Privete-m aa cum

sunt. Cuvinte i imagini ale

femeilor rome
Carmen Gheorghe / h.arta
Traducere din limba romn n limba romani: Ctlina Olteanu
Traducere din limba romn n limba englez: Roxana Marin
Corectoare pentru limbile romn i englez: h.arta
Concepie grafic i tehnoredactare: h.arta

Fotografia de pe copert a fost fcut n timpul atelierelor de educaie antirasist realizate

cu elevii de la coala General nr. 5 din Timioara.

Publicaia este parte din proiectul Privete-m aa cum sunt. Cuvinte i imagini ale femeilor
rome, proiect realizat cu sprijinul Ambasadei SUA Centrul Cultural American.
Opiniile din aceast publicaie aparin autorilor i nu reflect neaprat poziia Departamentului de Stat
al Statelor Unite ale Americii.

Timioara - Bucureti, 2010

Amboldipen andar i hib rumunikani and-e rromani: Ctlina Olteanu

Amboldipen andar i hib ruminikano and-e hib anglikani: Roxana Marin
O laharipen andar i hib rumunikani aj anglikani: h.arta
Design aj i texnoredaktisaripen: h.arta

I fotografa palal i koprta sas kerdi and-o vaxt le atelienqo le antirasistikani edukia kerde
le havena katar i generlo kla o gin 5 andar Timioara.

I publikia si andar o projekto Dikh man kad sar sem. Lava vi dikimata le rromnenqe,
projekto kerdo le Ambasadaca SUA O kulturlo Amerikano Cntro.
E opinie si le xramosarnenqe aj na sikaven i pozcia le Themesqi Departamento le SUA.

Timioara - Bucureti, 2010

Translation from Romanian into Romani: Ctlina Olteanu

Translation from Romanian into English: Roxana Marin
Proof reading for Romanian and English: h.arta
Graphic design and layout: h.arta

Cover illustration: photo taken during one of the antiracist education workshops with
students at School no. 5 in Timioara.

This publication is part of the project See me as I am. Words and images of Roma women,
a project funded by the Public Diplomacy Center of the US Mission in Romania.
The opinions expressed here are the authors only, and they do not necessarily reflect the position of
the US State Department.

Timioara - Bucharest, 2010

ISBN 978-973-0-08520-4
Cuprins/ E riga e liloresko/ Contents

Introducere. Privete-m aa cum sunt. Cuvinte i

imagini ale femeilor rome 9

Preambul. Ce este rasa i ce nseamn rasismul? 13

Despre anonime n istorie 21

Capitolul I. Perspectiva societii romneti asupra

femeilor rome n perioada 1850-1900 23

Capitolul II. Cteva aspecte privind vizibilitatea femeilor

rome n sfera public 39

Capitolul III. Micrile de rezisten ale femeilor rome 67

Despre grija i responsabilitatea pe care o ai fa de

cei/cele crora te adresezi. O discuie cu Letiia Mark 75

Echipa proiectului 83

O giravipen. Dikh man kad sar sem. Lava aj dikimata

le rromnenqe 87

O preamblum. So si i rsa aj o rsizmo? 91

Andar e biprinarde uvl and-e istria 97

O jekhto kaptulo. E perspectva le rumunikani societaqi

dikhindoj e romn kaar 1850 i 1900. 99

O dujto kaptulo. Le rromnenqe dikimata and-i publikani

sfra 113

O trinto kaptulo. E zurale mikimata le rromnenqe 133

Andar i grza aj o godorvalipen kaj si tut anglal e
manua kaj kames te aunen tut. Jekh vakripen le
Leticiaa Mark. 139

E manua andar o projkto 145

Introduction. See me as I am. Words and images of

Roma women 149

Foreword. What is race and what does racism mean? 153

On anonymous women in history 161

Chapter I. Perspectives on Roma women during 1850-

1900, in Romania 163

Chapter II. A few aspects related to the visibility of

Roma women in the public sphere 179

Chapter III. Roma womens resistance movement 205

About caring and responsibility in relation to those you

address. A conversation with Letiia Mark 211

The project team 219

Introducere

Privete-m aa cum sunt. Cuvinte i imagini

ale femeilor rome

Peste tot n Europa, majoritatea romilor triesc sub limita srciei, cu

un acces sczut la educaie i la piaa muncii, n condiii care determin
ca sperana lor de via s fie mult sczut fa de cea a majoritarilor, n
condiii care anihileaz stima lor de sine i care i determin s-i reprime
sentimentul propriei lor identiti.
Ca membre ale unei etnii care a fost oprimat timp de secole i care
continu s fie marginalizat, situaia femeilor rome este cu att mai
dificil, acestea aflndu-se la intersecia a multiple discriminri: de etnie,
de gen, de clas social. Majoritatea femeilor rome i triesc viaa ntre
aceste coordonate, prinse ntre discriminrile societii majoritare (care
le privete ca fiind parte dintr-o etnie nedemn, periculoas,
primitiv, etc.), ntre discriminrile unei societi organizate patriarhal
(care menine femeile ntr-o stare de marginalitate i tcere, punnd
asupra lor povara muncilor socotite exclusiv feminine i povara unor
norme i prescripii inerente feminitii) i ntre discriminrile unei
societi axate pe individualism, proprietate i consum (care are nevoie
pentru reproducerea capitalului ca anumite categorii de persoane sa fie
meninute ntr-o stare de continu izolare i srcie). Femeile rome
srace triesc ntr-o lume n care discriminarea, excluderea i
marginalizarea par a fi un destin de neevitat, perpetuat de generaii, n
condiiile n care ele i asum n exclusivitate responsabilitile pentru
muncile casnice i de ngrijire, au un acces precar la sistemul de sntate
i de educaie, sufer violene fizice i verbale din cauza genului i etniei
lor, triesc adeseori n adposturi improvizate, cu venica team a

9
evacurii de ctre autoriti sau a incendierii de ctre grupuri extremiste,
n condiiile n care majoritatea muncilor la care femeile rome au acces
sunt cele refuzate de populaia majoritar - muncile dificile i socotite
degradante -, n care reproducerea lor este considerat periculoas
pentru puritatea naiunii, n condiiile n care ele asist la felul n care
copiii lor triesc aceleai discriminri ca i ele, n ciuda discursurilor
neoliberale care promit o aparent evoluie spre o societate mai
democratic.

n ultimii ani, un val de reacii negative mpotriva populaiei rome n

general i a femeilor rome n special se poate observa n mass media
romneasc i european, confirmnd nc o dat c opinia public e nc
dominat de stereotipuri i prejudeci n privina etniei rome. n acelai
timp, studii recente arat o cretere a nivelului de intoleran al societii
romneti fa de populaia de etnie rom. n acest context, prezena
femeilor rome n sfera public european a fost i continu s fie un
subiect controversat, aspecte relevante ale vieilor lor fiind neglijate, n
timp ce sunt scoase n eviden elemente tradiionale sau acte
antisociale, aceste femei fiind trecute la categoria cauze ale unor
probleme sociale, ele nefiind considerate, aa cum ar fi corect, persoane
ale cror viei/condiii reflect politici publice i construcii culturale
nedrepte. Acest fapt conduce la construcia unei imagini false care nu
reflect identitile femeilor rome.
Acest fenomen (de nvinovire/blamare) nu este caracteristic doar
societii romneti actuale, ci are adnci rdcini n istorie, att n cea
romneasc ct i n cea european, femeile rome fiind n mod continuu
prezentate, prin intermediul diferitelor medii, n posturi stereotipice i
denigratoare. Construciile acestor imagini false ce nu reflect identitile
femeilor rome (ci reflect doar situaiile de marginalitate n care le
plaseaz societile majoritare) se constituie n adevrate cercuri
vicioase, care acioneaz att la nivelul mentalului colectiv, accentund
rasismul din societate, ct i asupra altor mecanisme sociale, i care
predetermin/prefigureaz n mod negativ modul de via i

10
perspectivele copiilor de etnie rom.

Aceast brour este rezultatul colaborrii unui grup mixt de femei

rome i non-rome i se dorete a fi o analiz a imaginii femeilor rome n
cultura i spaiul public romnesc i european, att a felului n care
aceast imagine i procesele construirii ei particip la crearea
stereotipurilor i a practicilor de excludere i marginalizare, ct i a felului
n care posibilitile femeilor rome de a-i construi un spaiu al lor
eliberat de rasism i prejudeci i de a vorbi prin propria voce, se pot
contura. Analiza intersecional a situaiei femeilor rome pe care prezenta
broura i-o propune rmne profund contient de faptul c noi, cele
care am contribuit la alctuirea ei, avem privilegiul de a vorbi dintr-o
poziie favorizat, prin faptul c noi toate am avut acces la educaie, prin
faptul c o parte dintre noi suntem femei albe, prin faptul c avem
posibilitatea s dm voce opiniilor i dorinelor noastre de schimbare.
Vocile acelor femei care sunt cele mai marginalizate, cele mai exploatate,
cele mai precare, cele mai ignorate rmn nc s se fac auzite.
Pstrnd n minte acest fapt, aceast brour al crei scop practic este
s fie folosit n licee pentru a provoca dezbateri despre rasism, sexism,
marginalizare i strategii de combatere ale acestora i dorete s se
adreseze att celor marginalizai/marginalizate, n sperana c ar putea
servi ca un instrument care s provoace o analiz a situaiei lor n
perspectiva unei schimbri, ct i majoritarilor, ca un instrument care
s-i determine s contientizeze i s-i recunoasc propria situaie
privilegiat, indiferent c e vorba de privilegiul de a fi alb, privilegiul
masculin, de clas social, etc., recunoaterea acestor privilegii
deschiznd posibilitatea unei contestri eficiente a relaiilor ierarhice din
societate, relaii care menin anumite categorii ntr-o stare continu de
marginalitate.

11
Preambul

Ce este rasa i ce nseamn rasismul?

Dac ne ntrebm ce anume cunoatem cu adevrat i cum ajungem

s cunoatem, observm c asupra fiecruia dintre noi se exercit o
presiune cultural care ne nva cum s vedem lumea.
Tot ceea ce determin contextul vieii noastre, de exemplu
nelegerea istoriei, tradiiile, valorile unei societi, etc. nu sunt o sum
de fenomene naturale ci sunt construcii culturale, sunt rezultatul
activitii i gndirii celor care s-au nscut naintea noastr. Ar fi numai
un lucru firesc s ne ntrebm care este rolul nostru? Ce fel de cultur am
motenit, pe ce baze funcioneaz societatea i ct sunt de etice valorile
ei?
De exemplu, constatarea c exist ierarhii nedrepte o pot face, cu
uurin, muli oameni din experiena proprie, dar pentru a nelege care
este mecanismul formrii acestor ierarhii nedrepte i a situaiilor ce
decurg din ele trebuie s ne ntrebm care este poziia noastr n acest
context i propria noastr contribuie la perpetuarea acestor situaii i
stri de fapt? n ce fel putem ajunge s nelegem bazele nedrepte ale
diferenierilor dintre oameni pe criterii cum ar fi cel al culorii pielii?
Pe parcursul acestui text, vom urmri care sunt implicaiile ideii
ficionale de ras care se concretizeaz n realitatea rasismului.

Ideea de ras este o construcie social, cultural, fr nicio baz

tiinific. Acest termen, fiind o invenie uman al crei criteriu de
difereniere nu este nici universal, nici tiinific, a fost dintotdeauna doar
un motiv folosit pentru a exploata diferenele i pentru exercitarea
controlului social. Rasa n sens genetic nu exist n specia uman i nu
exist vreo dovad c ar fi existat vreodat. Din punct de vedere genetic,

13
al structurii i funciei biologice, umanitatea nu poate fi clasificat n
categorii geografice distincte. Dup cele mai recente descoperiri
tiinifice, toate fiinele umane au o descenden comun - prima
populaie uman care a trit n Africa acum aproximativ 60.000 ani. [1]
[2] [3] [4]
Consensul printre majoritatea cercettorilor din domeniul biologiei
evoluioniste, al antropologiei i al altor discipline este acela c distinciile
rasiale sunt irelevante din punct de vedere tiinific, atta vreme ct
grupurile rasiale nu sunt distincte genetic i asupra lor nu se pot face
msurtori n aceast privin. [5]
Aceste argumente tiinifice sunt i mai mult ntrite dac analizm
originea i istoria ideii de ras. Perspectiva istoric este extrem de
important pentru c demonstreaz c rasa este o construcie relativ
recent, care a aprut ca idee dup ce grupurile de populaii de pe
diferite continente au venit n contact unele cu altele. Termenul de ras
nu a avut o semnificaie special (fiind doar un sinonim pentru fel, tip,
specie) pn spre sfritul secolului al XVII-lea, cnd rasa a nceput
s semnifice o nou ideologie privind diferenele dintre oameni i un nou
fel de a structura societatea care nu a mai existat nainte n istoria
umanitii. Ideea de ras a fost de la nceput menit s creeze i s
justifice diviziuni i ierarhii, n contextul capitalismului timpuriu, n care
societile vestice exploatau teritoriile nou descoperite, cucerite i
colonizate.

Europa a fost mitic neleas ca preexistnd acestui model de putere,

ca fiind un centru capitalist al lumii care a colonizat restul globului,
aflndu-se n stadiul cel mai avansat al dezvoltrii lineare, unidirecionale,
continue a speciilor. A fost consolidat o concepie despre umanitate
conform creia populaia lumii a fost difereniat n dou grupuri de
oameni: superiori i inferiori, raionali i iraionali, primitivi i civilizai,
tradiionali i moderni. Primitivi sunt aceia care se afl ntr-un timp
anterior n istoria speciilor, n termenii unui timp evoluional. Europa a
ajuns s fie mitic conceput ca preexistent capitalismului colonial global

14
i ca aflndu-se la un nivel foarte nalt pe traseul linear, unidirecional al
istoriei. Astfel, din acest punct de pornire mitic, ali locuitori ai planetei au
ajuns s fie considerai nu ca fiind dominai prin cucerire, nu ca fiind
inferiori ca bogie sau ca putere politic, ci ca aflndu-se ntr-un stadiu
inferior al istoriei speciilor, pe traseul unidirecional al acesteia. Acesta
este sensul calificrii ca primitiv. (Lugones, 2008) [6]

Fabricarea unui nou tip de categorizare pentru oameni, categorizare

care s mpart oamenii n civilizai adic albi i primitivi adic
non-albi, era necesar n contextul colonizrii, n care anumite populaii
erau exploatate i menite n mod definitiv statutului de sclavi. Aceast
ideologie a rasei a fost conceput pentru a justifica i organiza sclavia
uman ntr-o vreme n care societile Europei de vest mbriau filozofii
promotoare ale drepturilor individuale i ale drepturilor omului, ale
libertii, democraiei, justiiei, fraternitii i egalitii. Singura cale prin
care cretinii ar fi putut justifica sclavia era s degradeze populaiile
din colonii la statutul de non-umani. Prin urmare, umanitatea populaiilor
non-albe a fost pus la ndoial pn la sfritul secolului al XIX-lea.

ncepnd cu secolul al XIX-lea, conceptul de ras a fost ntrit i

avansat de ctre o majoritate covritoare din lumea diverselor tiine. n
ciuda faptului c muli cercettori au recunoscut c nu exist
conceptualizri neutre ale rasei n tiin, tiina rasial/rasializat i-a
continuat ncercrile de a explica diferenele dintre populaiile umane n
privina sntii, inteligenei, educaiei i a bogiei ca fiind consecine
ale unor diferene ntre grupuri rasiale, diferene considerate
ireconciliabile i de natur biologic.
Portretiznd realitatea social aflat ntr-o permanent inegalitate ca
aflndu-se de fapt ntr-o stare natural i deci legitim, ideologia rasei
a fost considerat folositoare de ctre multe societi. Spre exemplu,
datorit acestei linii ideologice, i prin exacerbarea unor animoziti
etnice deja existente n Europa secolului al XX-lea, a fost posibil
Holocaustul mpotriva populaiilor de evrei i romi n timpul celui de-al

15
doilea rzboi mondial.

Conceptul de ras a fost definit ca fiind real timp de aproape patru

sute de ani i a fost folosit pentru a organiza instituii precum economia,
statul, familia, religia i sistemele de educaie n acord cu reproducerea
inegalitii, a mbogirii injuste i a opresiunii aliniate granielor rasiale.
[5] n momentul n care procesul de rasializare devine un element al
sistemului social i al obinuinelor sociale, el se nrdcineaz adnc n
contiinele oamenilor, iar nedreptile cauzate de acest proces ajung s
nu mai fie percepute ca atare, ci s fie considerate stri de fapt naturale.
Conceptul ficional al rasei are o urmare foarte real: rasismul. Ideea de
ras este, n sine, o idee rasist.

Rasismul este un sistem de avantaje care se bazeaz pe conceptul

artificial de ras, i se constituie pe mai multe niveluri:
- personal (idei i sentimente individuale/prejudeci)
- interpersonal (comportamente n relaie cu ceilali)
- cultural (valori, curente de gndire, modaliti de comunicare, definiii
ale frumuseii, binelui, dreptii i normalitii)
- instituional (reguli, practici, legi, istorii, structuri de putere ale societii
i ale instituiilor sale)
Aceste niveluri interfereaz, se susin i se construiesc reciproc. De
exemplu, interferena dintre rasismul cultural i cel instituional const
n faptul c valorile i cultura predominant a celor privilegiai sunt
legitimate i instituionalizate, iar rasismul cultural st la baza crerii
sentimentelor, ideilor i comportamentelor rasiste, generndu-le i
justificndu-le.
Din cauza intensitii extreme a rasismului de-a lungul timpului,
oamenii plasai n poziii de inferioritate de ctre aceast ideologie au
dezvoltat o strategie de supravieuire numit opresiune internalizat,
care nseamn acomodarea cu situaia de a fi oprimat. n acest sens, cei
oprimai ajung uneori s cread ei nii n perceptele rasiste,
comportndu-se n consecin i folosind mpotriva propriului grup (i a

16
lor nii) metodele opresorului, de exemplu ajungnd s cread c fac
parte dintr-o categorie inferioar, mai puin inteligent, mai puin
civilizat, etc. [7]
Aceast internalizare a opresiunii este cauzat de natura sistemic a
rasismului. Conceptualizarea rasismului sistemic arat c ideologia
rasismului este adnc impregnat n societate, stnd la baza organizrii
acesteia i opernd la toate nivelurile ei, din interiorul instituiilor
acesteia. Definiia rasismului sistemic include exploatarea i
subordonarea oamenilor de culoare de ctre albi. Rasismul este
sistemic pentru c include ctigarea resurselor economice i politice n
mod nedrept, practicile discriminatorii i instituiile rasiale/rasializate
concepute pentru a genera i susine supremaia oamenilor albi,
organiznd un sistem social care promoveaz automat i eficient exclusiv
ansele lor la via, n timp ce genereaz reproducerea social a relaiilor
rasiste. [8]
Dei rasismul i are originea n colonialism, acesta continu s
subziste mult dup ce coloniile i-au ctigat independena i continu s
acioneze att n fostele colonii ct i pe teritoriile fostelor metropole.
Colonialismul intern este un concept dezvoltat n legtur cu micrile
anti-imperialiste din Africa i America Latin n anii 50 i 60. S-a
argumentat c ghetourile urbane, slums i barrios, au o poziie similar,
n oraele dezvoltate, cu a rilor mai puin dezvoltate din Africa i
America Latin fa de Europa i Statele Unite. Capitalismul modern are
nevoie de for de munc ieftin. n acelai fel n care capitalismul
timpuriu a avut nevoie de conceptul de ras pentru a justifica folosirea
muncii nepltite i exploatatoare a sclavilor, actualul capitalism global se
folosete de granie i de rasism pentru a pstra anumite categorii de
oameni ntr-o stare de continu srcie i ilegalitate, n acest fel munca
acestora putnd fi exploatat la costuri minime.
Rasismul se afl n strns interdependen cu practicile sexiste i
patriarhale. Femeile de culoare triesc forme particulare ale rasismului,
de vreme ce, n cazul lor, opresiunea rasist este intersectat cu cea de
gen. Aceast opresiune ia diverse forme, materializndu-se n practici

17
discriminatorii n privina a multiple aspecte, cum ar fi, de exemplu,
accesul la educaie, accesul pe piaa muncii, accesul la sistemul de
sntate, n privina unor norme i prescripii privind sexualitatea i
reproducerea, etc. De exemplu, imperialismul reproductiv reprezint un
tip de dominaie care manipuleaz procesele populaiei n mod coercitiv,
n interesul meninerii dominaiei rasiale i masculine, i n favoarea
interesului capitalist pentru fora de munc. Aceast ideologie care
ncurajeaz fertilitatea femeilor din lumea nti, n timp ce fertilitatea
celor din lumea a treia este descurajat, impieteaz profund asupra
corpurilor femeilor (mergnd uneori pn la practici de sterilizare forat).
[8]

O astfel de analiz a ideologiei i culturii rasismului se impune i

societii romneti i culturii ei, care (exceptnd perioada de 45 de ani
de pseudo-comunism) a privit ntotdeauna nspre putere (cultura
alb/vestic european i nord-atlantic) ca nspre un model cu valoare
absolut. Lipsa analizei i a privirii critice fa de aceste modele, fa de
istorie(i), dar i fa de propriile ei instituii i ideologii considerate ca
valori culturale absolute, face ca cultura romneasc s fie i ea
impregnat de o ideologie rasist pe care societatea, cel mai adesea nu
o recunoate, dar de care se folosete. O form particular a rasismului
n Romnia este romofobia.
Romofobia (anti-ignism/anti-gypsism) este o form specific a
ideologiei rasiste, este un fenomen social complex care se manifest prin
violen, discursuri de ur, exploatare i discriminare n cele mai vizibile
forme, fiind o form de dezumanizare i rasism instituionalizat.
Romofobia este rspndit prin discursuri politice, ale unei pri a
societii civile, ale unei pri a lumii academice, prin segregare,
dezumanizare, stigmatizare, agresiune social i excludere socio-
economic, etc. Romofobia se bazeaz, pe de o parte, pe frici imaginare,
stereotipuri i mituri negative i, pe de alt parte, pe denigrarea sau
tergerea din contiina public a unei lungi istorii de discriminare a
romilor. [9]

18
 Pe parcursul acestei brouri, vom urmri formele pe care le ia
rasismul i romofobia n relaie cu femeile rome, femei aflate la
intersecia dintre discriminrile rasiale, de gen i de clas social i vom
explora posibilitile pe care femeile rome le pot dezvolta pentru a se
transforma din obiecte ale istoriei n subiecte ale acesteia.

Surse:

[1] American Association of Physical Anthropologists (1996)

http://www.virginia.edu/woodson/courses/aas102%20(spring%2001)/articles/AAP
A_race.pdf
[2] American Antropological Association (1998)
http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm
[3] Tony Fitzpatrick, Genetically Speaking, Race Doesnt Exist In Humans,
EurekAlert!, http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/1998-10/WUiS-GSRD-
071098.php
[4] http://www.ornl.gov/sci/techresources/Human_Genome/elsi/minorities.shtml
[5] Smedley, Audrey; Smedley, Brian D., Race as Biology Is Fiction, Racism as a
Social Problem Is Real: Anthropological and Historical Perspectives on the Social
Construction of Race, American Psychologist. Vol 60(1), Jan 2005, 16-26.
[6] Maria Lugones, The Coloniality of Gender, 2008,
http://www.jhfc.duke.edu/wko/dossiers/1.3/documents/LugonesWKO2.2.pdf
[7] http://www.cambridgedocumentaryfilms.org/Resiststudyguide.htm
[8] Thomas W. Volscho, Reproductive Racism in the United States: The
Sterilization of Women of Color Since the Early 1980s, 2008
http://www.allacademic.com//meta/p_mla_apa_research_citation/2/4/1/6/5/pages
241655/p241655-1.php
[9] Valeriu Nicolae, Anti-Gypsyism - a definition
http://www.ergonetwork.org/antigypsyism.htm

19
Despre anonime n istorie

Ne-am propus s vorbim n aceast publicaie despre femeile rome.

De ce? Pentru c ele sunt, dup prerea noastr, cel mai bun exemplu
despre cum stereotipiile i ideile preconcepute pot construi o imagine
care nu corespunde realitii. Sau mai bine spus, aceste stereotipuri i
idei preconcepute construiesc o tabl de puzzle incomplet pe care vrem
s o completm cu alte imagini. Ne dorim ca aceast publicaie s
contribuie la construirea unei imagini a femeilor rome, imagine cu care
acestea s se poat asocia i n care s se regseasc. De multe ori, n
discuiile cu diferite femei rome (fie ele activiste sau doar femei rome
obinuite) acestea au spus, n repetate rnduri, c nu se regsesc n
imaginea i mesajul pe care diferite femei rome activiste pentru
drepturile omului o promoveaz despre ele. Aceste femei se regsesc cu
att mai puin n imaginile stereotipice rasiste perpetuate adesea n sfera
public. Se simt ca i cum este vorba despre altcineva, strin de ele i de
situaia lor. Aceast analiz ncearc s se opun stereotipiilor legate de
femeile rome, ncercnd, de asemenea, s ofere argumente pentru
importana asumrii/afirmrii identitilor proprii ale femeilor rome, att
ca femei ct i ca membre ale etniei rome.
Publicaia disec stereotipiile existente despre femeile rome att din
trecut ct i din prezent. n privina perioadelor analizate, am luat
informaii existente despre femeile rome de la sfritul secolului al IX-lea
- nceputul secolului XX, cnd acestea apar portretizate n lucrri literare,
n articole din ziare sau n imagini ale pictorilor, n timp ce, n ceea ce
privete perioada contemporan ne-am referit la mass media, de vreme
ce mai ales acolo sunt prezente imaginile i informaiile despre femeile
rome. ntre aceste dou mari perioade analizate, a existat un folclor
cultural legat de femeile rome, s-au perindat un anumit tip de imagini
despre femeile rome i cuvinte despre modul lor de via i despre

21
ndeletnicirile lor. Cum s-au transmis imaginile despre femeile rome i
cum au devenit ele stereotipii, cum au luat forma discriminrii i cum au
afectat ele femeile rome sunt doar cteva dintre subiectele pe care le
chestionm n aceast publicaie. Ceea ce vrem s dovedim este c
imaginile stereotipice construite despre femeile rome n trecut s-au
propagat cu o asemenea for i au rmas aa de adnc n mentalul
colectiv nct i astzi persist aceleai percepii despre ele. Iar pentru a
ne susine argumentaia, aducem spre exemplificare imagini, lucrri
literare, articole de pres i cazuri prezentate n mass media n care
femeile rome au fost subiectul principal.
Materialul acesta este o pledoarie n sprijinul femeilor rome, care
sperm s gseasc n el posibile rspunsuri n privina felului n care
s-au format percepiile despre ele, o pledoarie adresat tinerilor (romi i
ne-romi), pentru a-i convinge s sparg barierele pe care generaiile
trecute nu au reuit s le depeasc, ct i societii romneti n
general, pentru a o ndemna s reflecteze la faptul c exist i o alt
latur a femeilor rome pe care este nevoie s o cunoasc.
Publicaia vrea s dea voce acelor femei rome invizibile, a cror via
nu apare pe prima pagin a ziarelor de consum i nici nu reprezint
subiect de scandal pentru ziarele tabloide. Iar metoda pe care noi am
ales-o este tot prin intermediul imaginilor din trecut i prezent pentru a
ncerca s demontm mcar o parte din stereotipiile/percepiile false
despre femeile rome, pentru ca atunci cnd vorbim despre femei rome s
ne gndim i la femei talentate i inteligente, dar care triesc i muncesc
ntr-un mediu ce nu le ofer oportuniti, la femei care supravieuiesc
ntr-un mediu cultural diferit de cel al societii majoritare.

22
Capitolul I

Perspectiva societii romneti asupra

femeilor rome n perioada 1850-1900

igance zdrenuite cu prul nclcit -npleticit cu codie pline de

ghiocei, mrgele i bani de argint [15], vrjitoare, florrese, zgomotoase,
ndrznee, cu dini albi, strlucitori i pr negru dndu-li nfiarea unor
regine ceretoare [12], stele trectoare [4], neruinate, ceretoare,
purtnd cingtori strlucitoare ce se nvrt n jurul oldurilor dnd
purttoarei lor nfiarea Egiptenelor aa cum le vedem zugrvite n
frescele de pe preii templelor [12], dar i servitoare n cas,
custorese, spltorese, buctrese, bune gospodine [4], ddace la copii
- astfel erau descrise femeile rome n secolul al XIXlea de ctre literaii
vremii. Femeile rome ale acelui secol, ca de altfel i femeile romnce, au
fost vzute stereotipic. Dac brbatul (n.a. romn) i asuma rolul de
furitor al unei naiuni iluminate, avnd la baz dobndirea fericirii
individuale, femeile nu i-au asumat ele nsele un rol, ci acesta le-a fost
impus, i anume rolul de a crea premisele acestei fericiri. Procesul de
dobndire a anumitor drepturi i liberti nu a fost, cu siguran, unul
uor, pornind de la accesul gratuit i nengrdit la educaie pentru toi
cetenii statului i culminnd cu dreptul la vot pentru femei (drept
obinut abia n 1946). La dobndirea acestora, femeile romnce au avut
importante contribuii, ns nu acelai lucru putem afirma i despre o alt
categorie cu mult inferioar d.p.d.v. social, despre categoria femeilor
rome, femei rome care la acea vreme (n secolul al XIX-lea) se aflau nc
n proprietatea boierilor, a acelor intelectuali care luptau pentru
modernizarea statului i alinierea lui cu statele din Europa la acea vreme.
Chiar dac femeia romnc ncepe s-i fac simit prezena n

23
dezbaterea public, sfera privat rmne ns, n continuare, locul
principal rezervat ei, rolurile fiindu-i limitate la grija i asistena acordat
familiei i celor apropiai. [1] Ct despre femeile rome, acestea rmn n
continuare anonime n sfera public, principalele contribuii nregistrate
care au putut defini/construi o imagine real sau imaginar a acestora
fiind cele ale unor scriitori precum Radu Rosetti, Gheorghe Sion, Dimitrie
Dan, Adalbert Ghebora, etc. Chipul femeilor rome l regsim, de
asemenea, n tablourile pictorilor, n poze, ilustraii, n ipostaze diverse,
sugestive, care reflect imaginea/prerea autorului n relaie cu subiectul
prezentat.

Influene n reprezentarea imaginilor despre femeile

rome

O pictur, un articol de ziar, o fotografie, o atitudine creeaz opinii

diferite, interpretri diferite. Acestea pot strni pasiuni, pot declana
atitudini/comportamente sau pot grupa oamenii n tabere pro i contra.
Imaginea iniial care a declanat pasiunile se poate pierde, ns nu ne
pierdem dorina de a ne impune opinia i de a-i convinge pe cei din jur s
gndeasc la fel. Iar produsul final este o sum de percepii, concepii,
interpretri despre imaginea iniial, sum care se numete reprezentare
social. Nu acionm n raport cu informaiile obiective primite ci in
funcie de imaginea noastr despre realitate. [2]
Reprezentarea social este un mod de a face accesibil lumea, de a-i
nelege pe alii. Este un mecanism prin care se construiesc teorii despre
mediul social, un mecanism care restructureaz realitatea, realiznd
integrarea caracteristicilor specifice obiectului cu cele ale subiectului,
derivate din normele, valorile, motivaiile i cogniiile acestuia.
Reprezentarea este o interpretare proprie asupra realitii care, aa cum
artam mai sus, nu are la baz o informaie obiectiv ci o sum de idei,
stereotipii, concepii despre via pe care le impunem celor din jur drept
adevruri absolute.
n acest capitol vom vorbi despre reprezentri ale femeilor rome n

24
scrieri literare, jurnale de cltorie sau n presa romneasc. Exist o
serie de asemnri n modul n care pictorii imaginau femeile rome i
modul n care diferii intelectuali, persoane publice sau politice din
perioada secolului al XIX-lea vedeau femeile rome. Pornind de la
vestimentaie, ocupaii, ndeletniciri i mod de via, n acest capitol vom
arta cum scrierile din acea perioad despre femeile rome ntregeau
picturile, imaginile despre ele. Vrem s artm c att imaginile ct i
scrierile despre aceste anonime, au stat la baza unor interpretri sau
stereotipii, care au evoluat n timp, punndu-i pecetea asupra imaginii
lor, asupra reprezentrii lor sociale.
Pentru a exemplifica acest lucru, vom aduce n discuie aspecte
legate de folclor, scrieri literare, articole de pres, cutume i ritmuri ale
vieii cotidiene a femeilor rome, care au suferit interpretri i
reinterpretri n funcie de cei care au receptat i au transmis mai departe
informaia. Iar pentru a ncerca s oferim o imagine ct mai de ansamblu
despre reprezentarea femeilor rome, ne vom ndrepta atenia mai nti de
toate asupra perioadei robiei, acolo unde gsim informaii legate de
femeile rome n cri ale unor literai ai vremii.
Robia apare pentru prima dat n documentele oficiale pe teritoriul
romnesc n anul 1358, cnd romilor li se atribuie statutul juridic de robi.
(Dan I Voievod druiete ctitoriei sale, mnstirea Vodia, 40 de
aigani). [3] Cum dezrobirea romilor pe teritoriul romnesc s-a produs
abia n secolul al XIX-lea, rezult c vreme de aproape 500 de ani romii
au avut statutul de robi (sclavi), astfel producndu-se mutaii
semnificative n imaginarul colectiv n privina romilor. Apar n folclorul
romnesc diverse ipostaze ale acestora, proverbe i zicale ironice care
ntresc stereotipii, reinterpreteaz realiti sociale sau creeaz
sentimentul unanim c toi tiu i i pot da cu prerea atunci cnd vine
vorba despre romi. n acest context, este interesant s vedem care erau
reprezentrile despre femeile rome i n ce msur robia a influenat
evoluia ulterioar a imaginii despre femeile rome. Sau cu alte cuvinte, n
ce msur perioada robiei este responsabil pentru modul n care
imaginea despre femeile rome a fost construit i persist la nivelul

25
societii pn n prezent?

Reprezentrile femeilor rome pn la nceputul

secolului al XX-lea

Fie c erau roabe sau nu, femeilor rome li s-au atribuit de-a lungul
timpului o serie de trsturi esenializante, care au devenit reprezentri
sociale ale acestora. Exist cteva tipologii ale femeilor rome care sunt
prezente n marea majoritate a lucrrilor i care au influenat modul n
care ele sunt vzute. Pe de o parte, exist femeile umile, supuse, fr
puterea de a alege n via, iar pe de alt parte, avem vrjitoarele,
femeile libere/libertine, care nu se supun normelor. n toate scrierile,
aceste imagini au aprut ca dou extreme ale caracteristicilor femeilor
rome, extreme care sunt prezente i astzi n mentalul colectiv.
Prezentm n cele ce urmeaz, cteva din ipostazele n care erau
reprezentate femeile rome, ipostaze pe care le-am regsit att n scrieri
literare, ct i n picturi celebre.

Maria, sluga n cas

Cele mai multe scrieri literare n care se menioneaz femeile rome

sunt cele ce in de perioada robiei. Fiecare cas boiereasc are o Marie
care are sentimentul datoriei care tia c-i impunea condiiunea sa de
sclav, acest sentiment fiind elementul esenial pentru care stpna
casei o investete cu ncredere. [4] De soarta sclavilor se ocupa cucoana,
iar din rndul femeilor rome, cucoanele i luau servitoarele, custoresele,
spltoresele, ginresele, buctresele, etc. Viaa boierilor este
nconjurat de aceste femei: n buctrie, n camere, ngrijnd copiii
boierilor, curnd i dereticnd sau contribuind la sporirea averii
boierilor; fiind prezente n atelierele de lucru manual pentru gherghefuri,
n atelierele de esturi, de broderii pentru cearafuri, covoare, etc. n
orice cas boiereasc respectabil existau ateliere de lucru manual, o
adevrat industrie casnic de esturi cu care cucoanele casei se

26
mndreau.
Femeile rome sclave sunt descrise deseori ca fiind foarte bune
gospodine, buctrese, ddace, cameriste, devenite indispensabile
pentru nevestele boierilor. Dac greeau sau erau nendemnatice,
igncuele erau pedepsite pentru neascultare cu un irag de mtnii
nirat pe o strun de vioar groas [] care lsau urme mai bine de o
lun. Nu rareori, cte o iganc se spnzura sau se arunca n pu. [5]
De altfel, stpna casei trebuia s fie vigilent n permanen,
cunoscut fiind nclinaia brbatului su spre amuzament, spre aventuri
amoroase. Nu putea sta nesimitor lng o creatur aa de perfect care
dup legi era proprietatea sa. Spre deosebire de acetia, stpna casei
era obligat s respecte normele sociale i s ascund, pe ct se poate,
aceste scpri ale stpnilor casei. [6] Conservatorismul, normele
religioase aveau mai mare impact asupra femeilor dect asupra
brbailor, dat fiind educaia i societatea patriarhal la acea vreme.
Cucoana Profiria, la aflarea vetii c brbatul su triete cu o femeie
rom sclav replica: Astea nu stric casa. E pericol atuncea cnd
brbatul se ncurc pe afar, cu nemoaice sau unguroaice care le storc
pungile, cu cucoane de ale noastre, care silesc s se despart, ca s le ia
pe ele. Dar nite biete roabeei! Plcere trectoare ca nite stele
trectoare! [7] Temerea cea mai mare era s nu se fac vorb n trg
c n casa lor se nasc copii bastarzi, fie chiar igani i, prin urmare,
deseori, stpna casei gsea diferite metode pentru a scpa de aceste
femei. Povestea mamei Irina se nscrie n acelai tipar. Atunci cnd
cucoana afl de relaia boierului cu sclava, o acuz pe aceasta de furtul
unui al pe care ea l druise boierului, iar acesta l druise igncii. O
pedepsete, iar pe boier l amenin cu desprirea dac nu o vinde.
Mama Irina e cumprat de printele Nil care dup cum povestete
iganca, avea multe ignci n bordeie mprejurul mnstirii.
Explicaia pentru aventurile boierilor cu sclave rome este dat i de
Radu Rosetti, a crui carte intitulat Scrieri abund de povestioare cu
femei rome dornice s intre n graiile boierilor, pentru a putea duce o
via mai uoar. Boierii amatori de plceri extraconjugale, din cauza

27
moravurilor epocii, erau redui s-i caute, nu tovare, ci unelte de
plcere n poporul de jos i, mai cu seam, printre numeroasele roabe
igance care li umplau curile.
Finalul unor astfel de poveti este, de cele mai multe ori, dramatic.
Atunci cnd boierul Sandu Hortopan se ndrgostete de Anica, o tnr
sclav de 15 ani, o igncu nltu, i cere btrnei Nastasia, sclav
rom i ea, s o pregteasc timp de un an pentru patul su. Dup lungi
mustrri de contiin, Anica se sinucide. Drept rzbunare, vizitiul
boierilor, sclav rom, i omoar pe stpni.
Relaiile stpnului cu sclavele rome nu sunt ntotdeauna puse ntr-o
lumin proast n aceste scrieri. Mama Irina i explic lui Ion Tiron, un
sclav rom a crui soie era dorit de boier: care-i femeia din neamul
nostru care n-ar fi fericit s intre n ietacul boierului? Ce mijloc mai bun
are un rob pentru ca s-i ndrepte soarta dect ca s prind stpnul
poft de femeia lui? [8] Relaiile dintre stpni i sclave devin aa o
normalitate, nct atunci cnd Catinca, soia lui Ion Tiron, este chemat
n patul boierului, Ion Tiron i amintete cum mama, mtuile i surorile
lui i povestise nopile petrecute de ele n ietacele boierilor cu toate
amnuntelegndul s se mpotriveasc stpnului cu putere, s ridice
mna asupra lui spre a se rzbunarmnea cu totul strin pentru el.
Veacurile de robie, obiceiurile de supunere oarb, de umilin
necontenit, de lips desvrit de voin plmdise ntr-nsul, ca n toi
semenii lui, o minte i o inim de rob. Deprins s vad din copilrie
femeile neamului su ntrebuinate la orice prilej, nu numai de stpn dar
i de slugile moldoveneti ale acestora... [9]
De altfel, cstoria ntre robi nu era niciodat vzut de ctre boieri
ca un impediment pentru a avea relaii extraconjugale cu femeile rome
ci, dimpotriv, era o strategie economic. Dimitrie Dan povestete n
cartea iganii din Bucovina cum boierul inea o eviden a numrului
de igani, pentru ca ei s se nmuleasc mai repede, deoarece unii
mureau de tineri. Hotra adeseori ca bieii de la 16 ani i fetele de la 13
ani s se cstoreasc pentru a face copii. El hotra i cine cu cine s se
cstoreasc, fr s cear prerea acestora. [10]

28
iganca liber

n lucrrile literare pe care le-am analizat, ct i, mai trziu, n presa

romneasc din perioada interbelic, dar mai ales n imaginile pictorilor,
apare n mod pregnant o categorie special de femei rome: femeile
libere. Caracterizate n primul rnd n funcie de modul de via pe care
l duc, de coloritul mbrcminii, de comportamentul neruinat, ele apar
deseori n descrieri ca fiind acele femei ce nu in cont de normele sociale
sau de conduita moral. Modul lor de via este vzut ca simbol al
libertii, dei istoria ne-a artat c romii au fost robi aproape 500 de ani.
Din punct de vedere juridic, cei care deineau robi (mnstirile, curile
domneti, boierii) avea drepturi depline asupra lor, asupra familiilor i
bunurilor lor. [11] Cu toate c n raport cu societatea, femeile rome sunt
vzute drept libertine, n mod paradoxal, n raport cu comunitatea lor,
ele sunt vzute ca cele ce respect regulile, ca cele care trebuie s
pstreze obiceiurile comunitii i s duc mai departe tradiiile.
Regina Maria a Romniei vorbete n jurnalul ara Mea despre
femeile rome ntlnite n cltoriile ei astfel: foarte frumoase sunt mai
ales fetele tinere, drepte, de o statur deplin, cu olduri strmte i
gingae mini i picioare. Orice zdrean-i sucesc n jurul trupului plin de
graie se preface ntr-o podoab care le prinde. Se vor acoperi cu orice
lucru de pre descalificat pe care-l vor culege pe drum. Uneori preioase
vechi buci de broderie i vor isprvi zilele pe trupurile acestor
atrgtoare fiini, crescndu-li farmecele, dndu-li nfiarea unor regine
ceretoare. Cingtori strlucitoare ce se nvrt n jurul oldurilor i boiului
lor in laolalt toate aceste zdrene, dnd purttoarei lor nfiarea
Egiptenelor aa cum le vedem zugrvite n frescele de pe preii
templelor. Supt falnicele crpe pe care le leag de capetele lor atrn
uvie de pr de amndou prile feei uvie care sunt mpodobite cu
tot felul de bani, cu bucele de sticl colorat i de metal ori cu farmece
de o ciudat nfiare sau cu medalii sfinite care se ciocnesc la micrile
lor. n jurul gtului lor atrn lungi iruri de strlucitoare mrgele care
scnteie i lucesc pe pieile lor de culoarea bronzului. Fetele acestea arat

29
puin sfial. Sunt zgomotoase i ndrznee, neruinate ceretoare
crora puin le pas dac prin cmile lor rupte gt sau sn iese pe
jumtate goale la razele soarelui. Cu dini albi, strlucitori ele rd la tine,
cu minile n olduri, cu capul rsturnat, o lulea alb nfipt ndrzne n
colul gurii. Nedescris de graioase sunt fetele acestea cnd vin de la
tabr seara, ducnd mari cofe de lemn pe cap. Ele nainteaz de
departe, drepte cu pai sltai i legnai, pe cnd apa arunc stropi mari
pe obrazul lor. Soarele apunnd n spatele lor li da nfiarea de umbre
ce vin de foarte departe din pustiu, unde crrile nau nici nceput, nici
sfrit [12]
De asemenea, Dimitrie Dan n cartea iganii din Bucovina vorbete
despre portul femeilor rome ca avnd elemente specifice acestora:
femeile care nu arareori i mai ales n tineree sunt de o frumusee rar,
arat adesea la alegerea toaletei lor mult gust, capul i-l leag mai ales
n Bucovina cu un al mare galben sau rou de ln, au predileciune
pentru culori mult intensive, tergarul este la ele numai la caz de ultim
srcie, ntrebuinat ca nvluitoare pentru cap, ele poart catrine
adeseori esute cu fir, iar cu mult plcere fuste din materii de ln
cumprate n ora i n fine un cojoc mare de piei de oaie; att fetele ct
i nevestele poart la gt salbe preioase de monete vechi de argint,
adeseori i de aur n valoarii de mai muli galbeni. [13]
Un element caracteristic modului de via liber al femeilor rome este
faptul c ele locuiesc n corturi, n bordeie spate n pmnt sau n crue,
aceste moduri de a locui ntrind, potrivit descrierilor, comuniunea
femeilor cu natura, accentund modul de via liber, fr restricii.
Particularitatea lor distinctiv [...] ieste pielea brun sau bronzat, tenul
lor nchis. La prima vedere culoarea de abanos a prului cu faa neagr
i cu dinii frumoi i albi, formeaz ntr-adevr un contrast cam izbitor.
Rbdarea i caracterizeaz. Iei ndur orice: frigul, foamea, cldura, btaia
cu acelai snge i nepsare. [14]
n toate scrierile, ocupaia principal a femeilor rome definite drept
libere/libertine este cititul n ghioc sau n palm. n cltoria prin ara
Romneasc a unei tinere autoare romnce, Elena Didia Odorica

30
Sevastos, cltorie pe care a fcut-o ca s scrie despre obiceiuri de nunt,
regsim aceeai ocupaie a femeilor rome. Aceasta scrie prietenei sale:
cnd s dm de moia Oreni, de-a lungul leahului erau ntinse
mulime de atre de igani i pozderie de donci se jucau n colb; ct
goliciune i ct neomenie la aceti oameni cu faa ca pmntul, cu ochii
ca scnteia i prul ca pana corbului. Cteva igance zdrenuite cu prul
nclcit -npleticit cu codie pline de ghiocei, mrgele i bani de argint, se
repezir la crua noastr strignd care de care: Stai duducu s-i
ghiceasc baba n ghioc, s-i deie baba n cri, f numai cruce ici cu
ban de argint i-i fac de tipa i de s-ncheag apa. [] una scoase
dintr-o traist ce-o purta la old o rdcin de buruian, aa mi s-au prut
ca de feric, i ncepe: d numai la baba o bucat de franc i i-o d
nvalnic s fii drag cui ti-o vedea. Ba d-mi mie un franc i i-o da os
de cmil ca s-l pori cu tine i s-i mearg bine, i anul ista a trece,
altul a veni, mai bine d-a fi. Na uite cole, os de vit crpat s crap toi
dumanii ti. Aa ziceau igancele, dar vzndu-m c tceam m-au
lsat i s-au ntors ndrpt. [15]
Alte ocupaii ale femeilor rome sunt prezentate de Lecca n Istoria
iganilor. Ele se ocup cu negoul de sticlrie, haine i talismane. Lecca
povestete despre cum femeile rome au conservat datina Paparudelor
(Ziua Paparudelor sau Papaluga este n a treia joi dup srbtoarea
Patelui): igance mpodobite cu panglici roii i salbe umbl din cas n
cas s cnte i s joace. Pe cnd cele tinere fac asta, cea mai btrn
cnt din gur monoton i scandenat:
Paparud rud,
Vino de te ud
Ca s cad ploile
Cu gleile
n schimb de aceste urri, stpna casei le stropete de obicei cu o
gleat de ap [...] apoi le pltete cu o moned sau cu vreun lucru
vechi. [16]
Pentru a ntregi imaginea de femei libere, ne este prezentat
cstoria lor: dac un igan se cstorete cu o iganc din alt neam

31
(dei nu e de dorit) el primete numele de familie al igncii, locuiete cu
neamul ei i trebuie s-i aduc corturi, trsur, cai, halaturi de meterie.
ns i n aceast situaie vedem cum spiritul de femeie descurcrea o
ajut, dat fiind c iganul nsurat puin se ngrijete de cele trebuincioase
i nici nu aduce nimic lng bordeiu sau cas doar dac fur ceva
fiindc el la lucru este coad de cne i se las pe spatele femeii care
trebuie s lucre i s-i hrneasc copiii i...leneul brbat. [17]

iganca vrjitoare

Un rol important n folclorul romnesc l joac iganca vrjitoare.

Vrjitoria este, de altfel, ndeletnicirea principal care este atribuit
femeilor rome de secole. Lucrrile literare abund de descrieri din cele
mai pitoreti i exotizante pentru a arta o imagine a femeilor rome n
strns legtur cu nenaturalul, cu demonicul.
Mihail Koglniceanu n Schie despre igani ntrete acest lucru
prin faptul c femeile lor alearg pe drumuri i caut n ghioc de noroc,
spun viitorul i ghicesc visurile. [18] Ele sunt cele care fac i desfac, care
te pot blestema i-i pot decide viitorul. Nici o vrjitoare btrn din
povetile de zne ale lui Andersen ori din Nopile arabe nu poate sta la
ntrecere cu aceste ciudate fpturi btrne nfurate n zdrene vetede
care odat au fost strlucitoare spune Regina Maria a Romniei n
scrisorile de cltorii adunate n lucrarea ara Mea. [19] Ct despre
portul lor aflm din aceleai scrisori c falnice fii de stof erau rsucite
ca turbanul n jurul capetelor lor i de subt ele uvie de pr sur atrnau
n nepieptnat ornduial peste ochi. ndeobte o lulea de lut alb era
nfipt n colul gurii lor, cci i brbaii i femeile fumeaz. Spune mai
departe despre ele: aceste btrne vrjitoare sunt membrii respectai ai
triburilor. Blstmurile ce strig fac rnduiala printre tineri. Cu cat
iganca e mai dibace la cerit i la vinderea acelor i fuselor i mai istea
n cutarea n palm, bobi, cri, spunerea din stele, la vrjitorie i
fermectorii, cu ct ctig pentru gngurai. Formele folosite de ignci
n scopul de a nela sunt: ai noroc, zice cioroaica, la vite multe, multe me-

32
rentele i cu piciorue pemprejur. Se ine norocul de tine ca epurele de
cne. Nu-i bate oare cioara joc de cei pe care i exploateaz att de
uor? [20]
Mihail Koglniceanu critic n Schie despre igani lipsa de
castitate a acestor femei care, cu toate c nu fac o profesiune de
prostituate, ele se dau oriicui numai s le dea ceva parale; alt meserie
mai au de a ghici de noroc i de a spune viitorul, uitndu-se n palm sau
trgnd crile i consultnd spirituul n oglinda ce-o poart ntr-o cutie
de tinichea. [21]

iganca pasional

Fie c vorbim despre relaiile dintre femeile i brbaii romi sau despre
relaiile femeilor cu stpnii lor, femeia rom este perceput, n mod cert,
drept iganca pasional. ns aceast reprezentare are mai multe
nelesuri, fiind, n funcie de autor i de contextul social, un defect sau o
calitate natural (n.a). Diversele ipostaze ale femeilor rome nfiate
de autori nu sunt ntotdeauna mgulitoare pentru c firea lor pasional le
ndeamn la gesturi deloc potrivite idealului feminin al acelor vremuri.
Radu D. Rosetti i noteaz n memoriile adunate n cartea Remember
momentul nrolrii autorului din gara Bucureti odat cu declanarea
rzboiului mondial. Acesta noteaz scena despririi romncelor de
soldai, care preiau obiceiul de la franuzoaice (mpart flori i srut
soldaii). Prin contrast, o iganc care i lua la revedere de la brbat se
jelea: aoleu, aoleu pn a primit dou palme de la brbat ca s-i ridice
moralul. [22]
Mici povestioare cu tlc, n care femeile rome apar n ipostaze
negative, gsim i n diferite articole de ziare n care femeia rom, din
cauza caracterului ei pasional declaneaz aciuni nefaste. Spre exemplu,
n ziarul Drepturile Omului nr. 20 din 24 februarie 1890, n cadrul rubricii
Cronica Literar apare povestioara lui Ghiokan ursarul unde se
povestete despre cum femeia l neal, iar eroul moare nefericit. n
Ilustraiunea romn gsim anecdote despre femei rome, cum ar fi

33
Cureaua iganului unde se povestete cum un boier ncearc s violeze
o iganc ns aceasta cu firea ei cea pasional se las pn la urm
convins de aciunea boierului (n.a). [23]
Radu Rosetti n Scrieri povestete cum Viinoaia, o iganc roab
a lui trilea Mihalache ce fusese n zilele ei o iganc frumoas a fost
violat cu 16 ani n urm de ctre 4 strini, nemi sau lei i vndut apoi
pe civa gologani. Zicea c acestei ntmplri era datorit naterea
Catrinei i se vede c pstrase o amintire plcut de acea noapte,
amintire cu care se ludase bucuros. [24]
Regsim i latura pozitiv a igncii pasionale n Suveniruri
contimpurane a lui Gheorghe Sion unde o ntlnim pe Anca, prima lui
dragoste, iganc lutreas i vagaboand cum era prin delicatea
sentimentelor i manierelor sale, prin ngrijirea ce da figurii i corpului ei,
se prea c n toate zilele se fcea mai graioas i mai voluptoas. Sion
o nfieaz ca fiind o frumusee igneasc. Talie nalt i zvelt,
extremitile minilor i ale picioarelor fine i delicate, i da aerul de o
statur Indian. [25] Dragostea lor este sortit despririi cnd mama lui
Sion i interzice pe patul de moarte s o mai vad: pentru binele i
viitorul tu nu face s-i legi viaa de o iganc. Caut i te desf de Anca.
Pn-acuma am tiut ce face ca s nu ajungi de svonul public. D-i drumul,
i cnd vei gsi o partid bun, nsoar-te.
n partea a doua a acestei publicaii vom vedea care sunt percepiile
la nivelul societii romneti n prezent i dac s-au produs schimbri n
ceea ce privete percepiile asupra femeilor rome, aa cum le-am urmrit
pe parcursul acestei seciuni.

Concluzii

Imaginile reprezint o form de istorie, ceea ce e interesant de

observat, ns, sunt modificrile suferite n timp, mesajul pe care l-au
transmis de-a lungul timpului/istoriei i influenele acestor imagini asupra
mentalului colectiv.
Femeile rome sunt anonimele din istorie. Folosirea imaginilor, dar i

34
a unor scrieri literare, sunt singurele
modaliti de a prezenta femei rome din
acea perioad (sfritul secolului al XIX-lea -
nceputul secolului XX), n ncercarea de a
surprinde realitatea cotidian a acestora.
Imaginile artate aici ncearc s surprind
felul n care s-a dezvoltat imaginea femeii
rome de-a lungul timpului precum i
impactul asupra mentalului colectiv,
urmrind mai degrab preceptele care au
stat la baza construirii acestor imagini, Nicolae Grigorescu, iganca de la
Ghergani, 1872, ulei pe pnz,
dect modul n care au fost receptate Muzeul Naional de Art Bucureti

acestea. Asta deoarece este imposibil de

msurat gradul n care aceste imagini au
influenat sau influeneaz opinia public.
Aa cum la fel de complicat ar fi s dovedim
c aceste imagini nu reflectau realitatea
cotidian, ci erau de fapt construcii
stereotipice ale autorilor/pictorilor. n mare
msur, aceste imagini reflect femei rome
n diferite ipostaze: ghicitoare, florrese,
femei libere, etc. Dac inem cont de
contextul epocii respective cretinismul,
care impunea femeilor din societate o tefan Luchian, Safta Florreasa,
1901, ulei pe pnz, Muzeul Naional
conduit moral, castitate, virtute, de Art al Romniei din Bucureti

supuenie pentru a le aminti permanent pcatul neascultrii precum i

condiia lor de femei fr raiune, conduse de sentimente i, prin urmare,
ce trebuiesc controlate, atunci putem face afirmaia conform creia
aceste reprezentri erau valorizate n mod negativ. Conduita moral,
considerat specific femeilor, era nclcat de aceste femei rome, care
purtau pipa n colul gurii, erau pe jumtate dezbrcate (alptndu-i
copiii n piee), aveau ndeletniciri nu tocmai morale sau potrivite pentru
acele vremuri (cum era ghicitul), etc. Se prea poate ca imaginile

35
reproduse de pictori s nu fi fost ru
intenionate, ns nu vom ti asta pentru c
nc nu s-au descoperit scrieri ale acestora
n legtur cu femeile rome. ns tim
despre cretinism c era un puternic factor
de influen att pentru nobilime ct i
pentru mase, iar opinia formulat conform
acestuia era cu siguran nengduitoare cu Octav Bncil, iganc cu pip,
1918, serigrae, colecie particular
conduita femeilor rome. Pornind de la aceste
presupoziii, care valorizau negativ percepia
despre femeile rome, putem observa c
aceste percepii se fundamentau n jurul a
dou noiuni cheie: corpul i ocupaiile.
Multe dintre imagini sunt legate de fizic,
de erotism, n timp ce anumite imagini se
opresc asupra femeii ghicitoare, ns toate au un
element comun i anume, ideea de necuviin,
de neconformism cu regulile societii. Am pornit
de la ideea c pictorii reflectau n imaginile lor
percepiile/stereotipiile legate de femeile
rome. Iat c regsim n picturile lor Octav Bncil, iganca cu cri de
joc, 1918, Muzeul Naional de Art al
reliefarea calitilor fizice, n balan cu Romniei din Bucureti

ndeletnicirile lor care au rolul de a ntri stereotipiile referitoare la rolurile

tradiionale ale femeilor rome. Am adus n discuie n acest capitol modul
n care literatura, presa vremii sau alte scrieri, cum ar fi jurnalele de
cltorii, confirmau mesajele transmise prin imagini, prin picturi.
Departe de a fi surprins realitatea acelor vremuri, credem c aceste
picturi au reprezentat un mod de a evidenia rolurile atribuite femeilor
rome. Aceste roluri persist i astzi. Nu s-a ajuns la dispariia acestor
stereotipii, dovad stnd multitudinea de mesaje stereotipice i rasiste n
ceea ce privete femeile rome transmise de ctre mass media
contemporan. [26]

36
Note:

[1] A se vedea spre ex. articolele din ziarul Drepturile Omului ale Sofiei
Ndejde Femeia i socialista aprut n nr.1, p. 2 din 1885 i n nr.17 din 21
februarie Rolul femeii n micarea social. De asemenea, articole ce dezbteau
statutul femeii au aprut i n ziarul Emanciparea din anii 1891-1892.
[2] Filip Ionela, Psihologia cmpului social. Reprezentrile sociale, Societatea
tiin & Tehnic S.A. Bucureti, 1995
[3] A se consulta site-ul www.romanothan.ro
[4] Gheorghe Sion, Suveniruri contimpurane, 1915, ed. Minerva, Bucureti
p.20
[5] ibidem 4, p. 16
[6] idem 4, p 25
[7] idem 4, p 22
[8] Radu Rosetti, Scrieri, 1980, ed. Minerva, Bucureti
[9] idem 8, p. 85
[10] Dimitrie Dan, iganii din Bucovina, 1892, paroh n Lujena Cernui,
Tipografie i Litografie concesionat Arch. Silvestru Morariu-Andrievici, p.16
[11] Nicolae Gheorghe, Romii. De la robi la ceteni,
http://www.romanothan.ro/sclavia/ROMII-DE-LA-ROBI-LA-CETATENI.html
[12] Regina Maria a Romniei, ara Mea, ediia III editura Librriei&Pavel Suru,
Bucureti, p. 73
[13] Dimitrie Dan, iganii din Bucovina, 1892, Cernui, p. 23
[14] Octav G. Lecca, Istoria iganilor, 1898, Caransebe: Tip. Diecesana, p.39
[15] Elena Didia Odorica Sevastos, Cltorii prin ara Romneasc, scrisoarea
a doua din 14 iulie 1887 (scris la Botoani) trimis prietenei sale Electra
Mortzun, 1888 Iai, Tipografia Naional, p. 13-15
[16] Octav G. Lecca, Istoria iganilor, 1898, Caransebe: Tip. Diecesana, p.167
[17] Dimitrie Dan, iganii din Bucovina, 1892, Cernui, 32 p. (ed. german,
1893, 42 p.), p. 29
[18] Mihail Koglniceanu, Schie despre igani, 1900, Tipografia Dacia, P.
Iliescu i D. Grossu, pag. 17
[19] ibidem 12
[20] ibidem 17, p. 29
[21] ibidem 18, p.27

37
[22] Radu D. Rosetti, Remember, 1921, Ed. Libraria Socec&Co, Societatea
Anonim, p. 24
[23] n Ilustraiunea romn, nr.10 din 18 august 1891
[24] Radu Rosetti, Scrieri, 1980, ed. Minerva, Bucureti, p. 81
[25] Gheorghe Sion, Suveniruri contimpurane , 1915, ed. Minerva, Bucureti,
p.7
[26] Vezi capitolul II al acestei brouri: Cteva aspecte privind vizibilitatea
femeilor rome n sfera public.

38
Capitolul II

Cteva aspecte privind vizibilitatea femeilor

rome n sfera public

Sfera public se refer la locurile n care oamenii se pot ntlni, pot

s-i formeze i s-i exprime opiniile, pot discuta liber ncercnd, unde
e posibil, s ajung la un consens i pot identifica problemele din
societate. Prin aceste aciuni, ei pot s determine o schimbare, s
corecteze neajunsurile din societate. Sfera public se refer att la spaii
fizice, n care oamenii se ntlnesc fa n fa, cum ar fi coala, sala de
conferin, centrul cultural, cafenelele, spaiul public al oraului, etc., ct
i spaii virtuale, cum ar fi mass media sau internetul. Teoretic, ntr-o
societate democratic, oricine are acces la sfera public, oricine i poate
exprima liber opiniile i poate propune i pune n practic idei care s
schimbe n bine societatea. Dar, n realitate, sfera public este mai puin
inclusiv dect pare. Exist oameni marginali, ale cror voci nu se aud,
ale cror probleme sunt ignorate, ale cror experiene sunt invizibile. Cei
sraci, cei care nu sunt albi [1], femeile au un acces limitat la sfera
public i problemele lor rmn adesea n umbr i tcere.
Femeile rome, prin genul, prin etnia lor i prin faptul c, adesea,
aparin clasei de jos, au o vizibilitate redus n sfera public i, cel mai
adesea, vieile lor sunt reflectate prin ochii altora, problemele lor sunt
interpretate prin prisma stereotipurilor care predomin n societate
despre ele. n acest capitol, ne vom folosi de exemple ale reflectrii n
mass media a unor aspecte din viaa femeilor rome pentru a analiza care
este poziia femeilor rome n sfera public i, de asemenea, care sunt
posibilitile acestora de a face vizibile vieile i experienele lor i de a
vorbi despre acestea prin propria lor voce. Vom ncerca s analizm

39
situaia femeilor rome prinse ntre dou lumi, ntre tradiie i emancipare,
n prima situaie analiznd modul n care acestea relaioneaz cu
comunitatea lor, cu familia i cu brbaii romi i, n cea de-a doua situaie,
reflectnd asupra felului n care se raporteaz femeilor rome la ceilali,
la majoritari, cum sunt vzute ele de ctre acetia i care sunt
posibilitile femeilor rome de a obine un loc al lor, eliberat de
stereotipuri i rasism.

Mitul igncii pasionale

Studiu de caz: telenovela Inim de igan

Vom ncepe acest capitol cu un exemplu recent de reprezentare

stereotipic, cu o mare vizibilitate n cultura de mas, reprezentarea unei
femei rome generice, misterioase i exotice, reprezentare care, dei
discriminatorie, a fost totui prezentat n mass media ca un exemplu de
abordare tolerant fa de comunitatea rom.

Alturi de alte reprezentri stereotipice ale femeilor rome n literatur,

arte plastice i cultura de mas - reprezentri cum ar fi iganca ca
vrjitoare, florreas, servitoare, hoa, - o reprezentare persistent este
i cea a igncii pasionale, femeia voluptoas, exotic i seductoare,
femeia care ia minile brbailor, care este personificarea fanteziilor
brbailor albi. n acest mit, aspectele sexiste, care prezint femeile ca
pe nite fiine exclusiv sexuale, ca pe nite ntruchipri periculoase n
iraionalitatea lor seductoare, se amestec cu aspectele rasiste, care
prezint femeile rome ca pe nite fiine exotice, misterioase, mai
aproape de natur i de pericolele ei.
Mitul igncii pasionale este cel care d structur i telenovelei
Inim de igan [2], telenovel care s-a bucurat de o audien foarte
mare pe tot parcursul difuzrii ei i de multe reacii n mass media. Nu
vom analiza aici pe larg toate stereotipurile folosite n aceast telenovel,
deoarece nu este cu nimic surprinztor s ntlnim ntr-o telenovel doar
personaje stereotipice (indiferent de subiectul acesteia). Dar Inim de

40
igan este interesant n acest context mai ales pentru reaciile pe care
le-a strnit n mass media i n rndul telespectatorilor, ct i pentru felul
n care, pe parcursul episoadelor, reprezentri stereotipice i rasiste se
mpletesc cu ncercri ipocrite de reprezentri afirmative.
Lumea atrei prezentat n Inim de igan este o lume dominat
de tradiii si cutume (de exemplu, iganii din telenovel sunt foarte
preocupai s-i mrite fiicele, majoritatea personajelor feminine rome
sunt descrise pe site-ul oficial al telenovelei [3] ca fiind tradiionaliste,
cu o singur preocupare n via - s se mrite i s fac copii - pline de
spirit de sacrificiu pentru familiile lor, etc) dar, pe de alt parte, viaa
atrei este caracterizat i de un spirit liber, aflat cumva n afara
istoriei. De exemplu, personajul interpretat de cntreaa Loredana
Groza, (care interpreteaz i cntecele de pe coloana sonor a filmului),
personajul numit Rodia, este descris pe site-ul telenovelei ca fiind o
iganc pasional ce ntruchipeaz spiritul liber al atrei. Sau, unul din
personajele principale, Roza (interpretat de Nicoleta Luciu) care, chiar
dac a fost educat la Paris, rmne totui iganca pasional care
danseaz seductor, are ca singur motivaie n serial ncercarea de a-l
cuceri pe personajul principal masculin i este descris pe site ca fiind o
iganc extraordinar de frumoas, o femeie care ar putea suci minile
oricrui brbat.
Reprezentrile stereotipice care domin cu claritate personajele
serialului, sunt contracarate i de cteva minime accente afirmative. De
exemplu, personajul principal masculin, dei stereotipic n toate
comportamentele sale, este totui medic pe Ambulan (o reprezentare
atipic pentru romi). De asemenea, exist n serial un personaj feminin
secundar, Cezara, care, dei este rom, este descris pe site astfel: este
reporter de televiziune, foarte talentat i dedicat meseriei ei. De
asemenea, din cnd n cnd, vin n discuie n dialogurile din serial
prejudecile pe care le au majoritarii fa de romi. Dar toate aceste
ncercri de obiectivitate sunt necate ntr-o mare de stereotipuri despre
romi, despre primitivismul i exotismul acestora, despre viaa
opulent pe care ar duce-o, despre afacerile lor dubioase, despre femeile

41
rome misterioase i pasionale, etc, stereotipuri care, n felul acesta,
capt, de fapt, un aer i mai puternic de autenticitate.
Astfel nct, desi telenovela transmite mesaje stereotipice i implicit
rasiste despre viaa brbailor i femeilor rome, totui aceasta a fost
perceput n contiina public ca fiind o favoare fcut comunitii
rome de ctre societatea romneasc. Urmrind reaciile pe forumuri de
discuii sau comentariile de la cititori la articolele tratnd despre aceast
telenovel, articole aprute n ediii online a diferite ziare, se poate
observa indignarea rasist a multora dintre cei ce posteaz comentarii
n privina unui serial care i face prea vizibili pe romi i care stric
imaginea Romniei n lume. Chiar dac prezint o imagine fals, plin de
prejudeci, serialul a fost folosit ca un exemplu de toleran
(condescendent) fa de comunitatea rom. Atunci cnd echipa Dinamo
a fost sancionat pentru scandrile rasiste ale galeriei sale (n aprilie
2009), preedintele executiv al echipei, Cristi Borcea a declarat: Ce s
neleg, c Romnia e un stat rasist cnd telenovela Inim de igan
sparge toate ratingurile?. [4]

Femeile rome ntre tradiie i emancipare

Termenul de patriarhat se refer la faptul c cei care au putere de

decizie n societate sunt brbaii, n timp ce rolul femeilor se rezum, cel
mai adesea, la acela de a se ngriji de cei din jurul lor, de partener, de
copii, de cei bolnavi, de cei btrni. n timp ce brbaii au influen i
vizibilitate n sfera public, femeile sunt constrnse la a aciona mai ales
n sfera privat, n sfera cminului i a familiei. Chiar dac acestea iau
parte la viaa comunitii, la viaa public, o fac pentru a sprijini brbaii
n deciziile lor. O societate patriarhal este o societate n care instituiile,
normele i practicile reflect nevoile, logica i modul de interaciune al
brbailor, ca i cnd aceast ornduire n care femeile sunt subordonate
brbailor ar fi n firea lucrurilor.
Aceste definiii, folosite aici ca un punct de pornire, cu scopul de a
face nelegerea subiectului acestui capitol mai uoar, au un ton

42
generalizator. Atunci cnd folosim cuvinte precum brbai sau femei
la cine anume ne referim? Aceste categorii nu sunt omogene i definitive.
n cadrul categoriei pe care o numim femei la fel ca n cazul categoriei
brbai exist multiple diferene i ierarhii. De exemplu, femeile
heterosexuale i lesbienele nu au acelai loc n societate, nu se bucur de
aceleai drepturi i privilegii. De asemenea, exist diferene de clas, de
etnie, de ras ntre femei, i toate aceste diferenieri i ierarhii sunt
valabile i pentru brbai. Nu putem vorbi n aceiai termeni despre
brbaii albi ca despre brbaii romi, de exemplu atunci cnd ne referim
la accesul lor la putere i vizibilitate n sfera public. Exist diverse relaii
de subordonare n societate, care determin ca alianele la fel ca i
luptele pentru echitate s fie diverse. Teoreticiana feminist de culoare
bell hooks [5], referindu-se la faptul c discursul feminist al femeilor
albe, heterosexuale i din clasa de mijloc are tendina de a prezenta
problemele acestor femei ca fiind ale tuturor femeilor, a exprimat faptul
c, ntr-un stat rasist, problemele femeilor de culoare i revendicrile lor
pentru justiie social sunt uneori mai aproape de revendicrile brbailor
de culoare dect de cele ale femeilor albe. La un anumit nivel putem
extrapola aceast afirmaie i atunci cnd ne referim la femeile rome.
Dar, de asemenea, trebuie s privim acest subiect cu atenie i pruden,
atta vreme ct situaia femeilor rome n prezent este la intersecia dintre
opresiunile unei societi rasiste i discriminrile de gen din partea unei
comuniti rome patriarhale.
Romii sunt un popor fr teritoriu, un popor care a fost oprimat [6] i
lipsit de putere de-a lungul secolelor. Mai mult dect att, dup
dezrobirea romilor statul nu a luat msuri care s ajute la reintegrarea
lor n societate, fapt ce a dus la marginalizarea lor fa de restul societii,
plasndu-i n afara acesteia. Din cauza acestei situaii, din cauza
constantelor eforturi ale societilor majoritare de a le terge identitatea
(i, n unele momente, chiar de a-i anihila complet, cum a fost cazul
Holocaustului [7]) este important pentru romi s-i pstreze tradiiile, s
menin legturi puternice cu familia i comunitatea ca un mod de a-i
pstra identitatea i unitatea. Fiind vorba de un popor marginalizat, s-au

43
format n cadrul lui unele comuniti nchise cu norme/obiceiuri specifice.
n timp ce societatea s-a dezvoltat iar curente precum micarea pentru
drepturile omului, micarea feminist, etc. au schimbat societatea, unele
dintre aceste comuniti au rmas nchise, aplicnd norme i obiceiuri ce
nu mai erau n ton cu societatea. Din pcate unele dintre aceste norme
au ngrdit dreptul femeilor rome la a face alegeri n ceea ce privete
viaa lor sub diferite aspecte: cstoria, familia, educaia.
Din cauza importanei pe care o are unitatea i pstrarea tradiiilor n
cadrul comunitilor rome, este dificil pentru femeile rome s vorbeasc
despre problemele interne ale unor comuniti care i menin normele
patriarhale, norme care controleaz femeile rome, pstrndu-le n sfera
privat a casei. n momentul n care activistele rome aduc n discuie
situaia injust a femeilor rome n interiorul comunitii lor, n care
chestioneaz obiceiurile i normele patriarhale care menin femeile rome
n sfera privat i care pun asupra lor presiuni i ngrdiri mai mari dect
cele pe care le pun asupra brbailor, acest lucru intr n contradicie cu
ideea format despre ce nseamn unitatea n rndul romilor. Iar acest
lucru poate servi uneori discursurilor rasiste ale majoritarilor care prezint
comunitatea rom ca fiind primitiv n contrast cu societatea majoritar
civilizat. [8]
Ierarhiile nedrepte ntre brbai i femei nu sunt doar o caracteristic
a comunitii rome ci a societii n ansamblu, (de exemplu situaia
femeilor romnce srace nu este diferit n ceea ce privete discriminrile
de gen fa de cea a femeilor rome, ceea ce le difereniaz este faptul c
femeile romnce nu sunt discriminate pe criteriul etniei. Femeile romnce
srace nu sunt judecate n funcie de percepia despre grupul etnic din
care provin, pe cnd femeile rome poart, de multe ori, responsabilitatea
percepiilor negative ale ntregii etnii pe umerii lor, n special atunci cnd
ncearc s ptrund n lumea majoritarilor.) Totui, adesea discriminrile
de gen din interiorul comunitii rome sunt folosite pentru a prezenta
cultura rom ca pe o cultur degenerat, primitiv, fr s se ia n
calcul condiiile economice, sociale i politice ale societii n ansamblu,
ale unei societi care menine comunitatea rom ntr-o stare de srcie,

44
marginalitate i lips de putere politic, accentundu-i n felul acesta
practicile patriarhale. Discriminrile pe care le sufer femeile rome n
interiorul comunitii nu sunt doar un efect al tradiiilor rome ci i al felului
n care societatea n ansamblu trateaz comunitatea rom.

Studiu de caz: reflectarea n mass media a cstoriei

aranjate a Anei Maria Cioab

Vom folosi acest caz larg mediatizat pentru a exemplifica felul n care
problemele de gen din interiorul comunitii rome sunt folosite pentru a
justifica atitudini i politici discriminatorii.

n 2003, mass media din Romnia i internaional a reflectat intens

cstoria aranjat dintre Ana Maria Cioab de 13 ani (sau 12 ani dup
alte surse) i Mihai Biri de 15 ani. Vizibilitatea n presa internaional a
acestei nclcri a drepturilor copiilor (n special dup ce un reportaj de-
spre nunt a fost difuzat pe BBC) a determinat reacii severe din partea
unor oficiali ai Uniunii Europene, iar aceste reacii au determinat i au-
toritile din Romnia (pn la nivel de guvern) s ia poziie, n condiiile
n care Romnia se afla nc n procesul de aderare la Uniunea European,
cu toate presiunile de armonizare cu valorile europene pe care acest
proces l-a presupus. Cei doi au fost desprii i prinii au fost obligai
s-i trimit n continuare la coal, dei msurile cerute de, la vremea
aceea, raportoarea UE pentru Romnia, Emma Nicholson, ca cei doi copii
s fie luai de la prini i plasai n grija statutului, erau mult mai dras-
tice.

Atta vreme ct cstorii ntre minori au loc uneori n comunitatea

rom [9], deci cstoria Anei Maria Cioab nu era o excepie, de ce
tocmai aceast cstorie a strnit aa un interes? Felul n care nunta Anei
Maria Cioab a fost prezentat n pres este simptomatic pentru modul
n care cultura rom este codat ca fiind primitiv, degenerat n
comparaie cu cultura alb, cu cultura european evoluat, care susine

45
drepturile omului. Familiile celor doi copii sunt familii bogate, Florin
Cioab, tatl fetei, are vizibilitate n sfera public, nunta a fost fcut cu
mult fast i un fost ministru de interne al Romniei a fost naul de
cununie. n aceste condiii, niciuna dintre cauzele care determin ca fete
rome minore s se cstoreasc, cauze cum ar fi srcia, lipsa de
educaie, lipsa de anse, nu puteau fi aduse n discuie, i cstoria a fost
justificat exclusiv prin apelul la tradiia rom. n tirea ndelung
mediatizat a acestei cstorii, ceea ce a fost fcut vizibil a fost fastul
nunii, faptul c drepturile celor doi minori au fost nclcate i reaciile
din partea Uniunii Europene, dar bazele acestei tradiii rome, baze care
se gsesc n secolele de opresiune la care etnia rom a fost supus, au
fost complet ignorate. De altfel, statul romn prin protecia copilului nu
s-a autosesizat atunci cnd nunta a fost fcut public ci a reacionat
doar atunci cnd Comisia European a solicitat msuri de sancionare
mpotriva acestor practici. n timpul celor 500 de ani n care romii au fost
nrobii, fetele rome erau adeseori violate de ctre stpnii lor romni.
[10] Dac n urma acestor violuri, fetele aveau i copii, att ele ct i
copiii lor erau adeseori respini att de comunitatea rom ct i de
stpnii romni. Pentru c fetele lor triau constant cu acest pericol de a
fi violate, romii au gsit soluia s le mrite ct mai curnd. Acest obicei
nu era practicat doar de romi, i romnii foarte sraci i mritau fetele
devreme ca s le fereasc de abuzurile boierilor. O explozie de naionalism
extrem a nsoit crearea statului romn dup eliberarea romilor din sclavie
n Romnia n 1856. n urmtorul secol a avut loc Holocaustul n timpul
cruia sute de mii de romi au fost ucii n numele puritii rasiale, dup
care a urmat comunismul i agresiva asimilare forat. Pentru a
supravieui deceniilor de persecuie i pentru a-i pstra identitatea n
ciuda politicii de asimilare forat, romii s-au autoizolat i s-au agat de
tradiiile lor, bune sau rele. [11]

Cultura rom, culpabilizat n mod exclusiv pentru nclcarea drep-

turilor minorilor i ale femeilor, nu poate fi vzut izolat de societatea n
care exist, n afara condiiilor istorice, economice, sociale i politice ale

46
statutului n care se dezvolt. Practica cstoriilor ntre minori trebuie
analizat att din punctul de vedere al cauzelor ei istorice, ct i al fac-
torilor economici, sociali i politici prezeni care au un rol primordial n
discriminarea femeilor rome (discriminri printre care se afl i cstoria
prematur a acestora). Dac aceste cstorii ntre minori sunt atribuite
exclusiv tradiiei i culturii rome, fr o vedere de ansamblu a societii
n care romii triesc i a condiiilor lor de via, atunci aceasta devine
doar o problem intern a unei comuniti primitive, non-europene
care i discrimineaz proprii membri, i deci, n consecin nu merit
eforturi de a eradica discriminarea la care romii sunt supui din partea so-
cietii n general. De asemenea, problemele comunitii rome cum ar fi
srcia extrem n care muli dintre membrii ei triesc, comportamentele
discriminatorii la care acetia sunt supui, n viaa lor de zi cu zi, n con-
tact cu autoritile ct i n contact cu concetenii lor romni, problemele
privind accesul la educaie, lipsa unui loc de munc, etc. sunt trecute sub
tcere, atunci cnd doar tradiia este nvinuit pentru problemele comu-
nitii, iar statul i societatea n ansamblu sunt absolvite de orice vin.
Dovada st n nsui faptul c n niciuna dintre situaiile n care au fost im-
plicai copii n cstorii, statul nu a reacionat i nu a incriminat mariajele
timpurii. [12] Pe de alt parte, mariajele timpurii sunt totui folosite ca un
argument rasist la adresa naturii primitive a romilor n general, chiar
dac aceste mariaje sunt practicate doar n unele comuniti si nu carac-
terizeaz marea mas a romilor.
Dac cauzele unei situaii oprimante nu sunt analizate i nelese la
nivelul societii n toat complexitatea lor, atunci ansele ca aceast
situaie s se schimbe sunt mult diminuate.

Piedici n accesul la educaie al copiilor romi n

general i al fetelor rome n special

Cstoriile premature sunt adesea prezentate n discursurile publice

ca fiind principala cauz a accesului redus la educaie al fetelor rome,
chiar dac aceast prezentare este incorect (un mic procentaj din

47
numrul abandonurilor colare fiind cauzat de cstoriile timpurii, pe
cnd alte cauze cum ar fi srcia, lipsa infrastructurii corespunztoare,
discriminrile, etc. constituie cauzele cele mai pregnante pentru
abandonul colar n rndul copiilor romi). De asemenea, adesea prinii
romi sunt nvinuii pentru faptul c nu-i dau copiii la coal, cu prezumia
rasist c aceast decizie ar fi o trstur caracteristic a etniei rome.
De fapt, exist o multitudine de cauze care duc la faptul c accesul la
educaia colar a copiilor romi este redus, n comparaie cu accesul la
educaie la nivel naional, iar marea majoritate a acestor cauze nu au
legtur cu tradiiile rome ci au legtur cu poziia marginal a acestora
n societate precum i cu srcia. n aceast seciune, vom analiza pe
rnd aceste cauze.

O cauz a accesului redus la educaie al copiilor romi o constituie i

lipsa actelor de identitate, att ale lor ct i ale prinilor, acte de
identitate fr de care copiii nu pot fi nscrii la coal. Unii dintre acetia
nu au certificate de natere pentru c s-au nscut n strintate, unde
prinii lor au plecat s munceasc. n alte cazuri, familiile de romi nu au
acte de identitate pentru c nu au un domiciliu stabil, domiciliu care nu
poate fi obinut, pe de alt parte, n lipsa unui act de identitate.
n perioada comunist, era ilegal s nu ai un domiciliu stabil i un loc
de munc. Astfel, romii aveau i ei domicilii stabile i acte de identitate
emise pe aceste domicilii. Dup 1989, multe familii de romi i-au pierdut
aceste domicilii. Unii dintre ei nu i-au mai putut plti chiria n condiiile
perioadei de tranziie dominate de omaj i srcie. Alii, care locuiau n
case naionalizate, au fost evacuai atunci cnd acestea au fost
revendicate de fotii proprietari. Astfel, de multe ori, ei ajung s locuiasc
fr autorizaie n cldiri istorice sau n blocuri degradate, de unde
sfresc prin a fi evacuai. Muli romi triesc n barci improvizate la
marginile oraelor, sub limita srciei, n comuniti care nu au condiiile
minime de trai i care sunt mereu n pericolul de a fi, din nou, evacuate,
n contextul n care terenurile de la marginea oraelor devin bunuri
valoroase pe care s se construiasc sedii de firme, hypermarket-uri i

48
noile cartiere rezideniale.

Condiiile financiare precare ale multor familii de romi sunt, de

asemenea, o cauz a abandonului colar n cazul copiilor romi. Atunci
cnd muli dintre acetia triesc sub limita srciei, cnd triesc n case
care nu sunt racordate la electricitate i ap curent, cnd triesc n
adposturi de carton i nailon izolate la marginile oraelor, atunci accesul
la educaie se transform dintr-un drept ntr-un lux. n aceste cazuri, de
multe ori, fetele sunt necesare acas ca s ajute la treburile casnice sau
s se ngijeasc de fraii i surorile mai mici.

Procentajul celor care au un loc de munc stabil n rndul

populaiei rome este foarte mic, n condiiile n care, adesea, persoanele
rome sunt discriminate la angajare. Muli romi lucreaz n strintate i
i iau i copiii cu ei, copii care, n felul acesta, nu mai merg la coal. De
asemenea, faptul c, adesea, persoane rome care au beneficiat de
educaie eueaz totui pe piaa muncii, ntrete concepia c educaia
formal nu-i asigur, de fapt, o ans pentru viitor, concepie care, n
cazul fetelor, este coroborat i cu ideea patriarhal ca acestea aparin
mai degrab sferei private i, n consecin, nu au nevoie de coal.

Accesul la educaie este condiionat, de multe ori, i de

infrastructura local sau colar. Faptul c drumurile n mediul rural
sunt de multe ori ntr-o stare foarte proast ngreuneaz mult prezena la
coal, care adesea se afl n alt comun/sat dect cea/cel n care
triete comunitatea de romi. Din aceast cauz, copiii sunt nevoii s
mearg kilometrii ntregi pe jos, pe timp de iarn sau n perioade ploioase
fiindu-le practic imposibil s ajung la coal.

Instituiile de nvmnt, n forma lor prezent, sunt instrumente prin

care minoritatea rom e asimilat, deoarece coninuturile i formele care
sunt transmise elevilor reflect, n marea lor majoritate, doar starea de
fapt a unui rasism instituionalizat, n care valorile, preferinele i normele

49
majoritarilor sunt prezentate ca avnd o valabilitate absolut.
Integrarea forat este un aspect traumatic din istoria recent a
romilor. Din teama c copiii lor i vor pierde identitatea, unele familii de
romi refuz s-i trimit pe acetia la coal, chiar dac ar avea mijloacele
materiale s o fac. n special fetele, asupra crora apas mai puternic
presiunea pstrrii tradiiilor, sunt uneori ferite de influene care ar
putea s le perverteasc. Atunci cnd situaia financiar a familiei este
bun, prioritatea nu o reprezint fetele rome ci mai curnd bieii, de al
cror viitor familia se ngrijete, dat fiind c ei sunt un viitor cap de
familie, n timp ce fetelor le este predestinat cstoria. Presiunile unor
tradiii patriarhale sunt susinute de un sistem de nvmnt care nu ia
n calcul faptul c unul dintre aspectele sale eseniale ar trebui s fie
educarea copiilor i tinerilor ntr-un sens antirasist.

De asemenea, prejudecile cu care copiii romi se confrunt la

coal, tratamentul discriminator din partea cadrelor didactice, a colegilor
i a prinilor colegilor sunt o cauz a abandonului colar.
n 2007, Ministerul Educaiei, Cercetrii i Tineretului a emis Ordinul
nr. 1540 care are ca obiectiv prevenirea, interzicerea i eliminarea
segregrii, vzut ca form grav de discriminare, cu consecine negative
asupra accesului egal al copiilor la o educaie de calitate. Ordinul
interzice, ncepnd cu anul colar 2007-2008, formarea claselor I i a V-a
segregate, avnd preponderent sau numai elevi romi, i consider c
segregarea este o form grav de discriminare i are drept consecin
accesul inegal al copiilor la o educaie de calitate, nclcarea exercitrii
n condiii de egalitate a dreptului la educaie, precum i a demnitii
umane. Chiar dac fenomenul segregrii colare este n prezent
interzis prin lege, totui tratamentele discriminatorii la care copiii romi
sunt supui n coli, ct i faptul c, de multe ori, acetia nu beneficiaz
de anse egale cu ale colegilor lor non-romi, avnd o experien de
excludere i marginalitate care i pune din start ntr-o poziie de
inegalitate fa de acetia, constituie probleme care nu pot fi rezolvate
doar printr-o decizie legislativ, mai ales c aceast decizie este adesea

50
nerespectat.

Piedici n accesul femeilor rome pe piaa muncii

O consecin direct a faptului c un procentaj mare de fete rome nu

beneficiaz de educaie este i limitarea accesului pe piaa muncii pentru
femeile rome.
Unul dintre stereotipurile cele mai des ntlnite despre romi este c
acetia nu vor s munceasc i se descurc fr s munceasc
(abuznd de sistemul ajutorului social sau recurgnd la mijloace
ilegale). Dar ce fel de munci le sunt accesibile romilor n general i
femeilor rome n special, cum sunt aceste munci privite, ce fel de statut
le confer celor ce le presteaz? n ce fel sunt afectate tinerele rome de
eecurile constante pe care le vd n jurul lor sau pe care ele nsele le
experimenteaz, atunci cnd adesea angajatorii judec potenialii
angajai n funcie de culoarea pielii, cum le schimb acest fapt percepia
asupra propriei lor persoane i propriei lor valori? n ce fel pot mpca
femeile rome responsabilitile pe care le presupune viaa de familie
organizat patriarhal, via de familie care pune pe umerii lor ntreaga
responsabilitate a muncilor casnice cu nevoia de a-i asigura o oarecare
independen financiar?
Lipsa unei educaii formale nu este singura piedic pe care o
ntmpin femeile rome. Exist numeroi factori care limiteaz accesul
femeilor rome la piaa muncii, factori legai de relaiile acestora cu
autoritile, relaii n cadrul crora adesea femeile rome se confrunt cu
atitudini discriminatorii, factori legai de prejudecile i stereotipurile
negative despre romi, factori legai de rolurile de gen din familie i din
societate n general.
Adesea, n relaie cu autoritile, n instituiile administraiei publice,
persoanele de etnie rom sufer tratamente discriminatorii i acest lucru
impieteaz i asupra anselor ocuprii unui loc de munc. Persoanele
srace, care au un acces redus la mass media sau internet i care se
confrunt cu piedici atunci cnd intr n contact cu instituii de

51
administraie public, instituii care ar putea s le ghideze n eforturile
lor de a se integra pe piaa muncii, sunt, n acest fel, lipsite de informaii
despre posibilitile de continuare a studiilor, de calificare sau recalificare
ntr-o anumit meserie i de informaii despre legile la care ar putea
recurge, cum ar fi legislaia anti-discriminare sau drepturile salariale.
n afara relaiilor problematice cu autoritile, femeile rome se
confrunt i cu atitudinile discriminatorii ale angajatorilor, care adesea
i bazeaz deciziile de a nu angaja o persoan rom pe prejudecile i
stereotipurile din societate. Atunci cnd un angajator poate s aleag
pentru o anumit slujb ntre o persoan rom i una ne-rom, ansele
persoanei rome sunt mult reduse. Imaginea femeilor rome n mass media,
stereotipurile promovate de aceasta (stereotipuri care prezint femeile
rome ca fiind hoae, murdare, lenee, viclene, etc), are un rol important
n formarea atitudinilor discriminatorii ale angajatorilor.
Constrngerile de ordin familial sunt o alt piedic cu care se
confrunt femeile rome. n orice comunitate patriarhal, rolul femeilor
este s rmn legate de sfera domestic, astfel nct adesea tinerele
rome nu sunt ncurajate de cei apropiai n ncercrile lor de a intra pe
piaa muncii. Chiar dac femeile presteaz i munci care aduc venituri n
cas, ele continu s-i asume un rol predominant n creterea copiilor i
n treburile gospodreti. Normele tradiionale, att n comunitatea rom,
dar i n orice comunitate organizat patriarhal (mai ales c societatea n
ansamblu este determinat, n mare parte, de reguli patriarhale)
presupun c femeile sunt singurele responsabile pentru muncile casnice
i pentru asigurarea bunstrii celor din familie. Dei aceast munc (de
a face mncare, curat, de a se ngriji de copiii i de vrstnicii din familie,
dar i de partener, etc.) este zilnic i nesfrit, dei are o importan
vital, totui, pentru c nu este o munc remunerat, nu este socotit
munc. Aceast dezapreciere a muncilor casnice i aceast
conceptualizare a lor ca fiind ceva ce femeile fac prin firea lucrurilor nu
este specific doar pentru comunitatea rom, ci este o nedreptate cu care
se confrunt majoritatea femeilor n Romnia, unde munca casnic este
un dat al femeilor. Dar, deoarece multe familii rome triesc n srcie, n

52
case fr electricitate i ap curent, n zone izolate unde nu au transport
n comun sau chiar unde nu sunt drumuri, volumul de munc zilnic pe
care trebuie s l depun femeile rome pentru a se ngriji de familiile lor
e cu att mai mare. Un rezultat al tuturor acestor factori de ordin practic
care ngrdesc accesul femeilor rome la piaa muncii, al faptului c
femeile rome depun un volum de munc dublu pentru familia lor - care nu
este valorizat i respectat ca fiind munc - i c ansele lor pe piaa
muncii sunt reduse n comparaie cu cele ale femeilor albe, este o stim
de sine sczut i o lips de ncredere n forele proprii a femeilor rome,
lips de ncredere care, la rndul ei, le diminueaz ansele de a reui s
i depeasc condiia.
Atunci cnd femei rome reuesc s depeasc toate aceste condiii
neprielnice i s-i gseasc un loc de munc, majoritatea muncilor la
care ele au acces sunt munci care se afl pe ultimul loc pe piaa muncii,
munci pe care populaia majoritar refuz s le fac, cum ar fi, de
exemplu, curenia stradal, sau munci cu un statut de semi-legalitate,
cum ar fi, de exemplu, colectarea de fier vechi, colectarea de gunoaie.
Dei aceste munci sunt dificile i dei ele sunt foarte necesare pentru
societate, totui cele care le presteaz trebuie s se confrunte i cu
dispreul societii pentru natura muncii lor. Muncile la care majoritatea
femeilor rome au acces sunt munci feminizate, ca spre exemplu:
ngrijirea, sntatea, serviciile (de curenie, n restaurante, comer).
Acestea sunt munci realizate n condiii precare, prost pltite i
considerate nedemne, (n condiiile n care economiile neoliberale au
nevoie de grupuri pstrate ntr-o stare de marginalizare i srcie tocmai
pentru a-i asigura o for de munc ieftin i dispus s presteze
muncile cele mai exploatatoare).
Pe de alt parte, ce nsemntate are pentru comunitatea rom i
pentru societate n general, faptul c exist femei rome care reuesc s
depeasc obstacolele menionate n aceast seciune i n cea
anterioar (referitoare la educaie) i reuesc s se emancipeze, s-i
construiasc o via n care munca pe care o depun le asigur respect
din partea societii i le mplinete ca persoane? O femeie rom care a

53
reuit n carier a muncit mult mai mult dect o femeie alb n aceeai
poziie, de vreme ce a trebuit s lupte cu prejudecile rasiste pentru a
reui. Totui, adesea, astfel de reuite sunt folosite de ctre persoanele
rasiste pentru a-i hrni n continuare prejudecile. Astfel, femeile rome
care i-au construit o carier sunt fie considerate a nu fi tipice pentru
comunitatea lor, n sensul n care iganca tipic nu este capabil s-i
depeasc condiia, fie sunt folosite ca un pretext pentru a arta c,
dac unii dintre ei reuesc, asta nseamn c, de fapt, societatea ofer
anse romilor, anse pe care acetia le refuz. n aceste condiii, este cu
att mai important munca pe care activistele rome o depun pentru a
face vizibile n sfera public eforturile pe care femeile rome le fac pentru
a-i impune un loc al lor, eforturi care sunt mai mari dect ale altora,
atta vreme ct ele trebuie s depeasc att prejudecile sexiste ct
i cele rasiste. Reuitele lor constituie modele pentru femeile rome
defavorizate care au nevoie s vad c membre ale comunitii lor au
putut s depeasc ngrdirile unei societi rasiste.

Reproducerea periculoas a femeilor rome

Dincolo de exemplele unor femei care reuesc s se emancipeze,

(exemple care rareori ptrund n mediile de mas) imaginea persistent
n sfera public n ceea ce privete femeile rome este imaginea care le
reduce la rolul lor n reproducere.
n discursurile rasiste i xenofobe corpurile i fertilitatea femeilor au
avut mereu un rol important, potenialul biologic al femeilor de a da
natere i de a hrni fiine umane din propriul corp, capacitatea lor de a
crea via, fiind o putere de care aceste discursuri se grbesc s se
foloseasc. Puterea femeilor pe care capacitatea lor de a crea alte fiine
umane le-o confer este adesea baza pe care opereaz practicile rasiste
de control al populaiei. n ntreaga cultur vestic, reproducerea femeilor
albe este ncurajat i celebrat n timp ce reproducerea femeilor non-albe
este codat ca fiind periculoas, ca fiind o ameninare la adresa rasei
albe i a hegemoniei acesteia. [13] Mitul c, n curnd, romii vor deveni

54
populaie majoritar n Europa face parte din aceeai logic rasist. n
timp ce femeile albe, din clasa de mijloc sunt adesea portretizate n
discursurile publice ca fiind iresponsabile pentru c amn momentul
n care s aib copii sau pentru c renun la maternitate n favoarea
carierei, femeile rome sunt condamnate tocmai dac au mai muli copii,
aceast condamnare mergnd de la proliferarea stereotipurilor despre
ele, cum ar fi cel al femeii rome care e mereu gravid i care nate fr
dureri, pn la practicile sterilizrilor forate.
n general, s reduci multiplele roluri pe care o femeie i le poate
asuma, multiplele moduri n care femeile pot fi creative, n care pot fi
importante n societate doar la rolul lor de mame i s le vezi exclusiv
din perpectiva aceasta, este un fapt ce ngrdete dezvoltarea lor, fie c
vorbim de cea profesional sau personal. Astfel, atitudinile negative fa
de femeile care refuz s fie mame sau care nu pot fi mame sunt
condamnabile. Dar, de asemenea, niciunei femei nu ar trebui s i se ia
dreptul de a fi mam. Teama rasist c populaia alb ar putea, ntr-un
viitor incert, s-i piard privilegiile de populaie majoritar determin o
serie de comportamente abuzive la adresa femeilor rome. [14] Femeile
rome sunt adesea prezentate ca fiind primitive, mai aproape de natur,
n contrast cu civilizaia culturii majoritare i din acest primitivism
rezult i alegerea unora dintre acestea de a avea muli copii. n acest
raionament rasist sunt ignorate cauzele care duc la formarea unor familii
mari, indiferent de etnia celor n cauz. Adesea srcia, lipsa de informare
n privina metodelor contraceptive, relaiile patriarhale din familie
conduc la naterea mai multor copii. Pe de alt parte, alegerea contient
de a avea o familie numeroas este ludat dac vine din partea unei
femei albe i naturaleea acestei alegeri este celebrat, dar aceeai
decizie din partea unei femei rome (chiar dac aceasta are un statut
economic care i permite s se ngrijeasc corespunztor de copii) este
dispreuit i naturaleea ei este codat ca primitiv.

55
Studiu de caz: mitul mamei denaturate i a igncii
care fur copii

Un alt stereotip despre femeile rome este c acestea nu sunt mame

bune, c profit de copiii lor (c triesc din alocaiile de la stat ale
acestora, c i oblig s munceasc sau s cereasc, etc.), stereotip care
codeaz maternitatea femeilor rome ca fiind degenerat i
patologic. Imaginea femeii rome care profit de copiii ei, care accept
ca acetia s fie traficai, etc., este un puternic instrument rasist de
dezumanizare a femeilor rome (de vreme ce acestea sunt prezentate ca
eund n una dintre cele mai profund umane legturi, cea dintre mam
i copil). Consecinele acestei percepii asupra femeilor rome ca fiind
mame denaturate pot fi dintre cele mai concrete i mai traumatizante
pentru mame i pentru copii. Un studiu publicat n 2008 [15], n Italia,
cerceteaz n amnunime cazurile n care copii romi au fost luai de la
prinii lor i plasai n grija statului pentru a fi dai ulterior spre adopie
unor familii italiene, n perioada 1985-2005. Motivele pentru care copiii au
fost (i sunt n continuare) luai de la prinii lor sunt legate de condiiile
improprii n care copiii triesc i de lipsa de grij a prinilor fa de ei.
Analiza circumstanelor concrete ale acestor decizii de a lua copiii de la
prinii lor arat uurina cu care imaginea copilului rom este identificat
cu cea a copilului abuzat, fr s se ia n calcul faptul c statul creeaz
mecanismele prin care majoritatea romilor sunt meninui ntr-o stare de
srcie extrem, de instabilitate i de marginalitate. n loc ca msurile
ntreprinse de autoriti s fie legate de o mbuntire a condiiilor
romilor n ansamblu, accentul se pune pe relaiile denaturate din
familiile de romi i pe ndeprtarea copiilor dintr-o cultur care este
codat ca ne-civilizat i crud (n condiiile n care multe familii
non-rome vor s adopte copii). [16] Copiii romi sunt conceptualizai ca
fiind abuzai doar fiindc fac parte dintr-o cultur diferit de cea a
majoritarilor, cultur care este privit de ctre majoritari ca fiind un
mediu din care copiii ar trebui salvai.
Chiar dac muli copii romi triesc n srcie i chiar dac ei trebuie

56
de multe ori s munceasc n loc s nvee, acest fapt nu este o
consecin a culturii rome sau a unei trsturi specifice a romilor care i
determin pe acetia s fie prini inadecvai, ci a societii n ansamblu,
care determin ca majoritatea romilor s triasc n srcie i s aib un
acces limitat la educaie i la piaa muncii. Aceste condiii neprielnice n
care majoritatea romilor triesc n prezent sunt transformate dintr-o
responsabilitate comun a tuturor membrilor i structurilor societii ntr-o
trstur intrinsec culturii rome, ntr-o trstur de neschimbat, n acest
fel copiii romi fiind condamnai s moteneasc srcia i lipsa de anse
a prinilor lor, srcie i lips de anse pentru care prinii sunt fcui n
mod exclusiv responsabili, statul fiind absolvit de orice culp.
O variant cu att mai absurd a acestui mit al prinilor romi
iresponsabili i periculoi pentru copiii lor se refer la mitul igncii care
fur copii, n care femeile rome sunt prezentate ca fiind un pericol att
pentru proprii lor copii ct i pentru copiii albi. Acest mit ia numeroase
forme de la att de obinuita formul cu care copiii sunt speriai de
prinii lor: dac nu eti cuminte te ia iganca n sac [17] pn la
condamnri penale pe care femei rome le-au suferit n urma acuzaiilor
nefondate c ar fi ncercat s fure copii albi.
Acelai studiu cu privire la ndeprtarea copiilor romi din familiile lor,
studiu menionat mai sus [18], cerceteaz i felul n care au fost reflectate
n mass media italian pe perioada 1986-2007 cazurile n care persoane
rome au fost acuzate c au ncercat s rpeasc copii albi. Toate aceste
cazuri (40 n total) s-au dovedit a fi bazate pe acuzaii nefondate,
niciodat nu a avut loc efectiv o rpire ci toate aceste cazuri se refer la
ficiunea unei tentative de rpire. Aceste cazuri au fost, de fiecare dat,
puternic mediatizate, aceast mediatizare strnind reacii rasiste i
xenofobe din partea populaiei. Dar, n momentul n care s-a dovedit din
partea forelor de ordine sau din partea avocailor sau activitilor care
s-au implicat n aceste cazuri c persoanele rome respective nu au rpit
copii i nici nu au avut intenia s o fac, acest lucru nu a mai fost
reflectat n media, presa neartndu-se interesat s dezmint
informaiile false pe care le propagase.

57
 Acest mit al igncii care fur copii are efecte periculoase n
societate. n afara faptului c prinii albi au tendina s vad
apropierea oricrei persoane rome fa de copiii lor ca pe un pericol, de
asemenea aceast percepie a provocat i acte de violen verbal i
fizic. De exemplu, n octombrie 2006, ziarul Libertatea a publicat un
articol intitulat Nite igani, bnuii c au furat copilul, articol care relata
despre cazul unui copil disprut din maternitate i, de asemenea, despre
o familie de romi bnuit c l-ar fi furat, deoarece acetia doreau s
adopte un copil i se interesaser n prealabil la maternitate despre
posibilitatea de a adopta. n articol era, de asemenea, menionat c
femeia rom bnuit este anchetat de poliie. Aceast tire a aprut n
diverse formate n majoritatea canalelor media din Romnia, strnind
reacii pline de ur i de violen din partea multor cititori care au postat
comentarii la versiunile online ale acestor tiri. Peste trei zile, acelai ziar
a publicat un articol n care se spunea c, de fapt, copilul fusese rpit din
maternitate de o femeie romnc. Ziarul nu a prezentat niciun fel de
scuze fa de persoanele acuzate pe nedrept ct i fa de comunitatea
rom n general, chiar dac tirea nefondat pe care o publicase a
determinat reacii violente mpotriva acestora.
n 2005, dou femei rome au fost acuzate n oraul Lecco din Italia c
au ncercat s fure un copil. Dei cele dou femei au fost acuzate pe
nedrept i condamnate la 8 luni de nchisoare, totui reaciile unor grupuri
xenofobe au fost s umple ntreaga Lombardie cu postere reprezentnd
o femeie rom sub textul Giu le mani dai nostri bambini (Minile jos de
pe copiii notri) i s organizeze manifestaii mpotriva romilor. n mai
2008, o tabra de romi de lng Neapole a fost incendiat de ctre
localnici, localnici care, n prealabil, au mrluit prin tabr purtnd
pancarte cu inscripia Toi suntei nite hoi de copii, ca urmare a
condamnrii (din nou n lipsa unor dovezi) a unei fete rome de 17 ani,
acuzat c ar fi vrut s rpeasc un copil. Reacia autoritilor italiene la
aceste violene a fost s fac raiduri la nivel naional cu scopul de a gsi
i de a deporta imigranii ilegali, n timp ce incendiatorii nu au fost
pedepsii. Reacia mass mediei din Romnia (atta vreme ct muli dintre

58
romii care lucreaz n Italia provin din Romnia, inclusiv unii dintre cei
care locuiau n tabra incendiat) a fost s se ngrijoreze n privina felului
n care romii stric imaginea Romniei n Europa. Astfel, romii au fost
fcui vinovai de actele de violen care s-au comis mpotriva lor, n toate
aceste cazuri mass media jucnd un rol important n ceea ce privete
instigarea la ur xenofob.

Tratamentul discriminatoriu n spitale. Sterilizrile

forate

Violena mpotriva romilor se manifest nu doar n izbucnirile

necontrolate ale unor grupuri de oameni dezinformai i manipulai, ci se
manifest i la un nivel instituional. n aceast seciune, vom vorbi
despre felul n care aceast violen instituionalizat se manifest n
cazul accesului femeilor rome la sistemul de sntate, pornind de la
tratamentele discriminatorii pe care acestea le sufer adesea n spitale i
ajungnd pn la cazurile de sterilizare forat.
Sperana de via pentru comunitatea rom se estimeaz a fi cu
aproximativ 10 ani mai mic dect media naional. [19] Starea
precarde sntate a populaiei rome este determinat de condiiile de
locuire i alimentaie necorespunztoare, de srcia n care adesea romii
triesc, ct i de lipsa asigurrii medicale i tratamentele discriminatorii
din partea cadrelor medicale la care acetia adesea sunt supui.
Femeile rome sunt cele mai expuse tratamentelor discriminatorii din
partea cadrelor medicale n msura n care ele i asum, n special,
responsabilitatea pentru sntatea familiei. Adesea, atunci cnd au
nevoie de serviciile de sntate, femeile rome ntmpin dificulti la
obinerea unor ngrijiri minime, adesea ele i copiii lor sunt tratate
discriminatoriu, nu li se ofer informaii privind starea lor de sntate, li
se refuz accesul la anumite medicamente i tratamente la care ar avea
dreptul, sufer abuzuri verbale i fizice din partea personalului medical,
nu li se dau informaii cu privire la documentele lor medicale sau sunt
tratate cu indiferen. Exist numeroase exemple de spitale unde mame

59
rome sunt plasate mpreun n saloanele de maternitate, separate de
celelalte femei ne-rome, i n aceste saloane condiiile de igien oferite
de spital sunt mult mai proaste i ocupantele lor nu beneficiaz de
aceeai atenie din partea cadrelor medicale ca femeile ne-rome. Adesea,
femeilor rome le este team s se plng de felul n care sunt tratate n
spitale sau n cabinetele doctorilor de familie, deoarece ele risc ca pe
viitor s li se refuze ajutorul medical chiar i n probleme urgente.
Actul cel mai violent pe care l-au suferit femeile rome n raport cu
sistemul de sntate sunt sterilizrile forate. nca din anii 70, femei
rome au fost sterilizate forat n ri precum Cehoslovacia, Ungaria,
Suedia, Norvegia. Cazuri recente (care au avut loc dup anii 90) au fost
fcute publice n Cehia.
Sterilizrile au avut loc uneori fr ca acordul femeii sterilizate s fie
cerut, sterilizarea avnd loc fr tirea acesteia, alteori femeilor
sterilizate li s-a cerut acordul n timp ce acestea erau n travaliu, sau cu
puin nainte s nasc, cnd teama i durerea nu le permitea s ia o
decizie raional. Au existat, de asemenea, cazuri n care femeile au fost
dezinformate n privina urmrilor i riscurilor pe care le presupune
sterilizarea, fiind convinse, n schimb, c o nou sarcin le-ar pune viaa
n pericol, cazuri n care femeile au fost convinse prin mijloace pecuniare
sau prin ameninri c li se va lua ajutorul social dac nu i dau acordul
pentru sterilizare i cazuri n care motive rasiale explicite au fost
exprimate de ctre personalul medical atunci cnd femeia a fost supus
sterilizrii. [20] Uneori, femeile care au semnat acordul pentru a fi
sterilizate nici nu au tiut ce hrtie semneaz, alteori, femeile care aveau
deja mai muli copii, au fost ameninate c vor fi acuzate c nu sunt
capabile s-i ngrijeasc i-i vor fi luai de ctre stat.
Sterilizarea femeilor rome reprezint una dintre cele mai violente
forme ale rasismului instituionalizat de control al corpurilor femeilor.
Populaia minoritar este codat n aceste practici ca fiind att de
periculoas, de degenerat nct trebuie s se ia msuri pentru ca
copiii romi s nu se mai nasc, iar aceste msuri se materializeaz n
aciuni care afecteaz la modul cel mai direct femeile, femei care, prin

60
aceste practici, sunt conceptualizate ca fiind subumane.

Statutul subuman al romilor

Studiu de caz: indiferena fa de moartea Cristinei i a
Violettei Djeordsevic n contextul exacerbrii rasismului
n Europa

n ziua de 17 iulie 2008, dou fete rome, Cristina i Violetta

Djeordsevic de 13 si 11 ani s-au necat n mare lng o plaj populat de
lng Neapole. Cele dou fete, care locuiau ntr-o tabr de romi,
veniser pe plaj s vnd mici obiecte turitilor. S-au jucat srind n ap
de pe nite stnci i s-au necat. Dup ce corpurile lor au fost aduse la
mal, dup ce poliia a constatat circumstanele decesului i dup ce
verioarele lor mai mici, care erau cu ele, au fost luate de ctre asistenii
sociali, corpurile Cristinei i Violettei au rmas singure pe nisip, acoperite
de dou prosoape de plaj, n ateptarea ambulanei. n cele trei ore pn
cnd ambulana a sosit, viaa i-a reluat cursul normal pe plaj n jurul
corpurilor celor dou fete. n fotografii de pres care au fcut nconjurul
lumii, putem vedea familii care i continu plaja i picnicul la civa pai
de ele, putem vedea oameni care se joac cu frisbee-ul. Moartea lor nu
a trezit acestor oameni nici respect nici groaz, ca i cnd cele dou fete
nu ar fi fost umane. Indiferena cu care moartea Cristinei i a Violettei a
fost privit vorbete despre gradul de rasism existent n societate. Atunci
cnd te afli n prezena morii, reacia cea mai imediat, cea mai fireasc
este compasiunea i empatia, este gndul la propria ta fragilitate. Prin
etnia lor, Cristina i Violetta au fost att de neimportante, nct moartea
lor nu a trezit niciuna dintre aceste reacii. Felul n care oamenii care au
fost de fa la moartea lor i-au continuat ziua la plaj arat c statutul
celor dou fete (i al romilor n general) este unul subuman. [21]
Cu puin timp nainte de moartea lor, Cristina i Violetta au fost
amprentate de ctre oficialitile italiene. Ministrul de interne al Italiei,
Roberto Maroni, a pornit n 2008 un program de amprentare al romilor
care triesc pe teritoriul Italiei. Unii dintre romii care triesc n tabere la

61
marginile oraelor i care sunt supui acestui program de amprentare au
cetenie italian (unii dintre ei provenind din familii care au trit n Italia
nc din Evul mediu). Alii sunt imigrani din fostele ri socialiste, inclusiv
Romnia. Programul de amprentare are scopul de a-i identifica i de a-i
deporta pe cei care nu au acte. n acest program de amprentare sunt
inclui i copiii, acest lucru strnind puternice reacii internaionale, din
cauza evidentului accent fascist al ntregii operaiuni. Autoritile fasciste
au amprentat de asemenea, premergtor Holocaustului, populaia rom
i evreiasc. Oficial, motivele pentru amprentarea copiilor romi sunt
acelea de a strnge date n vederea proteciei acestora, n vederea
colarizrii lor. Dar, n realitate, acest program este doar o alt msur
rasist de control al unei populaii care este inut ntr-o continu stare
de marginalitate i srcie, care este etichetat ca subuman.
Peste tot n Europa, majoritatea romilor triesc sub limita srciei, n
condiii care determin ca sperana lor de via, rata celor care au acces
la educaie i locuri de munc s fie mult sczute fa de cele ale
majoritarilor. Majoritatea femeilor rome triesc prinse ntre discriminrile
unei comuniti organizate patriarhal, (o comunitate a crei continu
marginalizare o mpiedic s evolueze nspre relaii mai democratice ntre
membrii ei) i ntre discriminrile societii majoritare. Majoritatea
femeilor rome nu beneficiaz de educaie, au un acces limitat la piaa
muncii, i asum n exclusivitate responsabilitile pentru muncile
casnice i de ngrijire, au un acces precar la sistemul de sntate, sufer
violene fizice i verbale din cauza genului i etniei lor. Unele dintre ele au
fost sterilizate fr acordul lor. Unele dintre ele triesc n adposturi
improvizate, cu venica teama a evacurii de ctre autoriti sau a
incendierii de ctre grupuri extremiste. Unele dintre ele triesc n ghetouri
izolate de restul localitii prin ziduri de beton sau de srm ghimpat.
Unele dintre ele trebuie s aleag soluia migraiei pentru a-i asigura un
mijloc de trai i, n acest caz, sunt acuzate de ctre mass media i de
ctre politicienii populiti c stric imaginea rii n Europa. Majoritatea
muncilor la care femeile rome au acces sunt cele refuzate de populaia
majoritar, muncile dificile i socotite degradante. Majoritatea asist la

62
felul n care copiii lor triesc aceleai discriminri pe care le-au trit i
ele, cu sentimentul c prejudecile i marginalitatea sunt un destin al
etniei lor.
Femeile rome sunt private de aceleai drepturi i privilegii ca cele ale
altor femei, n condiiile n care n rile Uniunii Europene exist cadrele
legislative care le garanteaz aceste drepturi. Dei existena legilor
egalitii de anse i legilor anti-discriminare este foarte important,
totui simpla lor existen nu este suficient n lipsa unei schimbri n
mentalitile majoritarilor, fr ca femeile rome s vorbeasc prin propria
lor voce n sfera public, fcnd vizibile problemele lor dar i puterea lor
de a produce schimbare, de a schimba soarta etniei lor.

Note:

[1] Folosim, pe tot parcursul textului, cuvntul alb ntre ghilimele atunci cnd
ne referim la ras, pentru a face vizibil faptul c conceptul de ras nu este un
concept obiectiv, nu are o baz tiinific (atta vreme ct la nivel genetic nu
exist nicio diferen rasial), ci este o construcie social care are scopul de a
justifica ierarhiile nedrepte dintre oameni.
[2] Inim de igan este o telenovel romneasc difuzat pe postul Acas TV,
ntre 1 octombrie 2007 i 1 iunie 2008, avnd 159 de episoade.
[3] www.inimadetigan.ro
[4] http://www.ziare.com/sport/fotbal-intern/04-23-2009/borcea-romania-e-stat-
rasist-cand-telenovela-inima-de-tigan-face-rating-728868
[5] Gloria Jean Watkins (nscut n 1952), mai bine cunoscut prin pseudonimul
ei literar bell hooks, este o autoare american feminist i o activist social.
Scrierile ei focuseaz pe interconectivitatea dintre ras, clas social i gen i
pe capacitatea acestora de a produce i de a perpetua sisteme de opresiune i
dominaie.
[6] Romii au fost inui robi aproape 500 de ani.
[7] Termenul n limba romani pentru Holocaust este Porajmos.
[8] Aceast situaie nu este singular. De exemplu, interveniile SUA n Afganistan
i Irak au fost justificate i prin argumentul c femeile musulmane sunt

63
discriminate n aceste ri, n felul acesta motivaia economic a rzboiului fiind
ascuns n spatele unor argumentaii legate de drepturile omului, hrnindu-se astfel
i sentimentele anti-islamice n societate i mrindu-se gradul discriminrilor
mpotriva persoanelor arabe. i n acest caz, cultura alb s-a pus ntr-o poziie
de superioritate fa de alte culturi, artndu-se dispus s salveze femeile care
triesc ntr-o societate primitiv. Aceasta nu nseamn c femeile care triesc n
lumea islamic nu au motive s-i revendice o situaie mai bun, ns aceste
revendicri trebuie s vin din partea lor, n termenii lor, i nu s fie folosite de o
cultur mai puternic n scopul obinerii unor privilegii i mai mari.
[9] A se vedea, spre exemplu, cazurile larg mediatizate de la Rmnicelu despre
cstoriile ntre fetie minore de 8-10 ani mritate cu biei de 16-18 ani.
[10] Valeriu Nicolae, Reetar de genocid ?
http://romania.indymedia.org/ro/2004/07/260.shtml
[11] idem 10
[12] n 2007, la iniiativa parlamentarei Minodora Cliveti, preedinta Comisiei
pentru egalitate de anse din cadrul Camerei Deputailor, art. 4 din Codul
familiei a fost modificat, n sensul n care vrsta minim de cstorie pentru
femei i brbai a fost stabilit ca fiind cea de 18 ani. Pn atunci, statul
reglementa vrsta minim de cstorie pentru femei ca fiind de 16 ani, pe cnd
cea pentru brbai ca fiind de 18 ani, argumentul principal pentru aceast
inegalitate fiind c, biologic, femeia se dezvolt mai repede.
[13] Punct de vedere exprimat pe larg, n contextul noilor tehnologii ale
reproducerii, n texte precum Dorothy E. Roberts, Race and the New Reproduc-
tion n Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction and the Meaning of Liberty
(New York; Pantheon, 1997) sau Samantha Martinez, Missing Voices, Missing
Wombs: Reproductive Technologies and Women of Color,
http://serendip.brynmawr.edu/sci_cult/courses/sexgender/f05/web4/smartinez.ht
ml
[14] Cazul Cehoslovaciei n care femei rome au fost sterilizate.
[15] Adozione di minori rom/sinti e sottrazione di minori gag (Cercetare asu-
pra adopiilor copiilor romi/sinti i cazurile de rpire a copiilor gadje) comisionat
de Fondazione Migrantes al Departamentului de Psihologie i Antropologie cultu-
ral a Universitii din Verona, studiu condus de Prof. Leonardo Piasere.
[16] Aceast practic de a lua copii romi de la familiile lor i de a-i da s fie
crescui de familii albe nu este nou. De exemplu, una dintre msurile de

64
asimilare forat ale mprtasei habsburge Maria Theresa, n secolul al XIXlea,
a fost s ia copiii romi de la prinii lor ca s fie socializai n familii non-rome.
[17] Neva Nahtigal, activist la Institutul Mirovni din Slovenia meniona ntr-un
articol publicat n revista 22, decembrie 2005, suplimentul Mass media i
romii, un exemplu de campanie realizat de Institutul Mirovni n care sub
imaginea unui bieel rom este scris fraza: Dac nu eti cuminte, te vom da
slovenilor. Dei copiii ne-romi sunt adesea disciplinai cu reversul acestei fraze,
totui aceast campanie a dus la un proces intentat autorilor de ctre Partidul
Naiunii Slovene. ncercarea de a arta prejudecile fa de populaia rom i
felul cum e tratat ea a dus la un proces, chiar din cauza acestui discurs al urii.
http://www.revista22.ro/mass-media-si-romii-2280.html
[18] vezi nota 15. Aici ne referim la o parte a acestui studiu, parte bazat pe
cartea Sabrinei Tosi Cambini La zingara rapitrice. Racconti, denunce, sentenze
(1986-2007) (iganca care rpete [copii]. Mrturii, denunuri, sentine (1986-
2007).
[19] Informaie preluat din scrisoarea deschis Femeile rome i discriminarea
n sntate, scrisoare semnat de numeroase membre ale societii civile n
2008. (http://romania.indymedia.org/ro/2008/07/2698.shtml) Aceast informaie
este preluat n scrisoarea deschis din Comentarii scrise din partea Centrului
European pentru Drepturile Romilor privind Ungaria pentru considerare de ctre
Comitetul ONU privind Eliminarea Discriminrii mpotriva femeilor, a 39-a se-
siune, 23 iulie -10 august.
[20] Coerced Sterilisation of Romani Women,
http://www.soros.org/initiatives/health/focus/roma/events/romawomen_2008070
3/errcbrochure_20080703.pdf
[21] Informaii despre acest caz n :
http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2008/aug/17/familyandrelationships.roma

Surse:

Alexandra Oprea, Reimaginarea justiiei sociale de jos n sus. Includerea

experienelor femeilor rome, http://ladyfest-ro.pimienta.org/reimaginarea.pdf

Alexandra Oprea, Child Marriage a Cultural Problem, Educational Access a Race

65
Issue? Deconstructing Uni-Dimensional Understanding of Romani Oppression,
http://www.errc.org/cikk.php?cikk=2295

Dimitrina Petrova, The Roma: between a myth and the future,

http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2267/is_1_70/ai_102140950/?tag=content;
col1

Enik Magyari-Vincze, Hajnalka Harbula, Camelia Moraru, Despre muncile

femeilor, romilor i societatea ideal, http://www.observatorcultural.ro/Despre-
muncile-femeilor-romilor-si-societatea-ideala*articleID_22840-
articles_details.html

Enik Magyari-Vincze, Raport de cercetare. Excluziunea social a romilor. Studiu

de caz din Timioara http://adatbank.transindex.ro/vendeg/htmlk/pdf7060.pdf

Valeriu Nicolae, Between silence and the selling of anti-gypsyism in Romania,

http://www.ergonetwork.org/antigypsyism2.htm

66
Capitolul III

Micrile de rezisten ale femeilor rome

Imaginea pe care o avem despre noi, imaginile care s-au construit

despre noi vin dintr-un trecut ndeprtat. Omul negru care este personajul
negativ din poveste, femeia tcut, nelegtoare i grijulie care este
femeia ideal, iganca vrjitoare care este elementul care perturb
ntotdeauna iubirea. Ne-am obinuit s credem c aa au fost lucrurile
lsate s fie, c schimbri nu se mai pot produce i o mn invizibil a
decis pentru noi cine suntem... fr drept de apel. Publicaia noastr
reprezint punctul de vedere al unor femei rome i non-rome, care i
doresc s participe la provocarea unei schimbri, sau, cel puin, s ridice
ntrebarea: sunt oare stereotipiile noastre de neschimbat? Suntem dispui
s renunm la un mod de gndire ce persist de mai bine de 500 de ani?
Atunci cnd am pornit acest proiect, ne-am propus s folosim imagini
care s vorbeasc n locul nostru. Pentru c imaginile (fie acestea vizuale
sau din cuvinte) sunt modul cel mai sugestiv de a prezenta situaia
femeilor rome i nedreptatea social ce le-a fost fcut vreme de sute
de ani. V vei ntreba de ce folosim acelai tip de imagini ce au fost
promovate de ctre cei care, n mod contient sau nu, au construit
imaginile negative despre femeile rome. Noi credem c analiznd aceste
imagini din perspectiva umanist a demnitii persoanei i a drepturilor
omului, vom deconstrui ceea ce reprezint ele. Pentru c imaginile n
cauz au creat o cultur, un mod de gndire al societii romneti i
europene care denigreaz femeile rome, mod de gndire care ne
nconjoar de peste tot: din mass media, din crile de istorie, etc. Nu
putem nega existena acestei mentaliti i ne dorim s producem nite
schimbri. Iar pentru aceasta este nevoie de o dezbatere larg cu privire
la modurile n care sunt vzute femeile rome i la resorturile ce stau la

67
baza acestor percepii.
Discutnd despre modul negativ n care sunt vzute femeile rome, se
cuvine s ne ntrebm n ce msur poate exista o micare de
mputernicire pentru femeile rome. Mai mult dect att, este important s
vedem dac exist o manifestare asumat n acest sens, iar acest lucru
se poate analiza mai mult prin prisma organizaiilor care abordeaz
problematica femeilor rome precum i prin prisma programelor destinate
acestora.
Vorbind despre iniiative la nivel social, trebuie s spunem faptul c
n Romnia exist doar trei organizaii [1] care se adreseaz n primul
rnd femeilor rome. ns datorit complexitii problemelor venite din
partea comunitilor de romi i a ateptrilor la care au trebuit s
rspund aceste organizaii, ele nu au reuit s fac problemele femeilor
rome un subiect pe agenda public. De altfel, societatea romneasc nu
a fost deloc prietenoas atunci cnd dezbateri serioase legate de rolul
femeilor rome au fost aduse n discuie. Comunicarea cu mass media
este, n general, un punct nevralgic pentru ONG-urile rome, care reuesc
cu dificultate s atrag simpatizani din rndul jurnalitilor cu aa numita
problem a romilor.
Ct privete programele pentru femei rome, acestea au fost iniiate
de ctre ONG -uri care au ca scop principal mbuntirea situaiei
romilor, aprarea drepturilor lor. Astfel, programul mediatoarelor sanitare
[2], bursa locurilor de munc [3] sau programul mediatorilor colari sunt
printre singurele programe ale cror principali beneficiari au fost femeile.
Toate aceste programe au fost premise pentru crearea unei micri civice
n rndul femeilor rome. Totodat, aceste iniiative au fost preluate i de
ctre Guvernul Romniei care a prevzut n Strategia pentru romi cteva
msuri privind asigurarea egalitii de anse. Cu toate acestea, msurile
nu au fost aplicate n funcie de diferenele existente ntre femeile i
brbaii romi din comuniti [4] ci n mod nedifereniat. Faptul c nu a
existat o platform de aciune coerent iar marea majoritate a
iniiativelor adresate femeilor rome au venit din partea societii civile, i
acestea fiind sporadice, ne determin s spunem c subiectul femei rome

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nu este de interes public/politic.
Exist un ablon n modul n care au fost promovate msuri pentru
sprijinirea femeilor rome i n felul n care au fost constituite valorile
implicate pentru poziionarea acestora n societate. Astfel c unele
msuri promovate au fost centrate pe ncurajarea participrii pe piaa
muncii, n timp ce un alt gen de programe s-au axat pe meninerea lor n
spaiul privat. Aceste dou mari direcii pe care au mers programele i
Strategia pentru romi relev o serie de particulariti culturale ale romilor,
particulariti care intervin influennd egalitatea de gen, particulariti
ce pornesc de la rolul tradiional destinat femeilor, de la accesul sczut
la educaie, la locuri de munc, precum i de la modelele culturale
existente n familie sau n comunitate. Discutnd despre aceste aspecte
cu Mariea Ionescu [5] ct i despre problemele legate de faptul c femeile
rome nu-i asum identitatea ca femei de etnie rom n spaiul public,
concluzia principal a fost aceea c atta timp ct educaia i este
limitat, viitorul i este decis de ctre familie, astfel c rolul tu este
exclusiv legat de grija fa de ceilali, de familie, de fraii mai mici, i nu
ai ansa s te dezvoli contient fiind de rolul tu n societate. [6]
Dac se ntmpl totui s ai acces la educaie, atunci modelul pe
care l preiei este masculin, dat fiind c n mediul rural n special, rolul
femeilor rome este limitat la ngrijirea familiei, creterea copiilor i muncii
pe lng cas. Se pierde, n felul acesta, contiina identitar de femeie
i, odat cu ea, i o agend public pentru femei care s promoveze
interesele femeilor rome i s duc la o mputernicire a acestora.
Nu putem vorbi despre toate femeile rome n acelai mod. Putem ns
s le integrm n nite categorii generale: femei tradiionale (pe care le
regsim n mediul rural, care respect tradiiile, etc.) sau femei moderne,
care aleg cariera profesional. Pe lng influenele educaiei formale, la
educaia i formarea femeilor rome contribuie i modelele tradiionale din
comunitatea lor. Atunci cnd ncearc s se emancipeze, femeile rome
sunt de multe ori prinse ntre aceste dou lumi, ntre aceste dou moduri
de via i de aceea nu se regsesc n mesajul feminismului sau n
politicile guvernamentale. Femei ca mine nu exist? Problemele mele

69
sunt altele: am o problem de vizibilitate n viaa public, comparativ cu
femeile tradiionale care nu au aceleai valori. Eu unde m regsesc? [7]
Putem blama femeile pentru lipsa de interes, ns atunci cnd eti
educat de mic n spiritul sacrificiului pentru ceilali, cnd cei din jurul
tu sunt ntr-o stare de dependen fa de tine, nu te poi rzvrti, nu
poi lupta pentru a te pune pe primul plan. Atunci cnd vorbim despre o
micare de mputernicire pentru femeile rome trebuie s avem n vedere
mai nti de toate, importana contientizrii a ceea ce reprezini i a
rolului care i este destinat. O micare de mputernicire ar trebui s vin
nu doar de sus n jos, ct, mai ales de jos n sus, astfel nct femeile s
devin contiente de contribuia pe care o au la bunstarea familiei, a
comunitii iar contribuia lor s fie valorizat de ctre societate.

***

Atunci cnd oamenii aud cuvintele femeie rom ce imagini le vin

automat n cap? Femeia exotic i pasional, aventuriera care-i triete
viaa nomad mulumit cu iresponsabilitatea ei? Vrjitoarea periculoas
care tie viitorul i te poate blestema? Femeia murdar i lene, venic
gravid, care triete din ajutorul social sau din hoie? Mama care i
neglijeaz copiii i profit de pe urma lor?
Aceste imagini nu sunt indiferente, ele au urmri pline de violen i
nedreptate. Rasismul instituionalizat, care determin ca femeile rome
s aib o via la marginea societii, se bazeaz i se hrnete din
aceste imagini. Ele nu doar c i fac pe non-romi s dispreuiasc, s
nedrepteasc, uneori chiar s atace fizic femeile rome, dar le determin
i pe acestea s internalizeze opresiunea societii, s-i asume ele nsele
ca fiind adevrate imaginile discriminatorii care le descriu n sfera public
i s se comporte aa cum aceste imagini le descriu. Dac o fat rom
aude mereu c semenele ei sunt incapabile s realizeze ceva n via, la
rndul ei nu va ncerca s-i schimbe soarta i va reproduce viaa
marginal a mamei sau a surorilor ei mai mari.
Astfel, eforturile activistelor rome se ndreapt spre schimbarea

70
imaginii femeilor rome n sfera public, spre nlocuirea stereotipurilor
discriminatorii despre acestea cu imagini care s reflecte n mod real
vieile femeilor rome i potenialul acestora i, n felul acesta, s
determine schimbri nu doar din exteriorul comunitii dar i din interiorul
acesteia.
Am putea sintetiza n cteva puncte scopurile muncii activistelor
rome care lucreaz n diferite ri, n diferite contexte, n diferite domenii.
Prin intermediul organizaiilor lor, ele fac lobby pe lng guverne pentru
ca acestea s-i mbunteasc legislaia anti-discriminare i s includ
n aceasta aspecte specifice femeilor rome; ele strng informaii i fac
cercetare asupra condiiilor femeilor rome; ele revendic ca abuzurile pe
care femeile rome le-au suferit pe parcursul istoriei ct i n trecutul
recent s fie recunoscute public; ele lupt pentru recunoaterea i
respectarea n sfera public a culturii rome; ele fac vizibile n sfera public
exemplele unor femei care se opun oprimrii i care constituie modele
de autodeterminare; ele pornesc programe de informare a femeilor rome
n privina drepturilor lor ct i programe de educaie ale acestora; ele
ncurajeaz femei rome s se organizeze i s aib un rol activ n
schimbarea condiiilor lor.
Femeile care au contientizat care sunt problemele cu care se
confrunt din perspectiva lor de persoane aflate la intersecia dintre
discriminrile rasiale, de gen i de clas social i care au gsit mijloacele
s verbalizeze aceste probleme i s acioneze n sensul eradicrii lor,
sunt diverse. Unele activiste rome sunt femei care au avut acces la
educaia formal i au o activitate academic, producnd cunoatere
despre femeile rome i constituind prin statutul lor de femei emancipate
un exemplu afirmativ despre potenialul femeilor rome. Unele dintre
acestea reuesc n domenii care sunt mai greu accesibile femeilor n
general, si cu att mai mult femeilor defavorizate, cum ar fi domeniul
tehnologiei informaiei. [8] Altele sunt femei tradiionale a cror putere
vine tocmai din faptul c activitile lor sunt o reacie imediat la
problemele cu care se confrunt. [9] Uneori, femeile rome se organizeaz
pornind de la o problem concret, punctual care le unete i le

71
motiveaz (cum ar fi, de exemplu, grupurile de femei care au suferit
sterilizri forate i care au fcut presiuni asupra autoritilor pentru ca
abuzul asupra lor s fie recunoscut oficial). Alteori, organizaiile de femei
rome se unesc n organizaii umbrel care aduc laolalt grupuri din mai
multe ri odat cu diversitatea revendicrilor i luptelor lor i care, de
asemenea, creeaz legturi cu alte organizaii care lupt mpotriva
oricror sisteme de opresiune.
Faptul c femeile rome se organizeaz i ncearc s devin vizibile
n sfera public, faptul c problematizeaz condiia lor aflat la intersecia
dintre opresiunile rasiale, de gen i de clas, faptul c i fac vizibile vieile
i experienele lor, vorbind despre acestea prin propria lor voce,
constituie o speran c irul opresiunilor la care femeile rome au fost
supuse pe parcursul istoriei n majoritatea aspectelor vieilor lor poate fi
curmat i c puterea lor de a provoca schimbare va demonta
prejudecile i atitudinile rasiste i sexiste care le condiioneaz n
prezent.

Note:

[1] Asociaia Femeilor ignci Pentru Copii Notri din Timioara, Asociaia
pentru Emanciparea Femeilor Rome AFER Cluj i Asociaia Femeilor Rome
Bucureti.
[2] Al crui iniiator a fost ONG-ul Romani Criss.
[3] A crui iniiatoare a fost Agenia de Dezvoltare Comunitar mpreun.
[4] Vezi n acest sens studiul Evaluarea Strategiei de mbuntire a situaiei
romilor n Romnia. Vocea comunitilor. Coord. Gelu Duminic, disponibil pe
site-ul www.agentiaimpreuna.ro
[5] Una dintre primele femei rome activiste n organizaiile de femei.
[6] Interviu realizat cu Mariea Ionescu, n data de 26 februarie 2010.
[7] Citat preluat din interviul realizat cu Mariea Ionescu.
[8] Programul Roma Information Program a instruit femei rome n domeniul IT.
Astfel, femei rome specialiste n calculatoare, consiliaz organizaii rome n
privina crerii unor website-uri, unor reele ntre organizaii i, n general, n

72
privina folosirii internet-ului pentru mbuntirea i uurarea muncii lor.
http://www.advocacynet.org/resource/294
[9] De exemplu, n articolul Breaking the double chain (Rupnd dublul lan)
autoarea Judit Szakacs vorbete i despre munca Mariei Vamosine Palmai, o
femeie rom din Ungaria care triete ntr-o comunitate tradiional. Ea a trebuit
s renun la coal cnd avea 14 ani ca s se mrite i s aib grij de noua ei
familie. Dei mam a trei copii, n urma ntlnirii cu o activist rom din
Macedonia (Enisa Emidova), Maria Vamosine Palmai a fondat mpreun cu alte
15 femei o organizaie pentru drepturile femeilor rome numit ARANJ.
fhttp://www.tol.cz/look/CER/printf.tpl?IdLanguage=1&IdPublication=14&NrIssue=
50&NrSection=5&NrArticle=10019&ST1=body&ST_T1=cer&ST_AS1=1&ST_max
=1

73
Despre grija i responsabilitatea pe care o ai
fa de cei/cele crora te adresezi
O discuie cu Letiia Mark

h.arta: Am vrea s v rugm s ne vorbii despre dumneavoastr i

despre activitatea dumneavoastr.
Letiia Mark: Sunt preedinta Asociaiei Femeilor ignci Pentru Copiii
Notri. Am nfiinat aceast asociaie n 1997 cnd am nceput s lucrez
n propria mea cas cu programe educaionale, pentru c sunt
profesoar, sunt de etnie rom i am considerat c trebuie s-mi fac
datoria fa de copiii romi. De-atunci asociaia s-a dezvoltat, chiar dac
a fost foarte greu la nceput, dar am avut anual n jur de 40 de copii care
au frecventat Centrul Cultural Educativ pentru Copiii Romi (acesta a fost
primul proiect al asociaiei). Am dorit s integrm copiii n coli, i-am
nscris la colile limitrofe, am ncercat s rezolvm problemele curente,
cele legate de acte, de venirea din strintate, tot ceea ce tii deja c
sunt problemele pe care le ntmpin comunitile de romi. Am numit
asociaia ca fiind a Femeilor ignci Pentru Copiii Notri pentru c am
dorit s cuprindem femeile care sunt tradiional, i nu numai tradiional,
preocupate de creterea copiilor i de educaia lor i pentru c mi-era
mai uor s vorbesc cu femeile dect cu brbaii romi atunci cnd era
vorba despre copii, erau mult mai sensibile la acest subiect i aveau mai
mult ncredere. Dar, cu timpul, au venit i tineri i brbai romi la
proiectele noastre, foarte muli m cunosc pentru c familia mea
locuiete aici, n cartier, de peste 50 de ani. Suntem familii de rudari, aici,
n cartierul acesta, ne-am ntlnit cu cldrari i cu geambai i, de-a
lungul timpului, s-a format o comunitate care a devenit cumva i mixt.
Chiar dac, la nceput, cstoriile ntre diferite grupuri nu erau agreate,
cu timpul au trecut la alt mod de via i s-au adaptat. Romii, n general,
sunt foarte adaptabili la condiiile moderne, n ciuda faptului c educaia
colar e deficitar. Acesta este un alt subiect de care sunt foarte

75
interesat: felul n care sunt privii copiii romi i ct de greu le este s
ptrund n alte grupuri. Eu am experimentat pe propria mea piele
aceast integrare, mi-am dorit s fac parte dintr-o alt lume din
momentul n care am vzut c romii sunt inui mereu la distan. Acesta
a fost parcursul vieii mele, am ptruns n alte cercuri, am mers la coal,
dup care m-am ntors n comunitate i am zis c e timpul s fac ceva,
mult mai mult. Am renunat la foarte multe lucruri, entuziasmat fiind, n
primii ani, la gndul c o s se ntmple ceva, o schimbare radical n
felul n care sunt privii romii. De ndat ce m-am identificat cu problema
romilor, n cercul meu, n lumea nou n care intrasem, am nceput s fiu
privit cu ali ochi. Chiar i prieteniile mele de-o via, pentru c eu am
crezut foarte mult n prietenie, au fost atinse. Prietenele mele cele mai
apropiate nu prea nelegeau schimbarea asta a mea, faptul c
ncepusem s m identific total cu problemele femeilor rome i c
vorbeam despre discriminare i despre lucrurile grave care se ntmpl.
Mi-au spus, la un moment dat: Bine, dar tu nu ai fost niciodat
discriminat, ntotdeauna te-am privit ca pe egala noastr i te-am iubit,
am avut relaii absolut umane. Dac toate femeile rome sau igncile ar
fi ca tine n-ar fi nicio problem. Mai trziu, mi-am dat seama c asta
este problema, c eu dac vreau s fiu i m lupt s fiu ca ceilali, sunt
acceptat mai uor, dar dac vorbesc cu o voce mai deosebit, poate
uor mai agresiv, pentru c era vorba despre discriminare i rasism,
atunci e mai greu s fiu acceptat.
h.arta: Acest lucru ni se pare foarte problematic. Adesea, atunci cnd o
femeie rom reuete s devin vizibil n sfera public, reuete s-i
construiasc un loc al ei i s dea voce problemelor ei, ea este fie
prezentat ca un exemplu pentru caracterul democratic al societii n
care trim (dac ea a reuit, nseamn c reuita este posibil i vina
celor care eueaz este exclusiv individual, societatea n ansamblu fiind
absolvit), fie este prezentat ca atipic, ca o excepie ntr-o mas de
oameni fr caliti.
Letiia Mark: Da, aceasta este o problem important, care ar trebui
explicat mai pe larg. La un moment dat, mi-am propus s scriu o carte
despre toate aceste triri. A vrea s analizez mai n adncime ce a

76
nsemnat pentru mine aceast trecere de la un stil de via la alt stil de
via i, apoi, revenirea mea n comunitate i luarea acestui angajament
care seamn mult cu un angajament ideologic i politic, dei eu mi-am
zis mereu c nu intru n politic i nu m intereseaz prea mult ideologia.
Dar vrnd-nevrnd, ating i aceste laturi.
Legat de asociaie, eu m-am strduit foarte mult s cresc aceast
asociaie, dar am lucrat mereu cu aceast idee c trebuie s demonstrez
ceva, s demonstrez c se poate. Am ajuns n micarea romilor la un
impuls emoional i sentimental foarte puternic. Fusesem invitat la
Universitatea de Vest, cnd luase fiin Institutul Intercultural, la nceputul
anilor 90, care erau ani de efervescen, erau nite ani grozavi, aa, ca
triri. Fusesem invitat acolo ca profesoar dintr-un liceu i m-am trezit
c se vorbete despre minoriti i erau foarte muli invitai din
strintate, n Timioara cu renumele ei de ora revoluionar. Cnd a venit
vorba despre romi, un domn jurnalist foarte cunoscut din Timioara, s-a
dus la tribun i a prezentat lucrurile ntr-un mod hilar. A spus: am vrea
s lucrm cu romi, dar nu exist niciunul activ, cu romii este foarte greu
s iei legtura, ei nu fac altceva n afar de muzic i dans i nuni i pus
banii pe fruntea muzicanilor. Mai spunea i c el are deschidere i e
tolerant, acesta e discursul obinuit al intelectualului care invoc
argumentul cu eu am prieteni romi i nici nu intr n vederile mele de
intelectual s discriminez, etc.. Mie discursul acela mi s-a prut o
zeflemea i m-am simit foarte jignit. A fost absolut un impuls c m-am
ridicat i am spus: Totui, sunt atia oameni venii din strintate i
toate etniile s-au prezentat ntr-un mod coerent. Dac erau nite romi
invitai s vorbeasc n numele lor eu cred c ar fi venit. Eu una sunt
ofensat, sunt de etnie rom, nu mi-am negat apartenena la etnia rom
i lucrurile nu pot fi prezentate venic n aceast manier. Suntem i noi
oameni responsabili, sunt i intelectuali romi, sunt romi de toate felurile,
dar nu ne-a chemat nimeni la niciun dialog. Am provocat o dezordine n
acea conferin cu intervenia mea, dup care foarte mult lume era
interesat s discute cu mine. Le-am spus c, dac m-ar fi chemat, eu a
fi putut s vorbesc despre educaie pentru c sunt profesoar, dar nu
m-a chemat nimeni. Dup aceea, liderii romi deja afirmai au venit s m

77
cheme i s m invite s vorbesc despre situaia romilor, de exemplu la
Strasbourg. Pe vremea aceea era dificil s-i faci paaport, stteai la rnd
cu zilele. Toat lumea spunea n continuare aaa, ce grozav c eti
profesoar, dar, de asemenea, inclusiv liderii romi, spuneau eti prea
educat pentru noi, ce doreti de fapt?. Eram privit ca o oportunist,
era de la sine neles c ar trebui s umblu i eu dup plecri n
strintate, un paaport i aa mai departe. i atunci m-am retras, aveam
profesiunea mea pentru care am trecut prin examene, pentru care nu mi
se fcuse nicio favoare. Am renunat timp de civa ani, am vzut c sunt
privit ciudat, c sunt privit ca o ciudenie, i m-am retras.
Dup care ei m-au cutat, liderii romi. Aveau foarte multe proiecte,
dar m cutau mai mult pentru reprezentare: uitai avem o profesoar,
care are i pielea alb, care i spune n gura mare c e de etnie rom.
De cteva ori le-am fcut jocul, m-am prezentat la ntlniri, dar la un
moment dat le-am spus c eu nu sunt o ppu pe care s-o ari din cnd
n cnd ca dovad c exist intelectuali romi. Eram foarte nemulumit c
nu eram implicat activ i nu-mi plcea rolul de reprezentare. M
simeam folosit. Pe vremea aceea, se punea problema autenticitii, n
ce fel poi demonstra c eti o rom autentic. Nu tiam cum s
demonstrez altfel dect c venisem cu inima deschis i m oferisem s
lucrez n programe de educaie pentru copiii romi. Felul n care puteam
lucra eu ar fi fost mai eficient dect cel al voluntarilor din strintate
venii s educe copiii romi. Bineneles c n acest fapt, n prezena celor
din strintate, erau incluse politici care pe vremea aceea mi scpau.
h.arta: Dar de ce anume v chestionau autenticitatea? Nu corespundeai
stereotipurilor despre cum ar trebui s fie o femeie rom?
Letiia Mark: Eu sunt dintr-o familie de rudari si rudarii nu vorbesc limba
romani, dar acesta este un fapt istoric, ei vorbesc o limba romneasc
strveche. Apoi era vorba i de aspectul meu. Dar eu nu ncerc s m
deghizez, sunt o femeie modern, umblu n pantaloni, dar dac nu port
fuste asta nu ar trebui s nsemne c nu sunt rom. Adic, la facultate,
toi profesorii i colegii m-au crezut c sunt iganc, toat viaa mea am
tiut c sunt iganc i, dintr-o dat, eu nu reprezint autenticitate sau
credibilitate n rndul liderilor romi. Era o vreme n care se fabricau

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identitile, era un fel de re-construcie a identitii, intelectualii nvau
sau re-nvau limba romani, era o perioad aventuroas, entuziast,
erau i foarte muli naivi, era o perioad efervescent.
Dup aceea, iari m-am retras. Mi-am vzut de carier, mi-am dat
gradele didactice. Apoi iari, vrnd-nevrnd, am ajuns ntr-un context n
care trebuia s iau o hotrre. M-am ntlnit cu foti elevi de-ai mei care
m-au pus n legtur cu Fundaia Soros, care impunea la acel moment
nite linii specifice pentru programele pentru romi i astfel, cei de la
Fundaie au fost foarte interesai s lucreze cu mine. Mi-au spus c au
nevoie de mine ntr-un board pe programele de romi, era un board
internaional. Problema era c proiectul meu pentru un centru
educaional pentru copiii romi (care adesea se confrunt cu probleme n
sistemul de educaie, mai ales cei care vin din strintate i ale cror
studii nu sunt acreditate, astfel nct, chiar dac prinii lor au ceva
coal, ei rmn n afara colii, etc.) intra oarecum n contradicie cu
poziia mea de membr n board, de vreme ce se crea un conflict de
interese. Am acceptat totui s fac parte din board i la prima ntlnire am
propus nfiinarea unor centre cultural-educative n Cluj, Iai, Bucureti i
Timioara. Proiectul propus de mine a fost votat ca program, dar nu
primea finanare. n board eram trei romi i cinci ne-romi, eram prea
puini romi ca s votm introducerea proiectelor. Un an de zile nu a intrat
proiectul, pentru c eram, ntr-adevr n conflict de interese, nu era o
situaie confortabil, chiar dac micul meu proiect era doar de 5500 de
dolari i chiar dac se votau acolo sume mult mai mari pentru alte
proiecte. ncet-ncet mi-am dat seama cum stau lucrurile, c nu sunt nite
oportuniti chiar aa de mari pentru romi. Chiar dac proiectele erau
declarate pentru romi, pn s se ajung la romi i la copiii romi se trecea
prin foarte multe filtre.
Apoi, n 1997 am nfiinat asociaia i a venit o perioad n care
trebuia mereu s demonstrez ceva. Am demonstrat c ntr-adevr merge
programul, am demonstrat, dup aceea, c intram n alte proiecte i-n
alte proiecte, am obinut nite sli de clas la Liceul Energetic, dup
aceea am obinut aici patru perei fr acoperi de la Primrie, am
nceput construcia printr-un program FARE de vreo 4 ani i am terminat

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Centrul n 2006. Am fcut aici un mic internat pentru studentele rome,
avem voluntari, am intrat n proiectele europene de voluntariat i, n
momentul acesta avem un proiect structural numit Egalitate prin
diferen. Accesul femeilor rome pe piaa muncii. Prin acest proiect am
publicat i prima revist internaional a femeilor rome Nevi Sara Kali,
care adun foarte multe articole ale feministelor. Am ajuns s fiu
feminist. Foarte mult timp negam cu mare convingere c eu a fi
feminist, pentru c aveam o prejudecat n privina a ceea ce nseamn
s fii feminist. Apoi, am fcut un masterat de studii de gen la Cluj i
mi-am dat seama c feminismul nu nseamn s fii mpotriva brbailor
i c eu, de fapt, eram feminist fr s tiu, de foarte muli ani, pentru
c ncercam s propun o alt imagine a femeii rome dect cea
stereotipic, a victimei perpetue i aa mai departe.
Fac eforturi ca s in pasul cu cei tineri, nu pentru c vreau s
concurez cu tinerii, dar a vrea s cresc asociaia. Am trimis foarte muli
tineri mai departe, i-am recomandat la cursuri, la programe, burse, etc.,
dar foarte repede s-au desprins, probabil c aveau nevoie de
independen. Ceea ce e de admirat i eu am neles asta, dei mi pare
ru c nu am reuit s cresc foarte multe persoane care s duc asociaia
mai departe. Acum a vrea s m retrag din asociaie, dar constat c ei
s-au dezvoltat individual i au un alt traseu. Eu am visat mult mai mult
pentru asociaie, am visat s se formeze aici un nucleu de profesioniti,
dar profesionitii au plecat i atunci a trebuit s angajm mai mult
persoane exterioare care nu sunt afectiv legate de asociaie i de
scopurile ei. Tinerii romi cu care am lucrat aici se dezvolt, prind
programe, se duc la cursuri, se formeaz i apoi pleac n alte locuri. Iar
cei pe care-i angajez din afar vin pentru job, la interviurile de angajare
nu-mi dau seama dintr-o dat dac ar vrea s fie i sufletete legai de cei
crora programele noastre se adreseaz, pentru c, la un nivel declarativ,
par a fi interesai de problemele romilor, dar apoi, dac vine televiziunea
sau alte persoane, e un recul, nu vor s apar n prim plan, nu vor s fie
asociai cu problemele romilor. i atunci problema care se pune este
ce-am cultivat pn la urm, toate eforturile acestea la ce-au dus? Da,
statistic, anual, exist copiii care au un acoperi, care nva aici, care

80
sunt fericii aici prin ceea ce putem noi s le oferim i exist tinerii care
au gsit o platform de lansare pentru alte lucruri. Dar nu am reuit
suficient de mult s i fac s neleag pe aceti tineri rolul i misiunea pe
care o au, dincolo de locurile speciale, de oportunitile de job-uri, dincolo
de vizibilitatea n plan social.
h.arta: Dar cam acesta este contextul general, nu doar n ceea ce
privete micarea romilor, e un context general n care ideologia
neoliberal presupune urmrirea unui succes individual. Acest succes
individual care e celebrat ca cea mai important dovad a democraiei
i anselor egale mascheaz, de fapt, lipsa interesului pe care l are
societatea n general pentru felul n care se pot dezvolta comunitile i
n care pot fi ajutai cei aflai la marginile ei.
Letiia Mark: Da, ai punctat bine, acesta este contextul general. Dar
eu ntotdeauna am crezut c pentru a ajunge la o schimbare, trebuie s
mergi cu pai mruni, s faci schimbri mrunte, dar vizibile i concrete.
C ajui copiii, c angajezi doi oameni, c rezolvi problemele cu un
buletin. n tineretul cu care am lucrat, am ncercat s inoculez acest
entuziasm i acest strop de idealism care mie mi-a dat energie. Eu nu pot
s lucrez fr entuziasm, dac nu m ncarc de entuziasm (i copiii m
ncarc de entuziasm, lucrurile mrunte pe care reuesc s le schimb m
ncarc), dac nu m ncarc eu nu pot s m duc la o conferin
internaional ca s vorbesc despre ceea ce cred cu putere c e bine. Eu
am sperat c generaiile care au ieit de pe locurile speciale pentru romi,
din licee i din faculti, vor fi umplute de acelai idealism i vor lucra n
comuniti, pentru c de aceea s-au creat acele locuri speciale, chiar dac
nu tim ce au suferit ei timp de patru ani pe acele locuri speciale, pentru
c sunt profesori i profesori, unii dintre ei sunt mpotriva romilor.
h.arta: Dar aici revenim la ceea ce ai spus la nceput despre cercul
dumneavoastr de prieteni care v-a reproat faptul c v identificai
foarte explicit cu problemele femeilor rome i la faptul c este dificil s
adopi o poziie clar n contextul unei societi rasiste.
Letiia Mark: Da, i eu am vrut s fug, nici eu nu am vrut n totalitate s
fiu mereu privit ca rom. nc de cnd am fost copil, cnd m strduiam
s fiu altfel i s nu abandonez coala, mi s-a tot spus i de ctre profesori

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c sunt o excepie. i asta este o perversitate, n fond nu trebuia s fiu o
excepie, nu trebuie s fie o excepie faptul c i se recunosc drepturile,
nu ar trebui s fii n situaia de a demonstra mereu i mereu c vrei s fii
corect pn la capt, pentru c eti mereu n pericolul ca ceilali s
spun: pi ce te ateptai de la o iganc?!
Pn la urm, este vorba de cei crora te adresezi. mi amintesc de
un eveniment pe care l-am organizat acum civa ani, o zi tradiional cu
un program de teatru i de muzic, cnd am rugat femei n vrst din
comunitate s cnte vechi colinde, vechi cntece pe care le-am
nregistrat pentru c se pierd (acele femei au i murit ntre timp). n
primul rnd era o femeie simpl, srman, cu trei copii care era i foarte
bolnav. Mi-aduc aminte de prezena ei n primul rnd n timp ce eu
vorbeam despre faptul c suntem i noi oameni i avem i noi drepturi i
eram foarte ptruns de ceea ce spuneam. Ca s pot s spun ceea ce
spuneam i ceea ce credeam, m uitam la ea. i faptul c ea m
nelegea i ncepuse i s lcrimeze a fost o mare bucurie pentru mine.
Cel puin un om din sala aceea credea n ceea ce spuneam i simea la
fel ca i mine.

Letiia Mark este fondatoarea asociaiei Femeilor ignci Pentru Copiii Notri i
a Casei Femeilor Rome din Timioara, implicat n mai multe proiecte
educaionale pentru copiii romi, inclusiv n proiectul local care i propune
desegregarea colar, precum i n programe dedicate pentru promovarea
femeilor.
Liceniat n limbi clasice, cu masterat n studii de gen, n prezent i continu
studiile doctorale la Universitatea Babes-Bolyai. Membr a organizaiei
International Roma Womens Network, participant la World Confference Against
Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, Durban 2001.

82
Echipa proiectului:

Centrul pentru Aciune i Responsabilitate n Educaie (C.A.R.E.),

coordonat de o echip de absolveni Cobuc i prof. Roxana Marin, funcioneaz
n cldirea Colegiului Naional Bilingv George Cobuc din Bucureti i gzduiete
sptmnal cluburi pentru tineri i activiti ale absolvenilor, trguri i competiii
periodice, gale de premii. Centrul funcioneaz pe principiul c nevoia vine nainte
de oportunitatea de finanare, i prin urmare toate activitile centrului sunt auto-
finanate. Sprijinim alte organizaii prin gzduirea de evenimente, strngere de
fonduri pentru activitile lor sau colabornd la activitile lor. Dorim s crem un
precedent de organizaie informal care lucreaz din interiorul sistemului de
educaie formal, dar care se auto-susine pe termen lung. Centrul gzduiete, de
asemenea, mai multe echipe de voluntari care lucreaz cu copii refugiai, familii
dezavantajate, copii/adolesceni cu nevoi speciale, copii cu boli terminale.

Carmen Gheorghe este activist pentru drepturile femeilor rome. Absolvent a

Facultii de Administraie Public din cadrul colii Naionale de Studii Politice i
Administrative (2006) i ulterior a Masteratului de Gen i Politici Publice, SNSPA
(2009). Lucreaz n prezent n cadrul Ageniei de Dezvoltare Comunitar
MPREUN unde coordoneaz programe destinate creterii accesului femeilor rome
pe piaa muncii. Domeniile sale de interes i specializare sunt: gen i ocupare,
discriminare, formare profesional continu, studii comunitare.

h.arta este un grup format din trei artiste, Maria Crista, Anca Gyemant i Rodica
Tache. Lucrm mpreuna din 2001, cnd am fondat spaiul h.arta, o galerie non
comercial n Timioara. H.arta este uneori un spaiu fizic, dar de multe ori
proiectele h.arta au diferite formate, mutndu-se n diferite contexte i locaii.
Grupul nostru se bazeaz pe prietenie i pe o continu negociere a diferenelor
dintre noi. Folosim prietenia ca pe un mod de a nva mpreun cum s
recunoatem multiplele nuane ale diferitelor situaii, ca pe un spaiu sigur, ca pe
o declaraie politic despre puterea solidaritii. Suntem interesate de subiecte
cum ar fi producerea cunoaterii, (re)scrierea istoriilor, probleme de gen n
condiiile capitalismului global, etc, toate acestea n contextul diferitelor colaborri
cu persoane i grupuri din variate domenii.

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Dikh man kad sar
sem. Lava aj dikimata le
rromnenqe
Carmen Gheorghe / h.arta
Amboldipen andar i hib rumunikani and-e rromani: Ctlina Olteanu
O giravipen

Dikh man kad sar sem. Lava aj dikimata le

rromnenqe

And-e savorri Eurpa, e rroma iven and-o baro orripen,

biedukaiaqo aj bibutqo, kaj keren ka von te na iven but, aj lenqo
patisarel te avel peravdo. Sar membrra le etnaqe kaj sas but utvdi
bute sekolenar vi adies si kad, e situie le rromnenqe si phari, kadale
si k-e interskia bute diskriminia: etnaqo, gender aj klsa soilo. Jekh
baro gin le rromnenqo iven palal kadave koordontura, astarde makar
e diskriminia le societaqi (kaj dikhel len isindoj jekh etna laani,
traarni, purane, etc) aj makar e dikriminacie jekhe societaqi
patriarxlo( kaj inkerel le uvlen and-o peravipen aj ahipen, aj hon len
te kerel but kaj von phenen k-e si nmaj andar e uvl) aj makar e
societaqi kaj si na maj andar o individualsmo, konsumo( kaj kamel va e
reprodkcia le kapitalismosqe ka aver kategorie manuenar te aven
inkerde and-o baro orripen).
E orre rromn iven and-e jekh lm kaj i diskriminia, e exkluderea
aj o dinipen avri fal amenqe sar jekh baxtipen nasul kaj na dati te na
dikhas les, kaj e rromn asumin lenqe peravde but, si len jekh akceso
tikno k-e edukaia, k-o sastipen, inkeren but dukha aj butvar iven le
traaa ke dati aven dine avri kaar lenqe khera; but rromn keren but
aj si dine rigae.
And-e palutne bera, generalose,sas but nasul rekie and-e
rumunikani mass-mdia vi europeanikani andar e rromani populia aj
specilo andar e rromn sikavindoj inke jekh var k-e soietta rumunikani
si pherdi diskriminia, xatrimata andar e rroma. And-o sa kad vaxt, e
palutne studivura sikaven jekh bari intolerana la societaqi rumunikani

87
anglal e rromani etna. And-o kadava kontxto, o dikipen le rromnenqo
and-e publikani europaqi sfra sas aj si vi akana jekh subikto kaj kerel
nasulimata, aj von na si sikavde sar von, si biprinarde, aj si sikavde e
elemntur tradiionale vaj antisoiale but, kadave rromn si nakhle k-
e kategoria kaze le socialenqe problmur aj na si sikavde sar manua
kaj o lenqo ivipen sikavel e publikane politika aj kultrane kerdimata
bilahe/biae.
Kadava but gelel k-e jekh xoxavdi imgina, kaj na sikavel e
identittur le rromenqe. Kadava fenomno (doalipen) naj karakteristilo
nmaj andar e rumunikani societaqi andar kadava vaxt, ci si len bare
darina and-e istoria, rumunikani vi europanikani, e rromn si sikavde palal
bisarane mdiura, stereotpur. Kadava xoxavde imgina kaj na sikaven
e identittur le rromnenqe( sikaven e situie kaj e rromn si diskrimine)
keren pen and-e nite truja nasul, kaj butren o godipen le manuenqo,
barindoj o rassmo aj kaj influencil negatvo o ivipen le havenqo aj o
lengo avutnipen.

Kadava liloro si o rezultto andar o sombutpen jekhe mixto grpo

rromnenar vi gajenar aj kamel te avel jekh analza le rromnenqi
imgina and-e kultra, vi publiko rumunikano spcio vi europanikano; aj
sar kadale imgina aj lenqe procsura dati te keren stereotpur,
diskriminia aj sar dati e rromn te keren jekh than kaj te avel na maj
lenqo aj kothe te dati te phenen so kamen. E analza intersektionla le
situaienqe la rromnenqe kaj o amaro liloro kamel te sikavel lan, anas k-
e ame, kaj kerdem lan, si amen o loalipen te das duma andar jekh than
laho, andar o fakto ke amen si amen akceso k-i edukaia, ke jekh rig
amenar si parne uvl, ke dati te phenas so ame kamas te paruvas.
E vaka le uvlenqe kaj si but peravde, diskrimine, ignorisarde ahon te
keren pen aunde. Inkerindoj god kadava but, kadaja liloro- si lan i res
te avel labardi and-e liceura kaj te keren vakrimata andar o rasismo,
sexo, marginalizacia, aj sar te keras te na maj aven- kamel te avel andar
e manua marginalizime, kamas te avaa jekh instrumnto kaj te kerel
jekh analza lenqe situaienqe ka te paruven pen, vi le gaen sar jekh

88
instrumnto kaj dati te keren len te den pe godi ke von si baxtale, ke
phenas andar o baxtalipen ke san parno, ke san mur, ke aves andar
jekh soilo kategoria, etc; o prinaripen kadave baxtalimata dati te
putres o sajipen te phenes andar e relie kaj mukhen nesave kategorie
and-e jekh marginelitta kaj tavdel maj dur.

89
O preamblum

So si i rsa aj o rsizmo?

Te si te puas amen so prinasas aimoa aj sar aresas te prinaras,

dikhas ke opre amende kerel pes jekh culturlo presinea kaj sikavel
amen sar te dikhas i lmea.
Sa so kerel o kontksto le ivipen amarqe, misalqe o xatripen e
istriaqi, e tradcie, e molimata jekhe socieaqe, etc. Na si jekh sma
fenomenenar naturl, i si culturle kerimata, si o rezultto le
kerimasar aj le godripen le manuenqe kaj sas anglal amende. Avela
jekh aimos but te puas amen savo si amaro rlo? So kultra si amen
kaar amare dada, sar al e societa aj so de etikane si laqe molimata?
Misalqe, savorre dati te dikhen anar lenqi eksperiena k-e si raja
biae, ama va te xatren savo si o mecansmo sar keren pen kadale
raja biae aj le situacienqe kaj aven anar lene si te puas amen savi
si amari pozca and-o kadavo kontksto aj amari contribca k-e le
situacienqe? And-o so flo dati te aresas te xatras sosqe e manua si
dine rigae palal i rang le mortqo?
And-o kodova kpitulo, kamas te sikavas save si e implikcie le
rsizmosqe and-e realitate.

Rsa gentiko si kamas te phenas na-j and-i spca manuikani aj

na si nijekh pruv ke sasas vi anglal. O murikamipen na dati te ulavas lan
and-e kategore geogrfice palal so phenel i gentika, e biologa. Palal e
anglimnasqo arakhimata, savorre manua aven kaar jekh than-e
jekhto murikani populcia sas ande Afrika akana 60.000 bera pale. E
godver manua phenen ke manua si kerde gentiko sajekh.[5] Kadale
argumentur si maj but zurales kana dikhas e orginea aj e istria le
ideaqi rsa. O lav rsa bandilo kana e manua kaar aver thema

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maladile. Anglal, o lav rsa na sas les jehk specalo xatripen( sas jekh
sinonmo anar flo, speca i k-o agor le scolosqo XVII, kana rsa
astarel te avel jekh nevi ideologa kaj na maj sas i atn, kaj ulavelas e
societea makar e manua.

I Europa sas xatrdi mitikani te avel jekh zuralesqo modlo, isindoj

o cntro le kapitalsmosqo kaj sasas but amavdo. Sas kerdi jekh
koncepca kaj ulavelas and-e duj grupur le manuen: opralutne aj
telutne, godver aj bi godver, primitva aj civilizcia, tradicionalsta vi
modrna. Mitikano ds duma, aver manua aresle te aven marde na
anar viasipen, na te aven telutne sar barvalipen vaj politikani zoripen,
i von si and-o jekh stdio telutno le manuenge istria. Kadava si o senso
le lavesqo primitvo. (Lugones, 2008) [9]

O kerdipen la kadajaqe kategora anar e manua, kategora kaj ulavel

le manuen ande civilizcia kaj si parne aj primitva kaj si ne- parne,
kadava kerdipen sas anar o kontxto le coloniqo, kaj but manua sas
hute te aven sklavur.
Kadava ideologa le rasaqi sas kerdi te organisarel e manuesqi
sklava, and-o vaxt kana e Europa anar o ratopen sas lan filozofie kaj
phenenas anar e xakaja le manuesqe, le vestipnaqe, demokracaqe, o
barabavipnasqe. O korkoro drom ka e kristna te motivisarel e sklava
sas te keren le manuen kaj sas ande kolone te aresen k-o statuto bi
manusesqo, aj kadaja situcia sas i and-o scolo XIX.

Astarindoj le secola XIX,o koncpto rsaar sas zuraldo aj huto

angle kaar but manua godver. Sathaj but manua godvne phende ke
rsa naj ulavdi, o anglipen rassto geli angle te xalrel e difernce
makar e populcie anar o sastipen, godveripen, edukcia, aj vi anar
o barvalipen, isindoj nite difernce makar e rasikane grupur, difernce
kaj na dati te aven and-e aver hand.
I ideologa le rsaqi sas dikhli sar jekh ajutipen. Misalqe, anar
kadja ideologa sas kerdo o Samudaripen makar e uta aj e rroma

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and-o dujto meripen.

O koncpto rsa sas inkerdo sar aipen pae tarela berenar aj

sas labardo te keren institcie sar i ekonoma, o them, i famila, i religa,
i edukcia paal e bibarabaripen, o barvalipen horo. O procso rasiqo
aresel te avel sar jekh but kaj si te avel. O fictionla koncpto le rasqo
si les jekh rezultto: o rsizmo. I idea rsaar si jekh idea rassta.

O rsizmo si jekh sistmo kaj si bazirime apr-o koncptorsa aj si les

maj but nivelur:
- peson lo,(idea aj xatrimata)
- interpersonalo (o komportmento makar aver manua)
- kulturlo (molarimata, godripen, komunikrea, ukaripen, lachipen,
aipen,)
- institucionlo (rgula, kerdimata, krisa, istria struktre le societaqi)
Kadve nivelur keren pen jekh avresqe. Misalqe o rsizmo kulturlo
aj o rsizmo institucionlo si ke e molimata aj e kultra le manuenqe
oprelutne si institucionalizime, aj o rsizmo kulturlo kerel o xatrimata,
e idea, e komportamento rassta.

Anar o zuralipen le rsizmosqo and-o vaxt, e manua kaj si kerde

telutne kaar i ideologa , ka te dati te iven kerde vareso kaj sar kad
ke astarde te patn vi von ke si sar phenen e oprelutne manua anar
lene aj te aven sar von phen ke si, te keren nasulimata le manuenqe
makar lene. Aresen te patn ke si anar i pelutni kategora aj ke von na
dati te aresen te aven manua. [7]
O rsizmo si sistematiko k-e vov hol o resipen maj anglal le
ekonomokane resrse aj politikane biaes, inkerel e institcie aj e
diskriminicikane kerdimata ka e parne manua te aven bare apre manua
telutne. [6]
Sathaj o rsizmo si les e orgine and-o kolonialsmo, kadava ivel maj
dur, vi kana e kolone na maj si aj akana von si veste, o rsizmo si vi
akana kothe. O kolonialsmo intrno si jekh koncpto kaj bandilo makar

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o mikipen le manuenqe anar i Afrika aj I Latina Amerika and-e bera
50 aj 60. Phend pes ke ghetur forosar, slums aj barrios si len sajekh
pozcia and-e bare forur le themena tikne anar i Afrika aj I Latina
Amerika mamuj i Europa aj Kidine Thema. O kapitalsmo modrno si les
nevia kaar i bipotindi but. O anglal kapitalsmo sas les nevia kaar o
koncpto rsa ka te dati te hon le manuen telutne te keren but bi
te aven potinde, o akana kapitalsmo globlo labarel kaar o rsizmo ka
te rakhel le manuen and-o horripen aj bibarabaripen, aj lenqe but te
aven potinde nasul.

O rsizmo si makardependena le sexiste aj patriarxle prktika. E

uvl rangaar iven aver frme le rsizmosqe, i rassta utavipen si
sajekh le uvlenar diskrimincia.
Kadava utavipen si les but frme, aj but xatrimata sar si i edukcia,
i diz le butqo, o sastipen, i reprodkca, etc. O imperalsmo reproduktvo
si jekh ideologa kaj phenel k-e maj anglal, e uvl anar i jekhto lmea
dati te keren xurde, and-o vaxt k-e uvl anar i trinto lmea naj
mukhle te keren xurde ( aresel pes i k-o lengi sterilizcia bi te kamen
von). [6]

E rumunikani kultra si vi voj pherdi anar jekh ideologa rassta, kaj

e societea, butvar na kamel te prinarel ama, labarel lan. Jekh frma la
rsizmosqi and-e I Rumuna si i rromofoba. I rromofoba si jekh frma le
ideologaqi rasste, si jekh fenomno socilo kaj sikavel pes anar
violncia, xoli, diskrimincia, isindoi jekh frma le institucionalizime
rsizmo. Rromofoba si anar irele trsa , strereotpur aj negatve
mitur, vi anar o kosavipen le diskriminaqi istria le rromenqi. [8]

And-o lil kadava kamas te sikavas e frme kaj lel len o rsizmo aj i
rromofoba makar e rromn, rromn kaj si hute k-o truul anar e
rasile diskrimincia, uvlenar, aj socile klse aj sikavaa sar dati e
rromn te aven anar o objkto le istoriqo and-o laqo subikto.

94
Xainga:

[1] American Assocation of Physical Anthropologists (1996).

http://www.virgina.edu/woodson/courses/aas102%20(spring%2001)/articles/AAP
A_race.pdf
[2] American Antropological Assocation (1998)
http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm
[3] Tony Fitzpatrick - Genetically Speaking, Race Doesnt Exist In Humans,
EurekAlert!, http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/1998-10/WUiS-GSRD-
071098.php
[4] http://www.ornl.gov/sci/techresources/Human_Genome/elsi/minorities.shtml
[5] Smedley, Audrey; Smedley, Bran D. - Race as Biology Is Fiction, Racism as a
Socal Problem Is Real: Anthropological and Historical Perspectives on the Socal
Construction of Race, American Psyhologist. Vol 60(1), an 2005, 16-26.
[6] Thomas W. Volsho, Reproductive Racism in the United Staes: The
Sterilization of Women of Color Since the Early 1980s, 2008
http://www.allacademic.com//mea/p_mla_apa_research_citation/2/4/1/6/5/pages
241655/p241655-1.php
[7] http://www.cambridgedocumenaryfilms.org/Resiststudyguide.htm
[8] Valeriu Nicolae - Anti-Gypsyism - a definition,
http://www.ergonetwork.org/antigypsyism.htm
[9] Mara Lugones The Colonality of Gender, 2008,
http://www.jhfc.duke.edu/wko/dossiers/1.3/documents/LugonesWKO2.2.pdf

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Andar e biprinarde uvl and-e istria

And-o kadava liloro kamas te ds duma andar e rromn. Sosar?

Kodolesqe so von si, palal so ame patas, o maj laho misal andar sar e
stereotpur aj e maj anglexatrimata kerde o lenqe imagina, kaj na si
sar i realitta. Vaj maj mito phendo, kadala steretipura aj xatrimata
keren jekh puzzle bikompleto kaj ame keras te komplerisaras les aver
imaginena. Kamas, ka e publikia te dati te kerel jekh imgina le
rromnenqi, imgina kaj kadave te dati te arakhen pen and-e lene.
Butvar, and-o vakripen le biarane rromn ( kaj sas vi aktiviste vaj nmaj
rromn) kadave phende butvar k-e na arakhen pen and-e imgina aj o
mesajo le biarene rromn aktiviste andar e xakaja le manuesqe kaj von
sikaven. Kadave rromn na arakhen pen ni and-e stereotipikane imgina
kaj si sikavde and-e publikani sfra, fal lenqe k-e na si andar lene, k-e na
den duma andar lene. Kadava analiza kamel te opuniel pes le
xatrimata andar e rromn, zumavindoj, sakad, te den argumentura
andar e importna le identitetaqe le rromnenqe, sar uvl vaj sar
rromn.
I publikia sikavel xatrimata andar e rromn andar o nakhlo vaxt i
k-o akanuntno vaxt. Andar e perioade analizime, lilem e informie
rromnenar andar e periada le berenqe 1870, kana kadave si sikavde
and-e xramosarimata, artkole andar o ziaro, imgina le piktorenqe, aj
andar e akanunti periada lem andar e mass-mdia, kaj sikavel but
imgina, aj informie andar e rromn. Makaral le dujto perioade, sas vi
jekh kulturlo folklro andar e rromn, sikavindoj imgina andar lene, aj
lava kaj sikaven lenqo ivipen aj le but. Sar kadave imagine sas dine
maj dur averenqe aj sar kerde pen xatrimata andar e rromn aj sar e
rromn dikhle kadava but, si nmaj subiekte andar maj but, so ame
kamas te sikavas. So kamas te sikavas si k-e imgina andar o nakhlo vaxt
si vi adies dikhle sar sas atni. Aj ka te avel ao so ame sikavas si

97
misalqe, e imgina, literarikane xramosarima, artkole andar e prsa aj
kzura sikavde and-e mass-mdia kaj sas o principlo subiekto.
Kadava materilo si sar azutipen andar e rromn, kaj kamas te
arakhlen and-e lese sajutne angleldinimata sosar ai sar kerdile kadave
xatrimata andar lene, jekh azutipen andar e terne rroma vi gae, ka te
dati te nakhen apr-e naulimata le manuenqe kaj sas anglal amende,
vi generalose andar e rumunikani soietta, te keras te dikhel k-e le
rromnenqe si len aver imgina, kaj trebul te prinaren len.
I publikia kamel te del vak le rromnenqe kaj si biprinarde, aj lenqo
ivipen na si sikavdo and-e ziarura. Aj e metoda kaj ame alosardem lan
si sa e imgina andar o nakhlo vaxt vi akanutno ka te dati te pharas e
stereotpur andar lene, kodolesqe kana dsa duma andar e rromn te
phena andar e godovalipen lenqo, tha kaj been aj keren but and-e jekh
medio kaj na den len sajuvimata, k-e rromn kaj iven and-e jekh
kulturlo hand. Kaj si biarano kaar e mazoritta le societaqe.

98
O jekhto kaptulo

E perspectva le rumunikani societaqi

dikhindoj e romn kaar 1850 i 1900

Romn melale; le hungrena pherda luludenar sumnakutne

lovenar [15], drabarn, baiban (kaj keren baba) dandena parne,
ue aj kalo bal kaj keren len te aven sar nite thagarn mangrn [12]
nakhavde erxaja [4] bilaavde, mangern kaj phiren sirimena kaj been
opre bea aj phenes k-e si e eiptikani uvl, sar sikavel amenqe e fresa
andar e baranda e templosqe [12]. Ma vi sevni and-o kher, suvrni, kaj
kerel xabe [4], uvl kheresar; kaj been le havena, kad sas dikhle e
romn and-o XIX scolo kaar e maj godver manua andar o tmpo
kodova . E romn kodova, vi e ga, sas dikhle stereotpico. Te o manu
n.a gao lel pes o rlo k-e vov kerds jekh godver thema, kaj si les o
baxtalipen individualo, e uvla na lile von korkoro jekh rlo, kadava sas
lenge dino zuralea, o rlo te kerel te avel kadaja baxtalipen.
O proso te avel amen kadale xakaja aj vestimata na sas lokhes,
tradindoj kaar o akceso bilovenqo k-e edkaia andar savorre manua
le themesqe i k-o agor, kana e uvla dati vi von te alosaren (o xakaj kaj
sas dino and-o 1946). Andar kadala xakaj thaj vestimata e gae na kerde
but (te aresen, te aven len.importnte but te aven len ma na te phenes
sajekh but andar e romn, kaj sas dikhle but tele, romn kaj and-e sajekh
vumia (k-o agor le XX secolo) sas vi akana k-o balamno, e manuenqe
godvera kaj marena pen andar e themesqi modernizacia, aj te hon o
them and-o sajekh than le maj baren a thema andar e Eurpa.
E gai astarel te del duma and-o pbliko, ama o privato ahol o
principlo than kaj si andar laqe, voj si kerdi na maj te inkerel, o kher. [1]
Kzom andar e romn, kadave ahon maj dur bipriniarde and-o pbliko,

99
von dati te aven dikhle andar e jakha e xramosarne sar o Radu Rosetti,
Gheorghe Sion, Dimitrie Dan, Adalbert Ghebora, etc. O muj le rromenqo
dati te arakhas les, and-e tablouria le piktorenqe, and-e ftografe,
ilutrcie, and-e but thana, kaj phenen but, kaj sikavel o dikhipen/so patial
o xramosarno and-e relie le rromnqi sikavdi.

E influne and-o sikavipen le rromnenqe

Jekh piktra, jekh artikulo, jekh fto keren biarane interpretia.

Kadave dati te hon le manuen and-e duj riga: pro aj contra.O jekhto
dikhipen dati te nakhavel pes, tha na kerel amen te naavas o kamipen
te phenes so patias, aj te anas te keras vi averen te patian sar ame. Aj
o agoro produso si jekh sma kaj buhol pes dikhipen soilo. Na keres
vareso kana avel amenqe informia obiective i keras vareso kana o
dikhipen andar i realitta si amari. [2]
O dikhipen soilo si jekh hand ka te dati te keras e lm maj
putrdi, te patias averen manua. Si jekh meanismo kaj keren pen teoria
andar o soilo medio, jekh meanismo kaj palem-kerel e realitta,
inkerindoj/kaj ingerel/kaj kerel ka e caracteristice le butaqo le kolaver, le
manuesqi, inkliste andar e nrme, molimata, patiaimata. O dikhipen
soilo si jekh korkoro dikhipen, kaj sikavel e realitta, kad sar sikavas
opral, na si les jekh informie, obiectivo, si len jekh sma phenimatar,
stereotipenar, so patias andar e iven kaj phenas averenge sar aimos
absoluto. And-e kadava capitulo phenaa sar si dikhle e romn and-e
xramosarimata literaria, phiripnaqo jurnalo vaj and-e rumunikani prsa.
Si but saranimata makar o hand/modo kaj e piktrura sikaven e romn
aj o modo/hand kaj e verver manua godvera, publikane manua vas
politikane le secolosqo XIX dikhenas le rromen. Astarindoj kaar o
xuravipen, so but kerenas, o hand le ivipnasqo, and-o kadava kaptulo
sikavasa sar e xramosarimata andar kadaja vrema andar e rromn
pheren e piktria, e dikhimata kzom/so de vaj e xramosarimata andar
kadala bipriniarde rromn, gele k-o kerdipen avere interpretie vaj
stereotpuria, kaj barile and-o tmpo, e soile reprezentie. K- a te dati

100
te sikvas kadaja but, ama sa anglal tumende o folcloro, xramosarimata,
xramosarimata andar e prsa, aara andar o ivipen le rromenqo, kaj sas
len interpretie, kerde kaar manua kaj dikhle aj kaj gele mai dur e
informie. Ka te sikavas o dikhipen (i imaina) le rromenqe, kamas maj
anglal te sikavas e periada le robaqi, kaj dati te arakhas but informie
andar e rromn. I roba si dikhli jekhto var and-e oficiale documntur
opre rumunikane phuv and-o ber 1358, kana le rromenge phenen lenge
roba, den lenge o statto juridiko te aven roba (o Dan I voievod del le
khangeriqe Voievodita 40 atigani. [3] E dezroba le rromenqi sas kerdi
opre rumunikani phuv and-o secolo XIX, dati te phenas ke rroma sas
roburia pae 500 bera aj kadaja but kerds te ka e manua te dikhen le
rromen avere jakhena. And-o rumunikano folklro sikaven pen but e
rroma, and-e verver ipostzura, proverbura aj phenimata khanile/naul kaj
keren te zuralipen e stereotpuria, keren te patian ke savorre dati te
anen so si maj mito andar e rroma. And-o kadava kontxto, dati te
dikhas savo sas e reprezentie e rromenge aj sar e roba dati te
influnil e rromenqi evolucia aj dati te phena ke i roba si doali andar
o dikhipen (imagina) e rromenqi and-o amaro vaxt.

E reprezentia le rromenqe and-o secolo XX

Sas vaj na sas roburia dine le rromenge but karakteristika, kaj si

reprezentia soilo le kadalenge. Si tipologie le rromenqe kaj si dikhle
kaar aver manua. Dati te phena ke si rromn kaj unel kaar aver
manua, kaj del pativ, naj len zor te alosaren and-o ivipen, aj si rromn
kaj si drabarne, uvla saste, kaj na keren so phenel o kris.
And-e savorre xramosarimata, kadale dikhimata, si sar duj extrema
kaj sikaven le rromnen, aj dati te dikhas len vi avdives. Sikavas maj dur
sar si dikhle e rromn and-e xramosarimata aj piktria butpriniarde.

I Maria, slga and-o kher

Si but litertre xramosarimata kaj sikaven e rromn, kana sas e

101
roba. Fiesavo rajikano kher sas les jekh Maria kaj si lan o pataipen le
dutiaqo kaj anelas k-e si sklva, robo, kadava pataipen si o elemnto
but importnto, e rajni del laqe pativ. [4] Roburenar beelas e raini, aj
andar e rromn, e rajinia lenas penqe slga, uvli kaj sivelas, kj thovelas,
kaj sas le kaxnaa , kaj kerenas xabe/xamos, etc. O ivipen kadale
manuengo sas pherdi rromenar: and-i kiravlin, and-e kamra,
bariarindoj le raklen, uzarindoj, aj laharindoj vaj kerindoj ka o barvalipen
le rajnengo te barol. Von sasas and-o than kaj kerelas pes buti vastesqo,
kaj kerenas poxtana, poniave etk. And-o fiesavo rajkano kher bar sas
thana kaj kerenas pes but vastesqo, jekh aipen indutria khersesqi
poxtanaqi kaj le rajna denas pen barikane.
E rromni sklva si sikavde sar lahe rromn kheresqe, kaj beenas le
rakhlena, kaj uzarenas e kamare, sas bithanesqo and-o kher le rajnaqo.
Tha si kerenas doe rromnorre sas marde andar biaunipnaqo jekhe
iro kaj sas huto jekhe lavitaqi struna[...] Kaj mukhelas vurma jekh
hon.Butvar, jekh rromnorri mudarelas pes, hudeles pes and-e xaning.
[5] E rajni trebulas te beel le jakhena apre laqo rrom, ka te na al le
rromena na dati te beel bi te kerel vareso paal jekh kreatura odobor
ukar kaj sas palal e krisa lenqo. Kada kerena o raj, ama e rajni le
kheresqo sas huti te del pativ soilo krisa aj te garavel, kzom dati,
kadave xastravimata le rajnesqo. [6].
O konervatrismo, e khangeriaqe krisa sas len maj baro impakto,
dini si e edkaia bi i patriarxlo komuniteta kaj sas and-e kadaja vrema.
I rajni Profirita, kana aunds k-e laqo rrom ivel jekhe sklvaca rromni,
phends: kadave na rumoen o kher. Nasul si kana o mur ivel la
uvlena kaj si andar i Germania, i Hungaria, kadave len lenqe love, dati
te aven rumunikane uvlena, kaj hon len te mukhel amen aj te lel len.
Thanite orrore rbur... von? Si sar jekh kamipen kaj nakhel, sar nite
nakavde cerxaja! [7]
I maj bari dukh sas te na unel pes and-o fro. Ke and-o lenqo kher
biandile have bidadeqo, kaj sas vi rroma, butvar e rajni arakhelas sar
te xastravel le rromnen. E paramici le dajaqi Irina si sa kad.
Kana e rajni unel k-e laqo rrom inkerel pes jekhe sklvaca, atni i

102
rajni phends andar i rromn k-e ords jekh dikhlo/ posa, kaj voj dsas
le rajnesqe aj kadava dsas le rromnqe. Marel lan, aj le rajesqe phenel
lesqe k-e kana na bitinel le rromnn, voj telarel kheral.
I daj Irina si tindi kaar o raaj Nil kaj palal so phenelas e rromni, sas
les but rromn k-i khangeri.
O Radu Rosseti, and-o lil Xramosarimata kamel te explikil e relie
makar e raja aj e rromn. O lil sikavel paramice andar e rromn kaj
kamenas te aven le rajena , te dati vi von te iven mai mito. E raja kaj
kamenas kamimata extrakonzugalo, and-e kadaja vrema von kamenas
te arakhen na rromn, nma kamipnaqe instrumntura andar o popro,
kaj e maj peravdo, makaral e rromenqo kaj sas rbur. O agoripen
kadale paramici si butvar dramtiko.
Kana le rajesqe Sandu Hortopan perel lesqe k-o gi jekh terni rromni,
kaj sas lan deupani bera, jekh rromnori u ori phenel le purqe
Nastastia, sa sklva, te gatisarel lan jekh ber, aj palal te anel lesqe. Palal
but godrimata, I Anica mudards pes. O vurdonari kana aunds, ka te
kerel aipen mudards le rajnen.
E relie le rajnesqe naj sa vreme naul. I daj Irina phenel le Ionesqe
Tiron, jekh rrom sklvo kaj lesqi rromni kamelas lan o raj: kaj si e uvli
andar amaro neamo kaj na avela baxtali te al k-o kher le rajesqe? So te
kerel o robo mai mito, ka te al lesqe mai ukar, nma ka lesqi uvli te
placol le rajesqe? [8]
E relie makar o aj e rromn aven sar nrmalo, ama kana i Katinka, e
rromni le Ionesqi Tiron si acardi k-o raj, o Iono anel pes god sar lesqi
daj, e biba phenenas lesqe sar sas ka sas vi von k-o raj. O godripen te
utel pes anglal o raj ka te kerel aipen...sas but dural lesar. O vaxt
kzom sas robo, kerds ande lese jekh god aj o ilo robetar. Kana sas
tikno dikhelas sar e rromn si lile aj so dati te keren von kana aresel o
bar le rajesqo. [9]
O prandipen makar e rroma na sas dikhili sar jekh but ka te kerel le
rajes te na maj lel rromn, ci sas dikli sar jekh strtgiaa economiko.
O Dimitrie Dan phnel and-o lil E rroma andar I Bucovina sar: o raj
inkerelas jehk liloro kaj nakhelas o gin le rromenqo, ka von te baron, te

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keren but have, k-e sas rroma terne kaj mulenas. O raj phenelas butvar
k-a e have kaj sas len 16 bera te len le hajen kaj sas len 13 bera, ka
te keren xurdore. Vov phenelas kon kas te lel bi te pucel len si kamen.
[10]

I rromni vesti

And-e literikane xramosarimata kaj dikhlem len, aj k-o agor, and-e

rumunikani prsa andar o vaxt interbeliko, aj vi and-e tabloura le
piktorenqe, kaj sikaven jekh kategoria rromnenar: e uvl veste.
Kadale uvl si dikhle palal o lenqo ivipnaqo modo, kaj ingeren les, sar
xuraven pen, bilaavde , von si sikavde sar e uvl kaj na inkeren e
soile krisa vaj morale.
O lenqo ivipen si dikhlo sar jekh simblo andar o vestipen, sathaj i
istria sikavel amenqe k-e rroma sas rbur 500 bera. Juridiko ds duma
, kon sas len rbur( e khangera, e raja) sas len o xakaj apre lene, apre
lenqi familia, aj sa so sas len. [11]
Si jekh paradoxo, and-e soietta, e rromn si dikhle sar nite uvl
rumome/ melale, kaj na inkeren soile aj morale nrme, nma k-e and-
e komuniteta von si dikhle inkerindoj e rromane krisa.
I thagarni Maria phenel and-o laqo jurnalo Mo them andar e rromn
kaj voj dikhl len: but ukarne si e terne rromn, uce, tikne becena, aj
vasta ukare vi pire. Sa so hon apre lene, te si vi drza, beelenqe sa.
hon apre lene orso arakhena apro drom. Butvar, hon purane
xuravimata kaj arakhen len aj kadave xuravimata keren len te aven maj
ukarna, sar nite thagarna kaj mangen. Apre kadala purane xuravimata
vo hon ukare sirima, kaj in inkeren lenqe buca, aj dasti te phenes k-e si
nite eiptikane sar ame dikhas len citrisarde and-e templura.Telal i drza
kaj ingeren len apro ero si nite hungra kaj si pherda lovenar, tikne
kotora rangierne valinia/ tusna matalo, vaj suka kaj na ana so si, vaj
svunto medala, kaj den pen dab kana von miskin pen. Trual o lengo men
si but ukar sirura kaj duden apre lenqi morti sar o bronzo. Kadave haja
si basibasne aj bilaavde, mangen aj na inkeren god k-e panange, palal

104
e lenge cingarde gada. Dadena parne, kaj dudaren pen kana asan tuqe,
le vastena and-e buca, le erea hudino aj jekhe thuvalin and-o muj.
Kana aven kaar i tabro and-i rt, le kofena apro ero, na dati te
godres so de ukare si von.Von an angle, uce , aj o pani hudel pes
apro lenqo muj/ham. O kham si tele, aj sar o kham si hivdo, kerel ka e
rromn te fal amenqe sar nite sune, kaj na ana kaar aven aj kaj
agoren. [12]
Sakad, o Dimitrie Dan, and-o lil e Rroma andar i Bikovina del duma
andar o xuravipen le rromnenqo: e uvl kana si terne si but ukarne, aj
kana alosaren sar te xuraven pen, anen sar, o ero phande les, and-e
Bukovina jekhe posea baro aj ilto, andar lolo poom, k-e lenqe placon
e ranga, e pistiri hol les na maj kana si but orre, von xuraven pen
gadena kerde thavorea,aj coxe kerde andar poom tindo andar o fro,
aj k-o agor jekh baro postin bakrenar,; odobor e haja aj so de e rromn
inkeren k-o men irura lovenar ruputne, vaj kana si len vi somnakutne.
[13]
Jekh elemnto kaj arakhel pes and-o iveipen le rromnenqo aj kadava
keren len veste sik-e von been and-e caxre, and-e tikne khera kerde and-
i phuv vi and-e vurdona, kadave modura te been kad keren te barol o
phandimos le rromenqo le naturaca, sikavindoj o ivipen vesto; So
arakhas lene aj na arakhas and-e aver riga si i morti kali. Kana dikhes
len, le balena sar si o abanoso,la mujaca kali, aj le dadena ukare aj
parne, khetanes kerel jekh baro kontrasto. Von inkren orso: o sil, i bokh,o
tatipen, o mudaripen rtea aj xolinaca. [14]
And-e savorre xramosarimata, i but le rromnenqe veste si te
drabaren. Jekh terni xramosardi, I Elena Didia Odorica Sevastos, arakhel
sajekh but le rromnenqe. Kadaja xramosarel pesqi amalni: kana te das
kaar i phuv Oraseni, apro phuv sas anzarde but rroma kaj beena aj
khelenas pen; so de mangepen aj so de bilaav k-e kadala manua le
mujaca sar i phuv, le jakhena sar o jag aj le balena sar si o korbo. Nite
rromn orre le balena biulavde aj la hungrena pherde luludenar,
sirura aj ruputne love huden pen k-o amaro vurdon aj denas muj:<<
be, gaorie te drabarel tuqe i baba, te hudav e lilore, ker na maj kathe

105
truul jekhe ruputno lovorro aj kerav tuqe vareso te paxol vi o pani.>>
jekh ankalavds andar jekh gono kaj beelas k-i bu , jekh har , aj falas
manqe k-e si feriga,aj phenelas: << de jekh lovorro aj dava tuqe kokolo
kamilaqo, te inkereles les tu a aj ala tuqe mito>> Kad phenelas e
rromni , tha dikhle man k-e na phenav kanci, mukhle man, aj gele palpale
k-o vurdon. [15]
Aver okupcia/ but le rromnenqe si dikhli kaar o Lecca and-e E
istria le rromenqi. Von si le tusnena/ valinena, la xuravimata, aj le
bengorena/ talismana. Sa vov phenel andar e rromn kaj inkeren i
Paparuda (o dies le paparudenqe, si and-o trinto oine palal I Patrad):
Rromn le phandena lole aj irura piren and-e khera te dilaben aj te
khelen. E terne haja khelen aj e phuri dilabel andar o muj:
<< Paparuada ruda,
Ala aj suzlar tut
Te peren e briinda
Le dubelena.>>
k-e kerde kad e rajni hudel apre lene jekhe dulena aj potinel lenqe
jekhe lovorrea vaj vareso purani but. [16]
Te avel pherdi e imgina andar e rromn veste si sikavdo o lengo
prandizipen:kana jekh rrom prandel pes jekhe rromnca kaj na si andar
p-o nemo,( kad na kamel pes) vov lel o anav laqo aj beel le nemoca
laqo aj trebul te anel laqe jekh caxra, vurdona, grasta. Dikhas k-e vi
kathe arakhas sar e rromni vesti dati te avel laqe so kamela; o rrom
na si les i gria andar o kher, tha si orel vareso, k-e vov si sar i pori le
juglesqi kana si te kerel but, aj mukhel na maj le rromnn te kerel but,
aj te del le haven te xan aj vi le ... muresqe khandino. [17]

I rromni drabarni

Jekh importnto rlo and-o rumunikano folklro khelel les i drabarni

rromni: o drabaripen si e but kaj si dini na maj le rromnenqe. E
xramosarimata si pherde rromnenar kaj si drabaren, aj si len jekh
phandipen la bengena.

106
 0 Mihail Kogalniceanu and-o Tikne xramosarimata andar e rroma
sikavel zurales kadava but: lenqe uvl naen apro drom aj drabaren,
phenen o avutnipen aj draberen e sun [18]. Von si kaj keren aj bikeren,
kaj dati te del tut armana, dati te kerel to avutnipen. Nijekh puri
drabarni andar e paramice le Andersenesqe, vaj andar Aribikane Rta
na dati te hon pen le purena drabarna, kaj si xuravde and-e puarane
drza,kaj jekh var sas dudvale... phenel e thagarni Maria and-o lil Mirro
them. [19]
Andar o lenqo xuravimata dikhas andar savorre lila: bare kotora
stofenar sas kidine sar jekh turbano truallenqo ero aj lenar inklena
hungra balesqe kale biulavde. And-o muj sas len jekh thuvali, kaj piena
tutuno! maj dural phenel andar lene: kadave pure drabarne si dikhle
mito and-o lenqo tribo. E armana kaj keren len, del lenqe pativ anglal e
terne. So e rromni dati te mangel aj te bitinel e suva aj katla aj maj
godaver kana draberel and-o vast, lilene, kad si lan maj but te dele le
haven.
So phenen e rromn ka te dati te xoxaven: si tut baxt, phenel o
korango, but gurumna. Inkerel pes palal tute o sosoj sar inkerel pes palal
o jukel. Na asal o korango kaar e manua kaj an late? [20]
O Mihail Kogalniceanu kritikil and-o lil Tikne xramosarimata andar e
rroma k-e uvlenqe na-j len pativ andar lene: von den pes kas del maj
but lovorre; aver but maj si len te drabarel, te phenen o
avutnipen,dikhindoj pes and-o vast vaj and-e lila, vaj kana del duma le
oglindaa, kaj inkeren lan and-e jekh ktia. [21]

I rromni jagali

Kana ds duma andar e relie makar e rromn aj e rroma vaj andar

e relie la rromneqe le rajnena, i rromni si dikhli sar i jagali rromni.
Tha kadaja reprezentia dati te aven lan maj but nanajmata .Kadava
ipostaze andar e rromn si verver ae k-e lenqo god ingeren len te keren
so keren, aj kadava komportamnto na sas laho and-e kadaja vrema.
O Radu D. Rossetti phenel and-o lesqo lil Remember kana sas te al

107
and-e armia aj sas and-e gara Bucuresti, te al and-o dujto meripen: e
gaa ulavenas kaar lenqe gae, luludena aj cumidinena. Jekh rromni
kaj laqo rom alas vi vov an-o meripen, rovelas andar lese zori i kana
o rrom ds laqe duj vasta , te vazdel laqo moralo. [22]
Tikne paramice, phende mito, kaj e rromn si sikavde and-e naul
ipostaze, arakhas vi and-e artkole, kaj e rromn kerel naul akine. Mi-
salqe, and-o ziaro Le manuesqe xakaja o in bi andar biutar fe-
bruara 1890, and-e rubrika Literara Kronika, si jekh paramici O
Ghiokan , o rihino kaj phenel pes sar lesqi rromni xoxavelas les, o o
rrom i k-o agor merel bibaxtalo. And-e Ruminikane Ilustraciune ara-
khas anekdote andar e rromna, sar I sirimi le rromesqi aj phenel pes
sar jekh raj kamel te phuvarel jekhe rromnn , aj voj na kamel, tha i k-
o agor voj perel aj mukhel pes. [23]
O Radu Rosseti and-o lil Xramosarimata phenel sar jekh Visinoaia,
jekh rromni kaj sas sklva, k-e Strilea MIhalahe.Sasas but ukarni kana
sas terni, sas phuvardi kaar tar gae kana sas lan deusov bera, aj
palal sas bitindi apre nite lovorre. Aj palal so sas atni, biandili e Cat-
rina, kaj anel pes god latar. [24]
And-o lil Kontemporane suvenrura xramosardi kaar o Gheorghe
Sion, arakhas vi i lahi latura le rromnenqi jagali., o jekto lesqo inkerdipen
rromni kaj dilabelas aj sas bikheresqo, vagabunda, sar sas voj, falas
tuqe k-e kerelas pes andar i rromani kaj sa sas lan maniere and-e jekh
rromni but ukarni. O Siono sikavelas lan sar jekh rromni ukarni. Ui aj
kerdi ukar, e vasta aj e pire, savorre den laqe jekh indiano aero. [25]
Lenqo inkeripen na gelo but, kana i daj la Sionesqi sas te merel phe-
nel lesqe te na maj dikhel lan: andar o mistipen aj to avutnipen te na
phande to ivipen jekhe rromnca. Ja aj na avela laa! De lan drom aj
kana arekhesa jekh rakhili , te prande laca.

Konklzie

E imgine si sar jekh istria , so si maj interesnto si e paruvimata

kerde and-o vaxt , e mesaje kaj sikavde len aj vi le influne kadalenqo

108
andar o mentlo le manuenqo.
E rromn si biprinarde and-e istria. E
imgina aj e xramosarimata si korkore mo-
dalitto te sikavas e rromn andar kadaja
vrema( o agor le sekolosqe XIX aj o siridoj le
XX sekolo) ka te sikavas e realitta le vre-
maqi.
E imagine sikavde kamen te phenen sar
e imgina le rromnenqe si and-o vaxt, aj sar
si von dikhle. Na dati te ana sar kadale
imagine influnierde o influnil e publi-
Nicolae Grigorescu, I rromni ktar
kane opinie. Si phares te dovedisaras k-e ka- Ghergani, 1872, ulej p-i poxtan, O
Nationlo Muso le Artaqe, Bucureti
dale imgina na sikaven e realitta
sadivestutni, ci von sas stereotipikane keri-
mata le xramosarnenqe/ piktrura.
aipnaqe, kadale imgina sikaven rromn
and-e biarane ipostaze: drabarn, rromn
kaj bitinen lulud, artiste pherde erotismo
(nite imgina kaj sikaven rromn kaj dila-
ben k-e biarane instrumntura), tha vi
rromn pherde grizatar, godorvalimata, daja
kaj den ui, kaj keren but. Te kamas te di-
khas o konteksto le vremaqo,o xristianipen,
kaj hona le uvlen te aven lenqe jekh mo-
Stefan Luchian, I Safta kaj bitinel lulud,
ralo phiravipen, suzipen, telaripen, te anel ulej p-i poxtan O le Nationlo Muso
Artaqe le Rumuniaqo, Bucureti
lenqe god, savaxt, o bezex le biaunipsaqo
sar vi k-e von si bi goraripnasqo, kaj an palal e xatrimata, aj kad k-e
trebul te aven kontrolime, atni dati te phena k-e von si sas dikhle
palal kadale imagine but naul. O moralo phiravipen kaj sas na maj andar
e uvl, sas utavdi kaar kadave rromn, kaj inkerena i thabarni and-o
muj, sas paenanqe (dena ui le havenqe and-e diza) sas len sar but
kaj na sas morale andar kadale bera (sar sas o drabaripen).
E imgina kaj e piktrura kerde len dati te aven kerde binaulimata,

109
tha ame na ana kadava but, k-e von na
xramossarde vareso andar kadaja but.
ana andar o kristianipen k-e sas jekh baro
faktoro kaj dati te influnil (o moralo phiri-
pen le uvlenqo) e rajen aj vi le manuen.
Savorre kadala imgina sas kerde palal duj
nocie kaj si i klidin andar kadale xatrimata:
o krpo aj e okupacia/but.
Octav Bncila, I rromni le thabalinaa,
But andar e imgina kaj phenen andar e 1918, serigrae, jekh partikulra
kidipen
korpo, o erotismo,makar aver imgina si
andar e rroma drabarne, tha savorre im-
gina si len jekh elemnto khetano: i ideea si
k-e von na keren palal e regule le societaqi.
Kamlem te sikavas k-e piktrura hon and-e
lene imgina lenqe xatrimata aj stereot-
pur andar e rromn. Dikh akana k-e ara-
khas and-e lenqe piktra, imagine fizikane
andar e rromn, aj andar o rlo te sikaven e
but tradicionale andar e rromn. Andinem
and-o amaro vakripen andar kadava kap-
tulo sar e literatra, i prsa, vaj aver xramo-
sarimata, konfirinen e sikavde mesaje andar Octav Bncila, I rromnni le kelimnasqe
lelena, 1918, O Nationlo Muso le
e imgina, vaj piktra. Artaqe le Rumuniaqo, Bucureti

Patas k-e kadava imgina kamle te sikaven e rlura le rromnenqo. Ka-

dava imgina si vi adies. Kadava stereotpur, xatrimata na paruvdile ni
adies, sar prva been e informie rasistikane kaj si dine and-e mass-
mdia. [26]

E note:

[1] Te dikhes sar misal e artokole andar o ziaro E manusesqe xakaja le Sofiaqe Na-
dejde Femeia i socialista kerdo and-o gin 1, p, 2 andar 1885 si and-o gin 17 andar
21 februara Rolul femeii n micarea social. Sakada , e artikole kaj phenenas andar

110
o statuto le juvlaqo sikavde and-o ziaro Emanciparea andar e bersa 1891-1892.
[2] Filip Ionela, Psihologia cmpului social. Reprezentrile sociale, i Societeta Jantrip-
nasqe & Tehnika S.A. Bucuresti, 1995
[3] Te dikhel pes o site-ul www.romanothan.ro
[4] Gheorghe Sion, Suveniruri contimpurane, 1915, ed. Minerva, Bucuresti p.20
[5] ibidem 4, p. 16
[6] idem 4, p 25
[7] idem 4, p 22
[8] Radu Rosetti, Scrieri, 1980, ed. Minerva, Bucuresti
[9] idem 8, p. 85
[10] Dimitrie Dan, iganii din Bucovina, 1892, rasaj and-e Lujena Cernui, Tipogra-
fie i Litografie concesionata Arch. Silvestru Morariu-Andrievici, p.16
[11] Nicolae Gheorghe, Romii. De la robi la ceteni, http://www.romanothan.ro/scla-
via/ROMII-DE-LA-ROBI-LA-CETATENI.html
[12] I thagarni Maria le Rumuniaqi , ara Mea, i edicia III editura Librriei&Pavel
Suru, Bucuresti, p. 73
[13] Dimitrie Dan, iganii din Bucovina, 1892, Cernui, p. 23
[14] Octav G. Lecca, Istoria iganilor, 1898, Caransebe: Tip. Diecesana, p.39
[15] Elena Didia Odorica Sevastos, Cltorii prin ara Romneasc, o dujto lil andar
14 iulie1887(xramosardi k-e Botosani) bichaldi laqe amalinaqe Electra Mortzun 1888
Iasi, Tipografia Nacionala, p. 13-15
[16] Octav G. Lecca, Istoria iganilor, 1898, Caransebe: Tip. Diecesana, p.167
[17] Dimitrie Dan, iganii din Bucovina, 1982, Cernui, 32 p. (ed. german, 1893,
42 p.), p. 29
[18] Mihail Koglniceanu, Schie despre igani, 1900, Tipografia Dacia, P. Iliescu i D.
Grossu, pag. 17
[19] ibidem 12
[20] ibidem 17, p. 29
[21] ibidem 18, p.27
[22] Radu D. Rosetti, Remember, 1921, Ed. Libraria Socec&Co, Societatea Anonim,
p. 24
[23] n Ilustraiunea romn, nr.10 din 18 august 1891
[24] Radu Rosetti, Scrieri, 1980, ed. Minerva, Bucuresti, p. 81
[25] Gheorghe Sion, Suveniruri contimpurane , 1915, ed. Minerva, Bucuresti, p.7
[26] Dikh o dujto kapitulo le kadavesqo lil: E dikimata le rromnenqe and-e publikani
sfera.

111
O dujto kaptulo

Le rromnenqe dikimata and-i publikani sfra

I publikani sfra si o than kaj e manua dati te malaven pen, dati te

keren aj te phenen lenqe godrimata, dati te den duma, te vakren, aj
kana si saipen, te aresen ke jekh konsnso aj te arakhen e problma kaj
si and-i soietta. Makar kadava akine,von dati te keren jekh
paruvipen, te laharen e nasulimata andar i soietta. I publikani sfra si
o than, kaj e manua dati te malaven pen, sar jekh misal si e kla, o
kultralo ntro, kafava than, i publikani sfra le soietaqi, etc vi sajutne
riga, sar si i mass-mdia vaj o internto. And-e jekh demokratikani
soietta savoren si len akso k-i publikani sfra, savorre dati te
vakren, te den duma andar so von patn aj dati te avel len kadale ida
aj dati te paruven i soietta. Tha`, aipnaqe, i publikani sfra na si sar
sikavel pes ke si. Si manua kaj lenqe nasulimata naj pkende, lenqe vaka
na aunen pen aj lenqe experine si biprinarde. E orre, e uvl
biparne [1] na dati te aresen and-i publikani sfra aj lenqe problmur
ahon butvar biprinarde.
E rromn, andar o lenqo gen, andar i lenqi etna aj si andar i perutni
klsa soialo, na si dikhle mito and-i publikani sfra aj butvar lenqe
problmur si dikhle andar e jakha aver manuenqe, aj andar e
xatrimata kaj si and-e soietta.
And-e kadava kaptulo, sikavasa nte misal andar i mass- mdia
andar e rromn, ka te dati te dikhas o lenqo than and-i publikani sfra,
aj vi te dikhas sar te keras ka lenqe experine te aven prinarde aj von
korkore te phenen andar lene. Kamas te sikavas e sitaia e rromnenqi
kaj si andar duj lme: makar e tradiie aj emanipia, and-o jekhto than
sikavas o hand sar kadave rromn den duma le komunitaa, le famliaa,
aj vi le rromena, and-o dujto than sikavas sar e rromn si le gaena, sar

113
si von dikhle kaar kadala manua aj save si e lenqi saimata te lel o
lenqo than, birasismosar aj bixatripnasar.

O mto andar i jagali rromni

O stdio sikavipnasqe: i telenovla Rromesqo ilo

Astaras and-o kadava kaptulo te sikavas jekh misal andar i

stereotpikane reprezentie, aj o sikavipen jekhe rromni jagali, aj sas
sikavdi and-e mass-mdia sar jekh misal lahipnaqe andar i rromani
komunitta. Paal e stereotpikane reprezentie le rromnenqe andar i
literatra, piktra, sar si i rromni, sar drabarni, kaj bitinen lulud, sar
sevn, orrna, aver reprezentia si e jagali rromni, ukarni, extika,e
uvl kaj len i god le manuenqe, kaj si sar jekh suno andar e parne
and-o kadava mto,e rroma si dikhle palal duj dikimata, o sxo aj o
rassmo.
O mto le le rromnenqe jagale von si kon den e struktra le
telenovelaqi Rromesqo ilo [2] e telenovla kaj sas lan bari audiena aj
but rekie and-e mass-mdia.Tha, and-o Rromesqo ilo si mito te
dikhas and-o kadava kontxto, e rekie kaj kerde len e mass-mdia, aj
and-o sikavipen le flmosqe arakhas reprezentie stereotpikane aj
rasistikane kaj khuven sar lahe reprezentie.
I lmea le tabrosqe dikhli andar i telenovla si jekh lmea pherdi
tradiienar vi aara( misal e rroma andar i telenovla kamen na maj te
prandizen lenqe haja, aj savorre uvlikane personur si sikavde and-
o site le telenovlaqo [3] ke si tradiionalisto, kaj kamen na maj te
prandizen , te keren have, aj kaj sa kerel andar p-i famlia), tha and-i
aver rig, and-o tabro si jekh vesto spirito, huto rigae dati te
phena, misalqe, o persono kheldo kaar i Loredana Groza, (kaj vi
dilabel e gil le flmosqe), i Rodia, si huti apro sito sar jekh jagali rromni
kaj si o vesto spirito le taboresqe. Vaj o principlo persono, i Roza
(kherdo kaar i Nikoleta Luciu) kaj sas dini k-i kla and-o Pariso, ahol sa
e rromni jagali kaj khelel ukar aj si lan jekh korkori motivia and-o
flmo: te viarel o murikano persono aj apro sito si sikavdi sar jekh

114
rromni ukarni kaj dati te lel e god le muresqe. I stereotpikani imgina
kaj pheren o flmo si hute anglal e lahe/afirmativo reprezentia.
Misal,o murikano persono si dktoro apre Ambulana (jekh
reprezentia kaj na si andar e rroma).Maj si and-o flmo jekh sekundaro
uvlikano persono, I Cezara kaj si rromni, si si sikavdi apro sito kad:
si reportera, but godver. Tha and-o flmo si sikavde but stereotpur
andar e rroma, andar o lenqo extismo, andar lenqe but, andar e rromn
jagale, stereotpur kaj si but prinarde andar e rroma.
E telenovla sikavel but rasistikane imgina andar i komunitta aj von
si sikavde sar lahe but andar e rroma. E rekie andar e forum-ur vaj
phenimata kerde manuenar, si ke na dikhen mito kadava flmo, ke
vov kerel le rromen te avenprinardeaj ke rumon e imginea le
Rumniaqi and-i lmea.O erialo sas jekh misal lahipnaqe kerdo kaar
e gae andar i rromani komunitta. Kana o klbo Dinamo potinds andar
lenqe manua kaj dine muj rasistikano, o sherutno Cristi Borcea phends:
so te xatrav, ke Rumnia si jekh them rasistikano kana e telenovele
Rromesqo ilo marel e ratingur? [4]

E rromn makar i tradia aj e emanipia

O lav patriarxto phenel k-e le muren si len zor and-i soietta,

makar so e uvl trebul te keren xabe, si len griza kaar e have,
rromesar, nasfalenar, phurenar. Le muren si len zor and-i publikani
sfra, tha le uvlen si len zor and-o kher, si vi von and-e publikani sfra,
kana been paal lenqe manua, jekh soietta patriarxla si jekh
soietta kaj e institie, e krisa sikaven o godripen le murenqo, kaj
kadaja godripenavena sar trebul. Kana phenas e lava mura vaj
uvl kas kamas te sikavas? Kadale kategore naj kerde mito. And-e
fiesavi kategora si but ierarhie aj bisarimata. Misal, e uvl
heterosexuale aj lesbiena na si len sajekh than and-e soietta. Sakad
si bisarimata and-i rig soialo, etna, rsa makar e uvl, aj savorre
kadala bisarimata si vi makar e mura. And-i publikani sfra,e
muraparne si len maj but sar e rroma.I feminista Bell Hooks [5]

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phenelas k-e nasulimata sikavdi kaar e uvl parne naj sajekh le
uvlena kaj si len aver rang, aj k-e lenqe nasulimata la uvlenqo kaj si
len aver rang si sajekh la nasulimata le murenqe kaj si len aver rang.
Kad vi ame dati te phena andar e rromn. Tha, e sitaia le
rromnenqe si huti k-e interskia makar e soietta rasistikani aj vi e
rromani komunitta patriarxlo, kaj keren vi voj diskriminia. E rroma si
jekh popro bithemesqo, jekh popro kaj sas mardo[6], aj but bera sas
bi te avel lesqe zor. Maj but, palal i dezrobirea le rromenqi, o them na
kerds kani te hon le rromen and-i soietta, but kaj gelds k-o
peravipen le rromengo aj hutlen avri andar i soietta. Andar kadaja
sitaia , e gaikani societta kamel te kosel amari identitta( and-o aver
vaxt, vi te mudarel len, sar sas o Samudaripen/ Porajpen) [7] si
importnto, andar e rroma te inkeren lenqe tradiie, te avel lenqe zurale
pand le famliaa vi le komunitaa te dati te rakhen e identitta aj o
khetanipen rromano. Makar e rroma si vi phangle komunittur. And-o
vaxt kana e soietta barili vi o mikipen andar e xakaja le manuenqe,
o mikipen le uvlenqo, etc, e soietta paruvds pes, aver komunittur
ahile phangle, kaj sas len aara aj nrme aj na maj sas dikhle mito
kaar i soietta. Kadala nrme aj aara na dine o xakaj le uvlenqo te
keren alosarimata sar si o prandizipen, i famlia,i edukcia.
Si phares andar e rromn te den duma andar e problmur le
komunitesqe, kaj e komunitta inkerel e tradiie aj e nrme, kaj inkeren
le uvlen and-o kher. E rromn aktiviste sikaven e sitaia le rromnenqe
kaj been and-i komunitta, e nrme aj e aara kaj na den len o xakaj te
alosaren, kadaja but si and-e opozicia le idaa so si o khetanipen
makar e rroma. Palal kadaja but, e gae phenen k-i rromani komunitte
si purani and-o kontrato le societaqi nevi. [8]
I diskriminia makar e mura aj e uvl naj tko makar e rroma si
vi and-e bare soietta (misal,e sitaia le rumunikane uvlenqe kaj si
orre na si len sa kad sitaia sar le rromnenqe, tha so si aver si k-e
rromn si vi diskrimime andar i etna. Kana e rromn kamen te aresen
and-e lmea le gaenqe, von si hute rigae. Butvar, e uvlenqi
diskriminia makar i rromani komunitta si sikavdi sar jekh purani

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kultra, bi te lel gode i sitaia ekonomika, soila aj politikani le
savorre soietaqi, kaj inkerel e rromani komunitta and-o orripen,
peravipen aj bi te avel lenqe politikani zor.E diskriminia kaj si makar e
komunitta na si nmaj andar e tradiie si vi sar e soietta dikhel e
rromani komunitta.

O stdio sikavipnasqe: sar sas dikhlo o prandizipen le

Anqo Maria Cioaba and-e mass-mdia

Kadavo kzo kamas te sikavas les ka te dikhas sar e uvlenqe

problmur andar i komunitta si sikavde sar diskriminia.
And-o ber 2003, i mass-mdia andar i Rumnia vi intenacionlo
sikavds but o prandizipen makar i Ana Maria Cioaba kaj sas lan deutrin
bera( aver phenenas k-e deuduj bera) a Mihai Birita deupanj bera.
Kadava sitaia sas prinardi and-i internacionlo presa (palal jekh
reportajo andar o bv, dino k-o BBC) aj but rekie avile kaar i Europaqi
Uniunea, aj kadale sitaie kerde rekie vi and-e Rumnia (i k-o
guverno) te keren vareso and-o kadavo kzo. E have sas xulavde aj e
dada sas hute te del len k-i kla pale sathaj e Ema Nicholson kaj sas k-
i U.E kamls ka o them te lel le haven kaar lenqe dada, aj sas but
nasul.
Kadale prandizimata keren pen and-i rromani komunitta [9] o bv le
Anaqo na sas vareso bisarano, sosqe numaj kadava bv sas dikhlo kad?
O bv sas dikhlo and-e presa te dati te phenen k-e kultra rromani si
ahili pale, and-e komparacie le parne kultraa , europaqi kultr, kaj
inkeren/ sikaven e xakaja le manuesqe. E famlie le duje havenqe sas
barvale, o Florin Cioaba, o dad le hajaqo, si and-e publikani sfra, o bv
sas kerdo bute lovena aj sar kirvo sas jekh ministro. I bari kaza na sas
o orripen, i biedukcia, o bibutqo ci sas i rromani tradiie. And-o kadavo
bv so sas dikhlo sas o barvalipen, e xakaja lenqe na sas inkerde, e
rekia le Europaqi Uniunnea, sosar i rromani etna si kad na sas dikhle
and-e presa. O them Rumunikano na kerds kanci i kana e Comisia
Europeana na kerde von vareso anglal kadave but.

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 Makaral, panjsela berenqe, e rroma sas robur aj e haja sas butvar
phuvarde kaar lenqe raa. E haja kaj ahena kamne palal, na sas
dikhle mito kaar i rromani komunitta ni kaar e gae. Andar kadava k-
e lenqe haja ivenas traaa te na aven phuvarde kaar e gae, e rroma
arakhle k-e si mito te prandizen len but anglal, kodolesqe so von sas
prandizime, von na maj sas but uze aj e gae na maj kamenas len.
Kadava aar na sas inkerdo tko kaar e rroma, vi le orre gae
prandizena lenqe rakla but- anglal ka te arakhen len kaar e gae. Jekh
baro naionalsmo sas pae kana o rumunikano them kerds palal o
vestipen le rromenqo andar i sklava andar e bera 1856 [10]. And-o
avutno sekolo sas o Samudaripen and-o vaxt kaj ela mienar rroma sas
mudarde and-o anav le rasialo uzipnaqe, palal so avilo o komunsmo aj
e zurali asimilia
Te dati te iven and-o utvipen aj te inkeren lenqe identitta vi kana
sas bari asimilia, e rroma dine pen rigae aj mukhle lenqe tradiie,
lahe vaj nasul [11] I rromani kultr si doali andar o utvipen le
havenqe xakaja vi le rromnenqe, na dati te avel dikhli rigae kaar i
soietta, avri kaar e istorikane, ekonomikane, soile aj politikane
kondie, le themesqe kaj si. O prandizipen makar e hava si te avel
dikhlo vi andar e istorikane kaze, vi e ekonomikane, soile aj politikane
faktorur kaj si len baro rlo and-i diskriminia le rromnenqe. Kadale
prandizimata makar e have si inkerde nmaj kaar e rroma and-i lenqi
tradia, bi te dikhel pes e soietta kaj von iven, atni kadaja si jekh
nasulimata na maj and-e jekh komunitta kaj si dikhli sar jekh non-
eupaqi kultr, kaj si dsikrimininen lenqe manua aj akana k-o agor na
mol te eliminisarel e diskriminia kaj e rroma si hute kaar i soietta.
Sakad , e problmur le rromani komunitta sar o orripen baro kaj but
rroma iven, kana si diskrimine kaar e rajmata vi gaenar, e pucipen
dikindoj e edukcia, o bibutqo, etc, na-j dikhle atni kana nmaj e
tradiie si doali andar e problmur le rromani komunitta aj o them aj
e soietta na si len do. [12]
Kana kadava prandizimata sas kerde, o them na kerds kanci. And-o
aver hand, kadale prandizimata si dikhle sar jekh argumnto rasistikano

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anglal e rroma, vi kana kadava aara na si inkerde kaar savorre rroma.

Ahavna k-i edukcia le havenqi generalose, vi le

hajenqe specilose

But-angle prandizimata si sikavde sar i principla kaza sosar e

haja na an k-i kla, kadaja sikavipen na si ai, aver kaze si maj bare
sar o orripen, diskriminia kaj na mukhen le hajen te an k-i kla.
Sakad e dada si sikavde sar doale k-e na mukhen le haven te al k-i
kla aj phenen k-e kadava sitaia si tko andar e rroma. Si but kaze
kaj na mukhen le haven te an k-i kla, aj but andar kadale kaze na si
andar i rromani tradia, ci si andar o orripen aj o perutno than kaj le
rroma si len and-i soietta. And-i kadava sekcinea sikavaa e kaze.
Jekh kaza sosar e have na an k-i kla si o nanajpen le identitaqe
lila, vi lenqe aj vi lenqe dada; Aver hava na-j len bolipnaqo lil, kodolesqe
so, von biandile and-e aver thema, kaj lenqe dada gele te keren but. And-
e aver kazur e rroma na si len identitaqe lila k-e na si len jekh than kaj
te been sa vrema. And-o komunsmo, sas ilegalo te na avel tut jekh than
kaj te been aj jekh than butqo. Kad, vi le rroma sas len. Palal o 1989,
but rroma ahile bi thanenqo. Jekhe manua, na dati te potinen o kher,
aver sas dine avri kaar e gae kaj lile pen pale e khera kaj sas lile kaar
o komunsmo.
But rroma iven and-e khera kerde barakene, ivindoj and-o
orripen aj dati te aven dine avri lenar.
E lovenqe kondie si jekh kaza kaj na mukhen le haven te an k-i
kla. But andar lene iven and-o baro orripen, and-e khera
burrunaqo, bipanqo, and-e khera kerde andar kartonur, aj been k-o
agor le frosqe, atni i edukacie avel jekh xakaj jekhe barvalipnasqe.
Butvar, e haja si te ahen kherese, te been le tikne phalena, te keren
xabe.
E rroma na-j len jekh than, kaj te keren but, aj butvar andar i
diskriminia na si len. But rroma an and-e aver thema, te keren but
kothe, aj len vi le haven pena, aj kad e have na maj an k-i kla.

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Sakad, si rroma kaj si len bari edukcia aj na arakhen te keren but, k-e
edukcia na del tuqe avutno.
Aver kaza si e droma andar gava kaj na si kerde aj von keren ka e
have te na dati te an k-i kla. Andar kadava kaza, but have trebul
te an but telal but kilometra, and-o ivend vi kana del briind, na si len
kla and-o lenqo gav. I kla si sar jekh instrumnto ka e rromani
minoritta te avel asimilime, e molimata, e nrme le gaenqe si sikavde
sar mitipen.
Traaar te na naaven penqi identitta, e dada na kamen te bihalen
le haven k-i kla, vi te aven lenqe love te den len. Specilo, e haja na
si mukhle te an k-i kla, kad te na bistren i tradia. Atni kana e dada
si barvale, von si len griza kaar o avutnipen le havesqo, k-e vov si o
ero le kheresqo, aj andar e haja te prandizen len. Sakad, e have k-i
kla si dikhle nasul kaar e rakle, e siklarne, aj kadaja but keren len te
mukhen i kla.
And-o ber 2007, o Mintero le Siklovipnasqo, ds o Ordino ginea
1540 kaj si les sar obiectvo i nanajpen le segregaqi, dikhli sar jekh
diskriminia, aj e have na dati te aven lenqe jekh lahi edukcia. O
Ordino na mukhls and-e bera 2007-2008, e klsa I aj V te na maj avel
kerdi nmaj andar e rroma: i klaqi segregarea na si mukhli and-e kle,
sa akana e have na-j dikhle mito kaar lenqe kolegur, aj si dine rigae,
si problemura kaj na dati te avel laharde, na maj jekhe krisaa specilo,
kana voj si utvdi.

Ahavna p-i diz le butqi andar e rromn

Jekh kaza k-e na dati te aven len but si e edukcia, kaj na si len.
Jekh stereotpo kaj si priardo andar e rroma si k-e von na kamen te keren
but aj k-e von dati te alosaren bi te keren but (o soialo autipen , aj
aver ilegale but) . Tha so but si lahe andar e rroma, aj specilo andar
e rromn, sar si dikhle kadala but? Dukhal le hajen terne kana o manu
kaj kamel te angail len aj dikhel k-o rang le mortiaqo? So patn von
andar lene palal kadaja but?

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 Sar dati e rromn te kovlaren i famlia le butca kajvoj kamel te keren
lan? O nanajpen le edukacionaqi na-j tko e korkore ahavne kaj si andar
e rromn. Si but faktorur kaj keren le rromnen te na dati te aven len
jekh lahi but, sar i diskriminia, stereotpur. Kana an te maladilen le
rajmata, le institie, e rroma si diskrimine aj kadava but kerel te na aven
lenqe than butqo. E orre manua, kaj na si len interneto vi mass-mdia
von si len ahara kana an k-e institie kaj dati te phenen len sar te
arakhen jekh lahi but, sar te an palpale k-i kla, aj e informie andar
e butqe krisa.
E rromn maj si len aver problma kana an te angazipen arakhen
but diskriminia k-e manua kaj kamen te angazin len, von na kamen te
lel le rromnen. [10] E imgina le rromnenqe and-e mass-mdia, e
xatrimata sikavde lenar( stereotipur kaj sikaven le rromnen sar orra,
melale, khandine) si len jekh importnto rlo and-e diskriminia le
angazitora.
I famlia si aver ahar andar e rromn. And-e fiesavi patriarxlo
komunitta, o rlo le uvlenqo si te been kherese, te kerel have, sa
kad e terne haja na-j mukhle te keren but. Vi kana e rromn anen love
and-o kher, von keren maj dur have, baralen len aj vi inkeren o kher. E
tradiionale nrme andar e rromani komunitea vi andar aver
komunitta patriarxlo, phenen k-e na maj e uvl si kerde andar e but
e kheresqi, te keren have aj te aven len griza kaar lenqe famlie.
Mamuj so kadaja but (te kerel xabe, te kerel uzipen, te avel len griza
kaar e have, phurenar, famlia, rromesar) si and-e fiesavi dies aj dati
te phena k-e si phares, aj kadaja buti na-j jekh but kaj si potindi.
I but kaj kerel e uvl si dikhli k-e nmaj von dati te keren lan, aj
kadaja but arakhas vi and-e rromani komunitta vi gaikani. Tha
kodolesqe e rroma iven and-o orripen, and-e khera birrunaqo aj
bipanesqo, and-e thana/ gava kaj na-j len droma vaj transporto, o volumo
le butqo kaj kerel les i rromni si maj baro sar aver uvl. Jekh rezultato
le fakturenqe, e rromn been kherese, bibutqe, o volumo le butqo kaj
voj kerel les andar p-i famlia, aj von na dati te inklen apri diz le butqi
sar e uvl parne, kadale faktorur keren ka e rromn te na patn and-

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e lene aj te na dati te nakhen apre lenqe kondie.
Atni kana e rromn dati te nakhenn kadale nasulimata aj te
arakhen jekh than butqo, e but kaj von keren len si but nasul, aj
diskrimine avrenar.

I reprodkia traarni le rromnenqi

Intl e misal le uvlenqe kaj dati te emancipien pen (misal si dikhe

vi averendar) e imgina kaj an angle andar e rromn si e imgina kaj
sikaven o lenqo rlo and-e reprodkie. And-e rasistikane aj
xenofobikane e korpur aj e fertiliteta le uvlenqe sas len savaxt jekh
importnto rlo, o biologiko potencialo le uvlenqe si te keren have aj te
del lenqe te xan andar o lenqo korpo, k-e dasti te den ivipen, isindoj jekh
zuravipen kaj kadale phendimata dati te labren pen. And-e savori
kultr uvesutni, i reprodkia le uvlenqe parne si baxtali makaral so
i reprodkia le uvlenqe kaj na si parne si sikavdi sar traarni, isindoj
sar jekh phardipen k-i parni rsa. [13]
O mto ke, sigose, e rroma avena e majoritara poplaia and-e
Europa si sar jekh rasistikani godripen. Makaral so e uvl parne
andar makar-klsa si sikavde and-e publike diskursur sar isindoj
bigodorvale k-e na kamen te keren have ka te keren but, e rromn si
dikhle nasul kana si len but have, aj kadava but gerel k-o xatripen k-e
rromn si savaxt kamne, gi k-e bikamne sterilizie. [14]
Generalose, te dikhes le uvlen na maj and-o rlo e dajaqo, aj bi te
aven mukhle te aven kreativa, kaj dati te aven importnte and-e
societta, kadave but na mukhen len te amaven pen profesionlo vi
personlo.
Kadaja, e negative atitudine anglal e uvl kaj na kamen vaj na dati
te keren have si but dikhle nasul kaar e societe. Tha sa kad, nijekhe
uvlqe na dati te lel pes o kadava xakaj, te avel daj. O rasistikano tra
k-e parni poplaie na dati te avel, and-o jekh avutnipen e majoritara
poplaia, kerel te aven len nasul komportamentur anglal e rromn. E
rromn si sikavde sar purane, maj paal kaar i natur, and-o kontrato

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le civilizacie e kultrqi majoritara aj andar kadava purvipen von
keren have. Na si lile gode e kaze sosar aver uvl keren but have,
aj kadava but na inkerel kaar i etna. Butvar, o orrivipen, o nanajpen le
informiaqo andar e kontrakceptive metode, e patriarxle relacie kerel
ka te keren but have.

O stdio sikavipnasqo: o mto le rumome dajaqo vi le

rromnqi kaj orel le haven

Aver xatripen andar e rromnen si k-e von na si lahe daja, k-e von
kamen te iven (andar e love kaj den len o them le havenqe, vaj k-e von
hon len te mangen, te kerel but kana si tikne) kadava xatrimata kerel
ka e rromn te aven sikavde sar bi lahe aj rumome daja. E imgina le
rromnenqi kaj kamen te ivel palal o lenqe have, kaj kamen ke lenqe
have te aven ora, etk, si jekh zuralo instrumnto rasistikano ka te
peraven le rromnen (von si sikavde sar naavde o phand lenqe haven).
Jekh stdio [15] kerdo and-e Italia, o ber 2008, rodel and-e kazur kaj e
heve sas lile kaar lenqe dada aj dine le themesqe, aj palal dine aver
familianqe, makar e bera 1985-2005. E motivur kaj e have si lele
kaar lenqe dada si o orripen aj e bigriza le dadenqe lendar.
E analiza le kadale sitaie, o lelipen le havenqe makar lenqe dada,
sikaven e imgina le havesqo kaj si dikhlo sa jekh le mardo havo bi
te lel godi k-e o them kerel e mekanisme andar kaj e rroma si inkerde
and-o baro orripen, margineliteta. And-o than te laharen i sitaie le
rromnenqe, o them hol o akcento apre e relacie bilahe makar e
rromani familia, aj kamen te gelel le haven dur kaar i kultr kaj si dikhli
sar jekh purani, (kana but gae kamen te lel have). [16] I societta
patal k-e rromani kultura si bisarani kaar i majoriteta kultr, aj k-e
have trebul te aven inkalde andar lae.
Vi kana but have iven and-o orripen aj vi kana von trebul butvar te
keren but and-o than le siklovipnasqo, kadava but na si jekh konsecinca
le rromani kulturaqi kaj karen le daden te aven bilahe dada, ci si andar
i societta kaj kerel ka but rroma te iven and-o orripen aj te na dati te

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an k-i skola vi k-i but. Kadale kondie and-e kaj iven e rroma i akana
si paruvde andar i responsabiliteta le savorre komunittaqi jekhe
karakteristika le rromnenqe, kaj na dati te avel paruvdi, and-o kad felo
e have si ditisarde te lel kaar lenqe dada o orripen aj o bisavipen le
dadenqo, o orripen aj o bisavipen kodolesqe lenqe dada si kerde doale,
aj o them na-j les ni jekh do.
Jekh savipen le dadenqo bilahe mtosqo sikavel o mto lerromnqo
kaj orel xurde, kaj e rromn si sikavde sar jekh tra andar lenqe have
vi andar e parne xurde. Kadava mto si dikhlo ande bisarave handa
andar prinarde formula, kaj e xurde si traavde kaar lenqe dada, kana
na aves godver, lel tut i rromni and-o gono [17] i k-e kondamnare kaj
e rromn trebul te inkeren palal o phendipen le manuenqo k-e von
zumavde te horren le parne xurde. Sajekh stdio kaj si phendo maj
anglal [18] sikavel sar si dikhle kaar i mass-mdia makar e bera 1986-
2007 e rroma kaj kamle te horren parne xurde.
Savorre kazur si dikhle sar xoxavimata, nijekh var na sas orrde
xurde kaar e rroma. Kadale sitaie sas kerde but prinarde kaar i
mass-mdia aj von ingerde k-e rekie rasistikane aj xenofobikane
makar i societta. Tha kana kadave sitaie sas kerde xoxavimata kaar
e manua kaj rodine, i presa na kamli te sikavel o aimos.
Kadava mto le rromanaqo kaj orrel xurde si les but efektur and-
i societta. E dada parne dikhen o paaripen le rromenqo dar jekh tra
andar lenqe xurde, aj kadale but sas gele i k-o mardipen le rromenqo.
Misalqe, and-o oktumbra 2006, o ziaro Libertatea sikavds jekh artikulo
anavdo Niste rroma, si doale andar o coripen jekhe xurdoresqe, aj
kadava artikola sikavel sar jekh tikno xurdo sas ordo andar i materniteta,
palal so sas biandilo kaar i familia rromenqi kaj na sas len have, tha
kamenas te lel jekh xurdo. And-o artikulo sas huto vi k-e rromni si rodini
kaar i policia. Kadaja sitaie kerds but rekie pherde xolipnasqe aj
violena and-e bisarave kanale mass-mdia andar Rumnia. Palal trin
diesa, sajekh ziaro, sikavds k-o xurdo sas cordo kaar i gai. O ziaro na
xramosards nijekh jertisaripen andar e rroma k-e von sas doalarde
biaipnaqe aj kadava artikola kerds but rekie nasul andar i

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komunitta rromani.
And-o 2005, duj rromn sas doalarde and-o fro Lecco andar i Italia
k-e zumavile te oren jekh xurdo. Vi kana le duje rromn sas doalarde
biaipnaqo aj hute k-o phandipen deuoxto hona, sa kad e manua
pherde savorri Lombardia posterena kaj sikavels jekh rromani aj telal
lae sar huto e lava E vasta tele palal amare xurde aj kerde but
manifestacie anglal e rroma.
And-o hon majo 2008, jekh tabro rromenar, paal o Neapole sas
dino jag kaar e thanutne, kaj phiravenas kadava lavasavorre sen niste
cora xurdenqe andar i kaza jekhe rromni deuefta berenqe, kaj sas vi
voj doalardi biaipnaqe k-e kamls te corel jekh xurdo. I rekie le
themesqe autoritetur sas te arakhen le rromen kaj been kothe aj na si
len dokumentur, aj e thanunte kaj dine jag na sas kerde doale. I rekia
le mass-mediaqi sas te dikhel sar i imgina le Rumniaqi si rumome kaar
e rroma. Sa kad, e rroma sas kerde doale andar i lenqi sitaia, aj and-
e savorre sitaie e mass-mdia sas lan jekh baro rlo.
Atni kana das duma kaar kulturikane xatrimata kaj aresen te
aven but tostipen andar e rroma, trebul te dikhas, o impakto le kadave
situaienqe sikavde and-e presa sar si von andar e have, kaj butvar, si
dikhle bisarave kaar lenqe kolegur k-i skola vaj kaar e dada le
xurdorenqe kaj e hava phanden amalinimata. Kodolesqe e mdia si jekh
faktoro kaj savorre patan les, aj e informie kaj si dine naj rodine aj
butvar e have trebul te ingeren e o pharipen le nasulimata kaj keren e
le rroma.

O diskriminatorikano tratamnto and-e spitlur. E

zurle sterilizia

O tostipen anglal e rroma sikavel pes na nmaj makar e manua bi

informirime, ci vi and-i institionali rig. And-o kadava kaptulo kamas te
sikavas sar e rromn si dikhle and-o sastipnasqo sistmo, kaar e
diskrininatorikane tratamntur kaj si and-e spitlur i k-e zurale sterilizie.
I poplaia rromani ivel dee berena maj zalaga sar e gae [19].

125
O nasul satipen kaj si le rromen si andar e khera kaj been, o xabe
bisasto, o orripen kaj butvar von iven, vi k-e si dikhle nasul kaar e
doktorur.
E rromn si dikhle but nasul kaar e doktorur. Butvar, e rromn kana
trebul te an k-o doktoro, von si len but nasulimata i kana te aven vi von
ingriime, butvar von aj lenqe have si diskrimine, na den lenqe
informia andar o lenqo sastipen, na del lenqe draba kaj si len xakaj, aj
andar o rig le manuenqo kaj keren but and-o spitlo si but diskrimine.
Si but spitlur kaj rromn daja si hute khetanes and-e thana
biandipnaqe, rigae kaar e uvl gae, aj and-e kadava thana si but
melalipen aj e doktorur ni dikhen apre lene. Butvar, e rromnenqe si
lenqe tra te phenen sar si dikhle and-o spitlo vaj kaar o mediko, ke
and-o avutnipen na kamela te dikhel lene, kana si len phare sitaie.
O maj nasul akto kaj sar kerdo andar e rromn si e zurale sterilizie.
Inke andar e bera 70, rromn sas len kerde zurale sterilizime and-e
thema sar I Cexoslovakia, i Hungaria, i Suedia, i Norvegia. Kazur kaj sas
kerde zurale sterilizie sas and-e Cehia (palal e bera 90).
E sterilizie sas kerde bi te anel e rromni so si, vaj kana sas te
biandel e haves voj sas puci te kamel te kerel aj voj kana sas and-e bare
dukha na maj anelas so te phenel. Sas vi kazur kana e rromn sas hute
te kerel andar bisarave motiva, ke naj den lan love o them, te maj keren
hava, dati te meren vaj motiva rasistikane. [20]
Butvar, e rromn kaj telexramosarde na anenas so xramosarenas, aj
aver rromn kaj sas len maj but have, phenelas lenqe k-e na dati te
aven len griza lendar aj k-o them avela aj lela len.
I sterilizia le rromnenqi sas jekh zurali forma le rasimosqi
institionalizime andar e rromnenqo korpo. I minoritta poplaia si
dikhli sar traarni, rumome aj trebul te keren vareso ka e have te na
maj bianden, aj kadave rromn si sikavde sar isindoi bimanua.

126
O bimanuesqo statto le rromenqo. O stdio
sikavipnasqo: e indiferna anglal o meripen la
Kristinaqo vi le Violetaqo Djeordsevic and-o kontxto le
rasimosqo baro and-o Europa.

And-o dies 17 iulio 2008, duj haja, I Kristina aj I Violeta Djeordsevic

deutrinberendar aj deujekh tasavdile and-o darav, paal jekh plaa
pherdi manuendar, paal e Neapole. E haja, kaj beena and-e jekh
tabro, avile apri plaa te bitinen tikne but le manuenqe. Kelden pen aj
palal niste barra hudenas pen aj tasavdile. Palal so lenqe trupur sas
andine apro malo, palal so i policia dikhle sosar von mule, aj palal so
lenqe verisoare maj tikne sas lile kaar e soile asistntur, e korpur le
hajenqe ahile korkore apro kisaj, uhavde jekhe kapaa, i kana avili e
ambulana. And-e kodova trine casur gi kana avili e ambulana, o
ivipen le manuenqo alas maj dur paal e mule haja. And-e fotografie
kaj kerde o trujal le lumaqo,dasti te dikhas familie kaj anas apre plaa
maj dur, aj xanas paal lene, dati te dikhas manua kaj khenen pen le
frisbee-a. O lenqo meripen na vazdine and-e lene ni pativ, ni tra, sar
e haja na sas manua. E indiferena le manuenqi andar o meripen la
hajenqo phenel amenqe andar o rasismo baro kaj si and-e societta.
Kana dikhes o meripen paal tue, i rekia nrmalo si i mila aj and-o
kadava mometo godres tut k-e to meripen, aj so sano san. Palal e lenqe
etna, von na vazdine and-e manua nijekh rekie andar kadava rekie.
O felo sar e manua ana maj dur, sikavel amenqe o statto le hajenqo
( generalose, vi le rromenqo) kaj na sas manua. [21]
Anglal te meren, I Kristina aj e Violetta sas xramosarde kaar e
italiena oficialittur. O ministro, Roberto Maroni, kerds jekh progrmo
andar e rroma, te aven xramosarde savorre rroma kaj been and-i Italia.
O progrmo kamel te identifikisaren aj te bihalen khere le rromen kaj na
si len aktur. And-o kadava progrmo sas hute vi e have, aj kadava
but kerds bare rekie intenacionle, andar o akcento fascisto kaj sas
les. Anglal o Samudaripen, e rroma vi e evreur sas xramosarde. Oficilo,

127
o motivo sosar xramosaren e have si ka o them te anel informie
andar lene, ka te aven dine k-i skola. Tha kadava but si aver rasistikani
masur ka te dati te kontrolisaren jekh poplaia kaj si inkerdi and-o
margineliteta, orripen, kaj si dikhle sar bi manua.

And-e savorri Europa, jekh baro gin rromendar iven and-o corripen,
kaj determiniel so de iven, so de si len edukucia, aj so de si len kaj te
keren but. But rromn iven makar i diskriminia le komunittaqi
patriarxlo (jekh komunitta kaj na kamel ka laqe membrur te baron) aj
makar e diskriminia le gaenqi societta. But rromn na si len akcso
k-e edukcia, na-j len akcso apri diz le butqi, keren maj dur le but
andar o kher, na si len akcso k-o satipen, si marde vi fiziko vi verbalo
andar lenqi etna aj geno. Aver sas sterilizime bi te anen. Aver been
and-e khera kerde lendar, le traaa k-e va te den len avri, vaj dine ag.
Aver lenar been and-e gheto-ur kaj si ulavde kaar kolaver
manua. Aver lenar an te keren but and-e aver thema aj si dikhle
averendar k-e rumoen e imgina le themesqe and-i Europa. But rromn
keren e but kaj aver manua na kamen te kerel len, but phare vi
lagavde. But rromn dikhen sar lenqe have si diskrimine sar vi von sas
maj anglal, aj patan k-e vakarimata, margineliteta si nmaj andar e
rroma.
Le rromnen naj len e xakaja sar si aver uvlenqe, e Europaqi Uniunea
si len legislativikane manua kaj del lenqe xakaja. Vi kana si kadava krisa,
na dasti te keren vareso i kana e rromn na dena duma korkore andar
lenqe problemur, tha vi te paruven kad o baxtalipen lenqo etnaqo.

E note:

[1] Kana phenas o lav parne si kana phenas andar jekh rsa and-e ghilimela,
ka te sikavas k-e kadva lav na si les vareso antripnasqe, si jekh konstrkcia
socialo kaj si lan i res te jutifikil e ieraxie makar e rroma.
[2] Rromesqo ilo si jekh rumunikani telenovela dini apr-o posto Aasa, makar

128
1 oktombra i kana 1 iunio 2008, aj sas lan 159 episoada.
[3] www.inimadetigan.ro
[4] http://www.ziare.com/sport/fotbal-intern/04-23-2009/borcea-romania-e-stat-
rasist-cand-telenovela-inima-de-tigan-face-rating-728868
[5] Gloria Jean Watkins (biandili and-o ber 1952), maj but priardi palal o laqo
pseudoanav bell hooks si jekh xramosarni ranqaqe. Laqe xramosarimata
kamen te sikaven makarkonektiviteta andar e rasa, etnia, klasa socialo aj vi e
lenqo datipen te dominien.
[6] E rroma sas inkerde sar robura paal 550 bera.
[7 ] O lav and-e hib rromani si Porajmos.
[8] Kada situacia na-j si korkori. Misalaqe, e interventie kerde kaar e SUA
and-o Iraqo sas phendo ke sas kerdi andar e uvl musulmana kaj si but diskri-
mine aj kad i motivacia ekonomika sas garavdi palal e xakaa le manuesqe, aj
sakad but manua ataren te aven lenqe xoli apre araba. Vi ando kadva kazo
e kultura parni kerdas pes maj bari sar aver kultura. Trebul ka kadle uvl te
mangen lenqe xakaa na aver te mangen andar lenqe.
[9] Te dikhel pes, misalaqe, e prandima makar e haa kaj sas len 8 makar 10
bera aj e have makar 16-18 bera andar o Ramnicelu.
[10] Valeriu Nicolae Reetar de genocid?
http://romania.indymedia.org/ro/2004/07/260.shtml
[11] idem
[12] And-o ber 2007 e parlamentara Minodora Cliveti, e erutni le Comisiaqi
amdar e egaliteta paruvdas o artokolo, o ber kana dati te prandizen pen e
manua si 18 bera. i atni, o them phenel k-a e haa te prandizen k-e 16
bera aj e hava k-e 18 bera, o argumento andar kada situcia si k-e uvl
baron maj sigo.
[13] Dikimata pendo maj mito, and-o kontexto le nevenqe texnologie le
reprodukciaqe and-e texte sar Dorothy E. Roberts, Race and the New Reproduc-
tion , Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction and the Meaning of Liberty
(New York; Pantheon, 1997) vaj Samantha Martinez, Missing Voices, Missing
Wombs: Reproductive Tehnologies and Women of Color,
http://erendip.brynmawr.edu/sci_cult/courses/sexgender/f05/web4/smartinez.ht
ml
[14] O kazo le Cehoslovacia kaj but rromn sas sterilizime.
[15] Adozione di minori rom/sinti e sottrazione di minori gag( O rodipen andar

129
e adopcie le havenqe/sinti aj e kazura le corimata le gaenqe have) kerdi
kaar e Fondazione Migrantes le Departamentosqe le Psihologiaqo aj Antropolo-
gia kulturalo le Universitetaqi andar Verona, studio kerdo kaar o siklrno Leo-
nardo Piaere.
[16] Kada praktika te lel le haven kaar lenqe famili aj te aven bararde kaar
dada parne na-j nevi. Misalaqe, kada masra sas geldi vi kaar e thagarni
Maria Theresa, and-o sek. XIX , te lel le haven kaar lenqe dada aj te aven
bararde kaar e gae.
[17] Neva Nahtigal, aktivista k-o Instituo Mirovni andar i Slovenia phenelas and-
e jekh artikolo huto and-e revista 22 , decembrie 2005, o suplimento Mass-
media si rromi, jekh misal kampaniatar kerdi kaar o Instituo Mirovni aj telal
jekh imgina kaj sikavelas jekh havo aj sas xramosardo: te na avesa godaver,
dasa tu le slovenqe. Sathaj, butvar e raklenqe phenen kadva lava, kada
kampania geldas k-e jekh proceso kerdo kaar o Partido le Themesqi Slovene
le xramorsarnenqe. kada zumavipen te sikaven e xatarimata andar e rroma
aj sar si voj dikhli geldas k-e jekh proceso, andar kadvo diskurso,
http://www.revista22.ro/mass-media-si-romii-2280.html
[18] Dikh i nota 15. Kathe, phenas andar jekh rig le studiosqo, rig kaj si bazirime
p-i lil le Sabrinaqi Tosi Cambini La zingara rapitrice. Racconti, denunce, sen-
tenze (1986-2007) (igana care rpete [copii]. Mrturii, denunuri, sentine
(1986-2007).
[19] Informacia lili andar o lil Femeile rome i discriminarea n sntate lil
telexramosardo kaar but membrura le societaqi civile and-o ber 2008.
(http://romania.indymedia.org/ro/2008/07/2698.shtml). Kada informacia si lili
andar o lil andar e Comentarura xramosarne kaar o Centro European andar e
xakaa le Rromenqe dikindoj e Hungaria andar o Comiteto ONU dikindoj e
Elimanacia le Diskriminaqi andar e uvl, maladiven 39, 23 iulie-10 august.
[20] Coerced Sterilisation of Romani Women,
http://www.soros.org/initiatives/health/focus/roma/events/romawomen_2008070
3/errcbrohure_20080703.pdf
[21] informacie kaar kadvo kazo:
http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2008/aug/17/familyandrelationships.roma

Xainga:

130
Alexandra Oprea, Reimginarea justiiei soile de jos n sus. Includerea
experienelor femeilor rome, http://ladyfest-ro.pimienta.org/reimginarea.pdf

Alexandra Oprea, hild Marriage a Culturl Problem, Educational Access a Race

Issue? Deconstructing Uni-Dimensional Understanding of Romani Oppression,
http://www.errc.org/cikk.php?cikk=2295

Dimitrina Petrova, The Roma: between a myth and the future,

http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2267/is_1_70/ai_102140950/?tag=content;
col1

Enik Vincze, Hajnalka Harbula, Camelia Moraru, Depre muncile femeilor,

romilor i societea ideal, http://www.obervatorculturl.ro/Depre-muncile-
femeilor-romilor-si-societea-ideala*articleID_22840-articles_details.html

Enik Magyari-Vincze, Raport de cercetare. Excluziunea soil a romilor. Studiu

de caz din Timioara http://adatbank.transindex.ro/vendeg/htmlk/pdf7060.pdf

Valeriu Nicolae, Between silence and the selling of anti-gypsyism in Romania,

http://www.ergonetwork.org/antigypsyism2.htm

131
O trinto kaptulo

E zurale mikimata le rromnenqe

E imgina kaj si andar amendar, e imgina kaj sas phende andar

amendar aven kaar jekh nakhlo vaxt. O kalo manu kaj si o negativo
personajo andar i paramici, i uvli bi te kerel basibas, kaj si lan grza, kaj
si e uvli andar e suna, i rromni drabarni kaj si o elemento kaj na mukhel
e iubirea. Patas k-e but si sar trebul te aven, k-e paruvimata na dati te
maj keren pen, aj jekh bidikhli vast phendas andar amende kon sem
ame... bi te phenas vareso. Amari publikcia sikavel le rromnen vi le
gaen kaj patan kaj kemen te kerek jekh parudipen, vaj te vazdel o
pucipen: amare stereotipura na dati te paruven pen? Kamas te mukhas
k-e jekh godorvalipen kaj si amen pae 500 bera?
Atni kana kamlem te keras kadava projekto,kamlem te labaras
imgina kaj te den duma von and-e amara thana. Kodolesqe k-e kadala
imgina (vizuale vaj andar lava) si o maj laho hand te sikavas e situacia
le rromnenqe aj o biaipen socialo kaj but bera sas amen. Pucena
tumen sosar labaras kadava imgina, kaj phenen nasul andar e rromn.
Ame patas k-e kana analizisaras kadala imgina andar e perspektiva
manuikani, andar e xakaa le manuesqe, ame peravaa sa so von
sikaven. Kodolesqe kadala imgina kerde jekh kultura, jekh hand te
godsaren, jekh hand kaj si andar i mass-mdia, lila, istora, etk. Na dati
te phenas k-e na-j kada, aj kamas te keras niste paruvimata. Aj andar
kadaj atrebul te phenas sar e rromn si sikavde si sosar si kadava
xatarimata.
Ame phenas andar kadva sikavimata nasul andar e rromn, akana
trebul te pucas amen, avela jekh miskipen le rromnenqe. Aj k-a te dati
te dikhas si kamel pes kada paruvipen trebul te analizias andar o
dikipen le organizicienqo kaj keren but andar e rromn.

133
 And-e Rumunia si trin organizcie [1] kaj keren progrmur andar e
rromn. Tha kadale organizcie na dati te keren but na maj andar e
rromn, le rromenqe si len but problmura, kaj trebul te rezolvisaren len,
aj kad von na dati te hon e problmura le rromnenqe p-i agenda
publikani. Sakad ni e societta na kamel te aunel andar e problmura
le rromnenqe. E rromane organizcie na den duma mito le mass-
mediaa, aj e ONG phares aresen te anel jurnalistura k-a te aven andar e
problema le rromenqi. E progrmur andar e rromn sas kerde kaar
organizcie kaj si len i res o laharipen le situacienqi le rromenqi, lenqe
xakaja. Kad, o programo le mediatorenqe sanitare [2], i bursa le butqi
[3] vaj o programo le mediatorenqe kolara si andar e korkore programe
andar e rromn. Kaar kadle progrmur kerdapes o miskipen le
rromnenqo. Sakad, kadle iniciative sar lili vi kaar o Guverno, kaj
hutas and-i Stategia andar e rroma niste masra andar e barabaripen
makar e uvl aj mura.
E masure kaj lili na sas kerde andar e bisarivipen makar e uvl aj
mura andar e komunittura [4] ci and-e jekh hand bisarano. Savorre
kadla but, hon amen te phenas k-e e rromn na si jekh interesi
publiko/politiko.
Si jekh sablono sar sas kerde e masra andar e rromn aj sar sas von
hute and-e societta. Kad k-e niste masra sas andar e rromn, p-i diz
la butqi,aj aver progrmur asas andar e rromn k-a te besen khere maj
dur, aj te avel lan grza kaar e have, o sastipen le familiaqo. Kadve duj
bare direkcie kaj gele e progrmur vaj i Stratgia andar e rroma sikaven
e kulturale partikulariteta le rromenqe, kaj influencil o barabipen
saimata, partikulariteta kaj sikaven o rlo tradicionlo le rromnenqe, o
tikno akceso k-i edukcia, k-e but, sar vi e modelura kulturikane andar
i familia vi i komunitta. Dinindoj duma la Marieaa Ionescu [5] andar
kadava sikavimata,vi andar e rromn kaj na kaman te phenen k-e si
rromn, i pricipala konkluzia sas k-e kana e edukcia na-j tu, to
avutnipen si kerdo kaar ti familia, aj to rlo si te avel tuqe grza kaar e
tikne phrala, familia, aj te na avel o saipen te sikaves to rlo and-e
societta. [6]

134
 Kana dati te avel tut edukcia, atni to modelo avela murikano, k-
e and-e gava , o rlo le uvlenqo si te besel le havena, aj te kerel but
paal o kher. Kad nasavel pes i identitta uvlqi, aj laa vi jekh
agenda publikani andar e uvl kaj te sikaven e interesura le
rromnenqe.
Na dati te das duma andar savorre rromn and-o kad hand. Dati
numaj te han les ans-e niste kategorie: uvl tradicionle (kaj den pativ
le tradicienqe, kaj si maj but and-e gave) vaj uvl moderne, kaj aloaren
i profesionala but. Paal e edukcia formalo, k-i lenqi edukcia jekh baro
rlo si len le modelenqe andar i komunitta. Kana e rromn kamen te
emancipen pen, von si atarde makar kadle duj lma, aj andar kada
na arakhen pen and-e politica guvernamentalura. uvl sar mande na si?
Mirre problmura si aver: si man jekh problema le dikimaa and-e
publikani ivipen, kompativo le uvlena tradicionle kaj na si len sa kad
molimata. Me kaj palemarakhav man? [7]
Dati te das duma nasul andar lende andar o intereso tikno, tha kana
san sikli kana san tikni andar o sakrificio andar kolaver, kana e manua
paal tue si and-e tare de dependena tuca na dati te phenes kanci,
na dati te mares tut aj te hos tut apr-o jekhto than. Kana phenas andar
jekh zuravipen miskipen andar e rromn trebul te anas o rlo kaj si
amen, aj so sikavas ame. Jekh zurali miskipen na trebul te aven na maj
kaar opral i telal, maj but te avel kaar tele i opral, sakad e rromn
te anen andar lenqi kontribucia kaj si len k-o lahipen le familliaqi, le
komunittaqi, aj lenqi kontribucia te avel prinardi kaar i societta.

***

Atni kana e manua asunen e lava rromni so imgina avel lenqe

and-o ero? I uvli extika aj jagali, i phirutni, kaj ivel bi te avel
responsabilo? I traarni drabarni kaj prinaren o avutnipen ai dati te del
tut armana? I uvli melali aj khandini, savaxt kamni, kaj ivel andar o
soilo azutipen vaj corripen? I daj kaj na-j lan griza andar laqe have aj
xal palal e but le havenqi? Kadale imgina na si bizurale, von keren bare

135
rekie pherde nasulimaar, kaj diklem len and-o kadava texto. O rarismo
institutionalizeme, kaj kerel e rromnen te iven k-i rig le societaqi, bazil
pes aj xal andar kadava imgina. Von keren ka e gae te na kamen len,
butvar vi te marel len, tha kadava uvl inkeren and-e lene aj sikaven
pen sar si e imgine andar lene. Kana jekh haj asunel k-e laqe haja na
dati te keren vareso, na maj zumavela aj kerela so laqi phen vaj daj
kerds.
Sakad, e rromane aktiviste kamen te paruven e imgina le
rromnenqe and-e publikani sfra, te paruven e xatrimata andar e rromn
le imginena kaj sikavel o iven ao le rromneqo aj so von dati te
keren and-e komunitta vi and-e societta.
E rromn kaj and-e palutne bere astarde pen te organizinin pen, te
keren ka lenqe vaka te aven aunde, kamen te keren ka o rasismo te na
maj avel aj vi e relacie patriarxle kaj diskriminien e rromnen and-e
komunitta vi avri laar. E risa lenqe aktivitetur si te keren niste
legislativikane kadre kaj te garatil e xakaja le rromneqe, aj vi o paruvimos
le xatrimata le gaenqe, vi o paruvipen le patriarxlo xatripen andar i
komunitta.
Sakad dati te phena save si e risa le rromane aktivistur kaj keren
but and-e bisarane thema, bisarane kontxto aj vi but. Makar lenqe
organizacie, von keren lobby paal e rajmata kodolesqe te baron e anti-
diskriminia krisa, kiden aj roden informie andar e rromn, von kamen
te sikaven sa so sas kerdo le rromnenqe and-e istoria; von maren pen te
hon and- i publikani sfra i kultr rromani, von sikaven and-e publikani
sfra le rromnen kaj zumaven te aven jekh misal and-i societe, von
keren programur andar e xakaja le rromnenqe, aj kamen te hon le
rromnen te organizipen aj te aven jekh rlo and-o lenqo paruvipen.
E uvl kaj dikhile save si lenqe problemur,rasisistikane, geno, klsa
soila, aj arekhle sar te rezolvisarel len, kadale uvl si bisarave. Aver
aktiviste si uvl kaj si len bari edukcia, aj sikaven o lenqo misal ka te
dikhen savorre k-e le rroma si vi von godver. Aver andar lene keren but
and-e thana kaj phares areses, sar si i texlogia le informiaqi. [8] Aver
uvl si tradiionaliste aj lenqi zor avel andar lenqe aktivitetur kaj si

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e rekia k-e lenqe problemur. [9]
Butvar e rromn organizin pen kaar jekh problema ai , phande len
khetanes aj de len zor (sar si , misalqe, e uvl kaj kerde lenqe zurle
sterilizie aj kaj hute le themes te prinaren o abuzo). Aver uvl kiden
pen kaar aver organizacie, aj maren pen andar bisarane xakaja.
K-e e rromn organizin pen aj si sikavde and-e publikani sfra, k-e
sikaven lenqo ivipen aj experience, dinindoj duma lenqe vakena, si jekh
baxtalipen k-e e nasulimata kaj e rromn sas hute and-e istoria dati te
na maj avel aj k-i lenqi zor kerela jekh parudimos kaj kosela e xatrimata
rasistikane aj sexista.

E note:

[1] I Asocicia le Rromnenqe Andar amare hava andar Timisoara. I Asocicia

andar e Emanciapacia le Rromnenqe AFER Cluj aj I Asocicia le Rromnenqe
andar Bucuresti.
[2] O anglutno sas o ONG-o Romani Criss.
[3] E anglutni sas I Agencia Khetanes
[4] Dikh and-o dakava senso o studio Evaluarea Strategiei de mbuntire a
situaiei romilor n Romnia. Vocea comunitilor sar koordonatori si o Gelu
Duminica, arakhes len vi p-o site-ul www.agentiaimpreuna.ro
[5] Jekhto andar e uvl aktiviste and-e organizcie uvlendar.
[6] Interviu kerdo le Mariaa Ionescu, 26 februara 2010.
[7] Phendo andar o intervio le Mariaa Ionescu.
[8] O programo Roma Information Program sikavdas rromn and-e IT. Kad, e
rromn specialiste and-e kalkulatora, phen le organizcienqe rromane sar te
keren pen website-ura, aj sar o interneto si labardo.
http://www.advoaynet.org/resource/294
[9] Misalaqe, o artikolo Breaking the double hain (Rupnd dublul lan)
Pagerindoj o dujto virklin, i xramosarni Judit Szakacs phenel vi andar i but le
Mariaqi Vamosine Palmai, jekh rromni andar i Hungaria kaj jevel and-e jekh
komunitta tradicionlo. Voj trebul te mukhel i kola kana sas lan 14 k-a te
prandizel pes aj te avel grza kaar i nevi familia. Sathaj sas daj trine havenqe,

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palal so maladili jekhe aktivista rromni andar I Macedonia (Enisa Emidova),
Maria Vamosine Palmai kardas khetanes aver 15 uvl jekh organizcia andar e
xakaa le rromnenqe, anavdi ARANJ.
fhttp://www.tol.cz/look/CER/printf.tpl?IdLanguage=1&IdPublication=14&NrIssue=
50&NrSection=5&NrArticle=10019&ST1=body&ST_

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Andar i grza aj o godorvalipen kaj si tut
anglal e manua kaj kames te aunen tut
Jekh vakripen le Leticiaa Mark

h.arta: Kamas te phenes amenqe tuar aj andar ti aktivitta.

Leticia Mark: Sem e erutni le Rromnenqi Asocicia Andar Amare
have. Kerdom kadava Asocicia and- ber 1997 kana atardem man te
kerav but and-o mo kher edukcionala progrmur, kodoloqe k-e me
sem siklrni, sem rromni, si phendem ke trebul te kerav mi duti anglal e
have. Kana atardem te kerav sas pharo, ama akana i Asocicia
amavas pes aj akana and-e fiesavo ber si amen 40 havendar kaj aven
o Edukativo Centro Kulturalo andar e have( kadava sas o jekhto projekto
le asociaqo) Kamlem te gelas le haven k-e kola, hutem len k-i kola,
kamlem te rezolvisaras le identitta lila, sa so le rromen si len. hutem o
anav le asociaqo kada, k-e kamlem te dav duma le rromnena kaj si
tradicionle vi bitradicionle kaj si len grza kaar e have, kaar lenqi
edukcia, aj vi k-e von sas uvl aj na sas manqe pharo te dav dum lena
sar le rromena. Von sas maj pativale aj xarcarne kana avel i duma andar
lenge have. Tha, la vramaa avile vi terne vi rroma k-e amare
projektura, but andar lende priaren mi famillia, ame sam kathe 50-tqr
bera. Sem rudara, kathe , and-o kadava pero, maladilem vi kakavena,
geambasa, aj palal jekh vaxt kerdilas pes kate jekh komunitta mixta. Vi
kana e prandizimata makar varesave grpura na sa dikhli mito, le
vaxteca von sas akceptisarde. E rroma, generalote, si but adaptisarde k-
e modernikane kondicie vi kana lenqi edukcia naj bari. Kadava si aver
subiekto kaar me som but interesato: sar amare have si dikhle kaar
aver grpura, aj sar dati te aven akceptisarde lende. Me anav sar si
kadaja integraracie apre mirri mort, kamlom te avav andar aver lma
kana doklom k-e rroma si inkerde rigate. Kadaja sas mo ivepen, gelem
k-i kola, aj palal avilem pale and-i komunitta aj phendom manqe k-e si

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o vaxt te kerav vareso, maj but. Muklem but, loali isindoj, k-o ataripen
, kana patavas k-e va te keres pes mito vi amende, aj k-e rroma te aven
dikhle maj sukar. Kana kerdom kadaja but, trujal mande e lumea nevi kaj
me somas, atardas pes te dikhel man aver jakhena. Vi mirre amalina,
me patiav but and-e amalimata, sas azbale. Me amalina kaj sas maj but
paal mande, na xatarenas mirro paruvipen, k-e me atardom man te
identifikisarav le pucimata le rromnenqe aj k-e sa vrema davas duma
toko andar i diskrimincia aj vi andar e nasulimata kaj si. Von phende
manqe: mito, ama tu nijekh data na sanas diskriminime, savaxt ame
dikhlem tut sar amari, aj inkerdam tue. Butpalal, dem god k-e kadai
si e problema, me kana kamav te marav man andar aver manua aj te
avav sar lende som dikhli mito, ama kana si man aver vak, maj zurali, si
maj phares te avav akceptisardi.
h.arta: Kadava but fal amenqe but problematiko. Butvar, atni kana
jekh rromni aresel te avel dikhli and-e publikani sfra, daste te kerdas
pen laqo than aj dati te phenel so dukhal lan, voj si sikavdi sar jekh misal
andar i demokratikani societta kaj ame ivas (si na dati te kerel vareso
i do si laqi, na le societaqi) tha voj si sikavdi sar jekh excepcia.
Leticia Mark: Va, kadaja but si but importanto, kaj kamav te dav duma
laar maj but. Jekh var kamlem te xramosarav jekh lil andar kadale but.
Kamav te phenav tumenqe maj but andar sar sas kana avilem pale and-
e komunitta, falmanqe sar jekh politikano angaamento, ama me nijekh
var na kamav te kerav politika. Me kamlem te kerav sa so dati ka te
bararav kadaja Asocicia, ama me kamlem te sikavav savorenqe k-e dati
te keres kana kames. Semas akardi k-e Universitatea Ratoripnasqo, kana
sas kerdo o Interkulturalo Instituto, and-e bera 90, kaj sas loale bera.
Semas akardi kothe sar siklrni andar jekh liceo, aj aundem k-e del pes
duma andar e minorittura, aj sas mut akarde andar avrutnipen, and-e
Timisoara. Kana avilo o than te den duma kaar e rroma, jekh raj
jurnalisto sas but prinardo and-e Timisoara, gelo aj sikavdas e but but
nasul. Phendas: kamas te keras but le rromena, ama na arakhas ni jekh
aktivo, la rromena si phares te les o phandipen, von anen n\toko te
dilaben aj te khelen, vaj te hon love apre lavutara?

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 Vov maj phenelas k-e vov si tolerantom kadava si o diskurso
savorrenqo, kaj phenen: man si man rroma amala aj me na kerav
dikrimincia. Manqe kadava diskurso falas sar semas lile asamatar. Sas
sar jekh imboldo aj utinom pirende aj phendom: Si but manua avile
andar avrutnipen aj savorre etnie si kathe. Te sas vi e rroma akarde te
den duma lendar, me patav k-e avenas. Me semas xolariko, sem rromni,
aj phendem sa vaxt k-e sem aj e but na dati te an sar gele i akana.
Si vi makar ame manua resposabila, si vi godaver rroma, si but rroma,
ama ni jekh na semas akarde te das duma.
Kerdom but xamipen and-e konferina kana phendem so phendem,
palal but manua kamle te den duma mana. Phendem lenqe ke te semas
akardi te dav duma andar i edukcia, avavas, tha konik na akardas man.
Palal kadaja, e rromane lidrura akharden man te dav duma k-o
Strasbourg. Apre kadaja vrema sas pharo te les o paaporto, beesas le
diesena. E lumea savorri phenelas aaa, so mito k-e tu san siklrni,
ama e rromane lidrura, phenenas: san but godaver andar amen, so
kames tu?
Semas dikhli sar jekh rromni kaj phirel palal paaporto, aj alipen and-
e avrutnipen. Atni inklistem avri, sas man mi but, kaj trebul te dav
examena ka te aresav kaj areslom. Mukhlem man but bera, diklem k-e
sem dikhli nasul, aj gelem. Palal, e lidrura rodinen man. Sas len but
projektura, ama rodenas man maj but adndar i reprezentcia: dikhen si
amen jekh siklrni, kaj laqi mort si parni, kaj vi phenel zuralas k-e si
rromni. Butvar, gelem k-e malovimata, ama jekh var phendom lenqe k-
e na som jekh papusa kaj dati te sikaves lan kana tu kames te sikaves
k-e si vi rroma godaver. Semas but xolariko k-e na keravas but aj na
kamavas o rlo te reprezentiav. Semas labarni. Apre kadaja vrema, trebul
te sikaves ke san rromni ai. Na anavas sar te sikavav k-e sem rromni
ai na maj k-e avilem le ileca puterdo aj kamlem te kerav but andar e
have. Sar keravas me but sas but maj laho sar le manuenqe kaj
avilenas andar aver thema te ingrizin le haven.
h.arta: Tha sosar von kamenas te sikaves k-e senas rromni ai? Na
senas sar trebul te avel jekh rromni?

141
Leticia Mark: Me sem andar jekh jekh famillia rudarenqe aj e rudara na
den duma i hib rromano, ama kadava buti si jekh istorikano but, von
den duma jekh hib rumunikano but purani. Aj sas vi andar mo dikhipen.
Ama me sem jekh uvli moderno, phirav pantalunena, ama te na phirav
fasta na si k-e me sem rromni. K-e faculteta, savorre me siklrne anenas
k-e som rromni aj savorre patine man. Aj sa mo ivipen anglem k-e som
rromni, aj akana me na maj sikavav aipen and-o makar le rromnenqo.
Sas jekh vrema kana e godaver sikavenas rromani.
Palal inklistem avri kaar o miskipen le rromenqo. Gelem angle le
siklarimata i kana areslom te lav jekh aloaripen. Maladilem niste sas
siklovne kaj phende manqe andar i Soros Fundacia, aj von sas len niste
programe andar e rroma. Phende manqe te avav and-o bordo
internacionalo. I problema sas k-e mo proiekto sas jekh edukationalo
centro andar e have (kaj si len problmura le kolaa, kaj aven andar
avrutnipen aj na agordile) sas and-e kontradikcia mirre thaneca andar o
board-o. Akceptisardem te avav and-o board-o aj k-o jekto malavipen
phendem te keras niste centre kultural-edukative and-o Cluj, Iasi,
Bucuresti aj Timisoara. O projekto sas aloardo ama bilovenqo. And-o
board-o semas 3 rroma aj panj gaze, semas zalaga rroma. O projekto na
dati te lel love ka te avel kerdo. Le vremaa, dinem god sar besen e
but le rromena. Vi kana sas projekte andar e rroma, i kana te aresen
k-e rroma aj have trebul te nakhenas andar but filtre.
And-o bera 1997 kerdom e asociacia aj avili e vrema ka te sikavav
vareso. sikavdem k-o projekto al, aj palal kadava sas amen aver
projektura, linem niste klase ko Energetiko Liceo, pale lilem kadave tar
barranga aj ame kerdam len. Kerdem jekh internto andar e rromane
studentura, si amen voluntara; akana si amen jekh projekto strukturalo
anavdo. Barbaripen makar e difereca. O akceso le rromnenqo p-i diz le
butqo. Andar kadava projekto kerdam i internacionalo revista andar e
rromn Nevi Sara Kali kaj kidel but artikole le rromnenqe aktiviste.
Areslem te avav vi me aktivista.
Butvaxt na kamavas te avav and-o miskipen le uvlenqe. Kerdom jekh
mastero k-o Cluj kaj sas uvlenqe siklavimata aj dinom seama ke vi

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semas feminista bi te anav, aj akana anav ke te aves feminista na
trebul te aves mamuj e mura.
Kamavav te avav sar e terne, kamav te barav o gin le asociaqo.
Bihaldem but terne avri te siklon, tha von na kamle te ahon. Akana
kamav te telarav andar i Asocicia, ma le ternen si len aver drom; unem
but maj but andar kadava Asocicia, unem kathe te bararas
profesionistura, ama e profesionistura telarde aj atni trebul te las aver
manua kaj na anen kanci andar i Asocicia. E terne aven kathe,
siklaven, aj pala telaren and-e aver thana. Ama kas angaiav akana na
kamen te avel hute and-e jekh than le rromena kana avel e
televiziunea. Aj akana e problema si so barilom i akana? Va, statistikano,
berutno, si have kaj si les jekh kher, kaj siklaven kathe, kaj si baxtale
sosar ame das len aj si terne kaj arakhle kathe jekh platforma te baron
aj pale te telaren. Ama na dati te kerav len te xataren o rlo aj e
misiunea kaj si len, intal e speciale thana, e but.
h.arta: Tha kadava si o generalo kontxto, na namaj and-o miskipen le
rromengo, si jekh generalo kontxto kaj e ideologia neoliberala sikavel o
rodipen le sukcesosqo korkoro. Kadava korkoro sukceso kaj si dikhlo sar
i ahara le demokraciaqi, phenel mai mito o intereso kaj si le societaqi
te kerel ka e komunittura te aven vi von azutime.
Leticia Mark. Va, phenen mito, kadava si o generalo kontxto. Thame
savaxt patem k-e te areses te keres jekh paruvipen , trebul te as lokhes,
te keres tikne paruvimata, ama te dati te aven dikhle; k-e azutisares
jekhe haves, k-e angazisares duj manua, k-e keres e identitaqo lil. Me
na dati te kerav but bi te avav loali k-e kerav les, aj kada kamlem te
sikavav vi le ternen kaj sas paal mande. Me patom k-e generacie kaj
gele and-e bisaravne kole apre speciala thana, ana pale and-e
komunitta aj kerena but andar lende.
h.arta: Ama kathe avas pale, kana tu phendan andat te amala kaj
phende tuqe sosar les e problmura le rromenqe sar tirre.
Leticia Mark: Va, vi me kamlem te nasav, te na avav savaxt dikhli
rromni. Kana semas haj aj kamavas te av k-i kola savorre phnenas
manqe k-e sem jekh ekcepcia. Anav manqe god kaar jekh evenimento

143
kaj kerdom les but bera pale, jekh tradicionlo dies, teatroca, dilabipen,
kana hutem pure rromn te dilaben purane gila kaj inregitardem len ka
te na bistras len (kadale rromn si mule akana). And-o jekhto than sas
jekh rromni orri trine xurdena aj sas vi nasfali. Anav manqe god k-e
me phenavas le rromenqe k-e vi ame sam manua aj si amen xakaa. Ka
te dati te phenav so phenavas dikhavas late. Aj voj xatarelas man aj vi
rovelas andar mande sas jekh baro loalipen. Jekh manu andar kadaja
sala patalas and-o so me phenavas aj xatarelas sar mande.

I Leticia Mark si e fondatoara le asociaqi le Rromenenqe Andar Amare have aj

vi e E Rromnenqo kher andar I Timisoara, kaj kerdas but projektura edukcionale
andar e have, aj vi progrmur andar e rromn.
Kerdas e hiba klasice, o mastero gender, aj akana kerel o doktorado k-i
Universiteta Babes-Bolyai. Si membra le organiziciaqi International Roma Womens
Network, participanta k-o World Confference Against Rasism, Racial Discrimination,
Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, Durban 2001

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E manua andar o projkto:

O Cntro andar Kerimata aj Responsabilitta and-e Edukia (C.A.R.E),

si koordinisardo katar jekh ekipa Cosbuc aj i siklrni Roxana Marin,
funkcionisarel k-o Naionlo Colgio Bilingvo George Cosbuc andar o Bucuresti
aj kerel and-e fiesavo kurko klbur andar e terne aj aktivittur le manuenqe
kaj agordile, diza aj kompetcie, premia. O Cntro funkcionisarel palal o princpio
k-e trebaipen si maj anglal sar e love, aj kada savorre aktivittur si auto- kerde.
Sem jekh azutoro andar aver organizcie makar o kidinipen le lovenqe andar
lenqe aktivittur vaj vi te keras andar lenqe aktivittur. Kamas te keras jekh
informalo organizacia kaj kerel but makar o sisteme le edukiaqo formalo,
tha kaj dati te jal but. O Cntro, sakad, si les maj but ekipe voluntare, kaj
kerel but le havena bikeresqo, e nasul familie, e have/terne specialonena
trebaipen, le havena but nasvale.

I Carmen Gheorghe si aktivsta andar e xakaja le rromnenqe. Agordisards e

Fakultta le Publikani Administria andar i e Nacionla kla andar e Politikane
aj Administrative Stdia (2006) aj palal kerds o Mastero Gender aj Publikane
Politice, SNSPA (2009). Akana kerel but k-i Agencia Jamavipnasqe Komunitra
Khetanes kaj koordinisarel programura andar o baripen le akcesosqe le
rromneqe p-i diz le butqi. Laqe umala specializime si: gen aj okupcia,
diskrimincia, kerdipen profesionlo savaxt, komunitare stdia.

h.arta si jekh grpo kerdo andar trin artiste, I Maria Crista, I Ana Gyemant aj I
Rodica Tahe. Keras but khetanes andar o ber 2001, kana kerdem o spcio
h.arta jekh galera non komercila and-e Timisoara. H.arta si butvar jekh fizikano
spcio, tha butvar e projekte le h.arta-qe si bisarane kerdimata, paruvindoj and-
e bisarave kontxta aj thana. Amaro grpo si kerdo amalimpnaca and-e jekh
kontinua kaj negocias makar amende amare bisarima. Labras amari amalipen
sar jekh hand te sikavas khetanes sar te prinjaras e but nuance le situacienqe,
sar jekh spacio ao, sar jekh deklarcia politikani andar i zor le solidaripnaqe.
Sem interesime andar e subiektura sar kerdipen le prinjarimata,
palexramasoripen le istoriaqo, problemura gender and-o kapitalismo global, etk,
savorre kadave and-e bisarane kolaborcia le manuena aj grpura andar
bisarane umala.

145
See me as I am. Words
and images of Roma
women
Carmen Gheorghe / h.arta
Translation from Romanian into English: Roxana Marin
Introduction

See me as I am. Words and images of Roma

women

Roma live under the threshold of poverty all over Europe. They have
limited access to education and labour, which causes their life
expectancy to be much lower than that of people in the majority and
annihilates their self-esteem, thus determining them to repress their own
identity.
As members of an ethnic group which has been oppressed for
centuries and continues to this day to be marginalized, Roma women
have an even more complicated situation, as they are targets of multiple
forms of discrimination: ethnic, gender and social. Most Roma women live
their life inside this coordinates, trapped between the discrimination of
the majority who see them as part of an undignified, dangerous,
primitive ethnic group, as well as the discrimination of a patriarchal
society (which maintains women in marginalization and silence, putting
on their shoulders the burden of labour considered exclusively feminine
as well as the burden of prescriptions inherent to femininity) and the
discrimination of a society revolving around individualism, property and
consumption (a society which needs the multiplication of capital, which
is based on the continuing status of isolation and poverty of certain
categories of people). Roma women of poor economic means live in a
world in which discrimination, exclusion and marginalization seem to be
an inevitable destiny, perpetuated for generations. They exclusively
assume household and caring labour, they have precarious access to the
health and education systems, they suffer physical and verbal violence
because of their gender and ethnicity, they frequently live in improvised

149
shelter, in perennial fear of being evacuated by the authorities or being
put to fire by extremist groups. Most labour that Roma women have
access to is rejected by the majority population as it is difficult and
considered degrading. Their reproduction is deemed dangerous to the
purity of the nation. They witness their children suffering the same
discrimination as themselves, despite neoliberal discourse promising an
apparent evolution towards a more democratic society.
In recent years, a wave of negative reactions against Roma
population in general and Roma women in particular can be noticed in
Romanian and European mass media, thus confirming yet again that
public opinion is still dominated by stereotypes and prejudice about Roma
people. At the same time, recent studies show an increase in the level of
intolerance of Romanian society towards Roma people. In this context,
the presence of Roma women in the public European sphere continues to
be a controversial topic. Relevant aspects of their lives are overlooked
while traditional or antisocial elements are highlighted. Roma women are
listed under causes of social issues and are not considered as persons
whose life/condition reflects unjust public policies and cultural constructs.
This leads to the construction of a false image which does not reflect the
identities of Roma women.
This phenomenon (of blaming) is not typical only to current Romanian
society, but is deeply rooted in history, both Romanian and European.
Roma women have been consistently presented, through the different
media, in stereotypical and denigrating positions. These false images
which do not reflect the identities of Roma women (but only the marginal
situations in which they are placed by majority-led societies) have
become a vicious circle which impacts not only the collective mentality,
and thus leads to increased racism in society, but it also negatively
impacts social mechanisms which shape the livelihood and horizons of
Roma children.

This brochure is the result of cooperation between a mixed group of

Roma and non-Roma women and it proposes an analysis of Roma women

150
in the Romanian and European culture and public space, looking at how
this image and the processes by which it is constructed are connected to
the appearance of stereotypes and the practices of marginalization and
exclusion, and looking also at the ways in which Roma women may come
to build a space of their own, free from racism and prejudice, where they
can have their voice heard. The intersectional analysis of the situation of
Roma women that this brochure presents is based on the awareness that
us, those who have put it together, have the privilege of speaking from a
favoured position, because we had access to education, because some of
us are considered as white women, because we can freely express our
opinions and desire to change the status quo. The voices of those who are
marginalized, ignored, exploited, living in precarity, remain yet to make
themselves heard. Bearing this in mind, this brochure whose practical
purpose is to be used in high schools for debating the issues of racism,
sexism, marginalization and solutions to effectively address them is
addressed both to those marginalized, in hope that it will become an
instrument of analysis and change, as well as to those in the majority, in
the hope that it will determine them to become aware of their own
privileged situation. Whether we talk about the privilege of being white,
male, of higher class etc., acknowledging these privileges will open the
perspective of truly challenging social hierarchies, which have been
maintaining certain categories of people in marginalization for a very long
time.

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Foreword

What is race and what does racism mean?

If we asked different people about knowledge what it is and how we

come to have it we would learn that each of us is affected by different
cultural pressures, which determine the way we see the world.
None of the things that determine the context of our life, such as the
understanding of history, tradition, societal values etc. is a natural
phenomenon or occurrence but rather social constructs, the result of
the actions and thoughts of those before us. It is only natural to wonder
what our role is, what kind of culture we have inherited, on what bases
society functions and how ethical are its values.
For example, the existence of unjust hierarchies is easy for all to see
as most people experience them in their life but to better understand
the mechanisms by which these unfair hierarchies are formed and also to
better see their consequences, we must identify our own position in this
milieu and verify that we do not contribute to propagating these
situations and state of affairs.
How can we better understand the unfairness making a difference
between people based on their skin colour?
In this text, we will follow the implications of the fictional idea of
race in the reality of racism.

The idea of race is social and cultural construct, with no scientific

basis. The term was invented based on no universal or scientific principle,
and it has always been used to exploit differences in a more profitable
way and to exercise social control. There are no human races in the
genetic sense and there is no evidence there ever was any. From the point
of view of genetic structure and biological function, humanity cannot be

153
classified in distinct geographic categories. According to the recent
scientific discoveries, all human beings descend from a common root
the first human population who lived in Africa approximately 60,000 years
ago. [1] [2] [3] [4]
There is consensus among most researchers in the fields of
evolutionary biology, anthropology and other disciplines that racial
distinctions are irrelevant from a scientific point of view, as long as there
are no genetic distinctions between racial groups, and no measurements
are possible. [5]
These scientific arguments become even stronger if we analyse the
origin and history of the concept of race. Historical perspective is
extremely important, because it demonstrates that race is a relatively
recent construct, which appeared only when populations from different
continents began to interact with each other. The term race has never
had a special significance (other than a synonym to kind, type,
species) until the end of the 17th century, when race began to signify
a new ideology regarding differences among people and a new way to
organize society. The idea of race was from the onset meant to create
and justify divisions and hierarchies. This appeared in the context of early
capitalism, when western societies began to exploit newly discovered,
conquered and colonized territories.

Europe was mythologically understood to pre-exist this pattern of

power as a world capitalist centre that colonized the rest of the world and
as such the most advanced moment in the linear, unidirectional,
continuous path of the species. A conception of humanity was
consolidated according to which the worlds population was differentiated
in two groups: superior and inferior, rational and irrational, primitive and
civilized, traditional and modern. Primitive referred to a prior time in
the history of the species, in terms of evolutionary time. Europe came to
be mythically conceived as preexisting colonial, global capitalism and as
having achieved a very advanced level in the continuous, linear,
unidirectional path. Thus, from within this mythical starting point, other

154
human inhabitants of the planet came to be mythically conceived not as
dominated through conquest, nor as inferior in terms of wealth or political
power, but as an anterior stage in the history of the species, in this
unidirectional path. That is the meaning of the qualification primitive.
(Lugones, 2008) [6]

Inventing a new system of categorizing people, a system that divides

people into civilized or white and primitive or non-white was a
necessary thing for colonialism, which not only exploited certain
populations, but also doomed them to slavery. This ideology of race was
designed in order to justify and organize human slavery at a time when
western European societies were embracing philosophies promoting
individual rights and human rights such as liberty, democracy, justice,
fraternity and equality. The only way in which Christians could justify
slavery was to degrade the populations in the colonies to a non-human
status. Consequently, the humanity of non-white populations was
doubted until the end of the 19th century.

Beginning with the 19th century, the concept of race was

consolidated and advanced by an overwhelming majority of scientists in
different domains. Despite the fact that many researchers recognized the
lack of neutral conceptualisation of race, racial/racialized science
continued to explain differences between human populations and to
consider health, intelligence, education and economic sufficiency as
consequences of differences between racial groups, which were
undeniable and of a biological nature.

By portraying social reality with its inequalities in light of a natural

and therefore legitimate order of things, the ideology of race was
considered useful by many societies. For example, due to this ideological
line, and by exacerbating ethnic frictions already manifesting themselves
in 20th century Europe, it was even possible to have something like the
Holocaust of Jewish and Roma people during the second world war.

155
 The concept of race was considered real and objective for almost
400 years and it was used to organize institutions such as the economy,
the state, the family, religion and the education system so as to
incorporate and propagate inequality, to allow some to become unfairly
rich and to make racial oppression possible. [5] When the racialization
process becomes an ingredient of the social system and a part of social
norm, then it catches strong roots in peoples conscience and the injustice
caused by this process is no longer perceived as such it becomes simply
natural. The fictional concept of race has a very real and palpable
consequence: racism. The idea of race is in itself racist.

Racism is a system of advantages for some, based on the artificial

concept of race. This system is organized on several levels:
- personal (ideas and individual sentiment/prejudice)
- interpersonal (behaviours in relation to others)
- cultural (values, thought, methods of communication, defining beauty,
righteousness, justice and normality)
- institutional (rules, practices, laws, histories, power structures of society
and its institutions)
These levels interact, sustain and build each other. For example, the
intersection of cultural and institutional racism consists in the fact that
the predominant values and culture of the privileged are legitimate and
institutionalized, while cultural racism is the foundation for racist feelings,
ideas and behaviours, which are generated and justified by it.
Because of the extreme intensity of racism, the people placed in
positions of inferiority by this ideology have developed a survival strategy
called internalized oppression, which is a way to adapt to oppression.
Thus, the oppressed come to have and believe in racist ideas, and then
to behave accordingly which means using the oppressors methods onto
their group (or themselves), which leads them to actually consider
themselves inferior, less intelligent, less civilized etc. [7]
This internalisation of oppression is caused by the systemic nature of

156
racism. Conceptualising systemic racism means that the ideology of
racism is deeply rooted in society, from its foundation to all its levels,
including its institutions. The definition of systemic racism includes the
exploitation and subordination of black people by white people. Racism
is systemic in this case because it implies taking away economic and
political resources in an unfair manner, and it also resorts to
discriminatory practices and racial/racialized institutions in order to
generate and maintain the supremacy of white people, thus leading to
a social system that promotes automatically and efficiently only their
livelihood (of white people), while also propagating racial relations in
society. [8]
Although racism has its origins in colonialism, it continues to subsist
long after most colonies have gained their independence, and it
continues to function in the former colonies as well as the former
metropolis. Internal colonialism is a concept developed by anti-imperialist
movements in Africa and Latin America in the 50s and 60s. These
movements argue that the position and development of urban ghettos,
slums and barrios, is comparable to that of less developed countries in
Africa and Latin America, as seen in relation to the level of development
of Europe and the United States. Modern capitalism needs cheap labour
force. Just like early capitalism needed the concept of race in order to
justify the use of unpaid labour and the exploitation of slaves, current
global capitalism uses borders and racism to maintain certain categories
of people in continual poverty and illegal status, which means that their
labour can be exploited at minimal costs.
Racism is closely related to sexist and patriarchal practices. Black
women are especially affected by racism, as in their case racist
oppression is correlated with gender oppression. This combined
oppression takes different forms, from limited access to education, labour
and health, to norms and prescriptions related to sexuality and
reproduction etc. For example, reproductive imperialism represents a
type of domination that exercises coercive control over the population, for
the sake of maintaining racial and male domination, as well as for the

157
capitalist interest in labour force. This ideology that encourages first
world womens fertility, while fertility in the third world is discouraged,
has deeply negative effects on womens bodies (sometimes going as far
as forced sterilization). [8]

Such an analysis of the ideology and culture of racism is necessary

also in the case of Romanian society and its culture, which has always
(with the exception of 45 years of pseudocommunism) looked upon the
white west-european and north atlantic powers as a model of absolute
value. The absence of an analytic and critical outlook on this model, on
history/ies but also on its own institutions and ideologies considered as
absolute cultural values maintains Romanian culture impregnated with a
racist ideology that society most often does not recognize, but it
nonetheless uses. A particular form of racism in Romania is romophobia.
Romophobia (anti-gypsism) is a specific form of racist ideology, a
complex social phenomenon manifesting itself through violence, hate
speech, exploitation and discrimination in most visible forms, and it is a
form of dehumanisation and institutionalised racism. Romophobia is
promoted via politicians speeches, via the ideas and actions of a faction
of the civil society and some academia, through segregation,
dehumanisation, stigmatisation, social aggression and socio-economic
exclusion. Romophobia relies, on one hand, on imaginary fears,
stereotypes and negative myths related to Roma people and, on the other
hand, on denigration of Roma people and erasing from the public
awareness the long history of discrimination that Roma have. [9]

In this brochure we will look at the forms that racism and romopho-
bia can take in relation to Roma women, who find themselves at an in-
tersection between racial, gender and class discrimination. We will
explore also the possibilities that Roma women have in order to develop
and turn themselves from objects into subjects of history.

158
Sources:

[1] American Association of Physical Anthropologists (1996)

http://www.virginia.edu/woodson/courses/aas102%20(spring%2001)/articles/AAP
A_race.pdf
[2] American Antropological Association (1998)
http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm
[3] Tony Fitzpatrick, Genetically Speaking, Race Doesnt Exist In Humans, Eu-
rekAlert! http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/1998-10/WUiS-GSRD-
071098.php
[4] http://www.ornl.gov/sci/techresources/Human_Genome/elsi/minorities.shtml
[5] Smedley, Audrey; Smedley, Brian D., Race as Biology Is Fiction, Racism as a
Social Problem Is Real: Anthropological and Historical Perspectives on the Social
Construction of Race, American Psychologist. Vol 60(1), Jan 2005, 16-26.
[6] Maria Lugones, The Coloniality of Gender, 2008,
http://www.jhfc.duke.edu/wko/dossiers/1.3/documents/LugonesWKO2.2.pdf
[7] http://www.cambridgedocumentaryfilms.org/Resiststudyguide.htm
[8] Thomas W. Volscho, Reproductive Racism in the United States: The Steriliza-
tion of Women of Color Since the Early 1980s, 2008
http://www.allacademic.com//meta/p_mla_apa_research_citation/2/4/1/6/5/pages
241655/p241655-1.php
[9] Valeriu Nicolae ,Anti-Gypsyism - a definition
http://www.ergonetwork.org/antigypsyism.htm

159
On anonymous women in history

In this publication we propose to discuss about Roma women. Why?

Because they are, in our opinion, the best example about how
stereotypes and preconceived ideas build an image that does not
correspond to reality. Or, better said, these stereotypes and preconceived
ideas make up an incomplete puzzle-like image of Roma women, that we
want to complete. We aim this publication to contribute to the image of
Roma women, an image that they will be able to find themselves in and
relate to. Frequently in discussions with Roma women (whether activist or
regular women) they have stated that they cannot relate to the image
and message that different Roma women-activists for human rights are
promoting. They can relate even less to the stereotypically racist image
that is commonly encountered in the public sphere. They feel as if they
are not the subject of that image, but somebody alien to their lives. This
analysis aims to oppose stereotypes about Roma women by offering
arguments supporting the importance of Roma womens asserting/
assuming their own identity, both as women and as members of the
Roma community.
This publication will put under scrutiny both present and past
stereotypes related to Roma women. As for the time periods, we have
gathered information about the lives of Roma women in the 19th century
and the beginning of 20th century, as they are portrayed in literary texts,
newspaper articles or paintings, up to contemporary reflections of Roma
in the mass media, which provides most images and information available
about Roma women. In between these two periods, there is a vast folklore
containing a certain set of key images and words about Roma women,
their lifestyles and occupations. How images about Roma got passed on
and how they became stereotypes, how they then turned into
discrimination and how this impacted Roma women there are just a few

161
of the subjects we will discuss in this publication. What we aim to prove
is that stereotypical images about Roma women in the past were
propagated with such force and they have remained so deeply engrained
in the collective mentality, they still persist today. In support of our
arguments we will bring images, literary works, press articles and cases
presented in the mass media, featuring Roma women as their principal
subject.
This material is a plea in support of Roma women, who we hope will
find here answers regarding the causes of the way in which they are
perceived; it is also a plea to young people (Roma and non-Roma), meant
to persuade them to break those barriers that past generations were
unable to overcome; finally, it is a plea to Romanian society in general,
and an urge to reflection upon the fact that there is another side to Roma
women that it needs to get in touch with.
This publication wishes to lend a voice to those invisible Roma women
whose life never makes to the front page of popular newspapers, nor to
the gossip columns of tabloids. And the method we have chosen is also
via images from the past and present, which we deconstruct in an
attempt to demolish at least a part of the stereotypes/false perceptions
about Roma women, because when we speak about Roma women we
think about talented and intelligent women working and living in an
environment that does not offer them opportunities, and women who
survive in a cultural environment other than the majority.

162
Chapter I

Perspectives on Roma women during 1850-

1900, in Romania

Ragged Gypsy women with hair matted with snowdrops and beads
and silver coins, [15] witches, florists, noisy, daring, with white shiny
teeth and black hair that makes them look like beggar queens, [12]
fleeting stars, [4] shameless beggars, wearing shiny belts around their
waists, that make them look like those Egyptian queens painted on
temple walls, [12] but also domestic servants, seamstresses, laundry
women, cooks, good houseworkers and nannies [4] this is how Roma
women are described by intellectuals in the 19th century. Stereotypical
perceptions of women, whether Roma or Romanian, prevailed. While the
man (a.n. Romanian) was assuming the role of maker of an enlightened
nation, based on the principle of individual pursuit of happiness, women
did not assume but were rather assigned a role, namely to ensure the
premises of this happiness. The process of gaining certain rights and
liberties was certainly not an easy one, starting with free and
unconditional access to education for all citizens and culminating with
womens right to vote (obtained only in 1946). Romanian women
contributed significantly to gaining these rights, but we could not say the
same about another category of women, much inferior on the social
scale, the category of Roma women who, in these times (the 19th
century) were still owned by aristocrats, the very same intellectuals who
fought for modernizing the Romanian state and aligning it to the
standards of other European states at that time. Even if Romanian women
began to make their presence felt in the public debates at the time, the
private sphere remained largely their domain and place, as the main role

163
they were reserved was to care for the family. [1] As for Roma women,
they remained largely anonymous in the public sphere, the main
contributions to their real or imaginary image coming from writers such
as Radu Rosetti, Gheorghe Sion, Dimitrie Dan, Adalbert Ghebora. We also
have actual portraits of Roma women in paintings, photos and different
illustrations used by different authors to support their point of view.

Influences on Roma womens image

A painting, a newspaper article, a photo, an attitude all of these can

lead to different opinions and interpretations. They can stir passions, or
attitudes/behaviours, or they can divide people in two those for and
those against. The original image that stirred passions may fade, but not
our desire to impose our views and make other think alike. And the end
product is a sum of perceptions, concepts, and interpretations of the
original image. This sum is called social representation. We do not act on
the objective information that we receive, but in relation to our image
about reality. [2]
Social representation is a way to make the world more accessible, to
understand the others. It is a mechanism giving birth to theories about
the social environment, a mechanism that restructures reality by
integrating the specific characteristics of the object with those of the
subject, derived from its norms, values, motivations and cognition. The
representation is our own interpretation of reality which, as shown
above, is not based on objective information but on a sum of ideas,
stereotypes, concepts on life that we impose to those around us as
absolute truths.
In this chapter we will talk about Roma womens representation in
literary works, travel books and the Romanian press. There are a series
of similarities in the ways painters represented Roma women and the
ways in which various intellectuals, public or political personalities in the
19th century saw Roma women. From clothing, occupations/trades and
lifestyles, this chapter will show how the writings about Roma women at

164
the time completed their painted/photographed portraits. We aim to show
that both the images as well as the writing on these anonymous women
were the building block of stereotypical interpretations that evolved in
time so as to leave a mark on the social representation of these women.
To illustrate this idea, we will present aspects related to folklore,
authored writings, press articles, preconceptions of the everyday life of
Roma women which suffered interpretations and reinterpretations
depending on who wrote and passed on the information. In order to offer
an as comprehensive as possible image of Roma womens representation,
we will begin by looking at the time during which they were slaves,
covered in writings by various authors at the time.
Slavery on Romanian territory is first mentioned in official documents
in 1358, when Roma people are first referred to using the juridical term
of slave. (King Dan I makes a gift of 40 (a)Gypsies to the monastery he
had build, Vodia). [3] As the liberation of Romanian Roma slaves occurred
only in the 19th century, it results that Roma people had the status of
slaves for almost 500 years, which caused significant mutations in the
collective imagination related to Roma people. Different images are
featured in Romanian folklore, in ironic proverbs or sayings which
consolidate stereotypes, reinterpret social realities or create a unanimous
feeling that everybody understands and can offer an opinion about Roma
people. In this context, it is interesting to see how Roma women were
represented and to what extent slavery influenced later evolutions of the
image enjoyed by Roma women. Or otherwise said, to what extent the
times of slavery are responsible for the way in which Roma womens
image was built and persists in society up to the present day?

Representations of Roma women up to the 19th

century

Whether they were slaves or not, Roma women have been seen along
the centuries as possessing a series of key features, which turned into
social representations. A few major types of Roma women are presented

165
in a vast majority of written works, which definitely influenced the way in
which they are perceived. On one hand, there are humble and submissive
women, without the power to decide over their own lives; on the other
hand, we have the witches, the free liberal women, who oppose norms.
In all writings, these images are two extreme sets of characteristics for
Roma women, which are still present in the collective mentality today. In
what follows we will present a few of the representations of Roma women
in famous writings and paintings.

Maria, the domestic servant

Most literary writings that have survived picture Roma women as

slaves. Every aristocratic household has a Maria who has a strong
sense of duty, imposed by her condition as a slave This sense is the
key reason for which the lady of the house gives her trust. [4] The lady
of the house was always in charge of the slaves, and Roma women were
the chief lot from which the mistresses picked their servants,
seamstresses, laundry women, chicken farmers, cooks etc. Aristocratic
lifestyles depend on these women: for kitchen work, housework, caring
for the aristocrats offspring, cleaning or otherwise contributing to the
wealth of the aristocrats; they did weaving of carpets, embroidery of bed
dresses etc. Any respectable aristocratic household had weaving and
embroidery workshops that aristocratic ladies took great pride in.
Roma slave women are often described as excellent houseworkers,
cooks, nannies, maids, indispensable to aristocrats wives. If they got
something wrong, or they were clumsy, the gypsies were punished with
a whipping with a string of beads on a thick violin chord which left
marks for as long as a whole month sometimes. [...] It was not uncommon
for Gypsy women to hang themselves or throw themselves in a well. [5]
The lady of the house had to be on the watch all the time, as it was
well known that their husbands were inclined to entertaining affairs. How
could a man remain unfeeling next to such a perfect creature that, by
law, was his? Unlike their husbands, the ladies of the house had to abide

166
by social norms and hide their husbands straying. [6] Conservatorism
and religious norms had a greater impact onto womens lives than on
mens, given the patriarchal society and education at the time.
Mistress Profiria, upon finding out that her husband kept a Gypsy
mistress: These women are no danger German or Hungarian women
outside the household are a threat, or ladies like ourselves who squeeze
mens wallets or make men separate from their wives and take them. But
these poor slave womeneh! Fleeting pleasure like fleeting stars! [7]
The greatest fear was that people should find out that bastard children
have been born, even Gypsy and so the ladies of the houses often
resorted to different means to make these women disappear. The story of
mother Irina belongs to this pattern. When the lady of the house finds
out that her husband and the slave are having an affair, she accuses the
slave of stealing a shawl that she had given the master as a gift, and he
in turn had offered the slave as a gift. The lady punishes the slave, and
she threatens her husband to leave him if he refuses to sell the slave.
Mother Irina is bought by father Nil who as the Gypsy tells us, had many
Gypsy keepers in huts around the monastery.
In his book Writings, Radu Rosetti explains the relationships
between male aristocrats and Roma women slaves in an a series of
stories featuring Roma women eager to please aristocratic men so they
can lead an easier life. Gentlemen interested in pleasure outside the
conjugal couple, were forced by the mentality of the time to seek not
real partners, but mere pleasure instruments in the lower classes, and
especially among the Gypsy slaves that filled their households.
Such stories usually ended tragically. When boyar Sandu Hortopan
falls in love with Anica, a tallish Gypsy girl, he asks old Nastasia, a slave
too, to prepare the girl for a year so that she can please him in his bed.
After long turmoil, Anica commits suicide. The horsekeeper of the masters
kills them in revenge.
Masters affairs with Roma slaves are not always presented in a bad
light in these writtings. Mother Irina explains to Ion Tiron, a Roma slave
whose wife was desired by the master: what women in our community

167
would not be happy to enter the masters bedroom? What better way for
a slave to better his life than that his master should develop an appetite
for his woman? [8] Intimate relations between male masters and female
slaves are so normal, that when Catinca, Ion Tirons wife, is called to the
masters bed, Ion Tiron remembers how his mother, aunts and sisters
used to tell him all the details of their nights in the masters bedroom...
and so the thought of opposing the powerful master, to raise a hand
against him and seek revenge... did not enter his mind. The centuries of
slavery, the habit of blind submission, of endless humiliation, of total lack
of personal will had turned his heart, as all his peers, into a slaves heart.
He was accustomed from an early age to see the women in his family
used on frequent occasions, and not just by the masters but also by their
Moldavian servants... [9]
Marriage between slaves was never seen by the masters as an
impediment to extra-marital relations on the contrary, it was seen as an
economic strategy. Dimitrie Dan tells us in his book Gypsies in Bucovina
that the master used to keep an evidence of the numbers of Gypsies he
owned and how quickly they multiplied. Because they used to die young,
he would often assign 16-year old boys to marry 13-year old girls, so that
they could breed. It was his decision who married whom, and nobody
else could have a say. [10]

The free Gypsy woman

Both in the early literary writing we have looked at, as well as in

interwar newspaper articles, and (especially) in paintings, a special
category of Roma women is frequently featured: free women. Labelled
primarily based on lifestyle, colourful clothing and shameless behaviour,
they are often portrayed as women who do not care or abide by social
norms and moral codes. Their lifestyle is seen as an expression of liberty,
despite the 500-year history of slavery. Juridically, whoever owned slaves
(monasteries, kings, aristocrats) had full rights over their lives, families
and goods. [11] While Roma women are seen as liberal in comparison to

168
other women in society, they are paradoxically pictured as preservers of
tradition inside their own community; they are the ones who not only
respect the communitys rules most strictly, but also the ones who make
sure customs and traditions are carried on.
In her diary entitled My Country, Queen Maria of Romania writes
about the Roma women she encounters during her voyages: they are
very beautiful, especially the young girls so straight, with perfect
posture, narrow hips and delicate arms and legs. Any rag theyll wrap
gracefully around their head is perfectly becoming. They use anything as
adornment, even something they have found in the middle of the road.
Sometimes incredibly beautiful pieces of embroidery end up on their
bodies and enhance their charm, making them look like beggar queens.
Shiny belts keep these rags together and make them look like those
Egyptian queens painted on temple walls. Locks of hair flow from both
sides of their headdress, and these locks are decorated with all sorts of
coins, coloured glass or metal pieces, charms of bizarre appearance or
sacred medallions that dangle when they move around. Long strings of
beads shine and sparkle around their necks, against the background of
their bronze-coloured skin. These girls show very little shyness. They are
noisy and daring, cheekily begging while their neck or even breast shines
in the sun, through their torn shirt. They laugh at you with white shiny
teeth, hands on their hips, head thrown back and a white pipe stuck in a
corner of their mouth. Incredibly graceful are these girls when they come
from camp in the evening, with their water vessels on their head. You see
them from afar, walking with large swaying steps, big drops of water
falling on their face. The setting sun behind them makes them appear as
shadow coming from the desert, where roads have no beginning and no
end [12]
Dimitrie Dan also describes specific elements of Gypsy womens
outfits, in his Gypsies in Bucovina: these women who are often,
especially in their youth, exceptionally beautiful, demonstrate much taste
in putting their outfits together: their headpiece is usually a big yellow or
red woollen shawl (in Bucovina in particular); they generally are inclined

169
to pick very lively colours and will only resort to a simple towel to wrap
around their head if they are extremely poor; they wear tops embroidered
with gold or silver thread, and with great pleasure skirts made of wool
they buy in town and finally a big sheepskin vest; both married women
and young girls wear precious necklaces of old silver coins, sometime
gold coins of great value. [13]
A characteristic of Roma womens lifestyles is that they live in tents,
huts or wagons which, according to descriptions we have found,
emphasizes their communion with nature and the fact their lifestyle is
not constrained by any restrictions. Their distinctive feature [...] is the
tan or bronze skin, their dark complexion. At first sight, the ebony black
of the hair with the dark skin and beautiful white teeth have a rather
striking effect. Their distinctive feature is patience. They can bear
anything: cold, hunger, heat, beating with the same cold blood and
indifference. [14]
All writings give as liberal free Roma womens occupation as fortune
telling or palm-reading. Elena Didia Odorica Sevastos, a young Romanian
author travelling through Wallachia to gather wedding traditions, refers to
the same occupation in a letter to a friend: Just before the Oreni
property, we came onto a string of Gypsy settlements, with lots of little
kids playing in the dust of the road; so much nakedness and inhumanity
in these people with dark skin, glistening eyes and jet-black hair. A few
ragged Gypsies women with hair matted with snowdrops and beads and
silver coins, dashed to our cart yelling: Let me tell you your fortune as the
seashell says it, princess, let me spread my cards for you, just make a
cross here with a silver coin and Ill cast any spell for you. [] one took
out from a bag she wore at her hip a root, looked like fern to me, and then
she began: just give this old woman a coin and Ill make any man who
lays eyes on you desire you. Oh no, you give me a coin and Ill give you
a camel bone to carry around with you for good luck. And if this year
things arent very good, next year they will be better for sure. Look here,
I have a cracked cow bone and so will your enemies crack. And thus
they went on, but when they saw I wasnt responding anything, they

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turned around and left. [15]
Other occupations of Roma women are presented by Lecca in his
History of Gypsies. They deal in glass objects, clothes and talismans.
Lecca talks about how Roma women are responsible for the preservation
of the Paparude tradition (Papaluga or the Day of Paparude is the third
Thursday after Easter): Gypsy women adorned with red ribbons and their
traditional necklaces go dancing and singing from door to door. The
young ones dance, while the old one sings in low rhythmical tones:
Paparuda our sister,
Come to us
With bucketfuls of rain.
In exchange for the wish-making, the lady of the house will usually
throw a bucketful of water over them [...] and then pay them one coin or
some old thing lying around the house. [16]
To complete the portrait of the free Gypsy woman, we are told about
marriage: If a Gypsy man marries a Gypsy woman from a different clan
(though undesirable), he takes the womans last name, goes to live with
her family and must bring tents, carriage, horses and fine robes. But at
the same time we are made to see that the Roma womens intrepid spirit
aid them in life considerably, given that the married Gypsy man will pay
little heed to the necessities of life and will not provide those necessary
to the household unless maybe he steals something as he is not
hardworking and will leave it to the woman to work so she can feed her
children and her lazy husband. [17]

The witch

An important part in Romanian folklore is occupied by the Gypsy

witch. Witchcraft is actually the main trade attributed to Gypsy women for
centuries. Literary writings abound in picturesque and exotic descriptions
of Roma women in close connection with the supernatural or demonic.
Mihail Koglniceanu in his Gypsy sketches reinforces this by saying
that their women run along roads and they listen to shells for luck, tell

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the future and interpret dreams. [18] They can do and undo charms as
well as foresee the future. No old witch from Andersens tales or Arabian
Nights can surpass these bizarre old creatures, wrapped in limp rags,
who were once brilliant and beautiful... says Queen Maria of Romania in
one of her travel letters collected in My country. [19] As for their outfits,
we learn from the same source that great pieces of fabric were wrapped
as turbans around their heads and from under them locks of grey hair
would hang over their faces in dishevelled disorder. A white clay pipe
would invariably be in a corner of their mouth, as all men and women
smoke. The queen continues: these old witches are respected members
of their tribes. Their curses keep the young under control.
The better beggar, seller of needles and spinners, teller of fortunes
in grains, cards, palms, stars or maker of witchcraft a Gypsy woman is,
the more she can earn for her children. The methods used by Gypsy
women to deceive are: you are lucky, says the crow, to have many cattle,
trinkets and little legs all around them. Good luck is to you like a rabbit
to a dog. Doesnt the crow thus mock the ones she so easily exploits?
[20]
In his Gypsy sketches, Mihail Kogalniceanu criticizes the lake of
chastity of these women who, even though they are not professional
prostitutes, will give themselves to anyone in exchange for a few
farthings; another occupation they practice is to read fortunes and foretell
the future by looking at peoples palms, reading cards or consulting the
spirit in the mirror they carry in a tin box.

The passionate Gypsy woman

Whether we talk about relations between Roma women and men, or

about relations between Roma women and their masters, Roma women
have certainly been portrayed as passionate Gyspies. This
representation can have different meanings, depending on the author
and social context, from failure to natural quality (n.a). The different
situations in which Roma women are portrayed by different authors are

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not always flattering because their passionate natures push them to
commit gestures that do not match in the least the feminine ideal of the
time.
Radu D. Rosetti records in his memoirs, Remember, the episode in
which he left for war from Bucharest train station. He notices that
Romanian women part with their soldiers in French fashion, by giving
them flowers and kissing them. By contrast, a Gypsy woman was
moaning poor me, poor me in saying good bye to her husband, who
was forced to slap her twice to raise her morale. [22]
Such small tales with a moral, portraying Roma women negatively,
can be encountered in different articles covering stories of Roma
womens passionate tempers causing undesirable consequences. For
example, in Human rights newspaper issue no. 20 of 24 February, 1890,
the literary chronicle discusses the short story Ghiokan the bear dancer,
about a Gypsy woman who cheats on her husband, and he dies of sorrow.
In The Romanian illustration we encounter anecdotes about Roma
women, such as the Gypsy Mans Belt, - an aristocrat tries to rape a
woman but, her passionate temper lead her to be persuaded in the end
and let him (a..n). [23]
Radu Rosetti in his Writings tells us about how one of trilea
Mihalaches slaves, Viinoaia, who had been a beautiful woman in her
time, had been raped by 4 strangers (Germans or Poles) 16 years before,
and then her master sold her for just a few farthings. She said thats
what had led to Catrinas birth and it was obvious she had kept a pleasant
memory of that night, a memory she had boasted gladly. [24]
In Contemporary Souvenirs, by Gheorghe Sion, we also encounter
a positive side to the passionate temper of Gypsy women. Anca, his first
love, a Gypsy vagabond musician woman with very delicate feelings and
manners, who took very good care of her body and look, and who seemed
more graceful and voluptuous every day. Sion presents her as a Gypsy
beauty. Her tall slim figure, the fine, delicate wrists and ankles, all these
made her look like an Indian sculpture. [25] Their love is ended by Sions
mother, who on her deathbed forbids him to see her anymore: for your

173
own sake and for your future, understand it is not good to tie your life to
a Gypsy womans. Untie yourself from Anca. While I have been around I
have known how to protect you from public condemnation. Let her go
and, as soon as you find a good match, get married.
In the second part of this publication we will look at current
perceptions of Roma women in Romanian society and we will see what
changes have occurred from the times we referred to in this chapter.

Conclusions

Images are a form of history and it is

interesting to follow changes occurring in
time, what messages they have been
carrying along history and how they have
influenced collective mentalities.
Roma women are historys anonyms, as
we said at the beginning of this chapter.
Using images and what few writings survive
from that period end on 19th and
Nicolae Grigorescu, The Ghergani
beginning of 20th centuries are the only Gypsy woman, 1872, oil on canvas,
Bucharest Art Museum
ways to present the perceptions related to
Roma women at that time, as part of our
attempt to capture their day-to-day
existence. The images try to capture the
stages of Roma womens evolution in that
period, as well as the impact onto the
collective mentality of the precepts that
have led to the image of Roma women
more exactly, what these precepts actually
were, not how they were perceived. And we
propose to do this because it is impossible
to measure the extent to which these tefan Luchian, Safta the orist,
images have influenced or continue to 1901, oil on canvas, Bucharest Na-
tional Art Museum

174
influence public opinion. It would be equally
complicated to aim to prove that these
images did not reflect contemporary realities
but were in fact stereotypical constructs of
the painters. Largely, these images show
Roma women in various positions: fortune-
tellers, florists, free women. If we consider
the coordinates of the times christianity Octav Bncil, Gypsy woman with
pipe, 1918, lithography, private col-
imposed onto women to have a moral lection

conduct, to be chaste, virtuous and

submissive and always be reminded of the
original sin of unsubmissiveness, as well as
their condition of beings without rationality,
led by feelings and who consequently need
to be controlled by others then we can say
that these representations were assigned
negative value. Moral conduct, considered a
must for women, was violated by Roma
women who carried a pipe in a corner of
their mouth and showed their breasts in
public (when breastfeeding their babies in Octav Bncil, Gypsy woman with
playing cards, 1918, oil on canvas,
public markets), had occupations that were Bucharest National Art Museum
not exactly moral or suitable in those times
(such as fortune telling) etc. It is perfectly possible that the painters
intentions were not negative, but we will never know exactly as no
writings of the painters survived, explaining their true perception of Roma
women. But we know that christianity had a strong influence both on the
higher and lower classes and we can be certain that Roma womens
conduct was not seen favourably under this outlook. Starting from this
assumption that assigns a negative value to perceptions on Roma
women, we notice that key perceptions centre around two notions: their
body and their occupations.
Many images are physical, erotic, while others picture the fortune-

175
telling woman but they all share the idea of disrespect and
nonconformism. We started from the idea that painters reflected in their
works the preconceptions of their times. Their paintings reflect typical
physical features, on a pair with occupations that strengthen the
stereotypes regarding the traditional roles of Roma women. In this
chapter we have discussed the manner in which literature, the press or
other writings of the time, such as travel diaries, confirmed the messages
transmitted via images and paintings.
Far from capturing the reality of the times, we believe these paintings
represented a way to highlight the roles assigned to Roma women. These
roles persist to this day. These stereotypes have not disappeared the
proof is the multitude of stereotypical and racist messages about Roma
women that abounds in contemporary mass media. [26]

Notes:

[1] See Sofia Ndejdes articles in Human Rights: Women and socialism, pub-
lished in issue 1, p. 2 from 1885, and The role of women in social movements,
published in issue 17 of 21st of February. Articles debating the status of women
were also published in Emancipation daily between 1891-1892.
[2] Filip Ionela, Psihologia cmpului social. Reprezentrile sociale (The psychol-
ogy of the social field. Social representations), Societatea tiin & Tehnic S.A.
Bucureti, 1995
[3] See www.romanothan.ro
[4] Gheorghe Sion, Contemporary souvernirs, 1915, Minerva Publising House,
Bucharest p.20
[5] idem 4, p. 16
[6] idem 4, p 25
[7] idem 4, p 22
[8] Radu Rosetti, Writings, 1980, Minerva Publishing House, Bucharest
[9] idem, p. 85
[10] Dimitrie Dan, Gypsies in Bucovina, 1892, Lujena Cernui parish, Printing
House Arch. Silvestru Morariu-Andrievici, p.16

176
[11] Nicolae Gheorghe, Roma people. From slaves to citizens, http://www.ro-
manothan.ro/sclavia/ROMII-DE-LA-ROBI-LA-CETATENI.html
[12] Queen Maria of Romania, My Country, 3rd edition, Librria &Pavel Suru
Publishing House, Bucharest, p. 73
[13] Dimitrie Dan, iganii din Bucovina, 1892, Cernui, p.23
[14] Octav G. Lecca, Istoria iganilor, 1898, Caransebe: Tip. Diecesana, p.39
[15] Elena Didia Odorica Sevastos, Cltorii prin ara Romneasc, 1888, Iai,
Tipografia Naional, p. 13-15
[16] Octav G. Lecca, A History of Gypsies, 1898, Caransebe: Tip. Diecesana,
p.167
[17] Dimitrie Dan, Gypsies in Bucovina, 1892, Lujena Cernui parish, Printing
House Arch. Silvestru Morariu-Andrievic, p. 29
[18] Mihail Koglniceanu, Gypsy Sketches, 1900, Dacia Printing House, P. Ili-
escu and D. Grossu, p 17
[19] idem 12
[20] idem 17, p. 29
[21] idem 18, p.27
[22] Radu D. Rosetti, Remember, 1921, Libraria Socec &Co Printing House,
S.A., p. 24
[23] Published in Ilustraiunea romn, issue #10, 18 August 1891
[24] Radu Rosetti, Writings, 1980, Minerva Publishing House, Bucharest, p. 81
[25] Gheorghe Sion, Contemporary souvernirs, 1915, Minerva Publising House,
Bucharest, p.7
[26] See the chapter: A few aspects related to the visibility of Roma women in
the public sphere.

177
Chapter II

A few aspects related to the visibility of Roma

women in the public sphere

The public sphere includes all the places where people can meet,
form and express opinions, discuss freely while trying, when possible, to
reach a consensus, and identify those issues which are important in
society. By these actions, they can determine change and thus correct
the shortcomings of society. The public sphere includes both physical
spaces, where people can meet face to face, such as schools, conference
halls, cultural centres, cafes, public urban spaces etc, as well as virtual
spaces, such as the mass media or the internet. Theoretically, in a
democratic society, all people have access to the public sphere, anyone
can express opinions freely and can propose or put in practice ideas that
can change society for the better. But in reality, the public sphere is less
inclusive than it seems. There are marginal people, whose voices are not
heard, whose issues are ignored, whose experiences are invisible. The
issues of poor people, people who are not white, [1] women with limited
access to the public sphere, often remain in darkness and silence.
Roma women, by their gender, ethnicity and the fact that they often
belong to the lower classes, have a reduced visibility in the public sphere.
Their lives are most often reflected through other peoples eyes and their
issues are interpreted through the stereotypes that predominate in
society about them. In this chapter, we will use examples of Roma
womens life as shown in the mass media, to analyse the position of Roma
women in the public sphere and also their possibilities to make their lives
and experiences visible and to talk about them in their own voice. We will
try to analyse the situation of Roma women trapped between two worlds,

179
between tradition and emancipation, in the first instance analysing the
ways in which they impact their communities, families and Roma men,
and in the second instance reflecting on he manner in which Roma
women relate themselves to the others, i.e. majority people, how they
are seen by them and what are Roma womens possibilities to win a place
of their own, free from stereotypes and racism.

The myth of the passionate Gypsy woman. Case

study: Gypsy heart telenovela

We shall begin this chapter with a recent example of stereotypical

representation, with great visibility in mass culture: a Roma woman who
is generically mysterious and exotic. Though discriminatory, this
representation was used by the mass media as an example of a tolerant
approach to the Roma community.
Together with other stereotypical representations of Roma women in
literature, art and mass culture such as the Gypsy as witch, florist,
servant or thief a representation which persists in public coverage is
that of the passionate Gypsy woman, the voluptuous, exotic and
seductive woman who drives men insane and is thus the embodiment of
white mens fantasies. This myth combines sexism, by presenting
women as exclusively sexual beings, dangerous in their irrational
seductiveness, with racism which reduces Roma women to exotic,
mysterious creatures, closer to nature and its dangers.
The myth of the passionate Gypsy woman, is the spine of the script
of Gypsy Heart, a telenovela which attracted vast audiences throughout
its seasons, as well as an ample response from the mass media. We will
not analyse in this article all the stereotypes that this telenovela
capitalizes on, as it is not surprising to encounter exclusively stereotypical
characters in a telenovela (whatever the telenovela might be about). But
Gypsy Heart is especially interesting both because of the reactions it
stirred among viewers and the mass media, as well as for the manner in
which the stereotypical and racist representations are mingled with

180
hypocritical attempts at affirmative representations.
The universe of the Gypsy settlement in Gypsy Heart is
dominated by rigid traditions (for example, the Gypsies in the
telenovela are very concerned with marrying their daughters off, and
most female Roma characters are described on the telenovelas official
website [2] as traditionalist, with one main concern in life to marry
and have children and always ready to sacrifice for their families) but,
on the other hand, the settlement is also characterized by a free
spirit, somehow outside of history. For example, singer Loredana Grozas
character (who also does the soundtrack of the series), a character by
the name of Rodia, is described on the website as a passionate Gypsy
woman embodying the free spirit of the tribe. Another one of the main
characters, Roza (enacted by Nicoleta Luciu) who, even if she was
educated in Paris, remains a passionate Gypsy woman who dances
seductively, has as her sole motivation the objective to conquer the male
leading hero and she is described on the website as an extraordinarily
beautiful Gypsy, a woman who could make any man lose his mind.
The stereotypical representations that clearly pervade the series
characters are countered by a few minimal affirmative undertones. For
example, the male lead character, while stereotypical in all his acts, is a
medic (a representation which is atypical for Roma people). There is
also in the series a supporting female character by the name of Cezara
who, though Roma, is described on the website as a TV reporter who is
very talented and dedicated to her profession. Also, every now and
again, come the dialogues exposing the majority populations prejudices
about the Roma. But all these attempts at objectivity are swallowed by
a sea of prejudices about the Roma, about their primitivism and
exoticism, about the opulent life that they supposedly lead, about their
sketchy business, their mysterious and passionate women etc. These
stereotypes thus acquire an authentic flavour.
And so, although the series transmits stereotypical and implicitly
racist messages about the life of Roma women and men, it is still
perceived by the public as a favour done to the Roma community by

181
Romanian society. If one follows the reactions on different forums or the
comments to different articles published online about this telenovela, one
can notice the racist indignation of many authors of postings about a
series which makes the Roma too visible and which spoils Romanias
image to the rest of the world. Even if it presents a false image, filled
with prejudices, the series was used as an example of tolerance
(condescendence) to the Roma community. When Dinamo football team
was sanctioned for the racist slogans of its supporters, the executive
president of the team, Cristi Borcea, declared: What am I to understand,
that Romania is a racist country? When Gypsy Heart breaks all viewing
rates? [3]

Roma women between tradition and emancipation

The term patriarchy refers to the fact that who make decisions in
society are men, while the role of women is usually restricted to caring for
their peers, partner, children, the sick and elderly. While men have
influence and visibility in the public sphere, women are constricted to the
private sphere of the home and family. Even if they take part in the life
of the community, in public life, they do so with a view to provide support
to mens decisions. A patriarchal society is a society in which institutions,
norms and practices reflect the needs, logic and operational mode of
men, starting from the premise that this subordination of women to men
is natural.
These definitions, used here as a starting point, with the aim of
making the subject of this chapter easier to understand, have a
generalizing tone. When we use words such as men and women, who
do we refer to? These categories are neither homogenous nor final. Within
the category that we call women, just like in the case of the category
we call men, there are multiple differences and hierarchies. For
example, heterosexual and lesbian women do not have the same status
in society, they do not enjoy the same rights and privileges. There are
also class, ethnicity and race differences between women, and these

182
differentiations and hierarchies are also valid for men. We cannot speak
about white and Roma men in the same terms, for example when we
refer to their access to power and visibility in the public sphere. In society
there are different subordination relations which determine different
alliances as well as clashes to occur, in the name of equity. The Black
feminist theorist bell hooks, [4] when referring to the white,
heterosexual, middle class womens feminist discourse as tending to
present the issues of these women as all womens, explains that in a
racist state coloured womens issues and their claim to social justice are
sometimes closer to coloured mens claims than to those of white
women. On a certain level, this can be extrapolated to Roma women. But
we must also exercise carefulness and caution in relation to this subject,
considering that Roma womens situation right now is at a crossroads
between oppression from a racist society and the gender discrimination
that comes with patriarchal Roma community.
The Roma are a stateless nation, a people who have been oppressed
[5] and deprived of power for centuries. Moreover, after the liberation of
Roma slaves, the state did not implement measures to help them
integrate in society, which led to their marginalization. In light of these
continual attempts from the majority population to erase the identity of
minorities (sometimes to erase them completely, as happened during the
Holocaust [6]), it is essential for Roma people to preserve their traditions.
Through the strong ties within the family and community, identity and
unity are preserved. As Roma have been marginalized, some closed
communities have formed, with specific norms/customs. These
communities have not been evolving in the same way as mainstream
society, where currents such as the human rights movement or the
feminist movement have appeared in the meantime. Unfortunately, some
of the norms of these closed communities limit Roma womens right to
deciding about their own marriage, family or education.
Because it is so crucial that Roma communities remain united and
that they preserve their traditions, it is difficult for Roma women to speak
about the internal issues of communities where patriarchal norms are still

183
keeping women under control, inside the private, domestic sphere. When
Roma activists bring into discussion the unfair situation of Roma women
inside their communities, questioning the patriarchal norms and customs
that maintain them in the private sphere and put on their shoulders
pressures and barriers that exceed those which affect men, they actually
contradict the idea of unity inside the Roma community. And this
questioning of the patriarchal norms is sometimes capitalized upon in
racist discourses by members of the majority, who present the Roma
community as primitive and in contrast with the majority civilized
society. [7]
Unjust power relations between men and women are not a
characteristic only of Roma communities but of the entire society (for
example, the situation of Romanian poor women is not different from
Roma womens situation when it comes to gender discrimination. The
only thing that differentiates them is that they are not also discriminated
because of their ethnicity. Romanian poor women are not judged based
on the perceptions related to the ethnic group they belong to, while Roma
women often carry on their shoulders the burden of negative perceptions
related to their entire ethnic group, especially when they try to penetrate
the world of the majority population.) However, gender discrimination
inside the Roma community is often invoked when presenting Roma
culture as a degenerate, primitive culture, without considering the
economic, social and political coordinates of society as a whole a society
which maintains Roma people in poverty, marginalization and political
impotence, thus forcing them into strengthened patriarchal practices. The
discrimination of Roma women inside their own communities is not just
an effect of Roma traditions, but also of the treatment that society as a
whole applies to Roma people.

Case study: media coverage of Ana Maria Cioabs

arranged marriage

We will take this widely publicized case as an illustration of how

184
gender issues inside the Roma community are used to justify
discriminatory attitudes and policies.
In 2003, Romanian and international mass media dedicate extensive
space to the arranged marriage between Ana Maria Cioab, 13 (or 12
according to other sources) and Mihai Biri, 15. This instance of violation
of childrens rights was highly publicized in the international press
(especially after a reportage was broadcast by the BBC) and this caused
severe reactions from EU officials which in turned caused Romanian
authorities (all the way up to government officials) to take position. All
this happening while Romania was in full gear negotiating EU accession,
and coping with all the pressures of harmonizing with European values.
The two teens were separated and their parents were forced to send
them to school to finish their education although at the time much more
drastic measures were called for by Emma Nicholson, the EU raporteur for
Romania. She wanted the kids to be taken from their parents and put in
childcare.
Why was Ana Mara Cioabs marriage so special? Marriage between
minors does occur in Roma communities [8] - but what made this
particular marriage so worthy of public attention? The manner in which
this marriage was presented was symptomatic for how Roma culture is
labelled as primitive and degenerate in comparison with white
European culture, which has evolved into a culture which sustains human
rights.
The two kids come from rich families. Florin Cioab, the girls father,
is a man with visibility in the public sphere. The wedding was done with
great pump, and a former minister of interior affairs was the couples
godfather. Under these circumstances no reason such as poverty, lack of
education or opportunities could be invoked to justify the marriage; the
only justification possible was Roma tradition. The extensive news items
highlighted the opulence of the wedding, the fact that two minors rights
had been violated, as well as the reactions from the European Union
totally overlooking the origins of this Roma tradition, which go back to
the centuries of oppression that Roma people have been subjected to.

185
And the Romanian state did not take attitude when the wedding was
made public, but only when the European Commission requested these
practices to be sanctioned.
During the 500 years of slavery for Roma people, Roma girls were
frequently raped by their Romanian owners. [9] If children were born as
a result of rape, both the mother and child were often rejected by both
the Roma community as well as the Romanian masters. As the girls lived
in continual fear of being raped, the Roma people resorted to early
marriage. This was not only a Roma practice. Romanian poor parents also
married their daughters early in order to protect them from abuse at the
hands of the aristocrats. When the Roma slaves were released, in 1856,
the newly created Romanian state saw an explosion of extreme
nationalism. In the following century, the Holocaust caused the death of
hundreds of thousands of Roma people, all killed in the name of racial
purity. And then there came communism, with its aggressive policies of
forced settlement. In order to survive the decades of persecution and so
that they could maintain their identity despite forced assimilation state
politics, the Roma isolated themselves and hung on their traditions,
whether good or bad. [10]

Roma culture, pointed to as the sole culprit for violating minors and
womens rights, cannot be seen as separate from the society in which it
exists, outside the historical, economic, social and political coordinates of
the state within which it exists. The practice of marriage between minors
must be analysed from the viewpoint of its historical causes, as well as
the economic, social and political factors which have a key role in Roma
womens discrimination (where we must include premature marriage.) If
these marriages between minors are considered exclusive to Roma
culture and tradition, without considering society as a whole and the
conditions in which Roma people live in this society, then this will remain
an internal issue of a community which is primitive and non-
European and which discriminates against its own members and
consequently it is not worth it to make efforts to eradicate the

186
discrimination of Roma people by society in general. Also, issues such as
the extreme poverty in which many Roma people live, the discrimination
that they are subjected to in their day-to-day existence, when they
interact with the authorities and citizens alike, their difficult access to
education, lack of employment etc all these are kept under the table if
tradition is brought up as the culprit for the communitys issues. Thus the
state and society as a whole are absolved of any responsibility. This is
why the state has not intervened in any of the situations involving minors
getting married, and it never incriminated early marriages. [11] On the
other hand, early marriages are used as a racist argument for the
primitive nature of Roma people in general even if these marriages
occur only in a limited number of communities and are not a
characteristic of the wider mass of Roma people. If the causes of this form
of oppression are not analysed and understood by the entire society in all
their complexity, then the chances for this situation to change are very
low.

Barriers to education for Roma children in general,

and Roma girls in particular

Early marriages are often indicated in public discourse as the main

cause of reduced access to education for Roma girls, even if this is
incorrect (a small percentage of school dropouts can be traced to early
marriage, while poverty, lack of adequate infrastructure or discrimination
are the most poignant causes for Roma children dropping out of school.)
Also, Roma parents are often blamed for not sending their kids to school,
based on the racist presumption that this decision is a characteristic trait
of Roma people.
In fact, there is a multitude of causes leading to reduced access to
education for Roma children in comparison to access to education at the
national level, and the great majority of these causes are not related to
Roma traditions. They are related mostly to their marginal position in
society, as well as to poverty. In this section, we will analyse these causes.

187
 One of the causes of reduced access to education for Roma children
is the lack of legal documents, both for their parents and for
themselves. Without these documents, children cannot be registered for
school. Some of the children do not have birth certificates because they
are born abroad, where their parents relocated for work purposes. In
other cases, Roma families do not have identification legal documents
because they do not have a domicile which domicile in its turn cannot
be obtained without legal identification documents.
During communism, it was illegal to not have domicile and a stable
job. Thus, Roma people had domiciles and id papers emitted for these
domiciles. After 1989, many Roma families lost their domicile. Some of
them could no longer afford the rent, due to unemployment and poverty
which soared during the transition period. Others used to live in
nationalized homes, from where they were evicted when the former
owners claimed and got back their old properties. Thus Roma people
often come to live in historical buildings or degrading apartment buildings
without any legal authorization, and then they get evicted. Many Roma
live in shacks on the outskirts of cities, under the poverty line, in
communities which do not have even minimal standards and where there
is always the danger of eviction, because land on the outskirts of cities is
becoming more and more valuable because office buildings,
hypermarkets and residential complexes can be built there.
The precarious financial status of many Roma families is another
cause of Roma children dropping out of school. When so many of them
live under the poverty limit, in houses which are not branched into the
water or electricity grid, when they live in cardboard and plastic shacks
on the outskirts, then access to education becomes a luxury, and is no
longer simply a right. In these cases, the girls are often needed at home
to help with housework and take care of younger brothers and sisters.
The percentage of Roma people with a stable job is very low, and it
must be remembered that Roma persons are victims of discrimination on
the labour market. Many Roma work abroad and they take their children
with them which is why many kids dont go to school anymore. Also,

188
Roma persons who do have some education sometimes fail on the labour
market, which strengthens the idea that formal education does not really
equip you for the future. This, in the case of Roma women, is also
corroborated with the patriarchal idea that women belong rather in the
private sphere and thus, they dont need to go to school anyway.
Access to education is often linked to local infrastructure. In the
rural environment, the bad condition of roads often makes it extremely
difficult to get to school, especially if we bear in mind that the school is
usually not in the Roma community, but in a neighbouring village. This
means that Roma kids have to walk a good distance to school, sometimes
a few kilometres, and because of it is practically impossible for them to
get to school during winter or the rainy season.
Public institutions of education are designed and function currently
as instruments of assimilation, where the contents and forms of education
are largely permeated by an institutionalised racism which spells out the
values, preferences and norms of the majority population as absolute and
the only valid ones. Forced integration is a recent trauma in the history
of Roma people. Even if they could afford to send their kids to school,
some Roma families refuse to, for fear their children will lose their identity.
Girls, as preservers of tradition to a higher extent than men, are
protected from such influences which might pervert them. When the
financial situation of the family is ok, then the priority are usually not the
girls, but the boys the family must take special care of the boys
preparedness for the future, as the boy is a future head of family, while
the girls only future goal is marriage, which is predestined. The pressures
of patriarchal tradition are sustained by a system of education which does
not take into consideration that one of its primary goals should be to
educate children and young people in an antiracist spirit.
Another important barrier that Roma children have in their access to
education are the prejudices and discriminatory treatment of
teachers, colleagues and colleagues parents. Having to deal with this on
a daily basis is an important cause of Roma kids dropping out of school.
In 2007, the Ministry of Education issued Ordinance 1540, with the

189
objective to prevent, forbid and eliminate segregation, considered a
grave form of discrimination, with a negative impact on childrens access
to quality education. The ordinance forbids, starting with 2007-2008
academic year, the segregated registration of Roma kids in 1st and 5th
grades, and considers segregation as a grave form of discrimination,
causing unequal access to quality education, violating the childrens
equal rights to education, as well as their right to human dignity. Even
if segregation in schools is forbidden under the law, Roma kids
continue to be subjected to discriminatory treatment in schools and they
often do not enjoy the same opportunities as their Romanian colleagues.
The exclusion and marginalization of Roma children puts them in a
position of inferiority and inequality. This is a situation that cannot be
solved only by ordinances and legislative measures, especially when such
measures are often disrespected.

Obstacles to Roma womens access to jobs

One of the direct consequences of the fact that fewer Roma girls
benefit from education is the fact that Roma women have lower access
to the labour market.
One of the most frequently encountered stereotypes about Roma
people is they do not want to work and they manage to get by without
working (abusing social assistance services or resorting to illegal means
of subsistence). But what kind of employment is actually accessible to
Roma people in general and Roma women in particular? How is this
labour perceived by society and how does this impact the status of those
employed in it? How are young Roma women affected by the constant
rejection they or their peers experience when seeking employment,
because the potential employers judge them by the colour of their skin?
How does this change their perception about who they are and how much
they are worth? How can Roma women reconcile the responsibilities of
family life, where their role is defined in a patriarchal paradigm? How can
they do all the housework, as they are supposed to, and also work

190
towards ensuring some financial independence for themselves?
Lack of formal education is not the only barrier Roma women have to
overcome. There are numerous factors that hinder their access to the
labour market: discrimination from the authorities, negative stereotypes
and prejudice about Roma people, gender roles in the family and in
society in general.
When interacting with the authorities and public administration
institutions, Roma people are treated discriminatorily and this reduces
their chances to receive employment. Persons living in poverty, with
reduced access to mass media or the internet and who are confronted
with obstacles when interacting with the public administration institutions
that should guide them in their efforts to find a place on the labour
market, are thus deprived of information that could enable them to
complete their education, to obtain qualification in a certain trade or re-
qualify in a different one, or to learn about legal instruments they could
use, such as antidiscrimination legislation or legislation regulating
employment and wages.
Besides their problematic relation with authorities, Roma women also
have to deal with employers discriminatory attitudes, who often decide
to not hire a Roma person based on the prejudices and stereotypes that
are prevalent in society. When an employer can choose between a Roma
and a non-Roma person for a certain job, the chances of the Roma person
are much reduced. The mass media promotes an image of Roma women
which is stereotypical (women are presented as thieves, dirty, lazy, sly
etc.) and this has considerable impact towards employers discriminatory
attitudes.
Family constraints are another barrier put in front of Roma womens
access to jobs. In any patriarchal community, womens role is tied to the
domestic sphere, so young Roma girls are not encouraged by their peers
to enter the labour market. Even if women do labour which contributes to
the income of the family, they continue to be assigned predominantly to
raising the children and doing all housework. Traditional norms in Roma
communities as in all patriarchal communities (and even in society at

191
large, given that patriarchal rules seem to prevail) place the entire
responsibility of housework and caring on womens shoulders.
Although this work (cooking, cleaning, caring for the children and
elderly, but also caring for the partner/spouse etc.) is daily, endless and
of vital importance, it is not considered labour per se and it is not paid.
This underestimation of the importance of housework and considering it
as something women should do as part of the natural order of things is
not a characteristic solely of Roma culture, but an injustice that most
Romanian women also suffer from, as housework is unanimously left to
women. But, as many Roma families live in poverty, in homes that have
no electricity or running water, in isolated areas with no access to public
transport and even without roads, the amount of work that Roma women
must perform daily, to take care of their families, is huge. As a result of
all these practical factors which limit Roma womens access to the labour
market but make them work double to sustain their families but their
labour is not valued and respected as true labour and reduce their
chances on the labour market to a great degree compared to white
women, Roma womens self-esteem is low and confidence in their own
forces is poor. This lack of confidence is also a barrier to improving their
status.
For Roma women who want to overcome these unfavourable
premises and find employment, most jobs they have access to are in the
lower category they are usually jobs that the majority refuses, such as
street cleaning or semi-legal work like collecting iron or garbage.
Although this is difficult work and these jobs are very necessary for the
good functioning of society, those who perform them are kept in
contempt by society. The jobs most Roma women have access to are
feminised work such as: caring, health, services (cleaning, working in a
restaurant or shop). This kind of work is precarious, underpaid and
considered undignified (as neoliberal economies rely on marginalized
groups living in poverty for cheap labour force, willing to do the hardest
labour.)
On the other hand, let us see how the Roma community and society

192
in general perceives the successful transgression of these employment
and education barriers by Roma women who emancipate themselves and
build a life in which their work is a source of fulfilment and respect from
society? A Roma woman who has succeeded in her career has certainly
had to work more than a white woman for the same position, as she has
had to fight against racist prejudices in order to succeed.
Roma women who have managed to build a successful career are
either considered atypical for their community, meaning that a typical
Gypsy is not capable of overcoming her condition, or they are used as
proof that society offers fair chances to Roma people but they just refuse
to take them and successful Roma women are thus the exception that
confirms the rule. This is why we consider of great importance Roma
women activists work of making visible in the public sphere Roma
womens efforts, which are greater and more difficult than others, as they
have to overcome both sexist and racist bias. Their success is an example
for underprivileged Roma women who need to see that members of their
own community have been able to overcome the barriers imposed by a
racist society.

The dangerous reproduction of Roma women

Beyond the examples of women who succeed to emancipate

themselves (and who are rarely covered in media items), the persistent
image of Roma women in the public sphere is one that reduces them to
their reproductive role.
In racist and xenophobic discourse, womens bodies and fertility has
always occupied an important position. This type of discourse capitalizes
on womens biologic potential to give birth and feed other human beings
with their own body - and thus create life. Womens power to create other
human beings is often the starting point of racist population control
practices. In western culture the reproduction of white women is
encouraged and celebrated, while that of non-white women is coded as
dangerous, as a threat to the white race and its hegemony. [12] The

193
myth that Roma people are to become the European population in the
majority is part of the same racist logic. While white middle-class
women are often portrayed in public discourse as irresponsible for
putting off motherhood or for sacrificing it in favour of career, Roma
women are condemned precisely for having too many kids. This
disapproval not only propagates the stereotype of perennially pregnant
Roma woman who never has a difficult delivery, but it can lead even to
forced sterilization.
In general, reducing the number of roles a woman can assume, the
multiple ways in which women can be creative and important to society,
and restricting them exclusively to the role of mothers is something that
limits their development considerably, both personally and professionally.
We reprimand negative attitudes to women who do not wish or cannot be
mothers. Also, no womens right to be a mother should be taken away
from her. The racist fear that the white population might, in a misty
future, lose their privileges as the majority population, determines a
series of abusive behaviours towards Roma women. [13] Roma women
are often presented as primitive, closer to nature, in contrast with the
civilization of the majority population. From this primitivism spans Roma
womens choice to have a lot of kids. This racist argument overlooks the
real causes that lead to large-size families, irrespective of their ethnicity.
Poverty, lack of information regarding contraception and patriarchal
relations in the family lead to the birth of many children. On the other
hand, the conscious choice to have many children is praised if it made by
a white woman, and the natural character of this decision is
celebrated. However, the same decision made by a Roma woman (even
a Roma woman with an economic statute allowing her to provide for her
children adequately) is despised, and its natural character becomes
primitive.

Case study: the myth of the degenerate mother and

the Gypsy who steals children

194
 Another stereotype about Roma women is that they are not good
mothers, that they take advantage of their kids (by cashing their state
allowance money but putting them to work or beg anyway). This
stereotype causes Roma motherhood to be labelled as degenerate and
pathological. The image of the Roma woman who takes advantage of
her own children, accepts them to be trafficked etc, is a strongly racist
dehumanisation instrument (as they are presented failing even the
most profound human bond, that between mother and child). The
consequences of this perception of Roma women as degenerate can
have the most concrete and traumatizing effects on Roma mothers and
children. A 2008 study [14] published in Italy analyses very carefully the
cases of Roma children taken from their parents and put in state care and
later to be adopted by Italian families between 1985 and 2005. The
reasons for which the children were (and still are) taken away from their
parents are related to the improper living conditions and the inadequate
care provided by the parents. Analysis of the concrete circumstances
when it was decided that the child must be taken away from his/her
parents indicates that the image of the Roma child is easily overlapped
by that of the abused child, without considering that the state creates
the very mechanisms that maintain most Roma in extreme poverty,
instability and marginal status. While the authorities do not take
measures to improve the conditions most Roma live in, they emphasize
on the degenerate relations inside Roma families and they continue to
take children away from a culture which is un-civilized and cruel (this
must also be correlated with the great number of non-Roma families who
wish to adopt children. [15]) Roma children are described as abused
only because they are part of a culture that is different from the majority,
a culture which is considered by the majority as an environment that
children need to be saved from.
Even if many Roma children live in poverty and even if they often
have to work instead of studying, this is neither an effect nor a
characteristic of Roma culture or the Roma parenthood model. It is rather
a consequence of the way society functions, and which causes most

195
Roma to live in poverty and to have limited access to education and
labour. These unfavourable conditions for most Roma nowadays are
turned, from a collective responsibility for all members and structures of
society, into an intrinsic characteristic of Roma culture, something which
cannot be changed, and which condemns Roma children to inherit the
poverty and lack of opportunities that hindered their parents
development. And thus the parents are the only culprits, and the state
has no fault.
A rather absurd version of this irresponsible and dangerous Roma
parents myth is the Gypsy woman who steals kids. This myth presents
Roma women as a danger not only to their own children, but also to
white kids, and it is invoked under different forms: from the so familiar
formula that parents use to threaten their kids if you wont behave, the
Gypsy woman will come and take you away in her sack, [16] to Roma
women actually being sentenced to prison under unproven charges that
they attempted to steal white kids.
The same study, mentioned above, [17] also investigates the
reflection in Italian mass media during 1986-2007 of cases in which Roma
persons were accused of attempting to kidnap white children. All these
cases (40 in total) proved to be unjustified. There was never any attempt
at kidnapping, all these charges were based on fiction. However, all of
these cases were amply covered in the media, which stirred racist and
xenophobic reactions from the public. But when the police, lawyers and
activists involved in the cases demonstrated that the Roma persons had
never attempted to kidnap anybody, and had not even ever meant to,
the media remained silent and showed no interest in pointing out the
falseness of their previous coverages.
This myth of the Gypsy woman who steals kids has a dangerous
effect on society. Besides the fact that any white parent tends to see
danger in any Roma person getting near their kids, this perception has
actually caused acts of verbal and physical violence. For example, in
October 2006, Libertatea daily (from Romania) published an article
entitled Gypsies suspected of stealing the child. This article covered
the case of a child missing from the maternity hospital where a Roma

196
family was suspected of being the infant-thieves, as they wanted a baby
and had inquired at the maternity about the possibility of adoption. The
article also mentioned that the Roma woman was investigated by the
police. This news was covered under different forms by most media in
Romania, causing many hateful and violent reactions from readers who
posted comments on web-based publications. After three days, the same
newspaper published an article which indicated that the infant had been
in fact kidnapped by a Romanian woman. The newspaper did not offer an
apology to the persons it had wrongfully incriminated previously, nor to
the Roma community in general even if the news it had originally
published caused much violent reactions against them.
In 2005, two Roma women in Lecco, Italy, were accused of trying to
kidnap a child. Although the two women were accused unfairly and even
sentenced to 8 months of prison, reactions of xenophobic groups filled
Lombardy with posters showing a Roma woman, with the caption Giu le
mani dai nostri bambini (Hands off our kids) and led to rallies against
the Roma. In May, 2008, a Roma settlement outside of Naples was put to
fire by local people who previously marched around the camp bearing
signs reading You are all baby thieves, following the conviction (again,
unfounded) of a 17-year old Roma girl accused of attempting to steal a
child. The reaction of the Italian authorities was to organize nation-wide
raids in order to identify and deport illegal immigrants but the fire-
setters were never punished. The reaction of Romanian mass media
(bearing in mind that many of the Roma working in Italy come from
Romania, including those in the camp that was set on fire) was to express
concern regarding the way in which Roma people spoil Romanias image
in Europe. Thus the Roma people were pointed to as the sole culprits of
the violences committed against them, and in all these cases the mass
media played an important role in causing xenophobic hatred.

Discriminatory treatment in hospitals. Forced

sterilization

Violence against the Roma does not consist only in uncontrolled

197
outbursts from uninformed and manipulated people it also manifests
itself institutionally. In this section, we will talk about the ways in which
this institutionalised violence manifests itself in the case of Roma women
accessing the health system, starting from the discriminatory treatment
they often endure in hospitals and going as far as forced sterilization.
The life expectancy for the Roma community is estimated to be about
10 times lower than the national average. [18] The precarious health of
the Roma population is determined by their living conditions and
inadequate nutrition, by poverty as well as lack of medical insurance and
the discriminatory treatment that they receive from medical staff.
Roma women are most often exposed to discriminatory treatment by
medical staff as they are largely responsible for the health of the family.
When they resort to health services, Roma women often encounter
difficulties in obtaining minimal care. They are often treated
discriminatorily, together with their children. They are not given
information regarding their health, they are denied access to certain
medications and treatments that they are entitled to, they suffer verbal
and physical abuse from medical staff, they receive no information
regarding their medical documents and they are treated with
indifference. There are numerous examples of hospitals where Roma
mothers are interned in maternity wards separately from non-Roma
mothers, and in these wards the hospital has lower standards of hygiene
and the Roma patients do not enjoy the same type of care from the
medical staff as non-Roma women do. Roma women are often afraid to
complain about the way in which they are treated in hospitals or general
practitioners offices, as do not want to risk refusal in case of future
emergencies.
The most violent act Roma women have suffered in the health system
are forced sterilizations. Beginning as early as the 70s Roma women
have been sterilized forcedly in countries such as Czechoslovakia,
Hungary, Sweden, Norway. Recent cases (which occurred after the 90s)
have been reported in the Czech republic.
The sterilizations have occurred sometimes without the womens

198
agreement or awareness. Other times the women were asked for their
agreement while they were in labour, or little before they gave birth,
when pain and fear did not allow them to take a rational decision. There
have also been cases in which women were misinformed about the
consequences and risks of sterilization but they were told that a new
pregnancy would put their life in danger. There have also been cases in
which women were persuaded through pecuniary means or threats that
their social aid would be ceased if they do not agree to their sterilization,
as well as cases in which explicit racial reasons were given by the medical
staff when the woman was subjected to sterilization. [19] Sometimes,
women signing the agreement papers did not even know what they were
signing. Other times, women who already had several children, were
accused of not being able to take care of all their children and threatened
to have their children taken by the state.
The sterilization of Roma women is one of the most violent forms of
racist institutionalised control of womens bodies. The minority population
subjected to these practices is rendered as so dangerous and
degenerate that measures must be taken so that no more Roma
children are born. These measures are materialized in actions affecting
women most directly, and women subjected to these practices are
considered subhuman.

The subhuman statute of Roma people. Case study:

indifference to the death of Cristina and Violetta
Djeordsevic in the context of exacerbated racism in
Europe

On 17 July 2008 two Roma girls, Cristina and Violetta Djeordsevic, 13

and 11, respectively, drowned at sea next to a populated beach near
Naples. The two girls, who lived in a Roma settlement, had come to the
beach to sell small souvenirs to tourists. They were playing and jumped
off some rocks into the water, and they drowned. After their bodies were
brought to the shore and the police recorded the circumstances of the

199
deaths and their cousins (who were with them) were taken by social
workers, Cristinas and Violettas bodies remained alone on the sand,
covered by 2 beach towels, waiting for the ambulance. During the 3 hours
which passed until the ambulance arrived, life resumed its normal course
on the beach. In the press photos that were published all over the world,
we can see families continuing their beach fun, picnics and frisbee games
right next to the two girls. Death instilled in these people neither respect
nor fear, as if the two girls were not human. The indifference to Cristinas
and Violettas death is illustrative of the degree of racism which exists in
society. The most immediate and natural reaction around death is
compassion and empathy, as well as thinking about your own frailty.
Because of their ethnicity, Cristina and Violetta were so unimportant that
their death did not stir any of these reactions. The manner in which
people went on with their beach activities right next to the dead bodies
shows that the status of the two girls (and of Roma people in general) is
subhuman. [20]
Shortly before their death, Cristina and Violetta were fingerprinted by
the Italian authorities. The Italian Minister of the Interior, Roberto Maroni,
began in 2008 a program which aimed to fingerprint all Roma living on
Italian territory. Some Roma who live on camps on the outskirts of towns
and who are subjected to this fingerprinting program have Italian
citizenship (some of their families have been living in Italy since the
Middle Ages). Others are immigrants from former socialist countries,
including Romania. The fingerprinting program has the purpose of
identifying and deporting those who have no legal documents. Children
are included in this fingerprinting program, which has caused strong
international reactions, due to the fascist flavour of the entire operation.
Fascist authorities just before the Holocaust also fingerprinted Roma and
Jewish people. Officially, the reasons to fingerprint Roma children are
related to collect data aimed at protecting the children and also to
provide education for them. But, in reality, this program is just another
racist measure to control a population maintained in permanent
marginalization and poverty, and labelled as subhuman.

200
 Roma live under the threshold of poverty all over Europe, in
conditions that determine their life expectancy and access to education
and jobs to be much lower than the majoritys. Most Roma women live
trapped between the discrimination of a patriarchally organized
community (a community whose continual marginalization prevents it
from evolving towards more democratic relations among its members)
and the discrimination of the majority. Most Roma women do not benefit
from education, they have limited access to labour, exclusively assume
responsibility for housework and caring, have precarious access to health
services, endure physical and verbal violence because of their gender
and ethnicity. Some Roma women have been sterilized without their
agreement. Some live in improvised shelter, under permanent threat of
eviction by the authorities or being put to fire by extremist groups. Some
live in ghettos separated from the rest of the city by concrete or wire
walls. Some must resort to migration to ensure their livelihood and then
they are accused by the mass media and populist politicians that they
are spoiling the countrys image in Europe. Most labour that Roma
women have access to is refused by the majority population, as the
labour is considered difficult and degrading. Most Roma women witness
their children suffering the same discrimination as they experienced,
convinced that prejudice and marginalization are the destiny of their
ethnic group.
Roma women are deprived of rights and privileges that they should
enjoy in the legal framework of the European Union. Although the
existence of equal opportunities and antidiscrimination legislation is
highly important, their mere existence is not sufficient without a change
in the mentality of the majority population, and without Roma women
speaking for themselves in the public sphere, giving voice to their issues
as well as to their power to impact change onto the destiny of their ethnic
group.

201
Notes:

[1] Throughout this text we shall use the word white when referring to race, to
emphasize the idea that race is not an objective concept at all, as it has no
scientific basis (as long as genetically there are no racial differences), but is a
social construct aimed at justifying unjust hierarchies.
[2] www.inimadetigan.ro
[3] http://www.ziare.com/sport/fotbal-intern/04-23-2009/borcea-romania-e-stat-
rasist-cand-telenovela-inima-de-tigan-face-rating-728868
[4] Gloria Jean Watkins (born 1952), better known under her literary pen-name
bell hooks is an American feminist author and social activist. Her writing focuses
on the interconnections between race, social class and gender, and the ca-
pacity of these interconnections to cause and perpetuate oppression and domi-
nation.
[5] Roma people were slaves for almost 500 years.
[6] The Romani word for Holocaust is Porajmos.
[7] This is not an isolated case. For example, US intervention in Afghanistan and
Iraq were publicly justified invoking the argument that Muslim women are dis-
criminated against in these countries. In this manner, the economic reasons be-
hind the war were masked by a human rights argument which also served to
feed anti-Islamic sentiment and justify an increase in discrimination against Ara-
bic people. White culture placed itself again in a position of superiority to
other cultures, by showing a willingness to save women living in a primitive
society. This does not mean that women living in the Islamic world do not have a
right to claim a better status, but these claims must come from themselves, in
their own terms not be used by a stronger culture for the purpose of obtaining
even higher privileges.
[8] See the Rmnicelu cases, widely covered in the mass media, about mar-
riages between girls aged 8-10 and boys of 16-18.
[9] Valeriu Nicolae Genocide recipe?
http://romania.indymedia.org/ro/2004/07/260.shtml
[10] idem 9
[11] In 2007, at the initiative of MP Minodora Cliveti, president of the Committee
for equal opportunities in the Chamber of Deputies, art. 4 of the Family Code

202
was modified so as to regulate minimal consent age for marriage at 18 for both
women and men. Previously, the minimum marriage consent age for women was
16, and 18 for men; the main argument for this inequality was that, biologically,
women develop sooner than men.
[12] A point of view explained at large, in the context of new reproduction tech-
nologies, in texts such as Dorothy E. Roberts, Race and the New Reproduction
in Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction and the Meaning of Liberty (New
York; Pantheon, 1997) or Samantha Martinez, Missing Voices, Missing Wombs:
Reproductive Technologies and Women of Color,
http://serendip.brynmawr.edu/sci_cult/courses/sexgender/f05/web4/smartinez.ht
ml
[13] The case of Czechoslovakia, where Roma women were sterilized.
[14] Adozione di minori rom/sinti e sottrazione di minori gag (Research on
Roma/sinti childrens adoption and kidnapping of gadje children), commissioned
by Fondazione Migrantes of the Psychology and Cultural Anthropology Depart-
ment of the Verona University, a study coordinated by Prof. Leonardo Piasere.
[15] The practice of taking Roma children away from their families and placing
them to be raised with white families is not new. For example, one of the
forced assimilation measures implemented under Habsburg empress Maria
Theresa, in 19th century, was to take Roma children away from their families so
that they could be socialized in non-Roma families.
[16] Neva Nahtigal, an activist at the Mirovni Institute in Slovenia gave in an arti-
cle published by 22 magazine, in the December 2005 supplement The mass
media and Roma people, the example of a campaign led by the Mirovni Insti-
tute which proposed a poster of a Roma boy with the caption If you dont be-
have, well give you to the Slovenians. Although non-Roma children are often
disciplined by means of the reverse of this caption, the campaign was still in-
dicted by the Slovenian Nation Party in a court of law. The attempt to show the
prejudice about the Roma population and the way in which they are treated led
to a trial in court, precisely because of this hate discourse. http://www.re-
vista22.ro/mass-media-si-romii-2280.html
[17] See note 14. We refer to a part of this study, based on the book of Sabrina
Tosi Cambini, titled La zingara rapitrice. Racconti, denunce, sentenze (1986-
2007).
[18] Information taken from the open letter Roma women and discrimination in

203
the health system, a letter co-signed by many members of the civil society in
2008. (http://romania.indymedia.org/ro/2008/07/2698.shtml) This information is
included in the open letter from the Comments written by the European Roma
Rights Centre regarding the UN considering Hungary for Elimination of discrimi-
nation against women, 39th session, 23 July 10 August.
[19] Coerced Sterilisation of Romani Women,
http://www.soros.org/initiatives/health/focus/roma/events/romawomen_2008070
3/errcbrochure_20080703.pdf
[20] Information on this case at:
http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2008/aug/17/familyandrelationships.roma

Sources:

Alexandra Oprea, Rethinking social justice from the bottom. Including the expe-
rience of Roma women, http://ladyfest-ro.pimienta.org/reimaginarea.pdf

Alexandra Oprea, Child Marriage a Cultural Problem, Educational Access a Race

Issue? Deconstructing Uni-Dimensional Understanding of Romani Oppression,
http://www.errc.org/cikk.php?cikk=2295

Dimitrina Petrova, The Roma: between a myth and the future, http://findarti-
cles.com/p/articles/mi_m2267/is_1_70/ai_102140950/?tag=content;col1

Enik Magyari-Vincze, Hajnalka Harbula, Camelia Moraru, About womens and

Roma labour and the ideal society, http://www.observatorcultural.ro/Despre-
muncile-femeilor-romilor-si-societatea-ideala*articleID_22840-
articles_details.html

Enik Magyari-Vincze, Reseacrh report. The social exclusion of Roma. Timioara

case study. http://adatbank.transindex.ro/vendeg/htmlk/pdf7060.pdf

Valeriu Nicolae, Between silence and the selling of anti-gypsyism in Romania,

http://www.ergonetwork.org/antigypsyism2.htm

204
Chapter III

Roma womens resistance movement

The ways in which we see ourselves, as well as the ways others see us
all originate in a distant past. The dark man who is the villain in stories,
the quietly caring and understanding ideal woman, the Gypsy witch who
always disturbs romance. We have grown used to the idea that this is how
things are meant to be, that we cant change anything about it and that an
invisible hand has chosen for us... and thats what we are, period. Our
publication represents the point of view of Romanian and Roma women
who wish to impact a change or at least to raise the question: are
stereotypes impossible to change? Are we willing to change a mindframe
that has been persisting for over 500 years?
When we embarked upon this project, we thought to use images that
would speak in our place, because these images (visual or words) are the
most suggestive way of presenting the situation of Roma women, and the
social injustice that they have been suffering for hundreds of years. You
may wonder why we use the same type of images promoted by the ones
who, consciously or not, have been building a negative image of Roma
women. We believe that by analysing these images from the humanistic
perspective of human dignity and human rights, we will manage to
deconstruct them. These images have given birth to a culture and an all-
present mindframe in Romanian and European societies, denigrating Roma
women in the media, history books etc. This mentality is a reality that we
propose to change. This requires a wide debate regarding the perceptions
of Roma women, as well as the causes of these perceptions.
When talking about the negative ways in which Roma women are seen,
we must pose the question: to what extent can there be a Roma womens
empowerment movement. Moreover, it is important to see whether there
is an assumed trend in this direction, and this can be accomplished by

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looking at what organizations approach Roma womens issues and what
kind of programs they direct at them.
If we look at social initiatives, we notice that there are only three
organizations in Romania [1] that address Roma womens issues primarily.
Due to the complexities of the issues of the Roma community and the
expectations that these organizations have had to meet, they have not
managed to bring Roma womens issues on the public agenda. Romanian
society has not been receptive to debates regarding womens roles in
societies in general. Communicating with mass media entities is a sensitive
point for many Roma NGOs, who manage only with great difficulty to
attract supporters among journalists regarding the so-called Roma
issues.
As for Roma womens programs, they were initiated by NGOs whose
main aim is to improve the Roma situation in general, and defend their
rights. Thus, the Roma health mediators program [2], the Roma
employment program [3] or the education mediators program are three of
the very few programs whose main beneficiaries are Roma women. These
programs have built a platform of civic activism among Roma women.
Moreover, these programs have been taken over by the Romanian
government, which has included in its Strategy for the improvement of the
Roma situation a few measures aimed to ensure equal opportunities.
However, these measures have not been applied with concern for the
differences between men and women in Roma communities. [4] The
absence of a coherent platform, as well as the fact that most initiatives
focusing on Roma women come from the civil society, determine us to
conclude that the topic of Roma women is not of public political interest.
There is a certain pattern to the ways in which values have been
promoted to support Roma women, as well as the way in which certain
values have aimed to be built for the promotion of Roma women in society.
Some measures have centred on labour rights, while others have focused
on maintaining them in the private sphere. These two main directions taken
by Roma programs and the Roma strategy illustrate a series of
particularities of Roma culture which have an impact on gender equality.

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These particularities stem from the traditional roles of women, their limited
access to education and labour, as well as cultural models existent in the
family or the community. When discussing these aspects with Mariea
Ionescu [5], as well as the issue of Roma women not assuming their ethnic
identity in the public space, the main conclusion was that as long as
education is limited, womens future is dictated by the family and their role
is exclusively to care for the family and younger brothers which does not
give women a chance to develop in full awareness of their role in society.
[6]
When access to education is possible, then the role assumed is a male
one, given that especially in rural environments womens roles are
restricted to caring for the family, raising the children and doing
housework. Thus the womens identity awareness is lost and with it the
public agenda that promotes Roma womens interests and
empowerment.
We cannot talk about all Roma women in the same way, but we can
integrate them in some general categories: traditional women (who we find
in the rural environment, who respect tradition etc.) or modern women,
who choose to have a professional career. In addition to the influences of
formal education, Roma women are educated and formed by the traditional
models in their community. When they attempt to emancipate themselves,
they are often trapped between these two worlds, these two different
lifestyles, and this is why they do not relate to the messages of feminism
or governmental policies. Women like me do not exist? My issues are
different: I have a problem of visibility in the public sphere, compared to
traditional women who do not hold the same values. Where is my place?
[7]
We can blame women for their lack of participation and interest, but
when you are educated from a very young age to sacrifice for the others,
when those around you depend on you, then you cannot rebel, you cannot
fight to put yourself first. When talking about a movement to empower
Roma women, we must first and foremost bear in mind the importance of
the awareness of what you represent and the role that is meant for you. An

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empowerment movement should come not just from the top, but especially
from the bottom, so that all women are aware of the contribution they
make to the welfare of the family and the community, and the value they
have in society.

***

What sort of images come to peoples minds when they hear the words
Roma woman? The exotic, passionate woman, the adventurer living a
nomadic life, content in her irresponsibility? The dangerous witch who can
foresee the future and who can curse you? The dirty, lazy woman, always
pregnant, who lives on welfare or thievery? The mother who neglects her
children and makes a profit off of them?
These images are not harmless, they determine hateful and unjust
consequences which we have covered in this text. Institutionalised
racism, which pushes Roma women to the margins of society, is based
and it feeds on these images of the Roma woman. These images not only
make non-Roma people despise, treat unfairly and sometimes even attack
Roma women, but they also determine Roma women to internalise societal
oppression, assume these discriminatory images that describe them in the
public sphere, and behave as such. If a Roma girl keeps hearing that Roma
girls are incapable of achieving anything, in her turn she will not attempt
to change her life and she will just replicate the marginal life of her mother
or older sisters.
Roma women who have in recent years begun to get organized and
make their voices heard with increasing efficiency, combine work towards
the eradication of racism with efforts aimed at undermining patriarchal
gender relationships which allow for discrimination of Roma women both
without and within their communities. The aim of their work is to create
legal frames guaranteeing Roma womens rights, as well as to change
perceptions, attitudes and behaviours of the majority population towards
Roma women and, to an equal extent, changing the patriarchal mind frame
inside the community. Thus we could sum up in a few main points the work

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of Roma women activists in different countries, contexts and fields.
Through their organizations, they lobby for improving anti-discrimination
legislation so as to include aspects specific to Roma womens life; they
collect information and perform research focusing on the conditions in
which Roma women live; they claim public recognition of the abuse that
Roma women have endured along history, as well as in the recent past;
they fight for recognition and respect for Roma culture in the public sphere;
they make visible in the public sphere the examples of women who oppose
oppression and are thus models of self-determination; they initiate
programs meant to inform Roma women about their rights and also
educational programs they can access; they encourage Roma women to
get organized and have an active role in changing their lives.
Many and diverse women have become aware of the issues they
confront at the intersection of racial, gender and class discrimination and
these women have found the means to verbalize these issues and to act
towards their eradication. Some Roma activist women have had access to
formal education and have academic pursuits, propagating real knowledge
about Roma women and offering as emancipated women affirmative
examples of Roma womens potential. Some of them have succeeded in
domains that are less accessible to women in general, nevermind
underprivileged women such as Information Technology. [8] Others are
traditional women, whose power resides precisely in the fact that their
activities are an immediate response to the issues they confront. [9]
Sometimes, Roma women get organized around a specific issue that unites
and motivates them (such as groups of women who suffered forced
sterilization and who are putting pressures on the authorities so that this
abuse is acknowledged officially.) Other times Roma womens organizations
unite under an umbrella organization that brings together groups from
several countries, with diverse claims and fights, and who build ties with
other organizations which fight against any oppression systems. The fact
that Roma women are getting organized and are becoming visible in the
public sphere, the fact that they are becoming aware of the intersecting
forms of oppression they are affected by racial, gender and class as well

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as the fact that they are making their lives and experiences visible by
making their voices heard, offers hope that the string of oppressions that
Roma women have been subjected to along history, in all aspects of their
life, can be stopped short and that their power to cause change will
dismantle the racist and sexist prejudice that affects them at present.

Notes:

[1] Gypsy Womens Association For Our Children in Timioara, The Association
for Roma Womens Emancipation AFER Cluj and the Bucharest Roma Womens
Association.
[2] Initiated by Romani Criss.
[3] Initiated by Community Development Agency mpreun.
[4] See the study Evaluating the Strategy for the improvement of the Roma
situation in Romania. The voice of the communities. Coordinated by Gelu Du-
minic, available at www.agentiaimpreuna.ro
[5] One of the first Roma activist women in womens organizations.
[6] Interview with Mariea Ionescu, 26 February 2010.
[7] Quote from the interview with Mariea Ionescu.
[8] The Roma Information Program trained Roma women in the field of IT.
Thus, Roma women specialized in computers advise Roma organizations on how
to build websites, networks and, generally, on how to use the internet to im-
prove their work. http://www.advocacynet.org/resource/294
[9] For example, in Breaking the double chain Judit Szakacs talks about the
work of Maria Vamosine Palmai, a Roma woman from Hungary who lives in a tra-
ditional community. She had to give up school when she was 14 in order to get
married and take care of her new family. Although a mother of 3 children, fol-
lowing a meeting with a Roma activist from Macedonia (Enisa Emidova), Maria
Vamosine Palmai founded with 15 other women an organization called ARANJ,
whose mission is to defend Roma womens rights.
fhttp://www.tol.cz/look/CER/printf.tpl?IdLanguage=1&IdPublication=14&NrIs-
sue=50&NrSection=5&NrArticle=10019&ST1=body&ST_T1=cer&ST_AS1=1&ST
_max=1

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About caring and responsibility in relation to
those you address
A conversation with Letiia Mark

h.arta: Could you please talk about yourself and your work?
Letiia Mark: I am the president of Gypsy Womens Association For Our
Children, which I set up in 1997, when I began to run educational
programs in my own home. I did this because I am a teacher and of Roma
ethnicity, and so I considered it my duty to Roma kids. The association
has developed since then but at the beginning it was very difficult. Every
year we have had around 40 kids attending the activities of our
Educational and Cultural Centre for Roma Children (which was also the
first project of the Association.) Our mission is to integrate kids in school,
to help them register and sign up with different schools, to help with their
daily problems related to the lack of identification documents or returning
from abroad back into the country, all the things you know as problems
for Roma communities. We called the association the Gypsy Womens
Association For Our Children because we wanted to include women,
who are traditionally or not concerned with raising and educating the
kids and also because I found it easier to talk to women than men about
issues related to their children. I found them more interested and trusting.
However, in time we began to have also Roma men in our projects. Many
people know me here as my family has lived in this neighbourhood for
over 50 years. We are mostly Rudara here, but we also have some
Kalderash and Lovara, so in time our community has become kind of
mixed. Even if at first inter-marriage was frowned upon, in time things
and lifestyles have changed and people adapted. Roma people are
generally very adaptable to modern life, despite their low levels of
education. This is another topic that I am very interested in: the way
Roma children are seen and how difficult it is for them to enter other

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groups. I experienced the difficulties of integration myself, I wanted to
be part of a different world the moment I realised that Roma people are
always kept at a distance by the others. My lifes journey took me to
different environments. After I finished school I came back to my
community and decided that it was time to do something, much more
than before. I was very disappointed in the first years by how Roma
continued to be seen, as I had began work with a lot of enthusiasm and
hoping to achieve a radical change. As soon as I joined the Roma cause,
my social circle, the new world that I had become part of, began to look
at me differently. Even my lifelong friendships I have always believed in
friendship were affected. My closest friends did not understand why I
had changed, why I was identifying myself with Roma womens issues
and was talking about discrimination and other grave matters which were
happening. They told me: But you have never been discriminated
against, weve always considered you our equal and we have loved you.
Weve always had the most humane relationship. If all Roma or Gypsy
women were like you, there would be no problem. Later I realised that
that was exactly the issue: if I wanted to strive to be like the others then
I was more easily accepted; but if my voice was different, maybe a little
aggressive because I was talking about discrimination and racism, then
it was more difficult to be accepted.
h.arta: This seems to us a highly problematic issue. Often, when a Roma
woman manages to achieve visibility in the public sphere, when she
manages to build a space of her own and to voice her issues, she is either
presented as an example of what democracy can achieve (if she has
made it, it means success is possible and therefore those who fail are
solely responsible for their own failure, society being thus absolved) or
she is presented as atypical, an exception in a mass of people without
any qualities.
Letiia Mark: Indeed, this is an important issue, which should be
explained in more detail. At some point in the future, it is my goal to write
a book about all these experiences. I would like to analyse in more depth
what this transition meant from one lifestyle to another and then the

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return to my community and assuming a commitment which is very much
like an ideological and political one, though I have always considered
myself not that interested in politics or ideology. But it seems that,
whether I want it or not, my work intersects with them.
I have tried very much to develop the association, but always looking
to demonstrate an idea that yes, its possible. I entered the Roma
movement under a very strong emotional and sentimental impulse. I had
been invited by the West University when the Intercultural Institute was
set up. Those were very pumped up times, we had lots of extraordinary
experiences then. I was invited there as a high school teacher and I found
myself in an environment where the main topic was minorities, and there
were lots of guests from abroad in our Timioara with a revolutionary
aura. When they began to talk about Roma people, a very well-known
journalist from Timioara went to the podium and presented things in a
derogatory manner. He said: we would like to work with Roma people
but there is none in activism, they only do music and dance and weddings
and putting money on the foredom of musicians. He claimed to be open-
minded and tolerant, as intellectuals usually do when they say things like
I have Roma friends and I am an intellectual and its not like me to
discriminate etc. To me his speech was so offensive that I got up and
said, under the heat of the moment: Still, there are so many people from
abroad here and all ethnic groups have been presented coherently. If you
had invited some Roma people to speak for themselves, Im sure they
would have come. I, as a Roma person, am offended. I have never hidden
my Roma background and I will not tolerate for things to be presented in
this way. There are responsible Roma, Roma intellectuals, Roma of all
kinds but nobody has invited us to any dialogue. I caused much
agitation with my intervention, but afterwards many people were
interested to talk to me. I told them that, if they had invited me to talk
about education I could easily have done that as a teacher, but nobody
had asked me to. After that, Roma leaders who already had a name
invited me to talk about the situation of the Roma people. For example I
was invited to speak at Strasbourg. In those times it was difficult to make

213
yourself a passport, you had to wait in line for days. Everybody kept
telling me wow, its so cool that you are a teacher but they also said,
including Roma leaders: you are too educated for us, what do you want
in fact? I was perceived as an opportunist, it was natural that I wanted
to get a passport so that I could travel abroad and enjoy myself and so
on. That is why I retired from that, I had my own profession that I had
passed exams for, nobody had done me any favours. I realised I was
looked at with suspicion, so I retired for a few years.
Until Roma leaders came back looking for me. They had a lot of
projects, but they were also looking for me for representation: look, we
have a teacher, who is even light-skinned, and who tells everyone that is
Roma. I played their game a few times and went to some meetings, but
at one point I told them I was not a doll to put on show when somebody
wanted proof that Roma intellectuals exist. I was dissatisfied with not
being involved actively and was used only for representation. I felt used.
In those times they used to raise the issues of authenticity, in other words
you had to demonstrate that you were an authentic Roma. I didnt know
how to demonstrate that other than to tell them I had come with an open
heart and I was offering myself to work on educational programs for Roma
kids, which would have been more efficient than the work of foreign
volunteers. The presence of these foreign volunteers involved politics that
I was not aware of, at that time.
h.arta: But why was authenticity questioned, more exactly? Did you not
correspond to the stereotypical portrait of the Roma woman?
Letiia Mark: I come from a Rudara family, and Rudara people do not
speak Romanes, they speak an archaic Romanian. The other issue was
how I looked. I have never tried to disguise myself, Im a modern woman
and I wear pants but if I dont wear skirts, this should not mean that I
am not Roma. In college, all my teachers and colleagues believed me
when I told them I was Gypsy, all my life I had known myself as Gypsy and
suddenly I am not authentic and credible to Roma leaders?! Those were
times in which identities were fabricated or re-constructed, intellectuals
learned or re-learned Romanes. It was a time of great adventure and

214
enthusiasm there were also many naive people a time of great
effervesce.
Then I retired again. I went on with my career, took my teaching
degrees, until I found myself in a situation where I had to make a decision,
without wanting. Some ex-students of mine introduced me to the Soros
Foundation, who at the time had some program lines specifically for Roma
people. The Foundation people were very interested in working with me.
They told me they needed me on a board for Roma programs. It was an
international board. The problem was that this position would have been
in conflict of interests with my project to set up an educational centre for
Roma kids (especially for those confronting difficulties in the system of
education, kids coming from abroad and having a hard time getting their
studies accredited and thus, even if their parents have some education,
the kids are left outside school).
I did, however, accept to be a member on the board and, at the first
meeting, I proposed the setting up of some cultural and educational
centres in Cluj, Iai, Bucharest and Timioara. My proposal passed, but
without entitlement to funding. There were 3 Roma and 5 non-Roma on
the board, too few Roma to have real power. For an entire year my
proposal was bystood because, indeed, there was a conflict of interests,
not a very comfortable position for me, even if the budget of my proposed
project was only 5500 dollars, very little in comparison with the much
higher budget of projects which go approved by the board. I slowly began
to understand how things really were, that opportunities for Roma people
were not really that big. Even if the projects were declaratively for Roma
people, too many filters made too little actually get to Roma people.
Then, in 1997, I set up the association and thus began a time in which
I always had to demonstrate something. I demonstrated that indeed the
program works, then I demonstrated that we could do project after
project, then I obtained some classrooms for our activities at the
Energetical High School, then I got four walls without a roof from City Hall
which we proceeded to build on with PHARE money and then after four
years we finished the Centre, in 2006. We have a boarding facility for

215
University Roma student girls, we have volunteers, we have European
volunteering programs and right now we have a project funded from
structural funds called Equality through difference. Access of Roma
women to the labour market. As part of this project we have also
launched the first international Roma womens magazine Nevi Sara Kali,
which includes many feminist articles. I have come to be a feminist. For
the longest time I denied vehemently being a feminist, because of my
prejudices about feminism. Then I did a masters in gender studies in Cluj
and I realised that being a feminist does not mean being against men
and that I had in fact been a feminist for many years without being aware
of it. I was a feminist because I had been trying to propose an image of
Roma women that was different from the stereotypical one of the
perpetual victim and so on.
I do my best to keep up with the young ones, not because I want to
compete with my younger colleagues, but because I want to keep
growing the association. I have sent many young people further, I have
recommended them for courses, programs, scholarships etc. but many
have detached themselves, probably because they needed
independence. I admire and respect that, but I am still sorry that I have
not managed to raise more people who can grow the association. Now I
would like to retire from the association, but they have developed
individually and have a different route. I dreamed much more for the
association, I dreamed to form here a nucleus of professionals, but the
professionals have left and then we have had to hire people from outside
the association who are not affectively tied to the association and its
mission. The young Roma people we have worked with develop here, then
they catch a program or course and leave somewhere else. And at job
interviews with those from outside the association I cannot tell if they
want to get involved with their heart too in our programs. They have a
declared interest in Roma issues but when the television or other people
come there is restraint to be in the foreground because they do not really
wish to be identified with Roma issues. So the question arises: what have
we grown after all, what have all efforts led to? Yes, annual statistics show

216
that we have kids with a roof over their head and who go to school and
who are happy with what we can offer them, and there are also a lot of
young people who have found here a platform for their career. But I have
not managed sufficiently to make these young people understand the
role and mission they have, beyond the special places, jobs, opportunities
and social visibility they have access to.
h.arta: But this is true in general, it does not apply only to the Roma
movement. It is a general context in which neoliberal ideology implies
the pursuit of personal success. This individual success which is
celebrated as the most important proof of democracy and equal
opportunities masks in fact societys lack of interest for the ways in
which communities can develop and people on the margins can be
helped.
Letiia Mark: You are right, this is indeed the general situation. But I
have always thought that, to accomplish change, one must go in small
steps and make small but visible and concrete changes: helping kids,
finding jobs for 2 people, getting someone an id. I have tried to inspire in
the young people I have worked with the same enthusiasm and that drop
of idealism that nourished me. I cannot work without enthusiasm. If I am
not charged with it (kids charge me, little things that I manage to
accomplish), I cannot go to an international conference and speak about
something which I strongly believe to be right. I have hoped that the
graduates of Roma education, from high schools and universities with
places only for them, will be driven by the same idealism and desire to
work in communities because that is why those places in high schools
and universities were created. Its true that none of us knows what they
had to suffer for four years... there are teachers and teachers, some of
them are against Roma people.
h.arta: Here we would like to go back to what you said earlier about your
circle of friends who reproached you for explicitly identifying yourself with
Roma womens issues and also to the fact that it is difficult to adopt a
clear position in a racist society.
Letiia Mark: Yes, I wanted to run away too, I didnt absolutely always

217
want to be seen as Roma. When I was a kid, and I was trying to be
different and not drop out of school, I kept being told by my teachers that
I was an exception which was perverse, because one should not be seen
as an exception if his/her rights are respected. Why should you have to
always be trying to demonstrate that you want to do the right thing to the
very end? Why should you always be afraid to hear the line What did
you expect from a Gypsy?!
In the end it comes down to who you are talking to. I remember an
event I organized a few years ago, a traditional culture day with theatre
and music. I invited a few older women to sing very old carols and songs.
We recorded them so they would not be lost some of the women have
even died in the meantime. In the front row there was a simple woman,
a poor lady with three kids and who was also very ill. I remember her
sitting in the front row as I was talking about the fact that we are all
human and we have rights and I could tell it had a big impact on her. For
me to be able to say what I was saying and what I believed, all I had to
do was to look at her. And the fact that she understood me and a tear was
running from her eye, gave me great joy. At least one other human being
in that room believed in me and felt the same way I did about what I was
saying.

Letiia Mark is the founder of the Gypsy Womens Association For Our Children
and also of Roma Womens House in Timioara. She has been involved in several
educational programs for Roma children, including in the local project for
desegregation, as well as programs aimed at promoting women. She has a
Bachelors degree in classical languages and a Masters in gender studies, and she
is currently pursuing her doctorate at Babes-Bolyai University. She is a member of
International Roma Womens Network, has participated in the World Conference
Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, held
in Durban in 2001.

218
Project team

The Centre for Action and Responsibility in Education (C.A.R.E.), run by

an informal group of Cobuc alumni and teacher Roxana Marin, operates on
the premises of the National Bilingual College George Cobuc from Bucharest
and it hosts weekly youth clubs and alumni activities, periodical fairs and com-
petitions, award galas. The centre functions on the principle that need comes
before funding opportunities, and all projects and activities are self-funded. We
support other organizations by hosting their events, fundraising for them or part-
nering up for their activities. We wish to create a precedent for long-term self-
sustainable informal organizations working from inside the formal system of
education. The centre also hosts several volunteer teams working with chil-
dren/teenagers of marginalized socio-economic and/or ethnic background.

Carmen Gheorghe is a Roma womens rights activist. She graduated the Public
Administration School from the National School of Administrative and Political
Studies (2006). Holds a Masters degree in Gender Studies and Public Policies
(2009). At present, she works in the Agency for Community Development MPRE-
UN, where she coordinates programmes aimed at the raising of access of Roma
women to the labour market. Her fields of interest are: gender and access to the
labour market, discrimination, continuous professional training and community
studies.

h.arta is a group of three women artists, Maria Crista, Anca Gyemant and
Rodica Tache. We work together as h.arta group since 2001, when we founded
h.arta space, a not-for-profit space in Timioara. H.arta is sometimes a physical
space, but many times its projects are taking different formats, changing con-
texts and locations. Our group is based on our friendship, on an everyday nego-
tiation of the differences between us. We use friendship as a way of learning
together how to acknowledge the different nuances of each situation, as a safe
space, as a political statement about the power of solidarity. We are interested in
topics ranging from knowledge production and (re)writing histories to gender is-
sues in global capitalist times, all these in the context of working in various col-
laborations with persons and groups with different backgrounds.

219