18-20).
Clearly, the fibulae with anthropomorphic shield or the phalerae with attached
fibulae were used in connection to clothing items.
Given the number, shapes and decorations of the items in the Galie hoard, it
could have been ornamentation on horse harnesses. Since this was a chance
discovery, and in 1918 for that matter, only 14 phalerae made it. Two of them
have figurative decoration (Fettich 1953: fig.5-12; Rostovcev 1993: 41, pl.2-3). In
the case of the Jakimovo hoard, the two phalerae might have been attached to the
base of conic cups, as portrayed by a cup displaying a rider, part of the same
treasure (Milev 1973: 2, fig.3).
The style and representations of the phalerae in Stara Zagora (Fig.6/5-6)
cannot be considered a product of Thracian mentality, but is rather associated
with Oriental iconography and the items discovered in Western Europe
(Schnurbein 1986).
A Stara Zagora phalera portrays Hercules killing a lion, surrounded by
gryphons and felines, meant to inspire fear (Fig.6/5). The same scene also appears
on a phalera in Panagjursite, from the second half of the 4th century BC. The
central medallion of a phalera in Stara Zagora shows a feline attaching a he-goat
and the scene is surrounded by gryphons, felines and a bull head (Fig.6/6). The
Medal Cabinet of the National Library in Paris (Schnurbein 1986: 416, fig.6;
Hachmann 1990: 682 sqq., fig.30-31) includes two phalerae, similar in style with
those found in Stara Zagora, that could also be from the Greek-Oriental region.
Fifteen items found in Western Europe (13 in Sark, an island in north-western
France), and one in Oberaden and Helden (Germany), outline a new group of
phalerae. They have numerous stylistic and iconographic similarities with the
Greek-Oriental ones and those from Asia Minor and Persia (Allen 1971: 1 sqq., pl.
I-XIII; Schnurbeinn 1986: 409 sqq., fig.2, 4-5; Hachmann 1990: 682 sqq., fig.27,
32, 34-40). That is because we are dealing with a bestiary of real (elephants, lions,
panthers) and fiction animals (gryphons or composite animals) from Asia Minor
and Persia. Furthermore, the rendering method is itself oriental. Only one phalera
from Helden shows a human character - Hercules killing the lion (Hachmann 1990:
fig. 27).
In Western Europe, the phalerae or the artisan that made them were
probably in contact with the Sarmatians and the Germanic groups (protoGerman, to be more precise), or as a result of the politics of Mithridates Eupator
(ukin 2001: 157).
A number of ancient representations, some of them on the phalerae
themselves, show how these items were attached/fastened to the horse harnesses
or clothes. Such are the representations in Dura Europos or Halajan - which clue
us as to how the phalerae were attached to harnesses in Asia Minor and Persia or, when it comes to the Geto-Dacian environment, the barrel-shaped vessel
rendering a rider (Cpitanu 1994: 337, fig. 4; Srbu, Florea 2000b:34, fig.14.) and
the ceramic pattern from Rctu. A Jakimovo phalera shows how that worked
with clothes, on a mans right shoulder (Fig.6/4).
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Fig.6 1-2 Galie, 3-4 Jakimovo, 5-6 Stara Zagora (after Nikolov 1988; Milev 1973;
Schnurbein 1986).
Following V.I. Mordvincevas taxonomy, the phalerae in Balakleja, Bulahovka,
Janokrak, Starobelsk and Taganrog belong to the fourth stylistic group (the
graphic style from the Black Sea region). It is characterized by rich decoration,
made up of geometric, phytomorphic and, rarely, anthropomorphic and
zoomorphic figures from the barbarian repertoire (Mordvinceva 1996: 12-14;
2001a: 37, 64-65; 2001b: 164); by the fact that all phalerae are made of the same
material, a thin sheet of gilded silver. The workshops in the Greek cities north of
the Black Sea created most of these items during 2nd-1st centuries BC. Others go
only as far as 1st century AD (Mordvinceva 1996: 14; 2001a: 37, 64; 2001b: 164).
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Although they share some common features, there are significant differences
between the phalerae with figurative representations from the Sarmatian and
Geto-Dacian environments, respectively. The features relevant in terms of
iconography are much more expressive, but those concerning the discovery
context and the items are pertinent as well. Namely, Geto-Dacian items are from
hoards exclusively, date back to the first hall and middle of 1st century BC, and
were used primarily as clothing accessories. On the other hand, tombs and hoards
equally account for the Sarmatian phalerae, which mark the entire span of 2nd-1st
centuries BC (or even go as far as end of 3rd century BC) and were used for horse
harnesses.
Furthermore, the representations are a rife with fundamental differences. The
Sarmatian phalerae (Fig.2-4) show Greek-Oriental inspiration not just in terms of
themes, but also of the manner of rendering the characters. As for the nomad
influences, they are the most visible when one looks at the animal representations
and notices the fluidity and dynamism. The far-reaching impact of the Hellenistic
world is noticeable in the aspect of the Gorgons heads (probably meant to turn
the enemies into stone), in the presence of goddesses Athens and Nike, of gods
Helios and Dionysus, of hero Bellerophon killing the Chimera etc. The real animals
encountered in the Oriental world (lions, panthers, elephants) are a strong
presence, as are those imagined by these peoples (gryphons, sphinxes).
The Geto-Dacians (Fig.5-6), though, are much more focused on the local ideology
and iconography themes, a heritage of Thracian toreutics. The themes of the rider in
solemn positions (Lupu, Galie), of the hunt as a trial for achieving high status
(Surcea), of the confrontation between the hawk and the snake (Lupu), of the winged
characters as masters of animals (Lupu, Jakimovo), of bust rendering (Herstru,
Galie, Jakimovo) are often seen in the Thracian toreutics of the 5th-3rd centuries BC
(Srbu, Florea 2000a: 105-152). All these are solid evidence for assuming that most of
the phalerae were made in the Geto-Dacian region. Thus, the differences between
Sarmatian and Geto-Dacian mentalities, rooted in the history, traditions and
occupations of each people, are highly visible in this category of items as well.
Notes
1.
2.
3.

The phalerae are likely to be from the famous Artemis temple in Ephesos (ukin 2001, p.
143).
According to M. B. ukin, who relies on the oriental iconographic elements, the Stara Zagora
phalerae appeared in Thracia as a result of the Sarmatians spread out to the west or
Mithridates Eupators diplomatic dealings (ukin 2001: 157).
According to V. I. Mordvinceva, the phalerae of Starobelsk and Tvardica date back to the first
half of 1st century BC.

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Datierung
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pogrebenija u sela Volodarka v Zapodnom Kazahstane. Rossijskaja Arheologija 4:
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Rustoiu, A. 1995. Les fibules daciques ornements anthropomorphes (Observations

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Srbu, V. 2004. Les Thraces entre les Carpates, les Balkans et la Mer Noire (Ve

sicle avant J. -C. Ier sicle aprs J.-C.). Quatre confrences donnes la
Sorbonne, Brila.
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53.
erbnescu, D. 1999. Mormtul tumular geto-dacic de la Chirnogi, judeul Clrai.
Thraco-Dacica XX, (1-2): 231-244.
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kontaktov Vostok-Zapad). Juvelirnoe iskusstvo i materialnaja kultura, SanktPeterburg: 137-161.
Trever, K. V. 1940. Pamjatniki greko-baktijskogo iskusstva, Moskva-Leningrad.
Venedikov, I., Gerasimov, T. 1979. Tesori dellarte Tracia, Bologna.
Venedikov, I. 1996. Trakijskoto scrovie ot Letnica, Sofia.
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Gosudarstvennogo Ermitaja 7: 28-36.

456

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www.cimec.ro

Balakleja

Bubueci

BucuretiHerestru
Fedulov

Galie

Jakimovo

Janokrak

Klimenkovka

Korenovsk

Krivaja Luka

Lupu

Novoderelievska
ja
Novouzensk

2.

3.

4.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

5.

Ahtanizovskaja

1.

Total number of
phalerae
2

11

14

23

Phalerae with
figurative
representation
Gold
2

13

Silver

Bronze

*
*

*
*
*

14

*
*

Golden bronze

Tomb

Hoard

Geto-Dacian

*
*

Gilded silver

10

*
*
*
*

*
*

*
*

*
*
*
*

*
*

*
*
*

*
*

*
*

nd

st

End of the 2nd c. BC-first half

of the 1st c. BC

Chronology

of the 1 c. BC

2nd c. BC-first half

* End of the
st

st
* * First half of the 1 c. BC
st
* First half of the 1 c. BC

of 1 c. BC

1st c. BC
*
the 2nd c. BC-first half
* * End of
st

the 1 c. BC
First half/middle of the 1st c.
BC
st
1
c. BC
*
nd
* 2 c. BC

* * 2 c. BC
nd
* * End stof the 2 c. BC-middle of

nd

* * End of the 2 c. BC-1 c. BC

First half of the 1st c. BC
*
First half of the 1st c. BC
*

Cultural
Representation
environment
type

Discoveries
origin

Thracian

Material

Sarmatian

Number of
items

Geometric

Locality

Isolated finding

Phytomorphic

Nr.

Anthropomorphi
c
Zoomorphic

www.cimec.ro

Seversk

Stara Zagora

Starobelsk

Surcea

Taganrog

Tvardica

Uspenskaja

Vasjurina Gora

Velikoploskoe

Verhnij

Volodarka

Voroneskaja

utovo

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

Total number of
phalerae
5

17

Phalerae with
figurative
representation
Gold
1

Silver
1

Gilded silver
Bronze

*
*
*

*
*

*
*
*
*

*
*

*
*

Golden bronze
7

Tomb

Hoard

Geto-Dacian

*
*
*

*
*

*
*

*
*

*
*

*
*

End of the 2nd c. BC-first half

of the 1st c. BC
nd
* Second half of thest 2 c. BCBeginning of the 1 c. BC

2nd c. BC-Beginning of the 1st c.

BC
First half of the 1st c. BC

st
* First half of the 1 c. BC
nd
nd
* End of the 3 c. BC-2 c. BC

nd
st
* End of the 2 c. BC-1 c. BC

*
2nd c. BC
*
nd
* * 2 c. BC
st
* Second half of the 1 BC

*
*

Beginning of the 1 c. BC
st
* First half of the 1 c. BC
nd
st
* End of the 2 c. BC- 1 c. BC

st
* * 1 c. BC
nd
* Second half of thest 2 c. BC-

Chronology

168
76
9
43 102 7
7
10
16
2
5
1
22
27
19
20 19
TOTAL
Table 1. Discoveries of phalerae with figurative representations between the Caucasus, the Ural and Balkan Mountains (2nd 1st centuries B.C.)

Rogovskaja

15.

Cultural
Representation
environment
type

Discoveries
origin

Thracian

Material

Sarmatian

Number of
items

Geometric

Locality

Isolated finding

Phytomorphic

Nr.

Anthropomorphi
c
Zoomorphic

ECATERINA NREANU*

DATE DESPRE LOCUIREA MEDIEVAL ROMNEASC

DIN CASTRUL ROMAN DE LA POIANA FLMNDA,
JUDEUL TELEORMAN

Abstract: Pendant les recheches archologiques du castre romaine de Flmnda, situ au bout
mridional de Limes Transalutanus, a t dcouvert, dans lenceinte de celui-ci, un village mdival
roumain, situ selon une pratique connue dans dautres fortification romaines. On a partiellement
identifi a cette occasion trois habitations, deux maisons en terre et un logis de surface qui ont dtruit
une partie des vestiges romaines. On y trouv aussi de cramique particulirment de catgorie
ordinaire, sans mail, permettant la datation de ce village dans la seconde moiti du XIV ime ou bien
au dbut du XV ime sicle et dont la destruction peut tre mise en relation avec loccupation
dfinitive, par les Turcs, de la cit Turnu, en 1420.
Keywords: Teleorman county, medieval period, medieval village, houses, pottery.

n stadiul actual al cercetrilor arheologice privitoare la problemele locuirii

medievale pe teritoriul de azi al judeului Teleorman se poate constata c satul a
reprezentat principala form de organizare a comunitilor romneti dup un
model aproape exclusiv n regiunea de cmpie a rii Romnet (Constantinescu
1964: 265; Coma 1977: 229-317; Panait 1971:238-242)
O mrturie a cltorului strin din sec. al XVI-lea, Anton Verancsics, al crui
sim de observaie a fost apoi confirmat pe cale arheologic, cuprinde i o
descriere a satelor romneti carearat ca nite colibe de pstori mprtiate
peste tot locul, trgurile nu sunt ntrite cu nici un fel de ngrdituri, iar casele
rneti sunt puin ridicate de la pmnt i fcute din lemn, lipite cu lut i
acoperite cu paie sau stuf (Cltori Strini I 1968: 404).
n campaniile din anul 1978 i 1980, n castrul roman de la Poiana-Flmnda
(Ctniciu 1998: 35)1, situat la captul sudic al limesului Transalutan, i acoperit n
parte de apele Dunrii (Fig.1), a fost descoperit o aezare medieval romneasc
(Ctniciu 1998: 43). Cu aceast ocazie au fost identificate, parial, trei locuine i
suficient ceramic pentru datarea aezrii n cea de-a doua jumtate a secolului al
XIV-lea, aadar contemporan cu cele de la Zimnicea (Nestor et al. 1949: 120;
Nestor 1950: 101), Frumoasa (Constantinescu 1965: 736 i urm.), RreancaBragadiru (Bichir 1965: 439), Coconi (Constantinescu 1972: 72), Pcuiul lui Soare
(Diaconu, Baraschi 1977: 495-516), Basarabi-Calafat (Busuioc, Vlceanu 1976:
507-508) etc.
Practica folosirii incintei lagrului roman pentru ntemeierea unui sat ca acela
de la Flmnda este cunoscut i n alte fortificaii romane, cum sunt cele de la
*

Muzeul Judeean Teleorman, Alexandria. e-mail: muzjudteleorman@yahoo.com

459

www.cimec.ro

Capidava (Florescu, Florescu, Diaconu 1958: 11)2, Dinogeia (tefan et al. 1967:
14)3, Sucidava-Celei (Tudor 1968: 203-204)4, Romula-Reca (Negru et al. 2004:
258)5, unde ruinele romane i romano-bizantine sunt suprapuse de aezrile
medievale. Ca n majoritatea cazurilor existena acestui sat nu este pomenit
documentar (Perianu 1943: 56-57)6, iar dispariia lui ar putea fi pus n legtur cu
ocuparea definitiv de ctre turci a cetii Turnu i transformarea ei n Kaza n anul
1420 (Ciocltan 1982: 1193), cnd segmentul sudic din vallumul antic al Limesului
Transalutan devine grani ntre ara Romneasc i teritoriul administrat de
Imperiul Otoman (Siruni 1942: 145-146)7.

Fig.1 Castrul de la Flmnda i Limesul Transalutan. Desen dup fotografie aerian

(dup. I. Bogdan-Ctniciu)
Surprinse doar n seciune, de la cele trei locuine, dou bordeie i o locuin
de suprafa, se cunoate lungimea cte unei laturi, celelalte fiind rmase n afara
excavaiilor (Fig.2). Bordeiul nr.1 are latura de pe axul nord-sud lung de 4 m, iar
podeaua amenajat din argil, groas de 0,10 m, aflat la 1,70 m adncime i care
se afl pe un strat de crbune, s-au prbuit pereii groi de 0,30 m, construii din
lemn i pmnt btut. Pe latura de vest, spat n perete, se afla un cuptor, vatra
deschis aflat n faa lui fiind n mare msur distrus.
Din bordeiul nr.2, a crui groap avea fundul la adncimea de 1 m s-au
surprins o parte din podeaua amenajat i parial vatra de lut.
A treia locuin, cea de suprafa (Ctniciu 1998: 43), o prezen aproape
izolat n cmpia Munteniei (Dolinescu-Ferche 1970: 321-322)8, este reprezentat
de o platform de chirpici cu o latur, msurat pe direcia nord-sud lung de 4,15
m de la suprafaa solului. Peste ea este prbuit o bucat de chirpici masiv i are
drept inventar dou vase de mici dimensiuni din ceramic smluit i sgraffitat.
Pmntul de umplutur este negru i conine bulgri mici de chirpici i fragmente
de ceramic.
Din punct de vedere stratigrafic nivelul medieval din castrul de la Flmnda a
distrus n parte vestigiile romane i corespunde cu un strat de pmnt negru peste
460

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care s-a depus un nivel de aluviuni gros de 0,30 m. Inventarul descoperit n

aezare este alctuit aproape n exclusivitate din vase de ceramic, predominant
cantitativ fiind grupa ceramicii uzuale, lucrat fr excepie la roata rapid, dintr-o
past calitativ fin, cu un repertoriu al formelor i decorului relativ restrns (fig.3).

Fig.2 Flmnda. Seciunea S.IV plan i profil estic.

Oalele cu toart provenite din aezarea de la Flmnda sunt lucrate dintr-o
past de calitate deosebit, cu un coninut mare de paiete de mic, arderea
complet imprimndu-le o culoare intens specific, roie crmizie. Tipologic, ele
corespund n general formelor cu pereii subiri cu buz nalt ca o band, uor
evazat spre exterior, cu toarta prins la nivelul buzei i n dreptul diametrului
mare al vasului. Linii paralele incizate pe buz i umeri i liniile lustruite oblic n
partea inferioar constituie decoraia acestui tip. Ulcioarele au aceleai
caracteristici ale materialului ca i oalele, iar dup particularitile ce privesc partea
superioar fac parte din categoria celor amforate, cu gtul cilindric, cu una sau
dou tori, sau celor cu gt nalt i gura strmt, cu buza demarcat de o nervur.
Un ulcior ntreg, de dimensiuni medii, este ornat cu un decor polilobat, vopsit cu
alb, format dintr-o band dublat de puncte i cu linii lustruite pe corp, decor
semnalat drept comun tipologiei ulcioarelor la Coconi (Constantinescu 1972: 115),
Pcuiul lui Soare (Diaconu, Baraschi 1977: 62), Zimnicea, Basarabi-Calafat
(Busuioc, Vlceanu 1976: 507-508). Materialul aparinnd grupei ceramicii
smluite este foarte restrns, el limitndu-se la dou vscioare cu decor sgraffitat
i cu o cromatic policrom, de verde-oliv i tonuri de brun. Cantitatea de ceramic
i mai ales numeroasele rebuturi par s implice n apropiere nsi existena unui
atelier de olar.
Dei obiectivul spturilor arheologice de la Flmnda era complexul roman,
rezultatul cercetrilor a dus la inventarierea unei noi aezri romneti din vremea

461

www.cimec.ro

lui Mircea cel Btrn, consideraiile prezente putnd fi privite cu anume rezerv
pn cnd se vor putea relua spturile i clarifica problematica acestui sit.

Fig.3 Flmnda. Ceramic din aezarea medieval.

462

www.cimec.ro

Note
1.

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

8.

Castrul de pmnt de la Flmnda, cu o suprafa iniial de 6-7 ha, i form trapezoidal, cu

latura lung spre Dunre (care astzi este erodat i inundat) a fost construit cel mai
probabil chiar la nceputul rzboaielor daco-romane, cnd spune Iordanes la cererea
mpratului Domiian, Cornelius Fuscus l atac pe Diurpaneus ntr-o campanie ce se putea
desfura la est de Olt, pe la Flmnda.
Aezarea din sec. X-XI a suprapus castrul roman din sec. II-III d.Cr. i cetatea bizantin care
a funcionat pn ctre sec. al VII-lea.
Locuirea din sec. X-XII a succedat celor din perioada romano-bizantin din sec. IV-VI i
roman din sec. I-II d. Chr.
Satul din sec. XIV-XV s-a suprapus peste cetuia romano-bizantin, locuit i n sec. IX-X.
Nivelul V de locuire cuprinde vestigiile unei aezri din sec. XIV-XVI.
Satul Flmnda este atestat documentar pentru prima dat n anul 1747, n timpul domniei lui
tefan Racovi.
Documentul din 1578, mai, 8, care este i prima hotrnicie cunoscut a Kazalei Turnu,
menioneaz printre toponimice i drumul Torpan, ce trebuie s fie o transcriere eronat a
Troianului sau Drumului lui Traian, nume sub care este cunoscut pn n zilele noastre limesul
roman.
Locuina de suprafa de la Dulceanca, datat la sfritul sec. al XIV-lea este construit dintro platform aproape rectangular de 2,40*2m la adncimea de 0,40 m, din chirpici i
crbune, masate n general la coluri, cu direcia de prbuire spre interior, iar vatra circular
plasat cu colul de NE este adncit sub nivelul podelei neamenajate.

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464

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CULTURA SI CIVILIZATIE
LA DUNAREA DE JOS SERIE NOU, NR. 1

MUZEUL DUNRII DE JOS, CLRAI

ISBN 973-87003-9-6

IN HONOREM
SILVIAE MARINESCU-B
MARINESCU-BLCU
LCU

CULTURA I CIVILIZAIE LA DUNREA DE JOS SERIE NOU, NR. 1

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